To Professor Dk Louter, whoso kindness has greatly facilitated
the publishing of the present volume, I offer my sincere thanks.

This work was written under the direction of my teacher
and friend Dr. S. R. Steinmetz, to whom I wish here to tender
my warmest acknowledgments. It was Dr. Stkinmetz who first
showed me - the beauty of the social sciences, and his kindness in
guiding my steps on the rough path of scientific investigation has
been invaluable to me.

Jfy task has further been lightened by the ready courtesy of the
functionaries of the public hbraries of Utrccht and Leiden, and
especially of the Royal Library of The Hague, which contains a
valuable collection of ethnographical literature.

Dr. J. D. E. SciiMELTZ has kindly allowed mo to make use not
only of the books belonging to the Ethnographical Museum of J.K)idon,
but also of his private library.

Our book deals -with tho general oharaotor of slavery as an industrial
Hystcm XXI. —Wo confine ourselves to tho phenomena of savago lifo XXI.

— Tho object of ethnology is not only to reconstruct tho early his-
tory of mankind, but to find sooiologioal hivk s xxil. — Bearing of tho
results of ethnological invostigiition upon tho study of social pheno-
mena in general xxii. —Our method rinduotivo and comparative XXIII.

— Ethnographical literature xxiii. — This literature may not bo used
without a thorough criticism xxin. — „Statistical method" xxv. —The
facts must servo as a basis whereupon to found theories, not ns mere
illustrations of preoonoeived theories xxv. —But wo cannot do without
leiiding ideas xxv. — Wo treat one subjeet thoroughly instead of many
subjects suporfioially xxvi. — Writers on tho general history of sla-
very. Letournoau xxvi. — Ingram xxvr. — Tourmagno xxvil. —
Cairnos xxvii. — Writers on social aoionco at largo xxvii.

in nuo<!ii.^iry to know this moaning of tho term, as both ethno-
graphers and theorists uso it in this sonno 2. — „Slavery of women"
and „wogo-shivos" 3. — Throo olmraotoristios of slavery 3.

Our theorists agree that tho chief characteristic of slavery consists in
this, that tho slavo is the „property" or „possession\' of his master.

"We want a sociologically practical definition 5. — Tho function of
slavery is a division of labour 6. — Voluntary and compulsory la-
bour 6. — The slave the property of his master and compelled to
work 7. — „Property" implies compulsory labour 7. — Our defini-
tion. Its advantages 8.

§ 4. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. I Wives
in an abject condition..............8

„Slavery of women" as spoken of by ethnographers and theorists 8.
— Condition of women among tho Australian aborigines. Bad, but
not so much so as has sometimes been supposed 9. — Division of
labour between tho sexes not always so unreasonable as at first sight
it seems 20. — Wives in an abject condition show much resemblance
to shives, but aro not slaves, as their chief function is that of wives
and mothers 22. — Slavery proper does not exist when there aro
none but female slaves 23.

§ 5. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena, II Child-
ren subjected to the bead of the family........24

Education among savages; Dr. Stoinmetz\'s investigations 24. —
Patrin potestas and potestas dominica 2C. — Children, though en-
tirely subjected to their father, aro not slaves, as they occupy (juite
another place in tho social system 27. — Adopted childron some-
times difficult to distinguish from slaves 27. — Slavery only exists
beyond tho limits of tho family proper 29.

§ 6. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. Ill Mem-
bers of a society in their relation to the head of tho com-
munity ...................29

Tho subjects „slaves of tho king" 29, — A king has novor a right
of property over his subjects 30. — Penal servitude occurs in many
countries where shivery does not exist 31. — „Property" bettor than
„possession" 31.

§ 7. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena. IV Sub-
jected tribes; tribntary provinces; lower classes; free labourers. 31
„Slave tribes" and „slave districts" inappropriate names for tribes
subjected en bloc and tributary districts 31. — Lower classcs. Tho
lack of details sometimos prevents us from determining, whether a
labouring class consists uf free labourers or slaves 32.

— Opinions of theorists 36. — Serfs aro not slaves, bocauao thoy
are not tho property, in the senso of Roman law, of their masters 37.

The slave-stato of pawns is conditional 38. — Pawns are not in a
legal sense tho property of their masters; but wo may call them
slaves, aa thoy tako tho same place as other slaves in tho social
system 39.

It is not so easy as at first sight it seems, to aaocrtain the existence
or non-existonco of slavery in every particular case 40. — Our
method. 1» "What if slavorj- is stated to exist? 10. — 2" "What if
slavery is stated to bo absent? 41. — 3" What if our authorities
are silent on tho subject ? 42. — Wo confine ourselves to savages 43.

— Civilized and somi-civilizod influence, A causing the disappcar-
anco of slavery 44, — B introducing slavery 45. — Goographicrtl
groups 4G. — „Positive" and „nogativo cases" 46. — Use of the
past and prosont tonso 46.

1. I\'jjkimos 47. — 2. Nootka group 50. — 3. Tinneh «roup 51. —
4. Algonquin group 52. — 5. Iroquois group 56. — G. Choctuw-Mus-
koghe group hi. — 7. Daootah group 59. — H. Oregon group GO.

— 9. Californians 62. — 10. Now Mexicans Gl. Negro slavery
among tho Indians 70.

1. Kaffirs 140. — 2. South-west Bantus 145. — 3. East African
Bantus 147. — 4. Tribes on tho Congo and in Lower Guinea 148. —
5. Natiyes of the Wahuma states 151.

1. Coast of Guinea 153. — 2. Haussa states 155. — 3. Central
Soudan 155. — 4. Upper Nile 155. — 5. Appendix: African Is-
lands 157.

Stages of culture; Morgan\'s and Vierkandt\'s classifications 160. -
Distinction of savages according to their general culture as yet
impraoticablo 168. — Assertions about slavery^ being universal at
some stages of culture 168, — The oxistonco of slavery probably
mainly depends on tho economic state of society 169, — Qpiuionaof
theorists conoeming slavery at several stages of economic life 169,

"Wo shall inquire next how m.my positive and negative oases thoro
aro in different economic groups 172, -r Wo shall not give an aa-
cending scries of economic stages. Dargun\'s view 173. — Our
groups, I. Hunting and fishing 174. — 2. Pastoral nonmdism 174.
— 3, 4, 6. Agriculture, Principle according to which tho 3 agri-

Cultural groups will bo distinguiftlicd 175. — Trading and cattle-
brccding agriculturists 176.

§ 3. Hunting and fishing, pastoral, and agricultural tribes in
the several geographical districts..........177

Our list gives no evidence as to the economic state of the geogra-
phic.ll groups 177. — List 178.

List of positive and negative cases 187. — Tho largo provalencc
of negative coses must bo duo to general causes 190. —Scarcity of ^
food 190. — Hunting slaves can easily oscapo 191. — Living in
small groups 192. — Hunting not fit to bo performed by slaves
because 1" hunters are highly esteemed. 193, — 2" hunting requires tho
utmost application 195. — Hunters and industrial peoples 195. —
Why hunters do not keop slaves performing feniolo labour 197.

1\' ishing not nearly so unfavourable to tho existence of slavery as
hunting 199. — Jlost of our positive cases aro found on tho North
Pacific Coast of Iforth America 201. — Circumstances which may
account for the oxistence of slavery on tho Pacific Coast. loAbun-
danw of food 2oi. — \'><» Fishing tho chief source of subsistence.
Variety of food 202. — 3" Fixed habitations, living in large groups,
preserving of food 203. — 4» Trade and industry 205. — S® Pro-
perty and wealth 203. — The growth of slavery accolcrated by
these tribes forming a somewhat homogeneous group 211. — Labour
impostid on slaves. 1" They strengthen their masters\' foroo in war-
fare 212. — 2" They aro employed in hunting, fishing, and work
connected with fishing 212. — 3" Thoy perform domestic labour 214.

— Why female lalxmr is so highly valued 215. — "Women prepare
tho articles of commeroo 215. — Womon hold a high jwsition 217.

— Dr. Grosso on the condition of women among „higher hunt-
ers" m — Slavery among tho Abiponos \'243, — Tehuelchos

Wo want to provo tiiat the circumstances furthering slavery on
the Pacific Coast are wanting among tho other hunters and fish-
ers 22.\'). — Wo confine ourselves to tho throe groat groups i Austra-
lians, Indians of Central North America, and I-iikimos \'220. — Abo-
"ginal lifo in Australia. 1» No abundance of food\'227. — 2» Variety
or food. Fishing not tho chief sourco of subsistenoo 2-27. — 8« No
"xed habitations, small groups, littlo food prcsorved. Improvidenoo

of the Australians 227. — 4" Trade and industry not highly deve-
loped 220. — 5" Property and wealth play no great pari 230. —
6\' Condition of women bad 233. — 7® Militarism does not prevail
to any great extent 233. — Conclusion 234.

13 No great abundance of food 234. — 2" They live chiefly by
hunting 235. — 8" No fixed habitations, rather small groups, food
preserved though not to such an extent as on the Pacific Coast 235.

— 4" Trade and industry signify little 237. — 5" Property and
wealth are little developed 238. — 6« Condition of women better
than in Australia, but not so good as on the Pacific Coast 240. —
7" War very frequent 243. — Conclusion 244.

10 No great abundance of food 245. — 2" Fishing their chief
source of subsistence 245. — 3" Fixed habitations, groups not very
large, food preserved though not in such great quantities as on
the Pacific Coast 245. — 4® Tho trade exists almost exclusively in
exchanging raw products. Industry highly developed 24(i. — 5" Pro-
perty and wealth do not signify much 240. — 6® Condition of women
not so good as on the Pacific Coast 250. — 7® Militarism docs not
prevail to any considerable extent 251. — Only highly skilled
labour wanted 252. — Labour dependent upon capital 253.

Enumeration of tho conclusions to which tho foregoing paragraphs
have led us 254. — It seems convenient to systematically arrange
them 255. — Principal factors: 1® Subsistence is or Is not dependent
on capital 256, — 2" Subsistence is either easy or difficult to ac-
quire 256. — Secondary factors: i" Condition of women 258, —
2" Preserving of food 258, — 3" Trado and industry 2.58, — Mili-
tarism 2.59.^— External causes: 1® Fixed habitations, 2® Largo groups,
3® Preserving of food, 4® Existonoo of a homogeneous group of
tribes 250. — Ilocapitulation 2G0.

List of positive and negative eases 201. — Non-oxistonoo of slavery
not duo to an isolated or powerless state of tho tribes oonoornod 262.

— Can tho positive oases \'\'o aocountcd for by the existonoo of
ngriculturo among some pastoral tribes ? 263. — Survey of slave
Libour among pa-storal tribes 263, — and cattlo-breeding agricul-
turists 264. — Slaves not only kept for agricultural purposes 266.

of little moment 267. — Subsistence among pastoral tribes entirely
dependent on capital 268. — Wealth and poverty. Free labourers
very frequent 269. — The same may be observed among cattle-
breeding agriculturists 272. — The cliaracteristic of pastoral life is
not the existence of wealth, but of poverty 273. — Pastoral life does
not require much labour; the men aro often very lazy 273. —
Among the Larbas pastoral life is not so easy; but it is warriors who
aro wanted hero, rather than labourers 276. — In North-east Africa
subjection of tribes en bloc serves as a substitute for slavery 277,

— The same is tho case among some pastoral tribes outside North-
oast Africa 281,

Wo have still to account for tho positive cases. Wo shall first in-
vestigate tho infiuence of secondary internal causes 282.— 1" Slaves
sometimos perform domestic, i. e. female labour 283. — 2® Preserv-
ing of food has no influence 283. — 30 Slavery docs not seem to
servo commercial purposes 283. — 4® Slaves are often employed in
warfare. Pastoral tribes live in rather small, independent groups;
this, together with their warlike habits, makes reinforcement of
the family desirable 284. — Slaves aro also kept as a luxury 286.

— Slaves preferred to free servants 287, — What is tho difforonco
between tho «lavo-keeping and tho other pastonil tribes?288. —
The dilTerence consists in external circumstanees, of which tho
principal are the slave-trade and the neighbourhood of inferior
races 289. — Pastoral tribes aro in a state of equilibrium; a small
additional circumstance turns tho bal.inoe 291. — neoapitulation 202. .

§ 1. Numbers of positive and negative cawss in tho three
agricultural groups..............291

ShiTory cunsiderably more frequent among agriculturists of Iho
higher stoges than among hunting ngriculturista 290. — Hunting
•^iculturists boar a strong resemblanec to hunters 297. — Yet
many hunting agriculturists keep slavoa; this will Imvo to bo ac-
counted for by secondary causcs 298. — Slavery does not appear
t« be more frequent among fishing than among hunting agricul-
turists 298,

Where agriculture is carried on without tho aid of domestic ani-
•nals, Hubnigtonoo docs not depend on ca|)ital StW, — One apparent
oxeoption 300, — Agrieulturo doos not require any peculiar rikilKUM,

— Compulsion the only means, in primitive agricultural societies,
of getting labourers 301. — Indolence of savages 301. — Adam
Smith\'s view 302. — Caimes on cultivation by slaves and by pea-
sant proprietors 302. — Cairnes\' argument does not hold with regard
to primitive slavery 304. — „Retail" and „wholesale slavery" 305.

Tho general rule of the last paragraph does not obtain where all
land has been appropriated 306. — Caimes\' view 306. — Here
again Caimes\' argument does not apply to primitive slavery 307.

— Loria\'s argument 307. — Loria\'s reasoning is not correct in all
details, but in tho main he is right 309. — Wakefield\'s argument
is nearly the same as Loria\'s 309. — There is one more reason not
mentioned by Loria 311. — We shall only speak of self-depen-
dent agricultural countries 312. — Meaning of „appropriation" 312.

— Criteria from which wo may infer whether all land has been
appropriated 313. — .Meaning of „land fit for cultivation" 315. —
"We shall confine ourselves to a survey of land tenure in Ocea-
nia 315. — Slavery in Oceania has never prevailed to any great
extent. Wo shall try to account for this by all land having been
appropriated 316.

On most Polynesian islands all land has, or had been appropriated.
In Samoa and Now Zealand there was still free land. Manahiki
is a doubtful case.

Almost overywhere in Micronesia all land is hold ns property.
Mortlock is perhaps an oxoeption.

On most of tho Melanosian islands clearing is a modtia acquirendi,
which proves that there is still free land. In Fjji all land has been
appropriated.

Whorovor in Oceania all land is held as property, there aro nearly
always people destitute of land 330. — The principal cause of this
fact is probably tho arbitrary conduct of chiefs and nobles, who
appropriate tho land of their enemies 331, — and oven that bo-
longing to their own subjects 333. — Condition of the lowest classos
destitute of land. They perform tho drudgery for tho landlords, and
are sometimes heavily oppressed 334. — In .Melanesia there are no
subjected lower classes, except in Fjji 339. — Subjected low^r
classes exist nearly always where all land is hold as property, and

are not found where there is still free land 341. — In some parts
of Oceania the great depopulation has enabled many of the lower
orders to obtain land 342. — The labouring classos of Occania are
not attached to the soil, but, being destitute of land, are obliged
to apply to the landlords for employment 342 — Position of for-
eigners 343. — Over-population 343. — Skilled labourers are in a
much bettor position and sometimes hold in high esteem 344. —
Oecanio labourers as compared with debtor-slaves: the former arc
compelled to work for others by circumstances, the latter by social
regulations 345. — The state of labourers in Oceania would oven
be worse, but that thoy aro employed in warfare 346.

Our theory must also hold with regard to civilized countries: ns
soon as all land is held as property slavery must disappear 348.

— Wakefield\'s opinion 348. — Wo shall not enter into a thorough
investigation of this subject 349. — Wo limit our remarks to Eng-
land and Germany 349. — Slavery in Western Europe 350. —
Our argument applies to serfdom as well as slavery, for serfdom
too is a system of compulsory labour 350. — Serfs and free tenants;
i\'^reizilgiglceil 350. — Inaccurate use of the term „free tenants" 351.

— Commutation of services for money not identical with transition
from serfdom to freedom 353. — Hildebrand\'s theory: natural
economy loads to serfdom, money economy leads to freedom 1^53.

— Why this theory is erroneous 355. — Hildebrand\'s theory has
been accepted by several writers 303.

In the llili century land was still abundant and servile labour pre-
vailed; rent in the modern sense iind freo lalwurers dei)endunt on
Wages woro wanting 3()4. — During the 12il< and 13tl> centuries the
population increased and land boeiimo more seareo. DisaiToresting
controversy. Kroe tenants. Coninnitition. The landlords biwomo mere
receivers of rent instead of agricultural fntrepreneura. Free la-
bourers 300. — Tlio »lack Death of 1349. Labour becomes scarec,
much land goes out of tillage. Oppression of villeins by landlords.
Assessment of wages. The stock and land leaso 308. —1450—1550.
Ilise of sheep farming. Disastrous oonsoquenoes: lalraurors thrown
out of employment, commons and holdings of villeins inclosed and
appropriated by the lords, depojiuhition, riso of pauperism 370. —
Disjippearancc of serfdom. Copyhold 375. — Conclusion 876.

Merovingian period. Most of the land is covered with forests. A
ow bIutos and lite4 \\ most cultivators aro peasant proprietors 370.—
arolingiun poriod. Much land is tjiken into cultivation, yet land

remains abundant. Absorption of the free peasants by tho great
proprietors; rise of serfdom and manorial economy. „Freemen des-
titute of land" 377. — lOth—12tl\' centuries. Rise in tho value of land.
The whole of the population can still secure land to live upon.
The class of peasant proprietors disappears. The use of labour be-
comes less. Free tenants arise, but free labourers are still want-
ing 378. — 13"i and 14th centuries. Extension of the arable area.
More value than before is attached to uncultivated land. Rights
of common restricted. Scarcity of meat. The use of labour continues
diminishing. Lords set serfs free in their own interest. Bauernlef/en.
Free tenants. Obligations become territorial. Free servants and
agricultural labourers 381. — ISth century. Over-population. Reap-
pearance of slavery (?) 383. — 16»h century. Evictions 385. —
Serfdom in Eastern Germany. Conclusion 386.

Slavery, as an industrial system, is not likely to exist where sub-
sistence depends on material resources which are present in limited
quantity 387. — All the peoples of tho earth can be divided into
peoples with open, and with close resources. Definition of these
terms. Generally speaking, among the former only can a system of
compulsory labour (slavery or serfdom) exist 389. — Savages with
open and with close resources 890. — Close resources in present
Western Europe 390. — Regarding secondary causes wo shall not
enter into many details 390.

Slaves often perform domestic, i.e. female labour. Compare Rome
and Mohammedan countries 391. — Domostio labour is not probably
among any agricultural tribe the chief business of all slaves 392.
— Slaves help the women in agricultural labour 392. — ».Slavery
of women" 392. — .Molanosian women hold in a slavo-liko state
393. — Though tho absence of slavery is perhaps one of the causes
of this subjection of women, tho latter again prevents the rise of
slavery 390.

Numbers of positive and negative case« among oo;nmoroial agri-
cultural tribes 396. — Tho term „oonimereial tribes" used in a
wide senso 3%. — Commerco furthers tho slave-trade, requires
more work than would otherwise bo wanted, and renders dovolop-
ment of wealth j^ssiblo 397. — Tho last point is very important.
Luxury arises; tho wants of the slave-owners, and accordingly the
use of slave labour, become practically unlimited 397. — „Wholo-
salo shiYory" in tho United States, and among some tribes of Africa
ond India 398. — Wo know little as yot of tho general ofTects of

trade 399. — Jlanufactured goods and raw products 399. — Three
categories of commercial tribes 400. — Significance of trade 400.

Instances 400. — Slaves are generally excluded from militjiry pur-
suits 401. — Causes 402. — Only among some ngi-iculturists of tho
higher stages are slaves employed in warfare 402. — Tho ooei-civo
power of hunting agriculturists is not great enough to admit of
tho employment of slaves in warfare 403. — Whero political insti-
tutions aro more highly developed, employment of slaves in the
army becomes practicable 403. — Military function of slaves in
ancient Rome 404.

The possession of many slavoa is indicative of wealth and there-
fore considered an honour 40r>. — Slaves and cattle almost tho only
luxury of primitive times 40G. — Hut this does not i)rovo that
slaves aro a mere luxury 407. — In many countries part of tho
slaves are not productively employed 407, — but we havo not found
any instance of none of the slaves being employed for productive
labour 408.

Preserving of food aa a oircumstanco furthering tho growth of
slavery calls for no special remark here 408. — Subjection of tribes
does not seem to occur outside Oceania, except among cattle-breed-
ing agriculturists 409. — The reason is tho insuflieionoy of tho
military power of agricultural savages 409.

§ 18. External causes, especially tho slave-trade. Recapitu-
lation ...................110

^\'ixed habitations, living in largo groupa, and jiroserving of food
call for no remark hero 410. — Tho slave-trade. GeographimI sur-
vey 410. — Most slave-keeping agricultural wivages aro found in
those parts where Iho slavo-trado has been wirriod on by oiviliiied
""d semi-civilized peoples 414. — Those savages oould not havo
"adopted slavery, if it were inconsistent with their mode of life 414.

KfTect of tho slavo-trado: it makes tho keeping of slaves much
easier, and breaks tho pis inerlpie 415. — Vicinity of inferior nuH\'s
docs not Hocm to havo any conaidorahlo influence here 417. — Uo-
\'\'apitulation of the «iftsoa of slavery among agricultural tribes 417.

cause: the dependence of subsistence upon close resources 420. —
Compulsory as opposed to voluntary labour 420. — Why in modern
Europe labourers are not held as propertj\' 422. — Personal and imper-
sonal compulsion 423. — Erroneous views of socialists 424. — In-
dispensability of ruling classes 424. — Shivery cannot exist, oven
where resources are open, if subsistence is very difficult to ac-
quire 425. — Secondary internal causes. Condition of women 426. —
Commerce 426. — Subjection of tribes 427. — Preserving of food 427. —
liaitarism 427. — Luxury 428. — External causes. Fixed habita-
tions 428. — Living in largo groups 428. — Preserving of food 428. —
The slave-trade 428. — The neighbourhood of inferior races 429. —
General recapitulation 429.

§ 2. Outlines of a further investigation of the early history
of slavery.................430

I The different ways in which people become slaves 431. — II The
Afferent ways in which people cease to be slaves «3. — III Treat-
ment of slaves by their masters 434. — IV Legal status of slaves
434. — V The attitude of public opinion towards slaves 435. —
VI Different^mai~5f skves 436. — VII .Slave labour 436.—
VIII Serfdom 437. — IX Number of sloves 437. — X Happiness
or unhappineas of skvea 437. — XI Consequences of slavery 438.—
^11 Development of slavery 439.

There exists an extensive literature on slavery. Many of these
works are intended for philanthropic purposes, viz. to further the
suppression of the African slave-trade, whereas many others contain
historicAl investigations of slavery among ancient or modern nations.

The present volume will not rank among either of these catego-
ries, but deal with the general character of slavery as an industrial
system. Slavery has played a great part in the social history of
mankind. Social life among most of the ancient nations was based upon
slavery, and in many colonies it subsisted until far into the present
century. On the other hand, in the civilized countries of to-day all
industrial operations are carried on with freo labour. Whence this
difference? Why have slavery and serfdom gradually declined in
the course of European history, so that at the close of tho Middle Ages
thoy had already in a large degree lost their significance? These
problems can only bo solved if wo know the conditions necessary
for tho success of slavery as an industrial system, and the inverse
conditions under which slave labour mnst give way to free labour.
Wo shall try to find these conditions, or at least some of them.

Wo shall use the comparative method, collecting facts and inciuir-
ing what regularities can bo found in these facta, under what gene-
ral rules they may be included. Bat before enlarging upon our
method wo must say a few words conoerning a limitation we have
put upon our subject.

Our book, as the title shows, contains ethnological researches. We
confine ourselves to investigating the conditions wliich govern tho
existonco or non-existence of slavery among savage tribes, and tho

materials we make use of are exclusively ethnographical materials,
i. e. descriptions of savage tribes.

Ethnology has already made considerable progress, and is taking
a conspicuous place among the Moral Sciences, or, as the Germans
more appropriately call them. Sciences of Mind. Yet most ethno-
logists still proceed in a somewhat narrow and one-sided manner.
They generally aim at reconstructing the early history of mankind
with the help of ethnographical data. The savages representing pri-
mitive man, or at least man in a more primitive state than we can
find by direct historical research, they draw inferences from the
actual state of savage tribes as to the early state of mankind at
large. This kind of study has been very useful, especially in remov-
\'\'ing narrow views on human development which existed at a time,
when the traditions of a few ancient nations were still considered
to be the only evidence as to early history. But this should not be
the sole, nor even the main object of ethnological investigation. It
^is sociological laws that we want in the first place. It may be of
some interest to know what changes have taken place\'in early his-
tory; but it is far more important to know on what circumstances
^^he existence of each social phenomenon depends. And for this pur-
pose ethnology can be of considerable use. Among savages social life
is much simpler than among civihzed men; the factors which govern
it are comparatively few, and so the effect of each of them can bo
traced without much difTiculty. We can thus, by comparing the in-
stitutions of many savage tribes, find sociological laws, several of
which will have a wider apphcation and lead us to a clearer un-
derstanding of the conditions which govern the social life of civilized
nations. For instance, the study of moral phenomena among sa-
,vagefl has already given us a deeper insight into morality at large.

The conclusions we arrive at in this book are of two kinds. Some
of them apply to savages only and cannot further our understanding
of civihzed life. For instance, we shall nco that settled tribes are
more likely to keep slaves than nomadic tribes; but civihzed, and
even semi-civiUzetl peoples aro hardly over nomadic. Other conclu-
sions, however, have a more general bearing. Thus we shall find
that slavery is not likely to oxifit in those countries, whore all
land is held as property. And as this has been the case in Western
Earope for some centuries, we discover one of the principal causes,
perhaps the main cause, why slavery (and serfdom, which is a
mitigated form of slavery), have long since disappeared in these conntries.

We do not, however, make any systematic inquiry into the bearing
of the laws found by investigating the phenomena of savage life on
the study of social life among civilized and semi-civilized nations.
Where phenomena of civilized life occur to us wbicb bear a striking
resemblance to what we find among savages, we mention them
briefly, generally in a note. Only in one case we go farther. Where
we find that the relation between land and population is a factor
of the utmost importance in shaping the lot of the labouring classes,
it is obvious that this factor must havo played a great part in the
social history of Europe, and therefore we adduce some statements
of historians in corroboration of our view. Yet, even here, it is our
object to claim attention for this factor that is commonly overlooked,
and clear the way for future research, rather than to give a ready \'
explanation of the decline of serfdom in Western Europe. Wo are
thus justified in making use of only a small part of the literature
on this subject.

As we have already said, we proceed by an inductive, compara-1
tive method. Wo first collect ethnographical materials. Then we ^
critically determine the meaning and reliability of tho statements of
our etlinographcrs. Wo thns see whero slavery exists, and whero it
is absent. And finally we inquire what aro tho causes of the observed
phenomena.

Some remarks liavo still to bo made on tho details of our pro-
ceeding. First as to tho ethnographical literature.

Wo have collected our materials (juito impartially, without any
regard to our ultimate conclusions, which, indeed, rest upon a study
of the facts, not upon any preconceived opinion. Though tlicro is, of
course, much ethnographical literature we have not used, our col-
lection is rather extensive and contains most of the better works.
All geographical groups are properly represented, least of all per-
haps India, most of tho literature on which country (so far as wild
tribes aro concerned) seems to be wanting in tho Dutch libraries.
Wo have greatly profited by being allowed to nmko uso of Dr, Stein-
metz\'s schedules, being detailed extracts of hundreds of ethnogra-
phical books and articles, somewhat resembling Spencer\'s „Descrip-
tive Sociology", but far more complete,

Tlie ethnographical literature may not, however, bo used without ^^
a thorough criticism. Wo shall often meet with very loose and i
inaccurate statements, and this book will afford many instances of )
the careless use of the terms „slave" and „slavery" by ethnographers.

The zoologist and the geologist have only to deal "with accounts of
their fellow-scientists ; hut the ethnologist is obliged always to rely
on hig ethnographers, who generally have no notion of ethnology,
and sometimes no notion of science at all. Hence the very bad ter-
minology; hence also the frequent omission of details wMcb would
have been very valuable. Yet, regarding the very little that has as
yet been achieved in ethnology, we can hardly blame our ethnographers.
It is true, if the ethnographical literature were better, ethnology
would greatly profit by it; but, on the other hand, even with the
help of the existing literature, which, after all, is not so very bad,
much more might be attained than is actually done. And as long
as ethnology is still in an unsettled condition, it is perhaps better
that an ethnographer should have no ideas at all on ethnological
subjects, than premature, quasi-scientific, and probably erroneous
ideas. Montaigne, one of the most sensible men who have ever lived,
speaking of his informant on the cannibals of America, says: „This
man whom I had was a simple and rude man, which is a condition
conducive to reliable testimony ; for refined people observe more
curiously and observe more things; but then they gloss them; and
in order to force their interpretation on you, they cannot but change
the story a little; they never represent you the pure facts; they
warp and mask them according to the point of view from which
they regard thom; and in order to give credit to their judgment
and make you accept their view, they readily add something to the
matter on that side and exaggerate it. A man must be either very
truthful, or so simple that he does not want to construct false inven-
tions and give them a semblance of truth, and is not riveted to a
theory." What we want is, as tho same writer has it, la matière
de Vhistoire nue ei informe i). An ethnographer should bo taught
what to observe and how to observe, and how to record his obser-
vations. But when this ideal cannot bo attained, it is better to have
an ethnographer who only knows that every correct statement of
hiß will interest the mon of science, than ono whose perceptive facul-
ties are troubled by preconceived opinions. There have been some
ethnographers of late years who have laboured under this defect.

We have subjected our materials to a thorotigh criticism, exter-
nally by comparing in each case the descriptions of the same tribe
by different writers, and internaUy by inquiring what importance is

to be attached to the statements of each writer, considering the time
in which he wrote, his more or less intimate acquaintance with the
people described, the general character of his writings, etc. \\

We thus find where slavery exists or formerly existed, and where
it does or did not exist. Wo always mention the exact numbers of
tho tribes with and withont slaves in the several geographical groups,
and afterwards also in the several economic groups. We do notr intend .
these numbers as statistical materials, upon which to base mathema-y
tical niles. We only mean to express tho results of our investiga-
tions in the exactest manner possible. Instead of stating: Slavery in
such a group exists in many cases, it is much more accurate to
state: Slavery in such a group exists, so far as our observations
go, in, say 80 cases. We thus simply follow the method (sometimes
miscalled statistical method) first introduced by Prof. Tylor in his
article „On a method of investigating the development of institutions\'\',
and adopted by Dr. Steinmetz in his „Enticicklun;/ dcr Strafe",

We inquire next what conditions govern the occurrence of the
observed phenomena. This part of our work is certainly tho most
dlHicult, and it is necessary here to procecd with the utmost cau-
tion. l^fany ethnologists adopt a rather curious method. They have
some theory, found by deductive reasoning, and then adduce a few \\
facts by way of illustration. This, however, is quite insufficient. It
does not appear wliethor all existing facts agree with tho theory;
there may be many instances, not mentioned by the theorist, in
which his rule does not hold. Tho only scientific method is impar-
tially to collect facts and inquire whether thoy can bo brought
under any general rule. If wo find a hypothesis that accounts for
many, but not all, of tho observed phenomena, our tusk is not
finisljcd until we havo explained tho rest by showing the influence
of additional factors. Moreover, tho negative instances must be ac-
counted for as well as the positive. If wo account for tho existence
of B by the coexistence of A, wo must prove either that in those
cAscs where B does not exist A too is absent, or that in such eases
there aro additional causcs which neutralize tho ofTcct of A. Ethno-
logical works should not bo causeries, as they often are, but scien-
tific researches.

But we must also bo careful not to fall into tho other extreme.
Wo «hall never bo ablo to arrive at a true understanding of tho
facts without the help of leading ideas. Tho facts do not arrange
themselves spontaneously; wo must try to account for them by

hypotheses which seem a priori plausible. When snch a hypothesis
occurs to us, we have to inquire how far it can go to account for
the facts, and, of course, to abandon it if, however plausible it
seemed, it proves to be erroneous. By judiciously selecting our
hypotheses we can save ourselves much futile labour. For instance,
when about to investigate the causes of slavery, it occurs to us
that its existence will probably largely depend on the economic
state of society, and we inquire whether this be really so. If we
began with investigating the effect of some factor that a priori
seems to have little connection with slavery, e. g. the development
of aesthetic sentiments, we should be almost certain to do useless
work.

The present volume endeavours to come up to the ideal we have
set ourselves and developed here. A book of the same size as this
might contain a survey of many more subjects connected with slavery.
In the last paragrapli it will be shown how very much remains
unsaid. We treat only a small portion of the subject of slavery.
But this portion is treated thoroughly, and we dare say we arrive
at some conclusions which will be for ever established, whereas, if
we had superficially treated a wider subject, our work, though per-
haps more agreeable from a literary point of view, would be nearly
useless in a scientific sense.

Slavery among savages has never yet been made the subject of
any special investigation. Letourneau\'s „Évolution de VEsclavage"
treats of slavery among all races of mankind, savages included. But
he deals with his subject in quite an insuflicient manner. His lite-
rature is rather scanty, and there is no question of any critical
inquiry into the value of his materials. The theoretical part of his
work consists of some entirely unproved assertions; not a single
systematic investigation is to be found in it. Hence his general con-
clusion is very meagre and contains only the hackneyed evohitionary
series of slavery, — serfdom, — wage-system, — socialist paradise,
to which he adds „slavery of women" as tho very first stage. Tho
scientific value of this book is very little.

There is another book dealing with the general history of slavery.
Prof. J. K. Ingram\'s „History of slavery and serfdom". This writer
confines himself to the hiatorical nations of ancient and modern times;
the savages are "excluded. Though he makes many valuable remarks,
of which, as the reader will see, we have availed ourselvee, by far
the greater part of his work is purely descriptive. A great difference

between his book and ours is further that he writes „not for scho-
lars, but for the mass of thoughtful and cultivated men and women" i),
whereas wo apply to the men of science, not to tho public at large.
Yet it is an instructive little book. We only regret that the writer
appears to agree with Comte\'s curious theory concerning the relation
between slavery and religion

The general history of slavery is also the subject of a book of
Tourmagno\'s. „There are two volumes by A. Tourmagne," says
Ingram „entitled respectively Histoire de VEsclavagc Ancien et
Modcme, 1880, and Histoire du Scrvage Ancien et Modeme^ 1879,
■which bring together many facts relating to slavery and serfdom;
but they are somewhat loose and uncritical; the author, too, repeats
himself much, and dwells on many topics scarcely, if at all, con-
nected with his main themes" 3). We are not acquainted with Tour-
magno\'s book on serfdom: but as to his Histoire de VEsclavage we
fully agree with Ingram.

We have not consulted any monographies on slavery among single
civilized nations, with the exception of Cairnos\' „Slave Power", which,
though dealing chiefly with Negro slavery in tho United States, con-
tains a valuable exposition of tho general character of slavery. Wo
shall, however, show that his conclusions, though quite correct so
far as colonial slavery is concerned, do not hold with regard to
early slavery.

The works of some writers on political economy and social scienco
at large havo been of great uso to us. We must mako special men-
tion of Loria, Wakefield, Bagehot, and tho late Dr. Dargun, whose
excellent essay on tho early history of property does not appear to
be so generally known as it deserves.

1) Ingram, p. VII. In our nutos wo always mention tho name of tho
hook rofurrod to in tho shortest way ]>aiwililo. The full titlas will bo found
in our li«t ut tho end of tho volumo.

In most branchoa of knowlcdgo tho phenomena tho nmn of
Bcicnco hfts to deal with have their technical names; and,
when using a eciontific term, ho need not have regard to tho
meaning this term convoys in ordinary language; ho knows
ho will not bo misunderstood by his fellow-scicntist«. For
instance, tho Germans call a whalo Wallfischy and tho English
speak of sholl-fish; but a zoologist, using tho word fish, need
not fear that any competent person will think ho means j
whales or shcll-fish.

In ethnology tho stato of things is quite different. Thoro
arc a few scientific names bearing a definite moaning, such
as tho terms „animism" and „survival", happily introduced
by Prof. Tylor. Hut most phenomena belonging to our scicnco
liavo not yet been investigated; so it is no wondor, that diffe-
rent writers (sometimes even tho samo writer on different
pages) give different names to tho samo phononjcnon, whereas
on tho other band Boniotimos thu sumo term (o. g. tuatriar-

cliate) is applied to widely different phenomena. As for the
subject we are about to treat of, we shall presently see that
several writers have given a definition of slavery; hut no one
has taken the trouble to inquire whether his definition can
be of any practical use in social science. Therefore we shall
^ try to give a good definition and justify it.

But we may not content ourselves with this; we must also
pay attention to the meaning of the term „slavery" as com-
monly employed. There are two reasons for this. First, we
must always rely upon the statements of ethnographers. If an
ethnographer states that some savage tribe carries on slavery,
without defining in what this „slavery" consists, we have to
ask: What may our informant have meant? And as he is
likely to have used the word in the senso generally attached
to it, we have to inquire: What is the ordinary meaning of
the term „slavery"?

The second reason is this. Several theoretical writers speak
of slavery, without defining what they mean by it; and we
cannot avail ourselves of their remarks without knowing what
meaning they attach to this term. And as they too may ho
supposed to have used it in tho senso in which it is gene-
rally used, wo have again to inquire: What is tho meaning
of tho term „slavery" in ordinary language?

The general use of the word, as is so often the case, is
rather inaccurate. „Careless or rhetorical writers" says Ingram,
„uso the ^yord8 „slave" and „slavery" in a very lax way.
Thus, when protesting against tho so-called „Subjection of
Women", they absurdly apply those terms to tho condition of
tho wife in tho modern socioty of tho west —- designations
which aro inappropriate oven in tho case of tho inmates of
Indian zenanas; and they speak of tho modern worker as a
„wagc-slavo", oven though ho is backed by n powerful trade-
union. Passion has a language of its own, and poets and
orators must doubtless bo permitted to denote by tho word
„slavery" tho position of subjects of a state who labor under
civil disabilities, or aro excluded from tho exercise ofpoliticiil
power; but in sociological study things ought to havo their

right names, and those names should, as far as possible, be
uniformly employed" i).

But this use of the word we may safely regard as a meta-
phor ; nobody will assert that these labourers and women are
really slaves. Whoever uses the term slavery in its ordinary
sense attaches a fairly distinct idea to it.

Wo can express it most generally thus: a slavo is one who
is not free. There arc never slaves ■without there being free-
men too; and nobody can be at the same time a slave and a
freeman. We must, however, bo careful to romeinber that,
man being a „social animal", no man is literally free; all
members of a community are restricted in their behaviour
towards each other by social rules and customs •\'\'). But freemen
at any rate aro relatively free; so a slavo must bo one who
does not share in tho common amount of liberty, compatible
with the social connection.

Tho condition of the slavo as opposed to that of tho froo-!i
man presents itself to us under tho thrco following aspects.lX

First, every slavo has his master to whom ho is subjected. \\\\ \'
And this subjection is of a peculiar kind. Unliko tho autho- \'
rity ono freeman sometimes has over another, tho master\'s
power over his slavo is unlimited, at least in principle; any
restriction put upon tho master\'s free exorciso of his power (
is a mitigation of slavery, not belonging to its nature, just \\
as in Roman law tho proprietor may do with his property
whatover ho is not by special laws forbidden to do. Tho rela-
tion between master and slave is therefore properly expressed
by tho slave being ci\\lled tho master\'s „possession" or „pro-
perty", expressions we frequently meet with.

2) In (lio »ccontl Clmptor ami in tho continuation of thin wo shall moot
with moro instance« of thin n»et4i|)horio (sometimes rather ilangerouH) use
of tiio term „Hluvory"\'.

freemen. The slave has no political rights; he does not choose
his government, he does not attend the public councils. Socially
he is despised.

^ { la the third place, we always connect with slavery the
I idea of compulsory labour. The slave is compelled to work;
the free labourer may leave off working if he likes, be it at
the cost of starving. All compulsory labour, however, is not
^ slave labour; the latter requires that peculiar kind of compul-
• sion, that is expressed by the word „possession" or „property"
has been said before.

Recapitulating, we may define a slave in the ordinary sense
of the word as a man who is the property of another, politi-
cally and socially at a lower level than the mass of the people,
and performing compulsory labour.

Wo shall inquire next, whether this notion is a practical
one for the purpose of our investigation, or whether it requi-
res any improvement. But it may bo convenient first to exa-
mine, what our theoretical authors have to say on the subject.

Several authors we have consulted give no definition at all.
We mention only two of them: „Bastian, Dir. JlecMsvcrhält-
nisse bei verschiedenen Vijlkern der Erdc\'\\ and: „Giddings,
The principles of sociology". Books with such titles might bo
expected to contain something on tho subject\').

Spencer remarks: „[Tho captives] fall into unqualified ser-
vitude----They belong absolutely to their captors----Thoy

become property, of which any use whatever may bo made"
Although this may not properly bo callcd a definition of sla-
very, it appears that ho uses „becoming property" and „fal-
ling into unqualified servitude" (or slavery) as synonymous
expressions.

1) GiildingH\'« book, vnlimblo ns it is in many rospccts, is, .ns system of
sociology, far from complete.

According to Ingram „the essential character of slavery may\\
bo regarded as lying in the fact that the master was owner
of tho person of the slave" Lippert remarks: „The fact,
that one man bccomes an object of possession by another,
characterizes the nature of slavery" -).

Sohm calls a slave „a man who is not regarded as a person,
but as a thing. Tho slave is left to the discretion of the
master, who has over him tho right of property"\').

Letourneau says: „The rights of the masters over their
slaves were always excessive; they were those of a proprietor
over his possession"

In tho first paragraph three principal features of slavery
havo been enumerated. We see that our theorists attach most
imporUinco to the first feature: „property" or „possession"®).
Whether wo can agree with them will bo shown in tho next
paragraph.

The present investigation is a sociological one; therefore
our definition of slavery has to bo sociologically relevant. Wo
havo to ask: What is tho social value of slavery? Slavery is
an organ in tho social body performing a certain function,
Hid wo have to inquire: How is this organ developed, and
how, in tho various stoges of its development, does it perform
its function? Rut then wo must know first what this organ
»\'id its function aro. Thus only can wo oxcludo from our
inquiry organs somewhat rosombling slavery, but functionally

\') viow iH iiNo holil by Wagnor ami ruohta, wliono iuni)Io exposi-
tion« wo si,all yf paragraph.

quite different from it, and organs wholly different from sla-
very, but performing the same function or nearly the same.
And this is necessary; for the inclusion of such organs would
create a confusion fatal to a right understanding.
What then is slavery and what is its function?
The great function of slavery can be no other than a divi-
\'sion of labour Division of labour is taken here in the widest
sense, as including not only a qualitative division, by which
one man does one kind of work and another a different kind,
but also a quantitative one, by which one man\'s wants are
provided for not by his own work only, but by another\'s. A
society without any division of labour would be one, in which
each man worked for his own wants, and nobody for another\'s;
in any case but this there is a division of labour in this wider
sense of the word. Now this division can be brought about
by two means. „There are two ways" says Puchta „in which
wo can avail ourselves of the strength of other men which
/i^vo are in need of. Ono is the way of free commerce, that
does not interfere with the liberty of the person who serves
us, tho making of contracts by which we exchange the strength
i and skill of another, or their products, for other performances
on our part: hiro of services, purchase of manufactures, etc.

f^The other way is tho subjection of such persons, which enables
us to dispose of their strength in our behalf, but at tho same
time injures the personality of tho subjected. This subjection
/ can be imagined as being restricted to certain purposes, for
I instance to tho cultivation of tho land, as with soil-tilling
I serfs; tho result of which is that this subjection, for the very
j reason that it has a definite and limited aim, does not quit«
annul tho liberty of tho subjected. But tho subjection can also
be an unlimited ono, as is tho case when tho subjected per-
! son, in tho whole of his outward life, is treated as but a
means to the purposes of tho man of power, and so his por-
■ sonality is entirely absorbed. This is tho institution of ala-

1) Wagner remarks tliat this is the main function of Iwndago in general
{Unfreiheit). Wugncr, pp. 374-37G, 38-1

very" \'). We haye not much to add to this lucid description
of slavery and its function. The function is a system of com-
pulsory labour, and slavery is the absorption of the whole per-
sonality of the forced labourer to this end. As this absorption
is properly expressed by tho word „property" or „possession",
we may define the slave as a man who is the property or
possession of another man, and forced to toorli for him.

This definition, however, on further consideration will show
itself capable of some simplification. For when ono man is
tho property of another, this implies compulsory labour. The
right of property in this case, tho object of it being an man,"N
is a power over that man\'s will too. Tho Romans recognised
this: „The master has not only a right of property over tho
slave as over a lifeless thing, but also a power liko that over
his son, tho potestas dominica, that is a power over tho slavc\'sy
will" The right of property, that is a legally unlimited power
over a man, were useless, if tho owner did not influence tho
man\'s will; and this influencing is equivalent to imposing ^
labour upon him, labour being taken in tho widest sense. A
more physical possession, such as tho preserving of captives
for cannibal purposes, which Ijotourneau and Spcnccr make
so much of "*), is socially of littlo consequcnco. Possession of
human beings, as a social institution, is that which gets hold
of tho will of its object. Ilenco it follows, that slurnry is the
fact that one man is the property or possession of another.

This simplification of our formula has this advantage that,
in inquiring whether some people has slaves, wo need not ask
whether thero is labour imposed on subjected nu!n. When this
•Iocs not sufficiently appear, wo need not say: Wo do not
know whether slavery really exists here. When wo aro told
that among such a people sonio men are tho property of othera
(except of course tho cases of more physical possession wo

but (loos not 8t)»to it «o clearly.
-) Sohin, p. ioo.

3) Lotourneuu pussim; Spencer, Pol. Inat. p. 201.

have hinted at, which are few and easy to recognise), we may
be sure that they perform some kind of compulsory labour,
and are justified in calling them slaves.

Further advantages of our definition are, that it is the defi-
nition given by many theorists, and that it lies within the
limits of current speech.

In the following paragraphs we shall mark the distinction
of slavery from some phenomena which somewhat resemble
it. Of phenomena of this kind we shall consider only those
that most frequently occur; other questionable cases will be
examined in surveying the occurrence of slavery in the several
parts of the globe.

In the first paragraph it has already been noticed, that our
feminists make very great use of the term „slavery". Wo
shall see that this equally applies to some ethnographers and
theorists describing the state of women, especially as wives,
in some primitive societies. To give one instance of each of
them: Bancroft says of the Northern Californians: „Although
I find no description of an actual system of slavery existing
among them, yet there is no doubt that thoy havo slaves.

bought and sold" \'). The theorist wo shall quote is Letourneau :
„In all very primitive societies woman represents the domestic
animals, tho beasts of burden which tho more advanced socie-
ties possess: she is indeed treated as a slave, and this certainly
is one of tho reasons why slavery has been instituted so hito
in tho course of social evolution"

Wo may say that such authors use tho word metaphorically
(as Letourneau certainly does); but this does not exempt us
from examining, whether the condition of wives in those cases,

where according to them it so much resembles slavery, is
really slavery. We must not, of course, inquire whether there
arc instances of female slaves being tho wives of their owners,
but whether in any case the wives as such are slaves. In
doing this, we may confine ourselves to observing the condi-
tion of wives in Australia, as this condition is commonly
described as a striking instance of an abject one. Letourneau
remarks: „In the Australian clans slavery, in the sense in
which we use the word, did not exist; but ono half of tho
social group, the weaker half, was reduced to servitude; tho
Australian woman, an indispensable and despised helpmate,
was during her whole life burdened with work, ill-used, and
in reward often eaten by those whom her unavailing labour
had fed" \'). Schurtz, in his little book, states that the treat-
ment of the Australian wives is bad -). Katzel expresses tho
same view: „The position of the wife in such circumstances
is always a low ono. That she is positively considered to bo
the property of her husband (hence in tho Adelaide district
„owner of a wife" means husband) is not peculiar to Australia.
But to this a number of customs aro added hero, that, nu)ro
than among other peoples to which tho notion of tho wife ns
a commodity is equally familiar, place her in tho back-ground
of public and oven of family life"

Now let us cito some particulars about this abject stato of
tho Australian wives, as given by ethnographers. For tho
purpose of enabling tho reader to tako a comprehensivo
view of tho matter, wo shall arrange those particulars not
according to tho different tribes each applies to, hut according
to tho several phenomena bearing on tho object of our inquiry.
This gives tho following result:

A. The wife is acquired hy the husband without her cousnit
hciui) (iskcd. So among the Dicyerio: „uiuler no circumstances
has a wonuin any say in tho choice of a partner"; Powell\'s Creek

natives: „After being purchased or captured, tho woman is
generally taken away to a distance and kept more or less
isolated with her husband for some months, until she conten-
tedly settles down to the new order of things"; Queenslanders
on Herbert River: wives are acquired by bethrothal as chil-
dren, by exchange for a sister or daughter or by capture;
N. W. Central Queenslanders: the marriage can be proposed
by the male relatives of the woman, or a man can exchange
his true blood-sister, i. e. by the same mother, for another\'s
blood-sister; in both cases the consent of the whole camp-council
is required; aborigines of N. S. Wales: girls are often be-
trothed in infancy, or else given away by their father or
brother without their wishes being consulted; natives of tho
Western District of Victoria: betrothal of children is very
frequent. A girl when adult can be asked of her father, without
any attention being paid to her wi8hes\\ When two young
men have each a sister or cousin, they ^ may exchange the
young women and marry them; the women are obliged to
obey; Southern Australians of Port Lincoln: girls aro be-
trothed long before puberty; when adult thoy must follow

\\natives of King George Sound (W. Australia): a girl is
often promised to a man years before her birth, but gene-
rally sho is acquired by capture; Northern Australians of Port
Darwin and tho\' W. Coast of tho Gulf of Carpentaria: „Wives
are obtained by gifts of parents; in tho majority of cases

Some men obtain women by stealing them, generally from
other tribes, or get them in exchange for a sister"; Tasnm-
nians: tho girls are betrothed as children; before marriage
thoy are tho property of their father or brother. When tho
match is broken off, tho girl is again betrothed, without her
wishes being consulted. Hrough Smith, speaking of tho Austra-
lians in general, remarks: „Men obtain wives by a convenient
system of exchange, by conquest sometimes, and sometimes a
woman is stolen. By what mode soever a man procures a

a. Sometimes such general expressions are found, as the
wife being her husband\'s „property" or „slave". So on Moreton
Bay: wives aro slaves; on Herbert River: wives aro slaves;
in N. S. Wales: „the woman is the absolute properly of her
husband"; in S. W. Australia: „the state of slavery in which,
they [the women] are all held, is really deplorable"; in Cen- i
tral Australia: the wife is desired by tho husband only for a j
slave; in Tasmania: tho women aro slaves and do all thq
menial work. We may add Curr\'s statement about the Austra-
lians in general: Tho wife „is not the relative, but the pro-
perty of her husband". „The husband is the absolute owner
of his wife (or wives)". Brough Sniyth too remarks that tho
husband is callcd tho owner of tho wife.

b. He treats her with contcmpt. Among somo tribes of
Queensland and South Australia womon and children are for-
bidden to eat somo kinds of food, especially such things as
tho men aro very fond of. In S. Australia women are despised.
In tho Moore River District of W. Australia tho husband
gives his wifo only tho ofTal of tho chase. Central Australian
men „eat alone, and throw what thoy can\'t cat to tho womon".
In N. S. Wales „as hor husband walks along, sho follows him

c. He may sometimes ill-use ami even kill her. On Moretoi|
Bay tho wifo is often beaten by her husband, especially when
ho is drunk with rum.

Tho Quoenslandor of Herbert River „treats his wifo with
but littlo consideration, is often very cruel; ho may take her
life if ho desires". In N. S. Wales the husband „nniy do
with hor whatever ho likes, oven to tho extent of putting her
to death, without any challenge from social or tribal law",
^\'ho Cammarray beats his wifo violently for a trifling fault
few hours before her confinement. Dawson speaks of
«apparent hard usage to which tho womon [of W. Victoria]

are subjected". Tn S. "W. Australia „the method he [the hus-
band] adopts for correcting her is so barbarous, that it often
occurs that for a single look he pierces her leg with the
(jliki., breaks her head with the dauac, and treats her to other
similar caresses". The natives of King George Sound treat
their wives very badly. In the Moore River District most of
the women die a violent death before they have reached an
advanced age. If, after an unsuccessful chase, the husband
finds that his wife has not enough yams, she is glad to get
off with only a flogging. In cases of famine the women are
eaten. In Central Australia women arc very badly and roughly
treated. Nobody aids an ill-used woman. Tasmanian wives
were often cruelly beaten by their jealous husbands. According
to Curr, the Australian husband may „treat her well, or bru-
tally ill-use her, at his pleasure". The wives „are, occasionally,
cruelly beaten, or speared, for even a trifling offence". And
Brough Smyth states that „if she shows favour towards another
and be discovered, she may suffer heavy punishment, be put
to death even".

d. The husband exchanges and lends his toife. At Powell\'s
Creek wives aro sometimes exchanged. In Queensland and
S. Australia „it frequently occurs, that a woman is exchanged,
and passes to a number of husbands in a few years". The
Sloreton Bay aborigines lend their wives to each other and
offer them to Europeans. In N. S. Wales „when visitors come
to the camp they aro accommodated with wives while they
remain; and a brave chief, who has done much for their tribe
by his prowess, gets the wives of other men sent to him by
them as a mark of respcct and friendship. Two men may
^en agree to exchange wives for a time". At Port Lincoln
/tho men frequently exchange wives. The S. Australian hus-
)band offers his wife to friends and strangers. In Central
Australia tho husband lends his wife to his friends. When ho
goes abroad a husband is given her for tho time. A guest is
also provided with a wife. Men and parents prostitute their
wives and daughters. Another writer informs us that „they
often bring them [their wives] up to white men and beg of

them to take them". The natives of Port Darwin „exchange
wives occasionally". Tasmanian women were offered to whites
for payment. A describer of the Australians in general states
that the husband may „keep her to himself, prostitute her,
exchange her for another, or give her away to any male of
the same class as himself. According to another writer a
young man who has no wife sometimes gets one from an old
man, who is weary of her. ^

e. After his death she becomes the property of his brother.
Among the Dieyerie „the elder brother claims her as she ib
tho wife of his brother". On Herbert River the widow belongs
to tho deceased man\'s brother. In N. S. Wales „when a man
dies, his widow is tho property of his next brother". Among
tho Knrnai the samo custom prevails. In N. Australia „a
widow belongs to her late husband\'s brother". Wo may add
Curr\'s general statement that „when a man dies, his widows
devolve on his eldest surviving brother".

C. The htishand makes hit toife mrk for him. As regards
tho Dieyerie wo aro told that „tho more wives a man has,
tho more indolent ho becomes; as thoy do not till tho soil,
each wifo has to go daily in search of food, gather seeds,
roots, and other vegetable products according to tho seasons;
tho men with a plurality of wives stay at homo making wea-
pons, ornaments and fishing nets from rushes grown on tho
banks of tho lakes". At Powell\'s Crook „polygamy is coni-
mon, moro so amongst tho old men, who find a plurality of
wives useful in hunting for them, and as carriers when shif-
ting can>p, etc.". On Herbert River tho women procure tho
food, and for this often make long journeys; they do all tho
hard work. Tho husband makes tho frame of tho hut; sho
covers it. When travelling sho carrios all that is to be carried.
Tho husband often keeps tho animal food to himself; his
hunting has rather tho charactcr of a sport; tho procuring of
f»od is entirely incumbent on tho wifo. According to Frascr
tho fate of tho native wifo in N. S. Wales is very pitiable.
»Married at an early age, sho has not only to boar and rear
tho children, but sho does all tho heavy work of tho family;

in camp, it ia her duty to put up the rude windshelter of
sticks and foliage which serves them as a home, to make a
fire and keep it burning, and to cook the food; on the march,
she carries in a bag, resting on her back and slung from her
neck, all their portable property, and seated on this bag is her
youngest child,... in this bag, in addition to the few uten-
sils she requires for domestic labours, she has a yam-stick with
which to dig up the numerous native roots which are used as
food, a supply of those and other articles of food required for
a meal, a quantity of native string and hooks for catching
fish .... For the ready kindling of a fire, whenever it is re-
quired, she has to carry with her a smouldering piece of fire-
wood; if she allows this to go out, and thus put her lord and
master to tho labour of getting fire by friction, or if sho in any
other way gives him displeasure, he will beat her severely,
oven till her body is covered with bruises and her hair is mat-
ted with blood". At Victoria River Downs Station an old man
generally has many wives, „probably to work and get food
for him, for in their wild state tho man is too proud to do
anything except carry a woomera and spear." In Western Vic-
toria „after marriage the women aro compelled to do all tho
hard work of erecting habihitions, collecting fuel and water,
carrying burdens, procuring roots and delicacies of various kinds,
making baskets for cooking roots and other purposes, preparing
food, and attending to tho children. The only work tho men do,
in time of\'peace, is to hunt for opposaums and large animals
of various kinds, and to make rugs and weapons." In S.W.
Australia „when, wandering through tho woods, tho savage
observes that tho sky threatens rain, ho enjoins his wife to
erect a hut at tho place which he thinks most fit, and where
ho intends to pass tho night". At King George Sound tho
women look very miserable; thoy do all tho work. In the
Mooro River District tho wifo who has not yams enough for
her husband is severely beaten (as quoted above). Tho Cen-
tral Australian wifo is tho drudge of her husband. About the
natives of Port Darwin wo get this information: „The only
reason I know of for tho practice of polygamy is that, as tho

wives have to provide food for their lords and carry all their
fiimily possessions when travelling, the husband can lead a per-
fect life of indolence". Tasmanian women had to procure all
sorts of food, except the kangaroo. Ling Roth quotes a des-
cription of a Tasmanian repast: „Hitherto we had had but a
faint idea of tho pains tho women take to prepare the food
requisite for the subsistence of their families. They quitted tho
water only to bring their husbands tho fruits of their labour,
and frequently returned almost directly to their diving, till they
had procured a sufficient meal for their families". Curr, sur-
veying the mode of lifo of the Australians in general, remarks:
„Wives havo to undergo all tho drudgery of the camp and tho
march, havo the poorest food and the hardest work". Brough
Smyth enumerates as duties of the wife „building a new camp,
getting firewood etc. and on journeys acting as a carrier for
all tho worldly goods of her husband. They aro packed on her
back, all excepting his war implements, which ho himself deigns
to carry".

This picture, surely, is very black. But, unliko Letourneau,
wo must not view the dark side only. Wo may remark, first
that, ns it appears from tho foregoing survey, there aro with
regard to each of tho Australian tribes but a part of tho
enumerated phenomena on record; tho black picture is produ-
ced by blending tho dark sides of each into a whole. And,
secondly, tho samo writers relate sonie particulars, which prove
that tho lifo of tho Australian wife is not all darkness. Those
too wo shall arrange in tho order observed above.

A. In somo cases wo aro told, that the tjirVs wishes aro to
some extent taken into consideration ns to tho choice of her
husband. On Herbert Rivor tho woman somotimos gets tho
man she loves; she is then very happy; Bomotinics eho runs
away with tho beloved man. She is fonder of a handsome
faco than of a good figure; sho prefers a wild, open face,
especially as to tho eyes. In N. W. Queensland, when a
young man and a girl aro in love with each other, and tho
camp-council iu not ojjposed to it, they elope, live as husband
and wifo for somo two njonths, and then return to tho camp.

In N. S. Wales a girl, to escape from the betrothed man (often-
times an old one), may elope with her young lover; she is
then brought back and beaten by her family, „but it may be
that she elopes again and again, and, if at last they see that
she is determined on it, they let her have her own way". In
Tasmania the woman was stolen from her tribe, but not
against her will. Most often the girl succeeded in getting from
her father the man she wanted; otherwise she had to run
away with him. Curr remarks: „In no instance, unless Mr.
Howitt\'s account of the Kurnai be correct, which I doubt,
has the female any voice in the selection of her husband."
This may be true, if we take „voice" in the sense of a legally
recoguized right; virtually, however, she sometimes has a
„voice", as appears from the instances given here. Howitt\'s
account which Curr alludes to we have not been fortunate
enough to meet with. According to Brough Smyth „a young
man who has engaged the affections of a girl of a neighboring
tribe, agrees with her to run away at the first opportunity
that offers". They are then persecuted by tho members of her
tribe, as custom and law require, but not energetically. After
a few days tho yonng man and his wifo return to his tribe.
Except at first somo scolding and muttering his now stato
provokes little comment. „His young wifo is treated well, and
is soon familiar with all tho women of tho tribe, to which
she has become attached".

B. a, b.. Sometimes tho ethnographers toll of nmch nffcclion
existing between husband and wifo. At Moreton Bay thero is
often a great afTcction. On Herbert River „as a rule man and
wifo apparently get on very well". Eraser remarks about tho
aborigines of N. S. Wales: „the kuri or black man is usually
kind and afTectionato to his jm, wifo"; „in spito of tho
hardness of their mode of life, married couples often live
happily and affectionately together to a considerable ago".
Dawson, after describing tho work imposed on women in W.
Victoria (as quoted above), adds: „But notwithstanding this
drudgery and tho apparent hard usage to which tho women
aro subjected, there is no want of affection amongst thomein-

bera of a family". Even Salvado, who so pities the S. W.
Australian wife, remarks: „Sometimes I heard a betrothed
man say: I love her and she loves me". Of the Tasmanians
we are told that they „treat their women kindly". Brough
Smyth makes this general statement: „It is hard to believe
that even in a lower state the male would not havo had tho
same feeling of affection for his mate and an equal jealousy
of love as we see among the aborigines now".

We may add, that the Tasmanian women, though overbur-
dened with work, aro described as a merry and laughter-loving
kind of people. And Curr remarks about Australian women in
general: „In every way the female\'s looks to us a hard lot;
and yet, notwithstanding, I do not hesitate to say that thoy
are, on tho whole, fairly happy, merry and contented."

c. The husband docs not always enjoy such an entire freedom
of action towards his wife.

Sometimes, for punishing and divorcing her, he must have
the consent of the tribe. So in N. S. Wales, in case of adultery
„ho may complain to tho elders of tho tribe, and they, on
cause shown, decree a divorce; but not if sho has children." In
W. Victoria „a man can divorce his wifo for serious miscon-
duct, and can oven put hor to death; but in every case tho
charge against hor must be laid before the chiefs of his own
and his wife\'s tribes, and their consent to her punishment
obtained. If tho wifo has children, however, sho cannot ho di-
vorced". Hero wo find also somo slight traces of protection of
the wifo by her relatives: „A man is allowed to marry his
brother\'s widow, or his own deceased wife\'s sister, or a woman
of hor tribe; but ho is not permitted to do so, if ho has divor-
ced or killed his wifo". In N. W. Central Queensland tlio
wifo is avenged by her family. „In tho case of a man killing
his own gin, ho has to deliver up one of his own sisters for
his hito wife\'s friends to put to death, ho porsonally escaping

after her interests". At tho initiation-feasts „each woman can
oxorciHO tho right of punishing any nuui who nuiy havo ill-

allowed to retaliate in any way whatsoever". If these women
are slaves, they at least have their saturnalia

"We even find cases of the wife putting a check upon her
husband^ especially in a sexual respect. On Herbert River the
wife is furious if her husband is unfaithful to her. In N. S.
Wales „a wife may similarly complain to them [the elders of
the tribe] of the conduct of her husband, and they may order
both the man and her paramour to be punished". In W. Vic-
toria „if a husband is unfaithful, his wife cannot divorce him.
She may make a complaint to the chief, who can punish the
man by sending him away from his tribe for two or three
moons; and the guilty woman is very severely punished by
her relatives". „A chief who has been married under the law
of betrothal, is not permitted to marry another woman for a
long time; and should he do so without obtaining the consent
of his wife, there would be constant quarreling". At Port Lin-
coln an old, former wife sometimes forces her husband to desist
from taking a young, new one.

Finally we meet with instances of the wife having a real
ascendency over her huslmnd. On Herbert River the husband
is sometimes led by his wife, and even beaten by her. A curi-
ous piece of information wo get about W. Victoria. When a
wife treats her husband with such persistent disrespect or un-
kindness as to mako hini wish to get rid of her, ho goes away
to some neighburing tribe and tries to bring about her death
by sorcery. Tho wife, being infornied of this, repairs thither
and entreats hini to return, and so a reconciliation is efrect<\'d.

In Tasmania the husband could divorce his wife; but she could
also force him to do so.

d. Exchange of loives does not seem always to take place
against their will. In W. Victoria wives may bo exchanged
only after tho death of their parents and with tho consent of

1) Curr asserts that, if tho liusbaml killed his wife, »her death would ho
avenged hy her brothers". Rut the infornmtion wo get about the soveral
tribes raakos it probable, that this is not true regarding tho iniijority of
Australian tribes.

the chiefs, but not if ono of them has children. After tho ex-
change both couples live amicably together in one hut, each
iu a separate compartment. If a man knows that his wifo is
in love with another, and he is not opposed to it, she can bo
amicably transferred to the other man with the consent of the
chief. At Port Lincoln the men frequently exchange wives;
brothers and near relatives have their wives nearly in com-
mon. The wife calls the brothers of her husband by the name
of husbands. This thus seems rather a kind of group-marriage
than a bartering of wives as of commodities.

These two instances point to the possibility that in other
cases too exchange of wives may bo not so arbitrary an action
as at first sight it seems.

As to tho lending of wives, in some cases it appears that
these offer themselves to strangers. In N. S. Wales tho hus-
band „is quito ready to bargain with a white man, and with
her consent too; for a black woman considers it an honor to
bo thus courted by a man of a superior race". Tho Cammar-
ray women prostitute thomselvcs to Europeans for almost no-
thing, and among themselves without any shame. In Central
Australia marriage docs not impose any obligation of chastity;
tho wives always prostitute themselves. On Mooro River the
wives often have connections with young men; tho husbands
do not seem to take much notice of it.

0. Tho koiratc law sometimes appears in tho character of
duty rather than a right of tho deceased man\'s brother.
Frasor (describing N. S. Wales) calls it a „refuge" to tho widow,
l^awson, speaking of tho aborigines of W. Victorio, stjitcs;
„When a married man dies, his brother is bound to nuirry
tho widow if sho has a family, as it is his duty to protcct
her and rear his brother\'s childnMi". Snlvado speaks of tho
philanthropy of tho S. W. Australian, who takes upon him-
self tho caro of tho wifo of on absent friend or parent, or of
a brother\'s widow.

t!- Among tho Kurnai the man mnsi hunt for tlio susto-
nanco of his wifo and children, and fight for their protection.
Iho last-cited cases of lovirato law, too, show that tho sub-

sistcnce of the family does not depend on the wife only
Even the instances quoted above under C provide us with evi-
dence that the men perform some kind of work as hunting
the larger animals, making weapons and fishing-nets, getting
fire by friction, etc. And what is said here about the Kurnai
certainly applies to all these tribes: the husband fights to pro-
tect his wife. This being his great and indispensable function,
we must not wonder at his not liking to do other work
that women can perform as well

The division of labour between the sexes is not always so
unreasonable as at first sight it seems. Here, speaking of tho
African Wajiji, very justly remarks: „Much has been said
about tho unfair division of labour in such circumstances, but
when it is considered that a wild man finds scarcely anything
to his hand, but must himself cut the wood and tho grass to
build his house, manufacture his spear and cooking vessels,
take his part in tribal duties, and is frequently compelled to
seek food in long and laborious hunting expeditions, it will bo
seen that he often gets his fair share of work" A similar
division of labour is admirably described by Pinart, as existing
among the Indians of Panama: „I may bo allowed to make
here a short digression on woman\'s place in tho Indian faniily.

1) Literatur« referred to in swrveying tlie slate of tho Australian wife. On the
Dioyerie: Oason in Frazur\'s Noles, p. 170; I\'owoU\'« Creek: TheStationnias-
tcr, cod. pp. 177,178; Victoria River Downs Station; Cranford, cod. p. 181;
Queensland and S. Australia: Matthews, cod. pp. 187,188; Moreton Hay:
I^ng, pp. 337,338; Herbert River: Lumholtz, pp. 100, ICO-KH, 213; N.S.
"Wales; Froser, pp. 2,20—28, 3.\'), 35; Cammjirray: Collins i)p. 559-502;
Kurnai: Fison and Ilowith, pp. 20i, 200; N. W. Central Queonsliind :
Roth, pp. U1, 170, 181 ; W. Victoria: Dawson, pp. 27, 28. 33-37; Port
Lincoln: Woods, p. 223; S. Australia: Angas, I pp. 82, 93; S. W. Australia:
Salvado pp. 313, 3U, 3i9; King George Sound: Browne, pp. 450,451; Moore
River District: Oldfield, pp. 2t8—251; Central Australia: Kyre II p. 322;
Willshiro in Frazer\'s Notes, pp. 183, 184; Port Darwin, ot<!.: Foelsche eod.
I)p. 194; Tasmania: Bonwick, pp. .5(5, C2, GO, 08,73, Ling Roth, Tasm-nnia, pp.
12.5, 40; Australia in general: Curr, I pp. 100—110, Brough Smyth, I pp.
70,79-82, 85, 85.

It is commonly said by those who have not lived intimately
with the Indians, that they consider woman as a beast of bur-
den, that to her share falls a life full of troublesome and fatigu-
ing work, and to the man\'s an easy and idle existence. It may,
indeed, seem strange to tho superficial observer to see tho
woman charged with heavy burdens and the man walking
before her carrying nothing but his weapons. But if tho obser-
ver will only reflect a little, ho will understand that, whereas
the man carries his weapons only, tho responsibility and tho
safety of his wife and children arc incumbent on him. The
Indian\'s life is indeed surrounded with dangers; when traver-
sing a savannah, or forest, a hostile Indian may appear at any
moment; a tiger, a snake etc. may throw himself upon the
travellers. Therefore it is tho man\'s task to bo continually on
the alert, to have his hands and his movements free, in order to
be able immediately to take his arms and defend those who
arc dear to him. How often havo not I seen tho Indian, when
about to traverse a river, making his family stand still, ente-
ring into the water and reconnoitring whether it was not too
deep or tho stream too rapid; then inspecting tho opposite
bank to see whether all was right thoro; then crossing tho
rivor again, helping his wifo and children to pass throJigh,
often oven carrying the burdens, and several times ro-crossing
the river to transport on his back his wifo and children. Tho
river being crossed, tho man again takes tho lead with his
arms, the wifo and family resume their burdens, and tho littlo
caravan continues its way in tho same order"

Another fact, proving that tho Australian women aro not in
every respect considered as slaves, is tho great influence thoy
<»fton havo in intertribal matters. „The peace-making influence
of tho women is very great, and has often been observed
among many tribes". „The peace-making function of tho women
IS also very characteristically shown by thoir being employed
international ambassadresses"Darwin justly remarks:

„"We thus see that with savages the women are not in quite
so abject a state in relation to marriage, as has often been
supposed" 1).

The question to be settled now is this: Are these Australian
wives, and accordingly all the wives that live in an abject
state, to be called slaves? Remembering the conclusion we
arrived at in the third paragraph, we may put the question
thus: are they objects of possession ? Under B a wo have quo-
ted several statements of ethnographers calling them the sla-
ves, or the property, of their husbands. We must not, however,
forget Ingram\'s warning against taking a rhetorical use of the
word „slave" too literally. The facts recorded under Be, Bd,
and C are of more interest to us. The husband may do with
his wifo as he likes: ill-use and kill her, overtax her with
work, exchange and lend her. It is but seldom that her
family protect her; in but very few cases the man\'s power
is interfered with by the chief or elders of the tribe. The-
refore we cannot but admit that she is tho property of her
husband.

Yet there is a reason, why wo aro not to bring these wives
under the denomination of slaves. Wo may refer hero to tho
point of view wo have taken in determining tho nature of
slavery. Slavery is an organ in tho social body, that in a pecu-
liar manner brings about a division of labour. Tho Australian
wives share tho character of this organ as an object of pos-
session. Yot thoy aro not tho same organ; for besides being
forced labourers they aro wives; honco it follows that their
relation towards their husbands is wholly bound up with tho

(sexual and family life: it is their character as women, not as
labourers, that prevails. W^e may remember hero tho mutual
affection observed in so many cases by our othnographers.
As tho mother of his children, too, tho husband is likely to
value his wife. Wo havo seen (under B c) that in a few
cases she cannot bo divorced or exchanged if sho has children.

Besides, it is frequently stated, that the Australian aborigines
are very fond of their children i).

The Australian woman discharges tho duties of a wife and
a mother, and besides, to some extent, the work that among
other peoples falls to the share of the slave; therefore sho is
not a slave. If she were, her place, in a slave-keeping society,
would be entirely occupied by the slave; but no one will
doubt whether in any such society thero are wives. In an
evolutionary senso the slave and tho Australian wifo differ in
this: the Australian wife is a not-yct-diffcrcntiated organ, per-
forming two functions, which at a later stage of development
will be incumbent on two quito distinct organs: tho peculiar
function of a wife, and the labour of a slave. This reasoning
is not an assertion a 2»\'Jor/, by a biological parallelism, of a
development that must actually have taken place; it is only
intended to show tho fundamental difference existing between
wives however abject their condition, and slaves

We may even go farther and say: Slavery proper docs not
exist, when there arc none but female slaves. For when females
only are enslaved, tho reason probably is, that thoy are valued
as women, not only as labourers; othorwiso males would bo
enslaved too. And oven whoro such won\\on arc not, all of them,
actually treated as wives or concubines, but only kept as labou-
rers, thero is no slavery in tho truo senso of tho word. In
such cases, tho husbond keeps his wifo or wives subjcctcd;
this leads to tho keeping of numerous subjected females, who
aro scarcely to bo called wives. But it is always women, as
tho weaker sox, who aro subjected to tho men; subjection of
labourers, only in their quality of labourers, does not exist. Tho
labourers havo tho namo, if not tho state, of wives; this proves
that tho subjection of labourers as such, i.o. slavery, is not
yet dovehipod.

t) Soo IMoss, II pp. aii, and Stoininolz, Diw Vorh;iUnitw 7,wirtolion
I\'-Uorn und Kindcrn, p. 013.

-) liippurt (II p. r.:ir.) drntingnishoa tho wife, aii nilstrcAS of tho hoiisulioM,
Jroin tho Blavo, who lia« no shnro in tiio .-»uthority wiclilod by tho moHtor.
ilua may bo truo, but it ia only a araall portion of Uio truth.

"We have dwelt at considerable length on this distinction
between slaves and subjected wives. There are some more
distinctions to be made between slavery and kindred pheno-
mena; but these will not occupy so much space and time.

There was a time, the time of the good old patriarchal
theory, when the condition of children in the early stages of
social life was thought to be one of complete subjection to
the head of the family, the pater familias, who had over them
an unlimited power, extending to the power of lifo and death.
Carey, among others, holds this view, and very plainly ex-
presses it. „By nothing is tho progress of mankind in popu-
lation and wealth made more manifest than by the change in
the relation of parent and child. In the infancy of cultivation
the one is a tyrant and the other a slavo"

The adherents of the matriarchal theory have assigned to
the Roman-like agnatic family its place as a later product of
history; but to tho question as to how children were treated
in an ante-patriarchal stato of culture they havo not given
much attention.

It is to Dr. S. R. Steinmetz that wo aro indebted for tho
first exact inquiry into primitive education. His conclusions,
based upon a large amount of ethnographical materials, aro these :

With most savages rational education is out of the question,
the children soon growing independent, and when young being
either neglected or much petted and spoiled =); a lessor nun>-
ber of savage tribes show somo slight beginnings of education
without or nearly without bodily castigation; in a few cases
tho childron aro under strict discipline. In this hint set of

1) Carey, p. 27.5, See also Wiittko and Maine as quoted by Steinmetz
Strafe II pp. i80, 181.

2) Chaml)crlain (p. ilfi) justly rciinarks: „Mueh too littlo has been mado
of tho bright side of child-Iifo among tho lower races."

cases there is to some extent a subjection of the chihlren.
„With the power over tho mother the father gradually acqui-
red the power over the children." „The patriarch became
master of his children and, w^henever circumstances required
and allowed it, introduced a strict discipline over them"
We may therefore suppose, that there will bo instances of
children being treated in a somewhat slave-like manner. We
shall presently see that there are a few such cases on record
in Steinmetz\'s book.

Among the Apaches the father holds unlimited sway over
his children up to the age of puberty

Tlinkit boys must render unbounded obedience to their
parents and especially to their maternal uncle, to whom, accor-
ding to the law of inheritance, they aro almost more nearly
related than to their own father. They havo to perform tho
labour imposed upon them, without any claim to compensation \').

Of tho Botocudos wo aro told, that tho father, being stron-
ger than his children, compels them to work for him *).

Among the Aenoze Bedouins the young girls work hard;
they drive tho cattlo to tho pasture-ground; if one out of tho
herd is lost, thoy aro soveroly beaten by their father

Among tho Assja Samojedes tho father has a patriarchal
power, and punishes at his discretion and according to custom

In these few cases only is it clearly stated that tho head
of tho family has an arbitrary power. Tho value of Zu NYied\'s
Htatenjont about tho Botocudos is much lessoned by tho same
ethnographer telling ua that tho children enjoy much freedom \').

Verhnitnm swischm Klltm and Kindern bei den Aaturwlkcrn.
Steinuietz, Strafe II p. 190 (after Bancroft).
\'i) Ibid., p. 19V (after Krause),
i) Ibid., p. 190 (after Zu Wied).
5) Ibid., p. m (after Hureklmrdt).
fl) Ibid., p, 201 (tifti>r Von Middondorfi.
7) Ibid., p. 1%.

Considering now the state of the children in the cases
referred to here, are we justified in calling it slavery?

The head of the family has power over the children; and
so far as it appears from the particulars given by the ethno-\'
graphers, this is a legally unlimited power, that may be callcd
right of property, and is likely to lead to compulsory labour,
as among the Tlinkits and Aeneze Bedouins it certainly does.
The condition of these children may therefore be expressed
by the word „possession", our criterion of slavery.

We may even go farther. The condition of slaves is not
always very bad; but however kindly treated, they are slaves,
aro the property of their masters. So with children too. They
may not be, as in the cases mentioned above, under strict
discipline; yet Ihe father\'s, or in a few cases the maternal
uncle\'s, power, however moderate a use he makes of it, may
be legally unbounded, not restricted by social rules, not inter-
fered with by the community. In such a case the head of tho
family may be called owner of the child, and is really called
so in Roman law, so clearly distinct from Roman practice.
„The patria potestas of ancient civil law means the full power
of tho father over the persons subjected to him (the child, tho
grand-child by the son, the wifo in nianu), tho right of death
and life (ius vitae ac necis) and the right to sell into slavery" \').

We see that tho term „possession" may well bo used hero.
Yet there is a reason that induces us not to call these chil-
dren slaves, a \'reason resembling that for which wo have ex-

2) Piiohfai, II p. 3rt4. As this ia not tlio place to enter into a syatoMiatio
description of tho treatment of cliildren among savages, we have confined
ourselves to mentioning tho results of Stoinmetz\'s investigations. Yet wo
will quoto hero ono othnographical record, that clearly shows tho high
degree of development of tho patria potestas possible among savages. „In
Flores the sona even of rich families as long an their father lives, at public
feasts aro dressed liko slaves, and also at his funnral; this being apparently
tho external sign of a strict patria jMtestas, wliich remains in f^urco till tho
funeral; until then tho son is tho father\'s slavo". Von .Martens, p. 117.

eluded the subjected wives. These children may be callcd the
property of their fathers; but this is not the whole, nor even
the main part of their condition. The relation between father
and child, if it includes subjection, includes much more. There
is mutual sympathy and in many respects a coincidence of
interest; there is respect on the side of tho child; there is on
the side of the father a desire to promote tho welfare of tho
child, however much bound up with egotistical motives. Thero
is also physical and mental superiority on the side of tho
father and inferiority on the side of tho child \'); and this in
somo cases may bring about a somewhat slave-like condition
of tho latter; but this condition is not an ossentiel part of the
relation between father and child; a fortiori it is not coex-
tensive with tho relation, as in tho case of the slave. Biolo-
gically expressed: tho child is quito another organ, with quito
another function, but in some cases, performing in somo degree
the function of a slave; therefore it is not a slave. Wo may
add, that tho child is only temporarily subjected; ono day ho
will be a master himself®). This also bears upon tho treat-
ment of tho child: tho slave is brought up to servility, tho
child to authority. Children, too, as such can never form a
subjected class.

As for adopted children, it is not always easy, to distin-
guish them from slaves. Sometimes they aro rather soveroly
treated, especially thoso captured in war or kidnapped. Tanner
was, thus adopted by an Indian of tho Shahneo tribe. Tho
youngest son of this Indian had lately died, and his wifo had
told hor husband, sho could not live if ho did not restore her
tho child. Tho husband accordingly went off, and camo back
with Tanner whom ho had kidnapped. Tanner was adopted
on tho grave of tho deceased boy, and given an Indian inimc.
But the adoptive father treated him not at all as a son. lie

1) Viz. ns long ns tho ohilil is really a child. Savago ohildnm nro gono-
riiUy much sooner full-grown tluin thoso of civilizo<l nations, seo Stoinniotz,
i^tnvfo, 11 pp. \'215—\'217.

had to do the hardest work, got but little food, and was often
severely beaten. If the mother tried to protect him, she was
beaten too. Finally the father, regardless of the mother\'s wis-
hes, sold him to an old Indian woman, who now became his
adoptive mother. She treated him kindly, yet made him cut
wood, carry water and meat, and perform other kinds of labour,
which generally wore not imposed upon children of his ago.
However, he was not a slave. "When full-grown, he was con-
sidered by tho Indians one of their tribe, and married an
Indian girl

In the second Chapter we shall meet with more instances
of captives being adopted either into the tribe or into one of
the families within the tribe. As long as such persons are
children, it is often not easy to see whether they are slaves
or adopted children, it is not always stated, as in Tanner\'s
case, that they are formally adopted. We nmst ask then, what
becomes of them when full-grown. If they have still a master
to serve, it is clear that they arc slaves; for if they are adop-
ted members of the community, they will be free when adult,
excepting the (most often slight) moral obligations of full-
grown children towards their parents. Other facts proving that
tho captives aro slaves, aro their not taking share in govern-
ment affairs, when the tribe is democratically organized, and
their being excluded from marriage with native-born women.
With the aid of these criteria wo shall try, in every particular
case, to decide whether the captives are slaves or adopted
members of the community. What has been said hero of cap-
tives, equally applies to purchased persons.

The last two paragraphs show that there is still something
wanting in our definition. Not every stato of possession is
slavery; those arising from family relations aro to bo exclu-
ded. Thus only can wo come to a true understanding of tho
signification of slavery. For wives and childron may acciden-
tally bo forced labourers and tho liko; tho slavo only is ex

definitione a subjected person, a forced labourer, an object of
possession. Wives and children there would be, and there are
in many cases, without subjection; slaves there are not where
there is not subjection and compulsory labour. A society that
begins to keep slaves, develops a new organ with a special,
well marked function; and it is tho evolution of this organ
wo are to trace in the following Chapters.

Our definition therefore wants an addition. We may now
put it so: Slavery is the fact, that one man is the property or
possession of another heyond the limits of the family proper.

§ 6. Distinction of slavery from kindred phenomena.
111. Members of a society in their relation to the head of the

Bastian, after remarking that in a social community nobody
is literally free, gives a great number of quotations, describing
widely different kinds of subjection, and among these somo
fow, where tho subjects of a despot aro called his slaves or
liis property. „Tho Siamese aro all (even marked) slaves of
their king." „Tho subjects of tho king of Djagga aro slaves,
who may not marry without his consent." „In Usumbara all
are slaves of the king." „The absolute rulers dispose of all
their subjects as their property (oven without having acquired
a right by tho subjects having transgressed tho law), and oven
niark with their badge tho differont working-guilds, as is done
by tho king of Siam." „Tho princes and princesses on tho
Congo havo tho right to sell any one who is not a prince liko
themselves" i).

What Bastian means by heaping up these various quotations,
without any order or attempt at an explanation, is not clear.
We, however, must not follow his example, but inquire whether
tho word „slave" is rightly used horo, whether tho subjects
of a despot may bo called slaves. A few moments of conside-

(Ktlin. Jur. I 1». 358) „iso «pouka of Hulyeota being tbo hIuvcs of tlio king.

ration will show that they may not. For however great the
power of the chief, the king, the despot, in a word the head
of the community, over his subjects, they are not his property.
„Property" supposes a power of the master, pervading the
whole life, personal, domestic and social, of the slave; so
groat a power over his subjects a chief never has. Tho fol-
lowing reasoning will make this clear. Slavery would not be
capable of much development, if it depended upon the mas-
ter\'s personal superiority only; for slavery to become a social
system, the master\'s power over the slave must be recognized
by the society.

The slave lives in a society that regards him as a slave;
slavery cannot exist where thero is not a society of freemen.
Therefore the despot, however great his power, is not as such
a master of slaves. Tho slave-owner has the community on
his side; tho chief has subjects who themselves compose tho
community. Looked at from tho practical side, the chiefs
power contains much more of voluntary submission than tho
slave-owner\'s. A chief never has tho whole person of tho citi-
zens subjected in his own behalf; ho may exact somo perfor-
mances for his personal benefit, but tho restrictions put upon
tho subjects, encroaching on their freedom in private lifo, will
generally bo measures taken in the (real or supposed) interest
of the community, and approved of by tho community. Those
restrictions aro mutual, and arise from tho social connection
itself; this is not, as in slavery, using ono person as a means
to tho purposes of another definite person. This yot moro
distinctly appears, whoro not a single man imposes thoso rules,
but tho council of citizens. In a communistic society thero
would bo an entire absence of personal freedom; yet thoro
would bo no slaves, as thero would bo no freemen whom thoy
could servo.

It need hardly bo said, that a chief may keep slaves liko
any other freeman. Tho public power as such, tho state, also
sometimes keeps slaves (e. g. the scrvi piiblici in Homo). But
these slaves aro quito distinct from tho main body of citizens.

bas slaves, whereas no mention is made of any other slaves.
In auch cases the slaves generally become such as a punish-
ment for some offence. Where such a state of things exists,
we may not speak of a slave-keeping people. For here the
power of the government is so great, that it can avail itself
of the labour of the citizens; whether this is done by imposing
an equal amount of labour on all of them, or by selecting a
few persons for this purpose and keeping them in a slave-like
state, does not matter much. Besides, slavery here cannot havo
the same influence on social life it generally has; for every
freeman has to work for himself. This kind of slavery may
be compared with the tread-mill and other kinds of penal ser-
vitude existing in more civilized societies. And wo may not
speak of a slave-keeping people, where the only slaves are
criminals, who become tho slaves of him who represents tho
public power, any more than we can say that slavery exists
in those civilized countries, whore penal servitude is still
practised.

One more remark has to bo added hero. Hitherto wo havo
used tho terms „possession" and „property" synonymously as
indicating tho nature of slavery. In this paragraph it has been
shown, that an essential feature of slavery is its being recog-
nized by tho community. Therefore wo prefer tho term „pro- ^ _
perty" that, better than the other term, convoys tho notion,
not only of a virtual subjection, but of a subjection considered N.

§ 7. Didindion of slavery from Jcindred phenomena.
IV. Suhjectcd tribes; tribntary provinces; lower classcs; free

Wo Bhall meet with instances of tribes, tho mombors of which
are bound to perform somo kind of labour for other tribes or ^

This is not slavery; for slavery is subjection of ono indivi-
dual to another, and a subjection that absorbs tho whole per-
sonality of tho subjected; and under such circumstances it is

not possible that the subjected lead a tribal life. Therefore,
where the subjected are described as forming a separate tribe,
we may be sure that they are not slaves. Ingram justly
remarks that „the lowest caste may be a degraded and despi-
sed one, but its members are not in a state of slavery; they
are in collective, not individual, subjection to the members of
tho higher classes"What Ingram says here of the lowest
caste, often applies to subjected tribes.

That conquered districts, bound to pay a tribute in kind or
money, do not consist of slaves, is clear.

The foregoing remarks would be almost superfluous, were
it not that some ethnographers in such cases spoke of „slave
tribes" and „slave districts".

Lower classes can he of different kinds. Where they are
only considered inferior to the upper classes, or excluded from
governmental functions, it is easy to see that they are not
slaves. Greater difficulties are presented by some other cases.
Sometimes a lower class consists of free labourers. Now theo-
retically free labourers are easy to distinguish from slaves: tho
slave is compelled to work, the free labourer voluntarily sub-
mits to it. But the accounts of our ethnographers do not
always make it clear, which of these two kinds of labourers
we havo to deal with in any particular case. When a labourer
lives in the house of his master and is wholly dependent on
him, it may be rather difficult at first sight to decide whether
he is free or a slave. Sometimes tho details given aro suffi-
cient to settle tho question; if not, wo shall havo to leave it
undecided.

A lower class can also consist of serfs. What they aro, and
what is the difTerenco between them and slaves, will bo shown
in tho next paragraph.

to draw the theoretical line of demarcation between them and
slaves is not so very difficult; but practically it is not always
easy to decide, whether a subjected class we get some infor-
mation about consists of slaves or of serfs; sometimes even,
because of the unstable terminology and the scanty information,
it is quite impossible. But there are several unequivocal cases
of serfdom, too, on record in history. Mentioning a few of
these will suffice to give the reader a clear idea of its nature
as distinct from slavery.

In Germany Leibeigene was, in the earliest times, synony-
mous with slave. The law placed the Leibeigencn on a level
with the domestic animals. The master had tho jus vttoe (ic uecis,
an unlimited right to sell them, the right to exact from thom
all possible services, to .marry and divorce them. Tho owner
of tho Leibeigene was also owner of his goods and chattels.
Tho lord was responsible for any damages caused by his ser-
vant, as for those caused by his horse, and might claim indem-
nity if any ono injured his man. But gradually this slavery
was mitigated into a stato of subserviency. First tho claim to
unlimited services was waived, and on tho Leibeigene wore
imposed definite liobotcn (labour dues) and tributes. He had to
work on fixed days, to perform fixed services, to pay fixed
sums. His earnings legally still belonged to tho lord, and tho
latter succeeded to his goods; but from tho 13tl» century tho
lord\'s right of inheritance dwindled into a present {niortunrium).
From tho 14tli century tho serfs acquired a usufruct of tho soil
they tilled, and so their obligations assumed moro or less tho
character of a quit-rent. Sometimes thoy wero oven allowed
to choose another lord. In tho Frankish empire tho lords
wero already forbidden to sell thom abroad; from tho 13tli
century thoy lost tho right to kill thom, and afterwards
also tho right to wliip thom. Tho church took away from
the lord tho right to divorce his serfs, if tho marriage had
been contracted with his consent. Tho itis primae noctis
remained longer. ^loreover, tho relations of tho serfs towards
others wero gradually recognized by law, at first only as
to unjust acts, later on ns to contracts. And so, when at

last serfdom was abolished, the only changes effected by this
were: allowing of the right of emigrating, abolition of the
marriage-consent and of the court-services and personal tributes.

Thus Siegel describes the development of serfdom in Ger-
many Other writers come to nearly the same conclusions.
According to Brunner, there was among the Western Germans a
class between freemen and slaves, called Litm or Aldien, a
hereditary class, whose position was secured by law. They
had the right of acquiring property and making contracts;
they could by emancipation become fully free, or ransom
themselves by means of their fortune. To marry they wanted
the consent of their lord. They had the right of feud (Fehde-
recht), and when they were killed a tcergild was paid, that
fell partly to the lord. Their right of inheritance was origi-
nally not recognized 2).

Schröder remarks, that the difference between freemen and
subservients (Hörigen) consisted in this, that tho landed pos-
sessions of the latter were smaller and liable to tribute. Mo-
reover, thoy had no connubium with freemen, nor any political
rights; the wergild paid for them was ono half of that paid
for a freeman

In medieval Prance a similar state of things prevailed.
There were no longer slaves, but serfs. „Serfdom is a transi-
tory stage between slavery and entire liberty. Tho serf of tho
middle ages is not, like tho ancient slavo, indissolubly riveted
to his condition, deprived of rights by his very birth, placed
on a level with the beasts of burden of his lord\'s estate. Pu-
blic opinion is favourable to him." „Tho facts agree with tho
doctrine. The serf has somo means of acquiring property; ho
may marry and havo legitimate descendants, who will succeed
to his goods; ho nmy give evidence in tho courts; ho may
purchase his liberty by means of his peculiim. By getting
somo profits ho is interested in tho cultivation of tho soil.

3) Schröder, p. 41. He stutea that these Hörigen were also called lat! or
aldio (I.e., p. 40); 80 thoy ore tho same class a.s thoso desorihed by Urunnor.

Giving his labour to the land, he may expect to enjoy the
fruits of it, by paying fixed tributes. By marrying his chil-
dren to free women he secures the liberty of his offspring.
By paying an indemnity he acquires the succession to his
father\'s inheritance, and the right of property over his

which the lord levies on the tenement he cultivates, invoke
an enquiry of experts who attest his means, contract to pay
a fixed annuity and so know beforehand what profit he may
depend upon"

With these serfs may be compared tho Roman colmi. „The
colonatns consists in this, that men aro inseparably attached

This connection with a determinate estate, from which the )
colonus might be severed only in some cases fixed by law,
brought about an approximation of the colonus to the slave
(as servus terrae), but also a difference between them, a secu-
rity for the colonus, which protects him from tho lord\'s arbi-
trary power. Hence the colonus stands with regard to the lord
on tho free footing of one bound only to comply with tho
yearly canon, annua functio, a tribute fixed by contract or
custom, which ho has to pay to the lord, generally in products
of tho land" «).

Tho foregoing statements once more prove tho sufficiency
of our definition of slavery. As soon as the forced labourer is
no longer entirely at tho disposal of tho lord, tho latter being
entitled to fixed services and tributes only, such a state of
things is called serfdom, or colonaius, or subserviency, but not
slavery. This agrees with our definition of slavery. Tho slave,
as wo havo remarked above, is tho property of his master,
whoso power is in principle unlimited, not rcHtricted to fixed
performances. Therefore, ovon if tho writers referred to horo
called such institutions as serfdom and colonutus slavery, wo
are not to do so; but wo may regard it as a corroboration

of the conclusion we had arrived at before, that such writers,
most of whom have not made any special research into the
nature of slavery, when they meet with such an institution
as serfdom, feel that they are not to call it slavery.

Ingram remarks: „The transition to serfdom took place in
civic communities, when the master parted with or was de-
prived of his property in the person of the slave, and became
entitled only to his services, or a determinate portion of them.
In rural life, where the march of development was slower, the
corresponding stage was reached when, in accordance with the
fundamental principles of feudalism, the relation between the
lord and serf, from being personal, became territorial" \').

The first words here perfectly express tho truth: when the
master loses „his property in the person of tho slave", ho is
nfl longer a slave-owner. What follows, that the master „be-
came entitled only to his services", is less correct; for ho
who is entitled to all the services of another is his owner;
just tho limiting of the master\'s right to „a determinate por-
tion of them" is the change from slavery to something else.
If I may require all tho services a man can perform, I am
his owner; if I am restricted to a determinate portion of them,
I .am not.

Spencer says: „As the distinctions between difForont forms
of slavery aro indefinite, so must thero bo an indefinite dis-
tinction between slavery and serfdom, and between tho several
forms of serfdom. Much confusion has arisen in describing
these respective institutions, and for tho suflRcient reason that
tho institutions themselves aro confused" \').

This consideration, however true, will not prevent us from
drawing a theoretical lino of domarciition. Not a single social
institution is practically strictly separated from kindred insti-
tutions; yet wo cannot understand such institutions, unless
wo make a distinction, and not an „indofinito" ono.

Letourneau, after describing the state of the colomis, adds:
»In a word, he was not an object of possession, a slave, but
only a proletarian attached to the soil." In another passage /
he remarks that slavery always undergoes same mitigation in (
the course of civilization: „Less and less is the person of the
slave himself oppressed; one is contented with exploiting him,
bereaving him in a larger or smaller degree of the fruits of
his labour, in a word the slave becomes a serf"

These quotations may suffice to show that our view of the
matter is held by theorists as well as by historians.

The serf, therefore, is not a slave, because he is not the
property of his master, and the particulars of serfdom rela-
ted by our historians provide us with means of more clearly
understanding the practical meaning of this notion „property".
It means a power that, however leniently exercised in maqy
cases, is in principle unlimited. Among many peoples tho
master may ill-use and even kill his slave, without the law
taking any notice of it. And oven whero his power is restric-
ted by social regulations, he may havo a right of property,
viz. if his authority bo in principle unbounded, and any
limitation put upon it suppose a special legal provision. Our
social reformers of to-day express tho desire to mako a great
change in tho regulation of the right of property. Till now,
in Roman and Romanized modern law, the proprietor has
had a right to do with his property whatever ho is not by
special rules forbidden to do"»-); they will place tho right of
property on a level with tho other mm in rc^ so that tho
proprietor may do nothing but what ho is by law allowed
to do. Now such a reform as these people intend to bring
«•bout as to property in general, has taken place wherever
slavery has passed into serfdom. Tho slave-owner may do
with his slave whatever he is not by special laws forbidden
to do; tho master of a serf may require from his man such
services and tributes only, as tho law allows him to require.

The slaye-owner has a right of property ; the master of a
serf has, so to speak, a ius in re aliéna.

In the course of our investigation it will be shown, that
among some peoples a debtor, unable to pay a debt he has
contracted, becomes the slave of his creditor. Sometimes such
persons are ordinary slaves; but pawns or debtor-slaves in
the restricted sense (who „are^ of frequent occurrence in the
Malay Archipelago, Dutch pandelingen) are a class whose
slave-state is conditional ; they become free as soon as the debt
is paid by or for them; the creditor cannot refuse to accept
the money. Because of this great difference between pawns
and ordinary slaves (who generally have not a right to bo
ransomed), most of our ethnographers do not call tho former
slaves, but give separate descriptions of slavery and pawning.

The question arises, and has to be settled hero, whether
we for our purpose have to call these pawns slaves. We shall
quote here one description of pawning. Among the Tshi-
speaking peoples of tho Gold Coast of West Africa „n pawn
is a person placed in temporary bondage to another by tho

loan .... When a person is pawned on account of a debt, tho
services of tho pawn, oven should they extend over a consi-
derable number of years, count for nothing towards tho liquid-
ation of tho debt; and a pawn has to serve his master, until
tho amount of the original debt with 50 per cent, interest, is
paid by tho person who pawned him" \').

Here tho debtor pawns one of tho members of his family;
among some other peoples (o. g. in the Malay Arohip(ilago)
he pawns himself; this is not essential. The main fact is that
the pawn is in „bondage", however temporarily, that ho „has
to servo his master." Therefore, as long as tho debt remains
unpaid, the pawn is in the same condition as a slave, llo has

not to perform a fixed amount of labour, he must serve his
master without any limitation; the master has over him a
power that is, in principle, unlimited. Now we have to inquire:
Is this pawn a slave, i.e. is he the property of his master?
In a legal sense the creditor has not a right of property over
his pawn; his right agrees with a kind of pignus which the
Romans called antichresis, i. e. something yielding profit was
handed over to the creditor, who utilized it instead of receiv-
ing the usual interest Yet the right of the holder of tho
pawn bore much resemblance to that of the owner: he had
a titilis in rem actio, a vindicatio pignoris We, for our pur-
pose, may classify the pawns among tho slaves, if we can
prove that sociologically a system of pawning performs tho
samo function as a slave-system. And this certainly is the
case. The same system of compulsory labor, tho same subjec-
tion of the entire person exists, whether tho subjected are
perpetually slaves or temporarily pawns, viz. in those casoe
whore, as among tho Tshi-speaking peoples, tho master\'s power
is in principle unlimited. Where pawns havo a fixed amount
of work to do, thoy aro temporary serfs; but where (as is
most often tho case) no limit is put to tho amount of work
the master may exact from them, thoy aro temporary slaves,
and as long ae thoy are slaves, take tho samo place as other
slaves in tho social system.

Having now determined what is the meaning of the term
„slavery", we are about to inquire, what is its social signifi-
cation, what place does it occupy in those societies where it
formerly existed or still exists ? But then we must first know,
whether slavery exists among all savage tribes, and, if not,
whether it is confined to certain races of men or to certain
parts of the world; and further, whether it is found on all
levels of lower culture, or on some only, and if tho latter, on
which. The solution of these problems requires a survey of
the occurrence of slavery among wild tribes in tho several
parts of the globe. This survey will occupy the present chapter.

A few words have still to be said about our method of
ascertaining the existence or non-existence of slavery in every
particular case.

To one unacquainted with our science tho task to bo per-
formed now may seem very easy: wo havo only to consult
the ethnographical literature bearing on any tribe, and to look
whether slavery is mentioned; if it is mentioned in an affir-
mative sense, slavery exists; if in a negative sense or not at
all, slavery\' does not exist. But every one familiar with eth-
nographical literature knows that it has not to bo used in
such a rough-and-ready manner. Tho statements of our eth-
nographers are not to bo accepted without much caution and
a thorough criticism.

Tho observance of the following rules will, so far as wo
can judge, give to our conclusions tho highest possible degree
of probability.

1». If it is stated that slavery exists, is this sufficient evi-
dence of its existence? Our definition, arrived at in tho first
chapter, lies within tho limits of ordinary language; there-

fore it is probable that our ethnographers have used the term
in the same sense we attach to it. There are, however, many-
cases in which the words „slave" and ..slavery" are applied
to something quite different from their true meaning, as will
be seen from our survey of the matter. Thus it is necessary
to ask for more evidence than is given by the mere term
„slavery".

a. If it sufficiently appears that among some tribe there
are men considered to be the property of others, we need not
doubt whether slavery exists.

h. If this is not clearly proved, there is still one particular,
that being mentioned makes the existence of slavery very
probable, viz. the fact that people are bought and sold within
the tribe, except of course women sold for wives. For other
kinds of subjected persons, serfs, lower classes, and subjects
of a despot, are not bought or sold, at least not within the
tribe. Beyond the limits of the tribe a man may be sold
without previously having been a slave. Thus some African
despots sell their subjects to Arabian slave-traders; such a
sale does not prove that slavery exists within the tribe. But
when a man ia sold within tho tribe, either ho was already
a slave\', or ho becomes such, e. g. as a punishment; in both
cases slavery is practised by tho tribe

c. If tho particulars on record aro quite insuflicient to
determine tho nature of tho alleged slave-state, tho possibility
of a mistake is much lessened by several writers, indepen-
dently of each other, stating that slavery exists.

d. Finally, the general trustworthinofis of tho writer or
writers must be taken into account.

2°. If wo are told that there aro no slaves, it is very pro-
bable that slavery really does not exist, for slavery is a phe-
nomenon rather easy to observe, and tho ethnographers aro

tnbo. Buch is tlio ciao in Oroonl^iid; soo Crantz 1, p. 178. Hut thofui nro
oxooptional cascs, so, whon no p.irticuhirs nro Rivon, wo nuiy supposo that
tuo purchasod poraona büoomo ahivoa nnd not iidoptod ohildron.

generally inclined to use the word in a too wide rather than
in a too restricted sense. There is no need here for the extreme
scepticism with which we have to receive an assertion of
any people having no religionThis does not prevent, of
course, that if we find the existence of slavery denied by a
writer who is generally badly informed, we may reject such
an assertion.

3". The greatest difficulties are presented by those cases in
which no mention is made of slavery. Here the utmost caution
has to be observed.

а. If it clearly appears from the description, that there are
people considered to be the property of others, without the
word „slavery" being used, the conclusion is evident.

б. Perhaps some facts are mentioned which make the exis-
tence of slavery highly improbable. "We shall see that the
main source of slavery is captivity in war; so, if it is stated
that no captives are made, or that the lot of the captives is
something else than slavery, the non-existence of slavery is
probable. But even then it is not quite certain: there may
still be slaves, acquired by other means. Further: if it is
stated that there are no social classes, or if tho classes are
enumerated and slaves are not among them, there is a strong
presumption that slavery does not exist. Yet here too there
is no certainty; for slaves, among savage tribes, havo not
always tho aspect of a social class. Tho description of tho
division of labour between the sexes may also suggest to us
the non-existence of slavery. When wo are informed that tho
men do some kinds of work and tho women some other kinds,
we are inclined to think: if there woro slaves, their special
work would bo mentioned too. But this argument is most
dangerous; for tho slaves very often havo no special kind of
work allotted to them.

Wo see that none of these criteria prove quite reliable.
Yet, taken together, they give a high degree of probability.
And it is not oven necessary that all of them can bo asoor-

lained. If an ethnographer, known to be trustworthy, gives
us an elaborate description, pretending to be a picture of the
whole social life of the tribe he describes, it were a wonder
if he had entirely omitted slavery, while it existed; the more
so as this phenomenon is not so difficult to recognize. The
same argument obtains a fortiori, when several such descrip-
tions of the same tribe exist.

40. In doubtful cases we may take into account tho state of
the group to which a particular tribe belongs. It may be that
in the general descriptions of a group no mention is made of
slavery; that, further, all tribes belonging to this group of
which we are well informed prove to have no slaves. If, then,
the information wo get concerning a particular tribe belonging
to tho same group, is not complete enough to rely upon,
there is a strong presumption that this tribe will be in tho
same state as tho rest of the group, i. e. that it does not keep
slaves. Under the same conditions we may suppose that a
tribe belonging to a slave-keeping group keeps slaves. Tho term
„group" has to bo taken hero in a sociological, not in an
anthropological or linguistic sense, and its application must bo
somewhat restricted. It must consist of tribes, tho institutions
of which closely resemble each other; e. g. xMicronesia is a
group in this senso. North America is not. It is almost super-
fluous to add, that this group-argument may bo used only to
strengthen existing, but insufficient, ovidonco.

We confine ourselves hero to tho phononiena of savago life;
therefore wo shall exclude tho semi-civilized peoples. An exact
distinction, however, between these two classes of peoples has
not yot been mado^); so wo aro fully aware of tho possibi-
lity of mistakes, made hero in this respect. As wo were not
able to apply any exact criterion, wo havo nioro or less fol-
lowed our general impressions, paying most attention to tho
development of political institutions. So for instance wo havo
excluded the Kabyls of Northern Africa, because thoir detailed

1) Tlio diatinotion botwoon tho aovoral stagoa of culture will bo enlarged
upon in the aooond Part.

legal system, as described by Hanoteau and Letourneux, pro-
ves that politically they have passed beyond the stage of
savagery. And a developed political organization cannot exist
without profoundly marking such an institution as slavery.

We shall find that several savage tribes have to a consi-
derable extent been influenced by civilized or semi-civilized
nations. In such cases the question arises: have we to deal
here with phenomena of unadulterated savage life ? This ques-
tion is important and must be paid full attention to. "We shall
see that many savage tribes in their true aboriginal state have
been acquainted with slavery, whereas many others when first
discovered did not practise it; so neither the existence nor
the non-existence of slavery must needs be duo to foreign
interference; either may be aboriginal, and must be supposed
to be so wherever there is not a strong presumption to tho
contrary \'). But there are also many cases in which foreign
influence has undoubtedly been at work. It may, then, havo
worked in different ways; and tho results it has led to aro
to be distinguished accordingly.

A. The disappearance of slavery under civilized or semi-
civilized influence may have taken place in tho following ways:

a. The savage tribo has so much coalesced with or been
assimilated to tho influencing nation, that it has entirely adop-
ted tho institutions of tho latter. Wo must, then, tako into
consideration only tho accounts, if thoro aro such, of tho
social instifutions of tho savage tribe in its aboriginal state.
What aro its institutions now has no interest to us.

b. Measures havo boon taken by a civilized nation on pur-
pose to abolish slavery. Then wo, for our purpose, must con-
sider tho savage tribo concerned as keeping slaves, and pay
attention only to the descriptions of its institutions as thoy
were before tho abolition.

i) When similar phonomona aro found among difTorent pooplos, modern
ethnology supposes that they have spontaneously originated among each of
them. viz. as long as tho contrary is not made probable. Soo Stoinmetz\',

c. The savage tribe has remained savage, but intercourse
with foreigners has so much changed its political or economic
condition, that slavery no longer exists; e.g. formerly it
acquired its slaves in war, but warfare has become impossible.
Such facts, if we find them, will be very valuable to us;
for what has been done here by a civilized nation may in
other cases havo been dono by savages; therefore such facts
suggest to us a manner in which we may account for tho non-
existence of slavery in cases where we should expect to find it.

B. Slavery may have originated under civilized or semi-
civilized influence in the following ways:

а. The savage tribe has coalesced with or been assimilated to
the influencing nation. Here tho same may be said as under A, a.

б. Foreign intercourse has so much changed its political or
economic condition that slavery has become possible. Here,
as long as tho savage tribe remains savage, wo havo to deal
with a phenomenon of savage life. For the same changes
brought about hero by intercourse with a civilized or semi-
civilized nation, o. g. tho accumulation of wealth by trade,
may also bo brought about by intercourse with other savages.
The civilized nation does not hero influence tho savage tribe
in its quality of civilized nation, but only in its quality of n
foreigner having intercourse with tho tribe.

Tho real exception is this: wo shall see that some Indian
tribes of North Anierica, though formerly unacquainted with
slavery, in later times kept Negro slaves, purchased from tho
whites. Now these Negroes were in an exceptional condition,
transported into a foreign continent and living among foreign
races. If the same Indians had tried to keep Indian slaves,
tho huter would perhaps havo run away; but if tho Negroes
had escaped, thoy would havo been recaptured by whites or
Indians. This case, therefore, has to bo omitted from our
survey of slave-keeping savage tribes.

The apparent exception is this: thoro are several tribes that
keep slaves for sale only, not for their own use. If thoy had

no opportunity to sell their tlavee, they would not keep any.
But this is no true exception: for whether these slaves are
sold to savages or Arabians or Portuguese, it is clear that a
tribe that makes slaves only to sell them abroad is not a
slave-keeping tribe in the true sense of the word. To its social
organization slavery is entirely foreign.

The ensuing paragraphs will show which savage tribes
keep slaves and which do not keep any. The groups into
which we have divided the several tribes are mainly geogra-
phical, not intended to answer any anthropological purpose.
As long as the meaning of the term „race" is so unstable as at
present, we think it better not to operate with it. Our groups
are nearly the same as those given by Schurtz in his Volkerlctinde.

At the end of each paragraph its result will be mentioned.
The „positive cases" are the tribes which probably keep sla-
ves, the „negative cases" those which probably do not keep
slaves. Under the head of „no conclusion" wo have given the cases
in which the probability that slavery exists is nearly as great,
or as little, as the inverse probability. The tribes, the names
of which aro printed in italics, aro those which afford „clear
cases", i. o. whero tho probability nearly amounts to certainty.

At tho end of the Chapter a brief recapitulation will show
tho occurrence of slavery among savages in the several parts
of tho globe.

When, in the following paragraphs, wo say: „Such a tribe
keeps slaves," or: „Such a tribe does not keep slaves," this
does not imply that the same stato of things still prevails.
Tho tribe wo speak of may havo died out; or, whero slavery
existed, it may havo been abolished. When wo know that
such a thing has taken place, wo shall use" tho past tense.
But in many cases the only information wo havo got concer-
ning some tribe dates from 50 years back or even longer;
and we do not know what has become of this tribo in tho
meantime. Then, not to bo obliged always to uso such tedious
formulas as: „In Mr. X.\'s time slavery existed among such
a tribo," wo shall simply say: „slavery exists." Whether it

still exists may be of much interest to a philanthropist; but
to us, for the purposes we have set ourselves in the present
volume, it is quite immaterial.

Rink\'s account applies especially to Western Greenland at
the time of the first European settlement, but may be taken
as a general description of the Eskimos According to him
the family in the restricted sense comprehended foster-children,
widows, helpless persons adopted as relatives and more or
less treated as servants. They were considered as subordinate
members of the family. The children wero never, and still less
the servants, subjected to any corporal punishment-). Ho then
describes their social organization, but makes no mention of sla-
very 8). Tho question remains whether these helpless persons aro
to bo called slaves. This docs not very clearly appear; but, happily,
we havo moro detailed accounts of tho several Eskimo tribes.

Crantz, in his beautiful description of tho Grceiihndcrs,
gives many particulars about thoir servants. Mothers of ille-
gitimate children are despised; sometimes a childless person
buys her children. When a married couple havo no children
or no full-grown children, tho husband adopts ono or two
orphan boys, who help him in his work and must provide tho
family with the nccessariea of lifo. Tho samo is dono by tho
wifo with daughters of others or with a widow. Although
the adopted youths aro employed as servants, thoy aro free
from any compulsion, and aro considered as tho future lords
of tho house. Tho adopted maid-sorvant or daughter can leave
whon sho likes. A man will novor beat his man-sorvant, and
wore ho to touch a maid-servant, ho would incur great dis-
grace •). Wo soo that tho condition of these servants is not

slavery. The boy is the future lord of the house, the girl
may leave when she pleases. Servants are only required to
occupy the place that in a normal household is taken up by
the children. Labour is not asked for. „If a man dies without
leaving behind relatives or full-grown sons, nobody cares for
the children, unless one wants a maid-servant." A widow must
try to get lodging, in which she does not always succeed
It is clear that, to these Greenlanders slaves would not be
of any use. Nansen, too, makes no mention of slavery -).

Boas, describing the Central Eskimos, states that among
them too children are adopted and considered by the adoptive
parents as their own children; so „an elder adopted son has
a preference over a younger son born of the marriage", viz.
as to the right of inheritance. The following statement still
more directly bears on our subject: „Sometimes men are adopted
who may almost be considered servants. Particularly bachelors
without any relations, cripples who are not able to provide for
themselves, or men who havo lost their sledges and dogs are
found in this position. They fulfil minor occupations, mend
the hunting-implements, fit out the sledges, feed the dogs,
etc.; sometimes however, they join the hunters. Thoy follow
the master of tho house when he removes from one place
to another, make journeys in order to do his commissions,
and so on. The position, however, is a voluntary one, and
therefore these men aro not less esteemed than tho self-depen-
dent providers" Tho last sentence clearly shows that these
servants are not slaves. And as in no other place does Boas make
any mention of slaves, it is certain that slavery does not exist.

Ribbach gives some notes on tho Eskimos of Labrador.
There is nothing on slavery in these notes. Describing thoir
dwellings he says: „The principal family has of course tho
best place; tho servants, widows or orphans, if there are such,
havo to content themselves with a place near tho door, where

the cold is most severe" This agrees so much with the
foregoing descriptions, that we may suppose that the same state

As little mention is made of slavery in the descriptions of
some other Central Eskimo tribes, as the Frobisher Bay and
Field Bay Eskimos^), the Kinipetu Eskimos^) the Tchiglit
Eskimos % the Eskimos of the Ungava district

Bancroft says of the H\'\'estern Eskimos (or Eskimos of
Alaska): „Slavery in any form is unknown among them"
Elliott makes no mention of slavery ®).

The describers of the Eskimos of Point Barrow, too, have
not a word about slavery. Adoption is practised to a great
extent 7). So the same state of things probably prevails here
as among the other Eskimos.

Some other tribes, belonging to tho Eskimo group in tho
wider sense®), may also be treated here.

Amongst the Aleuts, according to Bancroft, tho chief „is
exempt from work, is allowed a servant to row his boat, but
in other rcspects possesses no power" \'). No moro is added
bearing on our subject. PetrofT, however, gives a detailed
account of slavery among them. Tho slaves woro prisoners of
war and their descendants. The master could punish tho slave
with death, could sell and liberate him. Any attempt to escape
was severely punished Featherman, who has not consulted
PotrofF, also states that the captives and their children were
the property of tho principal men of tho tribe; tho master
could do with his slave what ho liked »)•

5) Tumor, Ungava District.
G) Bancroft, p. Elliott.
11 Hay, p. 44; Munlooli, p. 419.
») Soo Sohurtz, p. 2G8.
9) Bancroft, p. 02

Among the Koniagas or Southern Eskimos „slavery" says
Bancroft „existed to a limited extent." This is affirmed by
Peatherman

The Tlinkits formerly carried on slavery to a great extent.
This is proved by the detailed accounts of several writers 3).

Krause, in a short note, speaks of a female slave of a
Tsimshian chief. Niblack states that the Tsimshiane acted as
middlemen in tho slave trade. Boas describes the legends of
the Tsimshians; in these legends slaves and their occupations
are frequently spoken of). Hence we may infer that slavery
formerly existed among them.

Krause says of the Bilhallas: „The chief possessed numerous
wives and many slaves; also these Indians were much given
to slave-stealing and the slavo trade" As tho Bilhallas aro
reckoned by Bancroft among the Haidas, amongst whom, ac-
cording to him, „slavery is universal", we may suppose, that
slaves aro kept by them for their own use, not for export only.

The Ahts of Vancouver Island are a division of tho Nootkas.
Sproat gives* many details of their slavo system

Bancroft informs us that „slaves are held by all tho tribes" about
Puget Sound, and gives several details of thoir slavo system«).

3) Krause, pp. 152, oto.; Bancroft, p. 108; Dali, pp, 419-421 ; Potroff,
p. 165; Elliott, p. 64; Niblack, p. 252,

Niblaek states that slavery existed among the interior Tinneh,
but they „had no hereditary slaves, getting their supply from
the coast"

Of the Kutchins or Loncheux Jones says: „Slavery is prac-
tised among them. Any poor creature who has no friends is
made a slave"\'). Hardisty gives more detals; he tells us: „As
a rule slavery does not exist, but the orphan and tho friend-
less are kept in servitude and treated so harshly as to bo
really little better than slaves, until such time as they get
big enough and bold enough to assert their independence, when
they are allowed to shift for themselves" \'). Such ill-treated
children, who when full-grown aro „allowed to shift for
themselves" certainly aro not slaves. Therefore we may safoly
infer, that slavery does not oxist hore, tho more so, as our
other authors \') make no mention of slaves.

Mackenzie, describing tho Chcpewijans or Athnbascas, states
that they aro constantly at war with tho Eskimos, and kill
as many of them as they can, as it is a principle with them
never to make prisoners" Neither in his notes on tho Che-
pewyans in general, nor in those on somo single tribes belong-
ing to tho Chepowyau family, as tho Slave and Dog-Rib
Indians, Hare Indians, Heaver and Rocky-Mountain Indians,
does our author make any mention of slavery. Nor is there
a word to bo found about slaves in Bancroft\'s account. Ilearno
speaks of Northern and Southern Indians, divisions of tho
Chepewyans. Among tho Southern Indians a wife sometimes
begs of hor husband, who is going to war, to bring a female

slave with him for her to murder. The chief Matonabbee
was the son of Northern Indian man and a Southern Indian
slave Hearne does not speak of male slaves. So we may
suppose that slavery proper does not exist.

On the Tacullies Bancroft remarks: „Slavery is common
with them, all who can afford it keeping slaves. They use
them as beasts of burden, and treat them most inhumanely" 2).
This is affirmed by Peatherman 3).

Of the Atnas on Copper River, a division of the Kenai,
Bancroft says: „Those who can afford it, keep slaves, buying
them from the Koltschanes"

Mrs. Allison informs us that among tho Similkameen Indians
of British Columbia „ slaves taken in war were well treated,
but always had one eye blemished to mark them"

Featherman remarks on the Algonquins in general: „The
lowest class wero those who did not belong to the tribal com-
munity by right of birth, and were either strangers themsel-
ves or descendants of aliens. Their condition in some respects
resembled that of slaves. Thoy could claim no property in the
land, could not join tho chief\'s party when travelling through
the country except by express permission, and they wero moro
or less subject to tho orders of tho sannops" "), Nowhere is
it stated, that these persons wero tho property of individual
masters; so it is very improbable that thoy were slaves, tho
moro so as prisoners of war wero either killed or adopted,
but never enslaved 7). Tho other authors wo havo consulted
make no mention whatever of slaves.

captured boys and girls were received into their families, and
employed as servants; sometimes, however, they were sold to
Europeans. If such prisoners behaved well, they had nothing
to complain of and were not overworked. If they ran away
and were recaptured, they were generally killed. But the
adult male prisoners, viz. those of them who were not killed,
were adopted by families, instead of those who had been
killed in war or had died in some other way; and from this
moment were looked upon as members of the tribe to which
tbey now belonged As these men became members of tho
tribe, it is not probable that the captive children were made
slaves; we may safely suppose that as long as thoy were
young they had to perform menial work, but when adult
were on a level with the members of tho tribe. And as neither
Loskiel, in any other passage, nor Briuton refers to slavery,
slaves are very probably not to be found among tho Delawares

In Lo Jeune\'s account of tho Montagmis no mention is
made of slaves. Prisoners of war wore cruelly put to death\').

The Ojibways or Chippcxcays, according to Keating, killed
the captive warriors and old women; tho marriageable women
became slaves and were very cruelly treated by tho women
of the victorious tribo; tho childron were adopted and treated
fairly well Jones\'s account is somewhat different. Most often
all enemies wore killed. Sometimes thoy mado a few prisoners,
who were adopted by those who had lost a relative; then tho
adopted prisoner became a relative or slavo; if not adopted
ho was burned alive. Tho relatives of a murderer sometimes
paid largo indemnities to those of tho victim; tho murderer
had then to work for them in order to pay off tho debt; ho
was reduced to a kind of servitude In thcso accounts slaves
and servitude are mentioned. Tho sorvitudo of tho murderer
very probably is not slavery. He had to work; but it is not

stated that he was made a slave, i. e. the property of an
individual person. The prisoners who became „relatives or
slaves" were adopted; therefore they were not slaves in the
proper sense of the word. And as for the female slaves
Keating speaks of, we know that a slave system without male
slaves is not slavery proper. We may suppose, that these
female captives became an inferior kind of wives, to whom
the women of the tribe were unkind through a very natural
jealousy. The inference is that slavery did not exist i).

This inference is strengthened by what Tanner tells us of
the Ottawas, an Ojibway tribe. He was adopted by an
Ottawa woman, but was not at first on a level with the other
children. The first few years she made him do various kinds
of manual labour: he had to cut wood, fetch water and do
other kinds of work, which were not generally required from
children of his age. Yet when grown-up he was on a level
with tho Indians into whose tribe he was admitted, and
married an Indian girl 2).

Before passing to the Ottawas, Tanner had been a captive
amongst tho Shahnees. Ho was very cruelly and ignominiously
treated. Yet he was not a slave, for he had been adopted by
a married couple on tho grave of their youngest son, whoso
place he was to fill\'). As this agrees with the general customs
of this group, in which there are no slaves, wo may suppose
that here also slavery was unknown.

Tho Potawatomi also very probably had no slaves; for
none of their describers make any mention of slavery *).

Amongst tho Créas or Knistencnux, according to McLean,
adoption of aliens is practised. A missionary, who had unin-
tentionally killed a Creo boy, offered himself in his stead,
and was adopted. Mackenzie makes no mention of slavery *).

The Cheyennes very seldom captured adult males; when
tbey did, they generally put them to death. Children wero
adopted and treated like their own children; women became
the wives of their captors

The Blackfeet nation consists of four tnhes: Piegans, BlacJc-
feet, Bloods, and Gros Ventres. We are told that onco when
at war against the Crows, the Gros Ventres „rushed upon them
and killed the whole number"^). Grinnoll, speaking of a
Piegan chief, says: „He told his men not to kill tho cap-
tured women. They also captured---- many children. The

chief selected a wife for himself from among these women."
As a rule they spare none of their enemies, killing alike men,
women and children. Sometimes they sparo a captive for his
bravery or from dread of sorcery; ho is then provided with
victuals and dismissed to his homo Thoso particulars being
given, and no mention made of slavery by any of our authors
we may safely infer that slavery does not exist among these
tribes.

HolFmann, in his description of tho Mcnomini Indians^
referring to Grignon, says that ho does not know whether
they had captive slaves; but certainly thoy had purchased
slaves. Our author saw 6 male and 8 fomalo slaves, most of
whom had been enslaved whon young. Tho fomnlo slaves had
been sold for 100 dollars cach. Tho slaves wero callcd Paw-
nees, though some of them belonged to other tribes This
statement sufficiently proves, that in tho time of this descript-
ion tho Mcnomini had slaves. But in Hoffmann\'s time thoy
wore already very much undor tho influence of European
civilization. Whether at tho moro remote period from which
most of our information on tho Algonquin tribes dates slavery
existed among thom, wo do not know.

The Iroquois had no slaves. This is stated by Morgan, who
was intimately acquainted with them. „Slavery", says Morgan
„which in the Upper Status of barbarism became the fate
of the captive, was unknown among tribes in the Lower
Status in the aboriginal period." And the Iroquois are his
typical instance of this „Lower Status": „"When discovered
the Iroquois were in the Lower Status of barbarism." Cap-
tives were either put to death or adopted Charlevoix states,
that „most of their captives are condemned to death, or to a
state of abject slavery in which they were never certain of
their lives" But he gives no more particulars about this
slave state, nor do our other authors On the contrary,
Lafitau informs us, that the condition of prisoners, whoso
life is rather hard amongst the Algonquin tribes, amongst tho
Iroquois and Ilurons is very easy ♦). The descriptions given
by our authors of the fate of captives justify Morgan\'s state-
ment: they were either killed or adopted\'); and though La-
fitau calls tho prisoners „esclaves", he evidently does not mean
to say, that they are kept in a slave-liko state. So we may
safely infer, that slavery did not exist among them, and that
Charlevoix\'s above quoted statement is false.

The Tuscaroras, who later on joined tho league of tho
Iroquois, according to Fcatherman (who refers to Lawson
and Wyth) had slaves. „Slavery was a legal institution, but
tho slaves, who were principally recruited from prisoners of
war, were well treated and were never overburdened with
work". „When tho captive was allowed to live, and was
treated as a slave, thoy stripped off tho skin from tho root
of the too to tho middle of tho foot, and tho wound thus mado

3) Ijafitau and Loskiol. LoAkiol\'s account of tho Delaware» ajiplios equally
to tho Iroquois, soo Loskiol, p. 1.

was wrapped in the skin until it was healed. By this means
they rendered the escape of their slaves most difficult, for
wherever they went, their peculiar footmark could easily be
traced" i). Morgan\'s statement about the Iroquois in general
tends to weaken this assertion of Featherman\'s very much.
Yet Featherman\'s account may be true, without these captives
being slaves. It is not stated that they belonged to individuals,
nor that they did menial work. On the contrary, wo are
informed that „those who, from want of capacity or defici-
ency of force of character, were cowardly and lazy and had
no personal qualities that would entitle them to lay claim to
respect and consideration aa expert hunters and bravo war-
riors, occupied an inferior social position in the community.
They were compelled to perform all the bard labour and attend
to the common drudgeries. They were tho cooks, they worked
the fields, and collected the bark for the houses" From
this it appears that social rank did not depend on birth, but
on personal qualities. Thercforo wo may safely infer, that
these so-callcd slaves were in reality adopted prisoners.

Among the Htirons or Wyandots, according to Powell, tho
captives were either killed or adoptedLafitau\'s and Charlevoix\'s
accounts of tho fate of captives among tho Iroquois apply also
to the Ilurons. So it is probable that thoy had no slaves.

Adair, speaking of tho Katahbn, Cherokee, Muskoghe, Choc-
tnw and Chickasaw Indians, states that they burned thoir
prisoners. Only if a prisoner succeeded in escaping to tho
house of the high-priest or somo other place of refuge, ho
was not burned; but what his fate was in such a case wo
are not told. Young prisoners wore not killed; but it is not
stated what became of them. If warriors had ofTended a neigh-
bouring tribo, and tho chiefs wished to prevent war, thoy

sacrificed either one of the ofienders belonging to a weak
family or some unfortunate prisoner, who had been incorpor-
ated into a declining tribe\'). The last sentence seems to
show, that the custom of adopting prisoners prevailed here
too. At any rate, no mention is made of slaves.

Rochefort remarks that among the Apalaches (who, accor-
ding to Roosevelt, included the Cherokees, ChicJcasaics, Choc-
taws, Creeks and Sominoles an enemy who surrendered
during the fight, was taken to the conqueror\'s home with his
wife and children, held in an honourable freedom and treated
with as much leniency and care as their own servants\').
Whether such persons were slaves does not clearly appear
from this statement. But Adair\'s record tends to prove that
slavery did not exist, at least as far as the three former
divisions of the Apalaches are concerned.

Loskiel relates that a prisoner was once condemned to
death by the Chcrokees. He had already been tied to tho
stake, when a Cherokee woman arrived. She brought a bas-
ketful of commodities, which she deposed at tho foot of him
to whom the prisoner belonged, and bade him leave this pri-
soner to her, a childless widow, who wanted to adopt him as
a son. This was dono*).

The Seminolcs, too, used to burn their prisoners. According
to Featherman „young boys and girls were adopted by tho
various families to take tho place of those who had been
killed in tho hostile encounter" «).

Natchez warriors delivered their captives to tho families of
those who had fallen in battle. Tho captives woro always burned 7).

7) Charlevoix, Nouv. France, III pp. 420;soo also Lettres ódif., XX pp. 132,133.

Strachey describes the inhabitants of Virginia (several tribes).
He makes no mention of slaves. It is stated in his account,
that children and foreigners were sacrificed i); if there had
been slaves, these probably would in the first place have been
the victims. One of the objects of their wars was to capture
women and children. Before the commencement of the battle
it was announced that the conquered „upon their submission
or comyng in, though two daies after, should live, but their
wives and children© should be prize for the conquerors"
Probably they made the women their wives or concubines,
and adopted the children, as is done by so many Indian tribes;
but we are not quite sure about it.

Owen Dorsey, describing the Bacotahs or Siotix, says:
„There aro no slaves among tho Siouan tribes\'\' This as-
sertion is strengthened by our other authors making no
mention of slaves. Mrs. E. G. Eastman tells ua, that captive
women and children were well treated and restored on tho
conclusion of peace; but often they preferred to remain with
their new husbands and adopted parents \').

Mathews informs us, that tho Hidatsas generally adopt
the children captured in war, and treat them liko thoir own.
When grown-up thoy sometimes return to their own tribe,
but most often remain where thoy aro ®).

Owen Dorsey informs us that an>ong tho Omahas „Slavery
was not known". „Captives were not slain by tho Omahas
and Ponkas. When peace was declared, tho captive« wore
sent homo, if thoy wished to go. If not thoy could remain
where thoy wore, and were treated as if thoy wore men^bers

4) liaatman Uahcotah; ICaatman, Indian Ware; RoporU of Kxpl. Vol. I;
M31 bauson; Ten Kato. Noord-Amorika; Schoolcraft.

of the tribe; but they were not adopted by any one" This
positive statement is not weakened by James\'s assertion about
captive women becoming slaves

Hunter states that among the Osage and Kansas Indians
prisoners are adopted into the conquering tribe, as husbands,
wives and children Featherman also tells us, that among
tho Osages „prisoners are never reduced to slavery, and when-
ever they are adopted they are kindly treated and regarded
as members of the family" \'\').

Of the Assiniboins we are told: „Chiefs never receive a
gift, considering it a degradation to accept anything but what
their own prowess or superior qualities of manhood acquire
for them. Their hearts are so good and strong that they scorn
to take anything, and self-denial and the power to resist
temptation to luxury or easily acquired property is a boast
with them" Where even the chiefs rely only on their own
prowess, the existence of slavery is improbable.

Gibbs describes the tribes of Western Washington and
North-Western Oregon in gonoml. Though tho principal of
these tribes are tho Chinooks and tho tribes about Puget Sound,
there are probably some other tribes included in his general
description; therefore wo shall regard them as a separate
case. „Slavery," says Gibbs, „is thoroughly interwoven with
tho social polity of tho Indians of the coast section of Oregon
and Washington Territory. East of tho Cascades, though it
exists, it is not so cotnmon .... Southward it ceases, so far
as my observation has gone, with the Siskiou Mountains, which
divide Oregon from California"

killed by their sufferings." McLean, speaking of their wars,
remarks: „When one party lost more than the other, com-
pensation was made in slaves or some other kind of property"
This statement does not, however, prove that slavery existed
among them; these „slaves" might be members of the tribe,
delivered up either to be killed or adopted. Featherman reports:
„Slavery exists among the Salish to a very limited extent;
for as slaves are neither bought nor sold, and their children
being adopted as members of the tribe, their number is very
small" »). But as no more particulars are added, and we do
not know from what author Featherman got his information,
we are left in doubt as to tho existence of slavery.

The Chinooks havo slaves. „Slavery, common to all the
coast families, is also practised by the Chinooks;.... tho
slaves are objliged to perform all tho drudgery for their masters,
and their children must remain in their parents\' condition,
their round heads serving as a distinguishing niark from
freemen" »).

„Tho Sfmshwaps" Bancroft remarks, „arc said to havo no
slaves" i). Among tho Oluinagans, a divisitm of the Shushwaps,
according to Ross, „thoro are but fow slaves .... and thoso
few are adopted as children, and treated in all respects as
members of tho family" Whore all »laves aro adopted a«
children, slavery proper does not exist.

Another division of tho Shushwaps aro tho Atm/is on
Fraser River (not to be confused with te Atnaa on Copper
River). Mackonzio describes a division of Indians, whon\\ ho
does not mention under a separate namo; but thoy seem to
be akin to tho Atnahs. „The Atnah and Chin tribo," says
Mackenzie, „as far as I can judge from tho very littlo I saw
of that people, boar tho nearest rosomblanco to thom." On thoso

Indians he remarks: „The strangers who live among these
people are kept by them in a state of awe and subjection"
These stangers perhaps are slaves; but the lack of further
details prevents our arriving at any positive conclusion.

Bancroft, after describing the manner in which some tribes
put their prisoners to death, adds: „Among the Sahapiins
some survive and are made slaves.... The Nez Percé system
is a little less cruel in order to save the life for future slav-
ery" So the Sahaptins or Nez Percés seem to have slaves,
though we should wish for some more particulars that would
exclude all doubt.

Powers states, that female slaves are more numerous among
the Shastiica than among the Californians \'\'). This short note
is the only evidence we have been able to collect on the
subject.

Of the Northern Californians Bancroft tells us: „Although
I find no description of an actual system of slavery existing
among them, yet there is no doubt that they have slaves."
„Illegitimate children are the life-slaves of some male relative
of the mother, and upon them tho drudgery falls; they are
only allowed to marry ono in their own station, and their
solo hopo of emancipation lies in a slow accumulation of
allicochick (shell-money), with which thoy can buy their
freedom" •). •

Powers gives somo more particulars about two North Cali-
fornian tribes. Among the Karoks it is thought ignominious
for a man to havo connection with a female slave. Whon tho
purchase-money for tho wifo has not been paid, tho childron
are looked upon as bastards; thoy live as outcasts and marry
none but persons of thoir own condition. Among tho Hupas
a similar system prevails. A bastard is much doapised; when

old enough be is taken from his mother and becomes the
property of one of her male relatives; he is not a slave, and
yet has no share in the privileges of the family. The produce
of his labour belongs to his master; he may marry only a
person of his own condition, and is treated w^ith ignominy.
What he wins by gaming is his own; when this amounts to
15 or 20 dollars, he is free. His children are of the same
rank \').

Although these bastards present a close resemblance to
slaves. Powers explicitly says that they are not slaves. Pro-
bably they are only a despised class; for social status, among
these tribes, depends largely upon wealth. The chief „obtains
his position from his wealth, and usually manages to transmit
his effects, and with them his honours, to his posterity" \').
«The ruling passion of the savage seems to bo love of wealth;
having it he is respected, without it ho is despised" Wo
may therefore suppose, that these bastards aro despised bo-
cause penniless, and as soon as thoy possess 15 or 20 dollars,
respected for thoir wealth. And as wo „find no description of
an actual system of slavery existing among thom," slavery
probably does not exist

Gatschet, describing tho Klamath Indians, makes mention
of slaves. Onco they attacked tho Pit River Indians, „killed
the men, abducted tho womon and children to their homes,
or sold thom into slavery at tho international bartering place
at Tho Dalles." According to Judge E. Stoolo „thoy had been
Boiling to whites and others Indian children of their own and
other tribes, and also squaws, tho latter mainly for the pur-
pose of prostitution"»). Whether all slaves wero sold abroad,

Stir of ours is strongtbonod by U.
Gibbs\', which wo have already referred to: «Sou hw.rd . 1 ^

Oregon from California." (Qibbs; p. A88).
5) Gatachot, pp. 59, C2-, soo also pp. 00, 10.

or any slaves were kept by them, does not appear. According to
Bancroft „Mr. Drew asserts that the Klamath children of slave
parents, who, it may be, prevent the profitable prostitntion or
sale of the mother, are killed without compunction" \'). Al-
together the notes given by our authors aro insufficient for us
to decide, whether slavery really exists here.

On the Central Californians Bancroft remarks: „Slavery in
any form is rare, and hereditary bondage unknown." „They
do not appear to have kept or sold prisoners as slaves, but
to have either exchanged or killed them" Here „rare" is
perhaps a synonym for „absent"; at any rate the existence
of slavery here is doubtful.

Of the Southern Californians „Boscana says that no male
prisoners are taken and no quarter given; and Hugo Reid
affirms of the natives of Los Angeles County that all prisoners,
after being tormented in the most cruel manner, are invari-
ably put to death.....Female prisoners aro either sold or

So they seem not to have any male slaves; therefore slavery
proper probably does not exist.

Tho Nishiium, according to Powers, kill thoir male prison-
ers. Women, after being flogged, aro married; but sometimes
they aro also killed ♦). So it seoms that they havo no slaves.

set forth that from time immemorial slavery has been a cus-
tomary traffic among the Indians." But wo are not told who
bought and who sold tho slaves. It is only stated that tho
Utahs sold their wives and children into slavery to tho Na-
vajos\'). It is not probable that tho Shoshones and Utahs

Bancroft, describing the Apache family (including Apaches,
Comanches, Navajos, Mojaves, etc.), says: „All the natives
of this family hold captives as slaves" ■). But his account of
the Comanches does not quite agree with this general state-
ment: „Prisoners belong to the captors and the males are
usually killed, but women are reserved and become tho wives
or servants of their owners, while children of both sexes are
adopted into the tribe" According to Schoolcraft „prisoners
of war belong to the captors and may be sold or released at
their will". Captive children are adopted and afterwards are
on a level with the members of the tribe <). Gregg speaks of
prisoners being enslaved and ill-treated by the conquerors.
But whether he means to say that they remained slaves is
not clear»). Cessac also speaks of slaves. „If, among tho capt-
ives of the dead, one was particularly loved by his master,
ho is sacrificed and buried with him." „If a favourite slave is
sacrificed, it is to give the master a fellow-traveller." No
moro particulars about theso slaves are given. In their wars
against the Mexicans they spare none but tho children, whom
thoy treat as their own. „These captives forget their origin
and later on, when full-grown, bccomo an integral part of
the tribe" *). It is not clear whether tho slaves Cessac speaks
of aro identical with theso adopted children; ho would not
havo used then tho term „slave" in its proper sense. Ten
Kate, a careful observer, states that a number of Mexican
captives, altogether about fifty, live among tho Comanches
and Kioways; they havo almost entirely adopted tho manners
and customs of tho Indians and aro considered by tho latter

as members of their tribes\'). Another author tells us of a
Mexican boy and girl, taken prisoners by the Comanches.
The boy was afterwards sold to the Cherokees, the girl was
married against her will by a Comanche. Another captive
Mexican woman was married to a Comanche chiefs). Comp-
aring these several statements, we may safely infer, that the
Comanches do not keep slaves, but adopt their prisoners.

Ten Kate\'s above-quoted statement applies also to the
Kioicays. Mollbausen met with two young Mexican prisoners
among them, a man and a woman. The young man declared,
that he did not want to exchange his present abode for another.
The woman, though married to a chief and mother of a young
chief, expressed the wish to return to her own country; but
the chief would not let her and her child goWe may
suppose, that the same state of things prevails here as among
the Comanches.

Of the Apaches proper Bancroft (besides his above-quoted
general statement) says: „They treat their prisoners cruelly;
scalping them, or burning thom at tho stake; yet, ruled as
they are by greediness, tliey are always ready to exchange
them for horses, blankets, beads, or other property. When
hotly pursued, thoy murder their male prisoners, preserving
only the females and children, and tho captured cattle" ♦).
This is not very suggestive of slavery; and Bancroft\'s general
statement about the Apacho family appears rather strange.
Schoolcriift tolls us: „Those [tho chiefs] can have any number
of wives thoy choose; but one only is tho favourite. She is
admitted to his confidence, and superintends his household
affairs; all tho other wives aro slaves to her; next come his
peons, or slaves, and his wife\'s slaves, and tho servants of
his concubines; then tho young men or warriors, most gene-
rally composed of tho youth who have dosortod other tribes

«These „slaves", ranking even above the warriors, very prob-
ably are not slaves in the true sense of the word. As no
mention is made of true slaves, we may suppose that slavery
does not exist among the Apaches.

In an above-quoted passage Bancroft states that the Utahs
frequently sell their wives and children as slaves to the
Navajos. According to Bent the Navajos „have in their pos-
session many prisoners, men, women and children,.... whom
they hold and treat as slaves" But these statements are not
sufficient for us to go upon; these prisoners may be adopted,
or intended to be sold, as well as kept as slaves.

Miss Olive Oatman, detained among the Mohaves or Mojaves,
says: „They invented modes and seemed to create necessities
of labor that they might gratify themselves by taxing us to
the utmost, and even took unwarranted delight in whipping
us on beyond our strength. And all their requests and exact-
ions were couched in tho most insulting and taunting language
and manner, as it then seemed, and as thoy had tho frankness
soon to confess, to fume their hate againt the race to whom
we belonged. Often under tho frown and lash were wo com-
pelled to labor for whole days upon an allowance amply suf-
ficient to starve a common dandy civilized idler"\'). Though
such prisoners are hold in a slave-like state, yet evidently
the object of tho masters in imposing disagreeable work upon
them is not to get useful labourers, but to „fume their hate".
This account may warn us against attaching too much value
to statements about slavery among similar tribes, especially
whore the „slaves" aro whites. For such tribes, as tho Apaches,
who are always ready to exchange their prisoners for somo
property, will bo very apt to tako prisoners, especially whites,
who aro likely to olfor a bettor ransom than Indians. In such

cases the prisoners are not killed; for by killing them the
Indians would lose their ransom; but they may safely, as in
Miss Oatman\'s case, be treated as slaves by way of vengeance.
But where these are the only slaves existing, a regular slave-
system does not prevail. As for the Mohaves, no more particu-
lars being given, we do not know whether they have slaves.

In Bancroft\'s account of the Pueblo tribes no mention is
made of slavery. On the Pimas he informs us: „If prisoners
are taken, the males are crucified or otherwise cruelly put to
death, and the women and children sold as soon as possible" \').

In Parker Winship\'s article it is quoted from Mendoza\'s
letter, that the Cibola Pueblo „keep thoso whom thoy capture
in war as slaves" This being tho only reference made to
slavery, we are unable to decide whether it really existed.

Ten Kato in his detailed account of tho Ziini (a Pueblo tribo)
makes no mention of slavery; so they probably havo no slaves

Bancroft, describing the Lower Californians, has nothing
about slavery. Although their battles aro described at somo
length, no mention is made of captives; probably thoy take
no prisoners <). Wo may therefore safely infer, that slavery
does not exist among them.

5) Tlio names printed in italios contain tho clear, tho other tho mora
dubious cases (vide: p. 40).

Saliaptins or Nez Percés,
Klamaths,
Navajos,
Cibola Pueblos.
Negative cases: Greenlnndcrs,

Almka,
Eskimos of Point Barrow,
KtUchins or LoucJieur,
Chqmoyaus or Athalniscas,
Jjcnapc or Delawares,
Montagnnis^

According to the census of 18G0 sovoral Indian tribes had
Negro-slaves. Our informant cnumoratcs tho Choctawa^ Chero-

Tcees, Creeks and Chickasaws. Slavery was carried on to a
great extent ; some owners had from 50 to 200 slaves We
may remember that all these originally had no slaves.

The Creeks already in Bartram\'s time (1789) had slaves.
He tells us of a chief who kept 15 Negroes ; they were slaves
until they married Indian women, and then acquired the pri-
vileges of the tribe. Schoolcraft informs us that „if an Indian
should murder a Negro, tho law is satisfied with the value
of tho Negro being paid to the owner" *).

The Seminolcs also had Negro-slaves, according to Roosovelt
and Gregg \'). But Maccauley is not quite certain about it.
He observed a few Negroes living with them. It had been
said that they wore slaves; but our author is not of that
opinion Maccauley\'s account, however, dates from a later
period than tho other stiitements.

Amongst tho French Créoles tho rich possessed slaves, Negroes
imported from Africa and Indians ovorconio and taken in battlo.

But, as has already been said in the first paragraph of this
chapter, those facta present no phenomena of unadulterated
savage life. Thoso Indian tribes had already undergone great
changes by contact with tho whites. Moreover, tho Negroes
kept by thom as slaves woro in a very peculiar condition,
living in a foreign continent amongst foreign roccs. So wo
aro justified in omitting thoso case« from our list of slavo*
keeping Indian tribes.

1) Douilin, pp. 820, 827. Qrvgg (II p. 105) kIao muton thnt Nogro «Utm
wero lo Im) found nmong thww tribi<4.
9) lUrtmni, p. .38; Sohoolonia, I p. 277.

Mexico Bancroft remarks: „Seldom is sex or age spared, and
when prisoners are taken, they are handed over to the women
for torture, who treat them most inhumanly, heaping upon
them every insult devisable, besides searing their flesh with
burning brands, and finally burning them at the stake, or
sacrificing them in some equally cruel manner. Many cook
and eat the flesh of their captives, reserving the bones as
trophies"These particulars given, and no mention being
made of slaves, slavery probably does not exist among them.

Among the toild tribes of Central Mexico „the heads of the
slain were placed on poles and paraded through their villages
in token of victory, the inhabitants meanwhile dancing round
them. Young children were sometimes spared, and reared to
fight in the ranks of their conquerors, and in order to bru-
talize their youthful minds and eradicate all feelings of affection
toward their own kindred, the youthful captives wero given
to drink tho brains and blood of their murdered parents"
"Whether these children became slaves is not quito clear;
we should think not, as they were „reared to fight in tho
ranks of their conquerors"; but this may also bo tho case
with slaves®). The lack of further particulars prevents our
arriving at a positive conclusion.

Bancroft\'s notes on the wild tribes of South Mcxico aro very
scanty. Thoy sacrificed their prisoners. Tho Mayas had ftMualo
slaves *).

Bancroft informs us that „ono principal objcct of war among
tho ancicnt nations of Honduras was to make slaves; but tho
Mosquito Coast was free from this ecourgo, according to all
accounts." „When prisoners wore t<iken thoy wero usually

Coast, makes no mention of slavery So the inhabitants of
Honduras had slaves, whereas those of the Mosquito Coast
had not.

Slavery, according to Bancroft, was in force among the
inhabitants of the Mhmtis of Panama and Costa Rica, with
the exception of the Caribs. „The prisoner is the slave of the
captor; he is branded on the face and one of liis front teetli
knocked out. The Caribs however used to kill and eat their
prisoners". Gabb, who gives several particulars about tho
tribes of Costa Rica, makes no mention of slavery. According
to Pokalowsky the Indians of Coctu in Costa Rica, when
conquered- by the Spaniards in tho 16»\'» century, had slaves.
„They cut off tho heads of their prisoners and preserve them
as trophies; the boys and girls of tho enemies arc enslaved
or sacrificed to thoir gods. If a master dies, his slaves aro
killed and buried with him; this custom prevails hero to a
greater extent than in any other part of India"

Bancroft\'s statement about tho Caribs of the Isthmm is con-
firmed by tho fact that Pinart, who has largely drawn upon
ancient spanish literature, makes no menti(m of slavery

Rochefort speaks of slavery existing among tho Cktribs of
the Antilles. Thoy believed, that tho bravest warriors of thoir
nation after death would live in happy islands, and havo thoir
enemies, tho Arawaks, for slaves; whereas tho cowards would
bo tho slaves of tho Arawaks. In their wars with tho Spani-
ards they did not kill tho Negro slaves, but took thorn with
them and mado thorn work. Sometimes slaves wore killed
after their master\'s death, to sorvo him in tho other world.
Male prisoners worn killed nnd oaten after a few days. Cap-
tive women bncamo slaves; their childriMi woro roared with
those of tho Caribs. Fomalo prisoners woro Bomotimes tjiken
for wives; then tho childron wore freo, but tho mothors ro-
mainod Blavos. In tho isle of Saint Vincent thoro woro in

Rochefort\'s time English boys and girls, captured when very
young; they had quite forgotten their parents, and would not
even return with them, so accustomed were they to the life
of the Caribs, who treated them very kindly, just as if they
were of their own nation. De la Borde makes no mention
of slaves \'). Though some details given by Rochefort seem
rather suggestive of adoption of captive children, there are
several facts indicative of real slavery. Where it is stated that
when a captive woman was taken as a wife, the children
were free, this statement implies that the other children
of captive women, and children taken as prisoners, were
slaves.

Tho Continental Caribs, according to Qumilla, killed all
their prisoners, except the young women and children, whom
they sold So slavery probably did not exist among them.

Ling Roth, in his article on Hispaniola or Hayti (inhabited
by Arawaks), makes no mention of slavery; but this does
not prove much, as his sources of information (early Spanish
literature) were very incomplete. For instance, ho has not
been able to find anything bearing on tho division of labour
between the sexes \').

Tho several describers of tho Indians of Guiana *) make
no mention of slavery. The tribes most fully described are
tho Arawaks, Warraus, Macusi and liouconycnnes. Martius
however states that tho Arawaks havo slaves, who work in
their houses and on tho fields *). So wo are not certain about
tho Arawaks; but we may safoly suppose that omong tho
three other peoples slovery does not exist.

Tho Saliva of Columbia, according to Qumilla, mado war
in order to acquire slaves to till their lands

4) Ira Thurn; Brett; R. Sohomburgk; R. H.Sohomburgk; Joo«t, Guyana;
Bonaparte; Coudroau; Vidal.

In Sievers\', Reclus\' and Simons\' descriptions of tlie
Goajiro no mention is made of slaves \'). According to De
Brettes, however „slavery exists; but the slave is a member
of the family, though looked upon as an inferior being that
may be killed if he refuses to obey". A few more details are
added about these slaves Sievers, reviewing De Brettes\'
articles, remarks that this author is generally not very trust-
worthy, but that the ethnographical parts aro the best of his
work. Speaking of a photograph of Goajiro slaves given by
Do Brettes, he adds: „If there can bo any question at all of
slavery among them" "). On tho same page, however, ho trans-
lates Do Brettes\'s ethnographical account of tho Goajiro, in
which it is stated that slavery exists, without any commentary.
Whether Sievers thinks it probable that slaves aro to be
found here, is not quito clear; so wo cannot arrive at any
accurate conclusion.

Tho ancient Tupinambas had no slaves. Do Lory describes
at considorablo length tho fato of thoir captives, who were killed
and eaten; oven tho child of a captivo and a woman of thoir
own tribe was not allowed to live. Though an expert hunter
or fisher, and a woman well able to work, woro preserved
somowlmt longer than tho rest, all wore invariably killed after
a fow months. No whoro in Do Lory\'s book does it appear,
that thoy made slaves by capture or by any other means

Martius remarks about tho Indians of liraeil in general:
„Many of those tribes keep slaves.... Captivity in war is
tho only causo by which ono loses his freedom, ospccially if
a malo; for tho husband may soli his wifo and children; but
this is of raro occurrenco"

Tho Apiacas (a group of tho Central Tupis), according to
tho same author, in their wars kill all adult prisoners, malo

3) SioTi.n», Do« Urafcn Jowf .lo llrotto* lloiiwn, pp. 3HI, :W2.
i) Do U-ry, pp 9>r>-24\'2; «w c«pooinlly pp. iT), SUdo gitw «
«irnilur account of tho treatment of prisoner«, quotod by Androo pp. BT»—88.
5) .Martiu», pp. 71, 74.

and female, and eat them. Children they take with them and
rear them with their own; they make them work in tho plan-
tations; but when about twelve or fourteen years old these
children aro killed and eaten \'). Though these children may be
kept in a somewhat slave-like state, a tribe that kills its slaves
when fullgrown is not properly to be called a slave-keeping tribe.

Of the Miranlias we are told that they enslave their pri-
soners; but usually these prisoners aro intended to be sold
to the whites. It does not appear whether any of them aro
kept for the Miranlias\' own use\').

Keane, von Tschudi and Ehrenreich make no mention of
slaver)- among the Botocudos. According to Zu Wied „tho
conqueror persecutes the vanquished, and but seldom makes
captives, at least among the Botocudos; but on the Belmonte
there are said to be seen some who woro used as slaves for
all kinds of labour" We do not know what this last second-
hand information of Zu Wied\'s is worth; but wo are justified
in inferring that tho Botocudos in general (except thoso on
Rio Belmonte) havo no slaves.

Azara states that in his time (ho travelled in 8outh America
from 1781 to 1801) tho GuaycunX had nearly died out, only
one man being loft *). But according to Boggiani Guaycurft
is a general namo for tho tribes inhabiting tho Gran Chaco ®).
so this statement of Azam\'s seems to apply to a small division
of tho Ouaycurd only. Southoy and Martius give somo parti-
culars abount tho slave-system of tho Guaycurfl^); butColini,
who has taken great pains to ascertain tho idonty of thcao

4) Kenno; von Tschudi; Khronroioh, Botocudos; Zu Wiod, Brasilion II
p. 45. Miirtiui (p. 320) apparently relies entirely on Zu Wiod. \'

tribes, quotes these descriptions as referring to the Mbay^s.
Of the ancient Guaycuril he says: „In their combats they
gave no quarter to the adult males; but they spared the lives
of the youths, whom they educated after their customs and
gave in marriage to their daughters, so as to augment tho
number of their tribe. Full-grown women were sold to the
neighbouring nations, who made them slaves"\'). The only
captives whom they kept among them, the youths, were not
slaves; so slavery probably did not exist among them.

Two tribes inhabiting the Gran Chaco and so belonging
to the GuaycurA in Boggiani\'s sense, aro described by Thouar.
Of tho Chingwmos he says: „The prisoners aro the property
of their captors and must serve the mistress of the hut." In
his description of tho Tobns ho makes no mention of slavery
Thouar, however, does not seem to bo very reliable\'\').

Tho Mhayds, according to Azara, iu his time had two kinds
of slaves, the ono composed of tho GuanAs, tho other of Indian
and Spanish prisoners of war. But tho former woro no real
slave-class. Tho Guaniis „used to repair in troops to tho
Mbayds, to obey and servo them and till thoir lands without
any payment. Ilenco tho Mbayila always call thom their slaves.
This slavery is indeed very n>ild, as tho Guanil voluntarily
submits to it, and leaves off whenever ho likes." Theso „slaves"
who lead a tribal lifo and come and go when thoy liko, certainly
are not slaves. Tlio others however woro real slaves. Thoy
procured tho fuel, cooked tho food, took care of tho horses
and tilled tho land. Whon Azara onco ofTored a present to a
Mbayd, tho latter would not take it himself, but ordered his
slavoH to rocoivo it for him. Even tho poorest Mbaya had
throo or four slaves. During tho mourning-timo women and
slavos might not H|)oak nor oat any moat. Ono place in Awira\'s
book Beoms to flhow that thoy had not slaves: „Thoy said
thoy had rocoived a divino command to wago war against all

nations, kill tlie adult males and adopt the women and children,
in order to augment their number. But where the recorded
tradition and the description of the actual state of things dis-
agree, we hold that the latter is to be accepted \'). Colini refers
to Azara and Martius, and then adds: „Serra however asserts
that among the Mbayas slavery proper (la schiavitii vera e
propria) did not exist; the slaves might rather be called ser-
vants." They fought together with the freemen and took part
in the public council, even when it decided upon war and
peace. They married free persons, but were themselves looked
upon as slaves. On the master\'s death, the sons or next rela-
tions, according to the rules of inheritance, became masters of
the slaves; but these rights were only nominal. Tho slaves
gradually merged into the tribe. Yet it was always considered
as degrading to be a descendant of a slave; those who had
in their ancestry none but members of tho tribo were very
proud of it. Generally the best slave-girls were married to their
masters; the boys of greatest promise wero treated as sons,
whereas the others were set to do the rougher work This
account, however, does not prove that the captives were not
slaves. Some of the boys only were treated as sons; what
were tho rest if not slaves ? And even slaves may to a cortjun
degree be treated as sons. Tho slaves gradually coalesced with
tho tribe {though not entirely); but wo are told that this
change took place „through personal merits and intermarriage."
This shows tliat all captives wore not on a level with freemen;
probably it was only tho most deserving prisimors, and tho
offspring of slaves and freemen, who attended tho public coun-
cil and wero on an equal footing with tho main body of
tribesmen. Slaves may bo kindly treated and yet bo slaves.
Our opinion is, that wo havo hero a schinvitu vera cpropria\',
tho more so, as tho description given by Azara, a good autho-
rity, leads to tho same conclusion.

people as the ancient Mbayds. V"ery probably he is right here.
Yet we have seen how much confusion there is in the appli-
cation of the terms Guaycurd and ilbayds; so we are a little
sceptical, iloreover, there is a great lapse of time between the
early descriptions of the Mbayds and Boggiani\'s travels, and
during that time their state of culturo has greatly changed;
from nomadic hunters they havo in the present century be-
come settled agriculturists So we aro justified in treating
them separately. Tho Caduvei keep slaves. The slaves aro
well treated, but looked upon as an inferior race. The ruder
kinds of work, and tho tilling of tho soil, fall to their share.
As a rule they aro kindly treated, without being allowed to
forget their duties. They oxchango tho slaves among them
for horses, cattlo and various commodities

Pohl states, that tho Catweiros had captured a young mnn
and treated him wellNothing moro being added wo cannot
make out whether slavery exists.

Von don Stoinen, who has visited the tribes on the Upper
Schingii \\Carib, Arawak and Tupi tribes, much of tho author b
attention boing bestowed on tho BakaVri), makes no montion
of slavery. If it existed, ho cortainly would havo observed
and mentioned it.

Also in llonsors description of tho Coroados, who are often
identified with tho Bororo, thoro is not a word to bo found
about slaves *).

Tho Knrayas on llio Araguaya keep captivo womon in a
somewhat slavo-likc state. Prisoners of war, adopted int<» tho
tribo, Homotimos aro made chiefs if thoy havo distinguished
thomBolves\'). This ia not very Buggostivo of slavery; but
tho dotjiiis given nro not sufficient for us to arrive at a dear
oonolusion.

On the Zdparos we get this scanty information. They aro
always at war, killing many of the men, and stealing the
women, children and chattels of the enemies, the children
either for use as servants or for sale. A boy or girl stolen
by them is commonly sold to traders\'). Apparently the author
himself is - in doubt, whether any of these captives are kept
as slaves.

Some savage tribes of Peru are treated of by Ordinaire.
In his account of the Campas or Aniis there is nothing bear-
ing on slavery. He states that he met with a Lorenzo child
living among the Campas; but it is not clear whether this
was a slave; and the rest of his ample record makes tho
existence of slavery rather improbable

About the Gonibas and kindred tribes he remarks, that
among their wives there are somo slaves captured from neigh-
bouring tribes. But as he states, that all the fatiguing work is
incumbent on women, it is probable (though not at all certain),
that there are no male slaves and therefore no slavery proper.
Prisoners of war are killed at their feasts\').

The Gmnas probably have no slaves. Wo are told that
the head of tho tribe „is obliged to work for his subsistence,
as nobody serves him" «).

As littlo does it appear that tho Yuracarda and Mocilinh
aro slave-keeping tribes. Tho former live in fatnilies, and even
in thoso subordination is unknown. Tho latter aro not war-
like •). It is not, however, a first-rato authority to whom wo
owe these particulars.

The Chiquilos, according to tho same author, in their wild
state attacked their neighbours, and made slaves, to whom they
gavo thoir own daughters as wives ®). Whether theso prisonora
woro slaves is not clear; wo should rathor think not.

The Chapncuras were very peaceable, and but seldom attac-
ked their neighbours Whether slavery existed among thom
we are not told.

Tho 2I0X0S, in D\'Orbigny\'s time, had already long been
civilized and christianized. What their political institutions
were in their former wild stato wo do not know

Tho principal native people of Paraguay were the Ahiponcs,
described at large by DobrizhofFer. The prisoners thoy mado
were very leniently treated. They gave the prisoners the best
of their food, and tended them when ill. The prisoners had
daily opportunity to run away, but thoy did not desire it,
for they were very contented. Thoy were never beaten, nor
oven reproved. Thoy hunted and fought together with tho
Abipones. And yet thoy woro not merged into tho nation of
tho Abipones; for tho Abipono women generally would marry
only a man of thoir own people; and tho men never married
female prisoners, nor had thoy any connection with thom. It
appears that every captive was assigned to an individual
master. So wo havo horo to deal with tho fact, that ono man
18 tho property of another boyond tho limits of tho family
proper, i. 0. slavery, though slavery of an extraordinarily mild
character

Tho Pnyaguas in thoir wars kill all adult mon, and preserve
tho women nnd childron. What becomes of tho latter does
not appear. The Payaguas aro absolutely froo and do not
recognize any difForcnco of classcs. From this it is probable,
though not ccrtjiin, that thoy havo no slaves

Tho JUtihnapis, according to Azara, aro hunters; agrieulturo
among them is incumbont on slavcB. No further particulars
aro given about those Blavcs. Tho Enimagas aro said formerly
to have held tho Mbayos in a kind of slavery; but such a
subjection of a tribo aa a whole is not Blavery in tho true

sense; slavery is subjection of individuals. If the „slaves"
the Enimagas had in Azara\'s time were of the same descrip-
tion, they were not slaves \'). So we cannot arrive here at any
definite conclusion.

D\'Orbigny remarks, that the Charruas when at war killed
all the men, and preserved the women and children, whom
they made concubines and slavesAs Azara\'s statement
is quite different, I shall translate it literally, „All are equal;
nobody serves another; or it must be some old woman who,
having no means of subsistence, joins somo family, or assists
at the burying of the dead". In their wars they „kill all thoy
meet, preserving none but the women and children under
twelve years of age. They take their prisoners along with
them, and let them enjoy their freedom; most of them marry
there and get so much accustomed to this modo of life, that
they but rarely wish to return to their own people^). Although
such kind treatment is compatible with slavery, Azara\'s sta-
tement about nobody serving another is positive enough to
exclude all notion of slavery. Heusser and Claraz, who seem
to bo well informed, make no mention of slavery This fact
together with tho above-quoted positive statement of Azara,
who on tho whole seems to us more reliable than D\'Orbigny
and who also treats this matter much moro fully, leads us
to conclude that thoy have no slaves. Tho lapso of time between
Azara\'s and D\'Orbigny\'s travels (from about 30 to 50 years)
might account for tho difference of their descriptions; but it
seems to Hs that so much importance need not bo attached
to tho latter\'s short remark.

5) Azara trarellod in South America for 20 yearn, D\'Orbigny for only 7.
Tho former was oommiiwary and commandant of tho Spanish fronticm iii
Paraguay; tho latter mado a journey for soiontifio purpotkw, mainly itoolo-
gical.

in their mode of warfare, and in acknowledging no social
classes\'). We may therefore suppose them to have had no
slaves.

The Patagons or Tehuclches, according to Musters and Falk-
ner, have slaves. The same is stated by Letourneau on the
authority of Guimard -). And as these authors not only assert
that there are slaves, but also give some particulars about
them, wo may be sure that slavery really exists.

About tho Piielchcs wo get somo information from Azara,
who calls them Pampas. „In war they kill all adult males,
preserving nono but tho women and young boys; these thoy
take home and treat in the samo manner as tho Charruas do.
It is true, that thoy impose somo labours upon them, and uso
them as slaves or servants until thoy marry; but then thoy
arc as free as tho othera"\'). Such men, who as soon as thoy
marry aro on a level with tho members of tho tribe, certainly
aro not slaves.

Tho Araucaniaits, according to D\'Orbigny, kill their malo
enemies and enslave tho women and children ♦). Molina says:

„The prisoners of war, as is tho custom of all somibar-
barous nations, bccomo tacaicJii, i. c. slaves, until thoy arc
exchanged or ransomed" *). In his detailed description of
Araucanian social lifo ho makes no further mention of slaves,
nor do tho other authors o). So wo may suppose that tho
prisoners are always exchanged or ransomed, and that slavery
is unknown among thom.

About tho Fiwgiaus wo havo this positive statomont of
Ilyados and D<$nikcr: „Thoy have no chiefs, no labourers
who work for pay, and no slaves"^). This statement, already
valuable in itself, is corroborated by tho fact, that none of

the other authors "we have consulted on the subject make any
mention of slavery\').

Resiilt. Positive cases: Ancient nations of Honduras, inha-
bitants of Panama and Costa Rica,
Caribs of the Antilles,
Mundrticxis,
Manhis,
Mbayas,
Cadiivei,
Abiponcs,
Tehuclches,
Arawaks,
Saliva,
Qoajiro,
Chiriguanos,
Enimagas.

Negative cases: Wild tribes of North Mexico, natives
of the Mosquito Coast, Carihs of
the Isthmus,
H^arraus,
Macusi,
Roucouyennrs,
Tupinambas^
Apiacas,
liotoctulos,

continental Caribs,
Guaycurd,
Tobas,
Coroados,
Karayas,
Zaparos,
Cam pas,
Conibos,
Yuracares,
Moc6t6n6s,
Chiquitos,
Chapacuras,
Payaguas.

No conclusion: Wild tribes of South Mexico,
natives of Ilispaniola,
^[iranhas,
Canooiros,
Moxos.

The Australian tribes, on which we have boon able to
collect some notes, are the f«»llowing:

„ „ Victoria River Doiom Sl<Uion,
„ „ Queensland and New South Wales,
n „ Morcton Ihiy,
„ on Herbert River,
„ of North-west Central Queensland,
r, n N. S. Ifales,

natives of South Australia,
„ „ South-west Australia,
„ „ King George Sound,
„ „ tJw Moore River District,
„ „ Central Australia,

Nowhere in all the books and articles we havo consulted on
these tribes is any mention made of slaves. Hero our group-
argument may be brought to bear. If wo had but ono or two
of these descriptions, wo might hesitate to assert that slavery
does not exist; for thoy are not, all of them, very complete.
But hero wo have to deal with an isolated district, inhabited
by tribes physically and psychically much resembling each
other, so much so, that somo ethnographers") and theorists^)
speak of tho Australians as if thoy wero ono people, as if
all Australians wero in exactly tho samo stato of culture.
This really is erroneous: there aro many difForoncos in several
respects between tho Australian tribos But that thoy can bo

1) Tho litcraturo on tho Torogoing; tribos is tho samo m tlmt quoted on
p. 20, Chapter I. Such largo dirisions as for instance „natives of Queens-
land and N. S. Wales" havo been treated hero as singlo tribos, (khuiuso
tho aooountn of our othnographers show that, though using a goneral term,
they only describe ono or a fow tribo« they are ooqujiintcd with.

G) Curr; Ilrough Smyth. Gcrland\'s survey of Auitnilian social lifo i«
much better.

8) Comp. Steinmetz\' treatment of tho problem of Amtrolian chieftainship,
Strafe, U p. 20-42.

treated in tliis manner, proves that the differences aro not so
very great; it is inconceivable, that Grosse would havo spoken
in the same way of tho American Indians or the Negroes.
What wo mean to say now is this: our information on somo
Australian tribes is not sufficient to prove that just in that
district which each particular account relates to, slavery does
not exist. But then tho several accounts strengthen each other;
for taking into consideration the great likeness existing between
tho Australian tribes, it is a priori unlikely that somo of
these tribes would havo and others would not havo slaves.
Moreover, if iu any part of Australia slavery existed, our
ethnographers probably would have found this too remarkable
a fact to leave unnoticed.

Aa little mention is made of slaves by thoso ethnographers
who speak of tho Australians in general\'). According to
Brough Smyth „cach of tho principal men and priests seeks
for his food, and ministers to hia own wants (with such help
as ho gets from his wivos); and has no one whom ho can
call servant" Gorland states that the Australians mako no
captivos, except women sometimes •"\').

All this makes it sufficiently clear that tho Australians
havo no «laves Tho 23 tribes wo have hero enumerated
may therefore rank as clear cases of savago tribes without
slaves.

Tho Xf:w CtilaloniauH, according to Ilocluw, havo no alavcs
proper, but only vassals. Prisoners of war bocomo mnmbera
of tho family *). Brainno informs us, that there aro two social
cliuwca: ohiofa of various kinds, and sorfa; tho hittor term
probably means tho common people. Do Vaux and Logrand

make no mention whatever of slaves According to Glaumont
there are four classes, of which the fourth is composed of
slaves {en-dji-dio) But no further particulars are given about
these slaves in his rather long article; so it is probably by
mistake that he speaks of slaves. "We are therefore justified
in concluding that slavery does not exist.

On the state of things in the Solomon Islands we aro well
informed by several authers. Elton says: „If a man is married
and has got a little money and a few slaves, he calls himself
a chief, but does not exercise any power over his slaves; thoy
do pretty well as they like" \') The notes of our other ethnogra-
phers relate to single parts of this group. Vorguet states that
in St. Christoval the slaves „are treated as adopted children;
tho slave cultivates the master\'s fields together with the master
himself; he helps him to prepare the food and accompanies
him when hunting or fighting; he shares in his pleasures
as well as in his labour; when tho tribo celebrates a feast, tho
slaves are not excluded from it. When full-grown, they marry
into their master\'s tribo, erect their houses next to their
master\'s house or share tho latter. Sometimes tho master docs
not disdain to marry his slave"*). Codrington, whoso notes
mainly relate to tho samo parts of tho group, remarks: „Thoro
is no such thing as slavery properly so called. In head-hunting
expeditions prisoners aro made for the sake of their heads,
to bc used when occasion requires, and such persons livo
with their captors in a condition very diiroront from that of
freedom, but thoy aro not taken or maintained for tho pur-
poses of service. In tho samo islands whon a successful attack
and massacre onrichcs tho victors with many heads, thoy
spare and carry off children, whom thoy bring up among
thoir own people. Such a scica will cortainl}- bo killed for a
head or for a sacrifico before any native member of tho com-

rauaity; but ho Uvea aa an adopted member, shares the work,
pleasure and dangers of those with whom he dwells, and
often becomes a leading personage among them. A refugee or
a castaway is not a slave but a guest; his life is naturally
much less valued than that of a man of the place, and useful
services are expected from him, while he mixes freely and
on equal terms with tho common people"\'). Guppy says: „1
will turn for a moment to the subject of slavery in tho eastern
islands of tho group. Iu Ugi it is the practice of infanticide
which has given riae to a slave-commerco regularly conducted
with tho natives of the interior of St. Christoval. Three-fourths
of the men of this island were originally bought as youths
to supply tho place of tho natural offspring killed in infancy.
But such natives when they attain manhood virtually acquire
thoir independence, and their original purchaser has but little
control over them.... Connected in the manner above shown
with the subject of slavery is tho practice of cannibalism.

The completion of a new tambu-houso is frequently celeb-
nited among the St. Christoval natives by a cannibal feast.
Residents in that part of tho group tell mo that if the victim
is nut procured in a niid amongst the neighbouring tribes uf
tho interior, some man is usually selected from those nu;n
in tho village who were originally purchased by tho chief.
The doomed man is not enlightened as to tho fate which
awaits him, and may perhaps have boon engaged in the
orection of tho very buihling at tho completion of which his
lifo is forfeited." On tho neighbouring small island of Santa
Anna tho natives aro reputed to abstain from human llesh;
hut „the war-chief has acquired a considomhlo fortune, in a
native\'s point of view, by following the profiUiblo calling of
purveyor of human flosh to tho man-witcrs of the adjacent

gleam of tender feeling shown in tho case of a man who, by
long residence in tho village, has almost come to bo lookwl
upon as one of themsoivea. He is allowed to remain in ignor-

ancc of the dreaded moment until the last: and, perhaps, he
may be standing on the beach assisting in tho launching of
the very canoe iu which ho is destined to take his final
journey, when suddenly ho is laid hold of, and in a few
moments moro he is being ferried across to the man-eaters
of the opposite coast" \').

Somerville, describing New Georgia (in the centre of tho
group) remarks: „Slavery certainly exists, but it is in so
mild a form that it is scarcely possible to detect master from
man. I have never been able to elicit any facts concerning
its introduction, propagation or limits, or even if (in so many
words) it existed at all." „1 was informed that slaves aro
kept chiefly for their heads, which are demanded whenever
any occasion necessitates them, such as the death of tho
owner\'\' -). Tho following statement of Woodford\'s also relates
to Now Georgia: „On their expeditions it is not heads alond
that they bring back, but slaves as well. Theso are either
bought or captured alive, and it is from among theso slaves
that tho victims arc selected in case a head is required. Thoy
appear to bo well treated in other ways, and to havo as much
liberty as thoy please; in fact, seom to bo on a perfect footing
of equality and familiarity with their cjxptors. Hut any day
a head may be wanted to celebrate the completion of a now
canoo or other work, and one of tho luckless slaves is unex-
pectedly called upon to furnish it. Mercifully for tho victim,
tho blow, falls from behind and unexpectedly. Thoso slaves
are often employed as guides to lead a party of hend-huntors
unexpectedly upon the mountain villages on Ysabol, whence
they originally camo"\').

Speaking of tho small islo of Treasury (near IJougainvillo
Island, in tho North-westorn part of tho group) Ouppy says:
„There aro in Treasury several mon and womon who, origi-
nally bought as slaves from tho people of Houka and IJoug-

ainville, now enjoy apparently the same privileges and free-
dom of action as their fellow islanders. It is sometimes not
a matter of much difficulty to singlo out the slaves amongst
a crowd of natives. On one occasion I engaged a canoe of
Faromen to tako mo to a distant part of their island: and very
soon after we started I became aware from tho cowed and
sullen condition of one of the crew that ho was a slave. On
inquiry I learned that this man had been captured when a
boy in the island of Bougainville, and I was informed that if
ho was to return to his native place — a bush-village named
Kiata — he would undoubtedly be killed. Although in fact
a slave, I concluded from tho bearing of tho other men tow-
ards him that his bondage was not a very hard ono; and ho
evidently appeared to enjoy most of tho rights of a native of
tho common class. Sukai, however, for such was his name,
had to make himself generally useful in tho course of tho
day; and when at tho close of tho excursion wo wero seated
inside tho house of a man who provided us with a meal of
boiled taro, sweet potatoes, and bananas, ho was served with
his repast on tho beach outsldo" \').

Tho samo author gives this goneral description of slavery
in tho Solomon Islands: „In tho larger islands tho bush-tribes
and tho coast-natives witgo an uncoasing warfare, in which
tho latter aro usually tho aggressors and tho victors — tho
bushmon captured during theso raids either afibrding materials
for tho cannibal feast or being detained in servitude by their
captors. But there prevails in tho group a recognized system
of Hlavo-tmflic, in which a hunian being becomes a nuirketublo
commodity — tho equivalent being represented in goods cither
of native or of foreign nuinufactun«. This custom, which cnmo
under tho notice of Survillo\'s expedition, during their visit
to Port Pnwlin in Isabel, in 1769, obtains under tho siuno
conditions at tho prosont tinio. Those natives wero in the
habit of making voyagoa of ton and twelve days\' duration
with tho objoct of exchanging men for ,fino cloths covered

with designs", articles which were manufatured by a race of
people much fairer than their own, who were in all probabi-
lity the inhabitants of Ontong Java. The servitude to which
the victims of this traffic are doomed is not usually an ardu-
ous one. But there is one grave contingency attached to his
thraldom which must be always before the mind of tho capt-
ive, however lightly his chains of service may lie upon him.
When a head is required to satisfy tho offended honour of a
neighbouring chief, or when a life has to bc sacrificed on tho
completion of a tambu house or at the launching of a new
war-canoe, the victim chosen is usually tho man who is not
a free-born native of the village. He may have been bought
as a child and havo lived amongst them from his boyhood
up, a slave only in name, and enjoying all the rights of his
fellow natives. But no feelings of compassion can save him
from his doom; and the only consideration which ho receives
at the hands of thoso with whom he may havo lived on terms
of equality for many years is to bo found in the circum-
stance that ho gets no warning of his fato" •).

Wo havo quoted tho statements of these authors in cxtcnso
to show the reader, how difficult it is to decide whether tho
„slaves" our authors speak of, are really slaves. Tho difficulty
does not here, as in so many cases, result from want of in-
formation. It is dear that those purchased and captured
persons aro kept in a stato bordering on slavery; but it is
not easy to jiay, whether this is not yet slavery, or an incip-
ient stage of slavery. Apparently tho samo stato of things
does not prevail in tho whole group. In Ugi, where thrco
fourths of tho men „wore originally bought juj youths lo
supply tho place of tho natural offspring", it is evident that
slavery docs not exist; and it is of tho part of tho group to
which Ugi belongs, that Codrington says: „There is no such
thing as slavery properly bo callcd" Woodford states that
slaves in Now Georgia „have as much liberty as thoy plcaso,"

liarity with their captors"; and Somervillo could not get any
information, whether slavery existed at all. Its existence here
is therefore doubtful. As for the North-western division of
the group, Guppy\'s account of tho „cowed and sullen con-
dition" of the „slave", who had to take his meal on the
beach, is rather suggestive of slavery; but this inference is
weakened by Guppy\'s stating that the chief of the same island
„had adopted a little Bougainville bushboy, named Sapoku,
who was purchased when very young from his friends" \')■ So
adoption of purchased bushmen is in use here. Our conclusion
is, that tho state of purchased and captured persons in tho
Solomon Islands is not slavery, though it differs very littlo
from slavery.

Williams, enumerating the social classes that in his time
existed among tho FijianSy states that the lowest class was
composed of slaves. No more particulars are given about theso
slaves. Prisoners of war were barbarously tortured \'■). A report
quoted by Spencer, also speaks of a lowest class consisting
of slavos. Tho last class sometimes, through numbers, over-
cjune the upper classes. „This has been the case at Amban,
where the people at no distant period rose against nnd drove
out their kings"This author, who uses the terms „slaves"
and „the people" as synonymous, probably speaks of a class of
despised and oppressed proletarians, not of slaves. Erskine des-
cribes the relation between different district«. Sometimes ono had
to pay a tribute to the other. „The lowest condition of all, tho
consequence of sonie late total defeat or conquest, is absolute
elavery, tho districts where such a state exists being cjillod
canm kaisis or slave lands"\'). Such subjection of a district
as a whole is not, however, slavery in the true sense. Tho
above quoted author, who speaks of the slaves overcoming
the upper classes, gives as tho notive name of theso slaves
/cat-si; so thoy are probably identical with tho inhabitants of

Erskine\'s „slave lands". "Waterhousc makes no mention of
slaves \'). So we may suppose that slavery did not exist, and
that Williams has mistaken for slaves a class of proletarians
or inhabitants of „slave lands".

Codrington\'s above quoted statement, that „there is no such
thing as slavery properly so called", applies also to a part of
the Neio Hebrides. Moinicke, after speaking of the chiefs, adds:
„The rest of the people aro free men" ). Our other authors •\'\')
making no mention of slavery, we may safely infer that it
does not exist hero.

Banks gives an elaborate description of marriage customs
in the Neio Britain Group, in which there is not a word to
bo found about slaves *), This makes the existence of slavery
very improbable. Parkinson, whoso notes chiefly relate to tho
Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain, in his account of tho labour-
trade, speaks of „despised, unprotected people, slaves of tho
chiefs captured in their intertribal wars, or bastards, orphans,
friendless persons of their own tribe." Persons of this description
wero sold to Europeans who wanted labourers But whether
they were kept as slaves by tho natives themselves, or only
enslaved in order to bo sold, does not appear. In his notes
on war and cannibalism ho makes no mention of slaves. Onco,
when he caught a man who had stolen something from him,
two chiefs offered to buy tho thief; not, however, to keep
him as a slave, but to oat himPowell, too, makes no
mention of slavery; ho relates many cases of rovongo of tho
natives against tho whites; theso whites wore always killed, mon,
women, and children; ho never speaks of their being enslaved

7) Powell, Wandorings; »oo osiHXjially pp. 202—200. Powell, howotcr,
doea not appear to bo rory roliablo; soo Stolnmotz, Endokannibolisraui»,
p, iO noto 0.

As for New Ireland, belonging to the same group, Roniilly
was present at a battle of the natives; the slain were after-
wards cooked and eaten; and his minuto description, in which
there is not a word to be found about captives, makes the
existence of slavery, here too, very improbable\'). So we may
suppose that the inhabitants of this group do not keep any slaves.

In the islands of Torres Straits, according to Meinicke,
there is no government and no social division, except tho
division into tribes 2). Iladdon, describing the western tribes
of Torres Straits, says: „1 never heard of slavery being prac-
tised" •\'\'). So slavery is probably unknown here.

In the district of Tabi some men were observed, who had
their hair cut short; acconling to a Doroy interpreter, thoy
wero slaves This short note is not, however, sufficient to
go upon.

Tho inhabitants of Scrvei are much given to tho kidnap-
ping of slaves, whom thoy sell. Whether thoy keep any slaves
themselves, does not appear®).

Tho natives of Ansus purchase many slaves, and sell slaves
to Tomato tradersIn this case, too, wo are not told, whether
all tho purchased shiveH aro sold abroad, or any of them aro
kept by tho natives.

Tho aborigines of )ri>i(?«s."ft in their raids mako prisoners
„to whom thoy give tho namo of mmmu, slave" \'). Thia

i) Ilornilly, Wwitorn Pacific, pp. 47—5.^.
3) Meinioko, Dio Torri>HiitraM(>, p. 110.

3) Hnddon. p. 355. Soo ftlno lIunl\'H Kthnogr. noU» on tlic Murroy InUndu,
Torri>«i SlniiU, in which no niuntion i* nmdu of hIavo«.
nink, p. m.

Goudswaard says of the Papiuis of Geelvink Bay generally:
„The Papua steals men, makes them slaves, and despises
them." „The wars of the Papuas are little more than raids,
in which they burn the houses of their enemies, destroy their
gardens, and if possible make women and children prisoners,
to restore them later on for an adequate ransom, or else to
keep them as slaves or exchange them" \')•

The accounts, given by Van Hasselt and De Clercq, prove
that slavery exists among the Niiforese^

The inhabitants of Dorcij and Boon belong to the Nuforese.
Rosenberg gives some particulars about slavery in Dorey, and
Robide has a few short notes on slaves kept by the inliabit-
ants of Roon\').

The Ilattamcrs, however, who live in tho Arfak mountains,
have no slaves. „The Ilattamers," says Robid6, keep no
slaves; in their wars with neighbouring tribes thoy do not
enslave the prisoners, but cut off their heads, which thoy
bring homo as trophies" \').

Tho Karons, according to Bruijn, capture slaves from their
neighbours, but whether thoy keep them for their own uso is
not quito clear. Another author tells us that thoy eat their
prisoners ").

Tho existence of slavery among tho J\'apuas of Ihc Gulf of
Maclucr is mado probable by Do Clorcq\'s and Strauch\'s notes\').
Another author observed slaves in somo districts at tho South-
west side of this gulf; the population of thoso districts is a
mongrel race of Bugineso, emigrants from Sorang, and Papuas

2) Van llaBMlt in Z. K. VIM, pp. iOlnqq; Van Iliuscit in Tijd« XX.XI,
pp. 583, 584, XXXII. pp. 270, 272; Do Clnroq, Nicuw-nuincn, p. 01».

The PapiMS of British New Guinea very probably aro
unacquainted with slavery. Thomson states, that several tribes
in warfare kill alike men, women and children\'). The de-
scribers of single tribes: Motu, Mowat, Toaripi, also mako no
mention of slaves

In (German New Guinea, too, slavery probably does not
exist. Vallentine explicitly states that the Tamul have no
slaves; and Finsch says, that every Papua warrior considers
it an honour to kill women and children •). Maclay, too, makes
no mention of slaves

4) Tumor, Motu; d\'Allwrliii; IJcnnlmoro; lUimilly, Venindali; (^hnlniow,
Bou o«|KH!iaUy p. 320.

All authors agree that the Maori of New Zealand had
slaves; and the many details they give prove that slavery
really existed

The Tongans, according to Meinickc, had slaves, partly
prisoners of war, partly condemned criminals Gerland,
referring to a missionary report, speaks of slaves, tamaivciki\').
But in his very minute description of Tongan government and
social classes *) he gives no moro particulars about those slaves;
and Mariner who, according to Gerland, is very reliable\'),
makes no mention of slavery. Mariner enumerates fivo social
classes; the lowest class wero tho tooas, tho bulk of tho people,
consisting of a. a fow warriors, b. professed cooks in tho
service of tho chiefs, c. thoso who tilled tho soil and had no
other occupation Mariner only makes mention of captive
womon, so it is probablo that no mon wero taken prisoners
in their wars^). West states that there was a monarchical
doflpotism, supported by an hereditary aristocracy. Tho people
wero divided into several, strictly separated, chisses. Tho lowest
class wero tho tuas, common pooplo, subdivided into different

1) Thoraiion, Now Zeftknd, pp. UO, etc.; rolaok, I pp. .V», do.;
Trcgcar, p. 113; Wnitz-Gorland, VI p. \'200; Molnicko, Dio ItiHoln doHstillon
Oceana, I p. 320; Letourncau, pp. 173-182.

trades: carpenters, fishermen, etc. The feudal principle, that
the whole country belonged exclusively to the king, made the
people slaves Such „slavery" of a whole people is not,
however, slavery in tho truo senso of the word. Of slavery
proper West makes as little mention as Mariner. Wo may,
therefore, safely suppose that Meinicko and Gcrland havo been
mistaken, aud that slavery did not exist here.

With referonco to Samoa Gerland speaks of two political
parties who wero always at war, „but thoy do not destroy
their adversaries", ho says „nor enslave them, as frequently
members of tho same family belong to different parties"
According to Mcinicko the prisoners were at difToront times
differently disposed of; but among thoso modes of treatment
slavery is not mentioned \'). Tumor, a good authority, remarks:
„Prisoners, if men, wero generally killed; if women, distri-
buted among tho conquerors" ♦). Wo aro not told whether
thoso womon woro married, or kept in a slavo-liko stato; but
oven in tho last caso this would bo slavery of womon ortly,
and thercforo not slavery in tho proper souse. Theso particu-
lars being given, and slavery not being mentioned by any of
our authors *), wo may sjifoly infer that it did not exist.

Gardiner, in an oxccllont article on Jtotuma, says: „Slaves
as such did not properly exist"

Gorland and Moinicko, onumorating tho social classcs
on tho liarotoitga group (or Ilorvoy Islands, or Cook\'s Is-
lands) make no montion of slaves. According to Meinicko tho
lowest closB nro tho common people"). So slavery soems un-
known hero.

In TahUi, according to Ellis, „tho lowest cloas included tho
tin and tho taiicu, tho sbvos and sorvants; tho formor wore

those who had lost their liberty in battle, or who, in conse-
quence of tho defeat of the chieftains to whom they were
attached, had become the property of the conquerors. This
kind of slavery appears to have existed among them from
time immemorial. Individuals captured in actual combat, or
who fled to the chief for protection when disarmed or disabled
in the field, were considered the slaves of the captor or chief
by whom they were protected. The women, children and
others who remained in the districts of the vanquished, were
also regarded as belonging to them; and the lands they oc-
cupied, together with their fields and plantations, were distri-
buted among the victors---- If peace continued, tho captive

frequently regained his liberty after a limited servitude, and
was permitted to return to his own land, or remain in volun-
tary service with his master"Though tho second kind of
slaves Ellis enumerates, the subjects of vanquished chiefs,
probably wero not slaves, and the frequent liberating of
captive slaves proves that slavery did not prevail to any great
extent, Ellis\'s account shows that to a limited extent it was
present.

Of Hawaii Ellis says: „The wives and children of those
whom thoy had defeated wore frequently mado slaves, and
attached to the soil for its cultivation, and, together with tho
captives, treated with great cruelty." Captives wero sometimes
spared, „though perhaps spared only to bo slaves, or to be
sacrificod when the priests should require human victims."
But in enumerating tho social classes ho makes no mention
of shivos. „In tho fourth [lowest] rank may be included tho
small farmers, who rent from ten to twenty or thirty acres

those who attach themselves to some chief or farmer, and
labour on hiH land for their food and clothing, as well as those
who cultivate small portions of land for their own advantage"\').
According to Sleinicko there wero slaves, but not many; thoy

were undoubtedly descendants of prisoners, and considered
inferior even to the lowest class of freemen, from whom, how-
ever, they were not strictly separated. The conquered land
was divided by tho conqueror among his men; the inhabitants
were made slavesMarcuso in one place only makes mention
of slaves: „To alluro the sharks they occasionally made human
sacrifices, especially among the slaves." But he states that they
spared the lives of thoir captives only when they intended
them to be sacrificed later on to their godsIt is not easy
to decide whether the slaves our ethnographers speak of were
really slaves. From Ellis\'s description of social classcs it would
seem, that the lowest class consisted of freemen; moreover, no
particulars aro given concerning the stato of tho slaves. Our
opinion is, that tho writers have mistaken for slaves inhabit-
ants of conquered districts and persons intended to bo sacri-
ficed; but the lack of details prevents our arriving at any
definite conclusion.

Oerland states that on the Marquesas Islands „slaves wore
rare; like the foreigners, who were always considered aa enemies,
they had no rights, could bo quite arbitrarily treated and even
killed"\'). Acconling to Meinicke, however, prisoners were
either sacrificed ami eaten, or spared and adopted into tho
conquering tribe De llocquefeuil also states that tho pris-
oners were eatc^n, unless, by tho priests\' intervention, they
woro buried; at any rate they were killed Moerenhout tells
ua that the solo objcct of their wars was to obtain a canni-
bal repast®). These several statements make it probable, that
there wero no slaves, and that Oerland has mistaken for slaves
|)oraons intcndi\'d to be sacrificed. Letourneau holds the same
view of the matter: „Everything seems to indicjUe, that slavery

did not exist in the Marquesas Islands"Hale also states
that there were no slaves •

The natives of TuJcopia, according to Gerland, formerly
kept slaves, who wero prisoners of warNo more details
are given.

The same authority tells us, that in the beginning of the
present century the inhabitants of Anaa {Paumotu group)
conquered 38 islands, and brought tho inhabitants as slaves
to their own island. When they became Christians, in 1810,
they set their prisoners free, and part of tho latter returned
to their island *). No more particulars being added, it is
doubtful whether these prisoners wero really slaves, the moro
so as a regular slavo system is not mentioned.

Negative cases: Tongans,
Samoans,
Roiumians,
Raroionga islaiulers,
Marquesas islanders,
Hawaiians.

According to Moinicke nono of tho describers of tho Mar-
shall Islands mako mention of slaves. Gerland, too, docs not
speak of slavesKohlor, however, assorts thnt thoro aro
slaves. A free woman, marrying a slave, bccomos tho slavo
of her husband\'s master, unless tho slavo, on marrying, ia

5) .Mcinioke, Dio Gilbert- und Mamliall-Inueln, p. 409; Waitx-Ocrland,
V, 2, p. 122.

set free by his master. „Regarding tho slaves or serfs, we
know already, that thoy form a separate class of tho armij
luijur. Further details are given us now about the stato of
things in Nauru. Tho slave cannot hold any property, at least
no landed property. He has to till tho land of his lord, to
deliver tho fruits of it, getting only his livelihood. The lord
had formerly a ins vUae ct nccis, and frequently inflicted
corporal punishment on tho slave for insubordination." Tho
slavo is not allowed to havo moro than ono wifo. Whon tho
master allows his slavo to marry a frco woman, tho slavo
becomes free"\'). Kohlor refers to a report of Jung (apparently
an unprintod manuscript) and further to Moinicko, Hcrnshoim,
Hager and Kubary. As for Moinicko, wo havo scon that ho
thinks tho oxistcnco of slavery improbable. According to Herns-
heim tho lowest class is composed of tho poor, tho armidioon
or kajur. Thoy aro forbidden to tako more than ono wifo.
Tho next class is that of tho Imdagedag, who own property,
havo in most instances three wivos, and aro provided with
victuals by tho Icajur^). Kubary says: „Tho common people
aro called armij kajur and fornj tho greater part of tho sub-
jects. Thoy havo no property, except tho land allotted to thom
by tho chief, who can tako it from thom at his ploasuro.
Kvory wcok thoy have, cach of thom, to provide tho chiof
with prepared food, tho quantity and quality of which aro
dotorininod." Theso people according to Kubary, form tho
lowest class\'\'). Hagor quito agrees with Kubary, to whom ho
frequently rcfor« ♦). Wo see, that nono of Kohler\'a informants
(oxcopt possibly .lung) mako any mention of slaves. Yot Kohlor
refers to all thoso writer« in ordor to provo tho oxistonco of
slavery, but without in tho least justifying his own statement,
in which, in opposition to thom, ho call« tho lowest class
slaves. Tho accounts of our othnographors, howovor, arc not

very suggestive of slavery. According to Hernsheim the lowest
class provide with victuals the next class (not individual mem-
bers of the higher classes, who would be their masters, if
they were slaves). And if we may believe Kubary, the eminent
ethnographer, they are tenants, paying a rent in kind. It might
be, that at least in the isle of Nauru, described by Jung,
there are slaves; but this does not at all appear from what
Kohler tells us. These „slaves" • who own no land and are often
punished, present much more the character of oppressed tenants
or agricultural labourers than of slaves. "When Kohler states,
that the slave who marries a free woman becomes free, we
may suppose that the meaning is this: the agricultural labourer,
who marries a woman of the landowning class, is no more
dependent on his master, the landholder. So we may safely
infer, that slavery does not exist on tho Marshall Islands.

Gerland, minutely describing the aocial classes on the several
Caroline Islands, only in ono passage speaks of slaves. Ac-
cording to him on the isle of Ponapc there aro three classcs:
chiefs, freemen, and slaves. But no other details aro given
about theso slaves, than that the land „belongs exclusively to
the two highest classes; the third class aro attached to tho
Boil on which thoy live" Wo may suppose that Gerland
has mado a similar mistake hero to that of Kohler with respect
to tho Marshall Islands, tho moro so as on tho islo of Knsaic,
also belonging to tho Caroline group, tho common people aro
subjected to tho higher classes who own all tho land 2). Kubary,
describing the Mortlock Islands (belonging to tho samo group)
says: „Except the division in tribes, there is no social division
in tho Caroline Islands, such as in classes, ranks, secret so-
cieties, etc.; and I believo that all Huppositions of former
observers relating to such a stato of things result from igno-
ranco of tribal govonnnent. With theso natives tho notions of
„noblo", „gentleman", „commoner" havo hut a relative value; and
special titles such as „king", „chieftain", „prince", etc. depend

wholly upon tho individual pleasure of the observer"The
same writer tells us that on the isle of Rule in warfare „such
captives as may accidentally be taken aro killed," which
Btatement is not very suggestive of slavery -). GriilTo, compil-
ing Tetens and Kubary\'s notes on tho inhabitants of Yap,
speaks of slaves: „The population is composed of three classes,
chiefs, freemen, and slaves or pomilingais. The latter live
together in separate villages and are obliged daily to provide
tho freemen with agricultural products, and whenever the
chiefs require it, to aid in constructing houses and ainocs.
All tho slaves possess, oven their wives and doughters, may
at any time bo required by tho freemen and used at their
pleasure. As wo have already hinted, the slaves are not
allowed to wear the head-ornaments that tho freemen aro in
the habit of wearing, not oven tho combs worn in the hair;
and when waiting upon the chiefs, they must approach them
in a creeping, bowing attitude. One would, however, fail in
supposing, that all labour is exclusively incumbent on the
slave-class. Thoy are only bound to definite taxes, viz. to a
tribute of victuals, and of mats and other materials for house-
building; and their slave-state consists rather in a low and
dependent condition than in being taxed with labour"\'). The
last sentence sufficiently proves, that these pooi)le are not
slaves, but only a despised lowest class. A slave always has
an individual master, whereas these people aro subjected to
the higher classes cn bloc. Tho above survey of ethnographic^il
accounts leads us to tho conclusion, that slavery is unknown
on the Caroline Islands.

In Qerland\'s detailed account of government nnd social
classes among the ancient inhabitants of tho Marianm; htnnds
no mention is mado of slavery; and as our author uses this
wonl in a too wide mther than in a too restricted sense, we
nmy wifely suppose that there are no slaves

Kubary tells us, that „among the Pelau islanders there can
be no question of a division of tho people in ranks or classes,
of a nobility in our sense of tho word" \'). In another place
he tells us that a chiefs wants are generally provided for by
tho work of dependent relatives, who are a kind of adopted
children. If their work does not suit them, they leave their
employer -). Semper speaks of a class of bondmen {Hörigen);
but in another place he states that they work for wages; so
they aro neither slaves nor serfs, but a despised working
class So slavery does not exist hero *).

On the Kingsmill or Gilbert Islands, according to Wilkes,
there are three classes: chiefs {uea), lendholders (katoka), and
slaves {kawa). Slaves marry only with thoir master\'s consent,
and are entirely his property. „He who has none [no land] is
considered as a slave, and can hold no property whatever."
But our informant adds that „thoy havo no term to designate
a poor man, except that of slavo"; so it seems that tho slaves
he speaks of were not slaves in tho true sense of tho word
Moinicke enumerates tho following classes: chiefs (in Tarawa: uea
or oamata, in Makin ijoniata), free landholders (in Tarawa: luUoka,
in ifakin: tiomata), and tho common people (in Tarawa: kaxoa,
in Makin: rang)\', and ho adds: „There aro also slaves, who
originally were captives, and whoso children havo remained
so"®). So tho kawa, called slaves by Wilkes, are called freemen
by Moinicke, according to whom there is a class of slaves
still below them. Behm asserts that on Makin thoro are slaves
besides tho three other classes"). Tho best description is given
by Parkinson. According to him there aro kings (those only

4) Thin i» ttliw proyod (if any furtlior proof wuru n(«ode(l) by Kuliarj\'«
dotailod dcMription of flshing and agriculturu: tho fornuT Ih carriod on
by tho men, tho latter l)y tho vromon; nowhero ix any mention modo of
of «lavoä, Kubiiry, Induitrio dor i\'olau-Insuliinor, pp. 12:JtKiq., iriOwpp

on some islands); further great landholders; then tho class of
small landholders. Then thero aro two subjected classes. Ono
is the class of the tc tone, who livo as vassals on tho lands
of the great landholders; they get a small piece of land for
their own use; they must provide their lord with men when
in war, and bring him tho number of cocoanuts he desires,
and what he needs for his household. Tho lowest class aro tho
tc bei or kaxingo. They havo no property, no land to live upon;
thoy live with tho great landholders by whom they aro main-
tained; they on their part must work for thoir lord, i.e. fish,
prepare food, etc. The lord, by giving them a piece of land,
can raise them to tho class of tho tc torrc. Theso two classcs
have no voice in government matters; they follow their lord
without grumbling; his will is their will; an offcnco against
tho lord is considered by them as a personal offenco, and
avenged as such. Generally no ono marries outside his class.
In ordinary lifo there is no difference between master and
vassal; thoy often sloop on tho samo mat; thoy drink, danco
and play together; thoy wear tho samo kind of dress. Whon
a poor man dies, a wealthy inhabitimt of tho village gene-
rally provides for his family; but thoy must labour for him
and are, so to speak, his slaves\'). Wo havo to oxamino now,
whether theso two lowest classes aro slavo-classes. Wo may
ronmrk, first, that, whereas most of our ethnographers make
a largo uso of tho word „slavo", Parkinson docs not uso it,
oxcopt in tho last sontonco, and there with tho qualification
„flo to speak". Moreover, some particulars ore not mentioned,
which wo shouhl expect to find in such an elaborate descrip-
tion, if slavery really existed; e.g. it is not stjited that tho
subjected porHons aro bought and sold; nor that mro is taken
that thoy do not run away; nor that tho master is not at all,
or only to a limitwl oxtont, roHponsiblo for his behaviour to-
wards tho person who servos him. As littlo docs it appear,
that theso vartsalrt becomo such in tho samo manner in which
men goncnilly bocomo slaves. It is only stilted that tho family

of a deceased poor man fall into a state of dependence upon
a rich inhabitant of tho village; but it is not clear, whether
they voluntarily or involuntarily join the rich man\'s family.
The principal objects of property, says Parkinson, are houses,
hinds, and canoes Were there slaves, they would have been
mentioned here too. These considerations lead us to the con-
clusion, that there are no slaves on the Gilbert Ishinds.

Schurtz asserts that in Polynesia and Micronesia slaves are
found everywhere; and Gerland is of the same opinion regarding
Polynesia»). Our survey of both theso groups shows that
these writers are wrong: in Micronesia slavery is probably
quite unknown; in Polynesia absence of slavery is tho rule,
slavery tho exception.

The best information on the wild tribes of Malacca is af-
forded by Do -Morgan. In his elaborate account of the Sakays
and Somang no mention is mado of slavery. Among the Sa-
kays „tho debtor and his family work for tho creditor during
ono or two moons, according to tho decision of tho panghulu
(vilhigo-chief)". This certainly is a commencement of debt-
slavery; but such compulsory labour, limited beforehand to ono
or two months, is not yet slavery in tho true Honse

3) Do Morgan, (Exploration,divisions: Linguistiquo (mo ospooially p. 17),
and: PUhnographio.

most of his notes relate to religious beliefs and practices; his
remarks on social institutions are very scanty

Some other authors describe the Manthras -) and Jakwis\').
Nowhere is it stated that slavery exists. As, however, the
terminology here ra very unreliable, and it is not easy to
make out, whetiier tlio latter are really other tribes than those
described by De Morgan, we shall consider only the Sakays
and Somang as clear negative cases.

The existence of slavery among the BaiUilis in general is
vouched for by Brenner and Junghuhn

Ethnographical records, relating to separate divisions of the
Battahs, sufficiently prove the present or former existence of
slavery among tho Battahs on the Bane and Bila rivers %
Battahs of Mandhding«), Battalis ofPertibie Karo Battahs
liajaBattahs»), Battahs of AngMa \'O).

Among the Battahs of Silindung slavery has never existetl,
according to Meerwaldt"). Whether he means only slavery
in tho restricted sense, or also pawning, is not clear.

The Toba-JiattahSy acconling to Meerwaldt, fornierly had
slaves; but now slavery is dying out under Dutch influence.
Van Dijk, who visited tho llabinsaran district in the Toba-
lands, states that in somo parts of tho district there were sla-
ves, in others there were not. Whether the latter fact is to

4) Hrcnnur, jip. 341, 342; Junghuhn II pp. IfiO-IW.
f») Ni\'unmnn, T. A. 0. Sntl »orioH, jNirt IV, pp. \'20-41.

0) lloyUng, pp. \'240-24H; „IW<um6V\', pp. Ki, W.; Wilier, pp. 43 -47;
H(.«u Mlm) MtHTwalilt, p. ry4t.

8) Wo«lonlM<rg, Vomlag, p. 70; Wontonlwrg, Notn, pp. H3, 114.
«) Van Dyic, Si lUloongocn, p. 168; WwiUjnlnsrg, Notn, p. 107.

On the Luhus we have found only two short articles, in
which slavery is not mentioned; but this does not prove very
much

None of tho describers of the Kuhiis mako any mention of
slaves; so we may suppose, that slavery does not exist
among them\').

De Groot gives a detailed account of slavery and pawning
in the Lampong districts

The Mentawei islanders very probably have no slaves. Nono
of their describers make any mention of slavery ®). „Their
whole warfare consists of treacherous attacks, in which nobody\'s
life is spared"

On the Anambas, Natiina and Tamhelan islands, belonging
to the Lingga-Riouw group, there aro debtor-slaves

Most of tho writers on Engano mako no mention of slavery \').
According to Walland the Enganese wear ornaments in their
ear-laps, which aro pierced for that purpose. If anybody\'s ear-
lap is broken, ho incurs groat disgrace; he is no longer listened
to in any deliberation, nor considered a notable in his tribe,
and becomes tho slave of his relatives, for whom ho is obliged
to work. And Rosenberg says: „If a criminal does not pay
tho flne, this is dono by his family; but if thoy are unablo
to pay, they soil him as a slave. So slavery exists; but it is

1) Moorwaldt, l.o.; Van Dyk, Nota. pp. 483, 491 -, noo also MOllor, Hotnk-
Sanimlung, p. 14.

5) Modigliani, Ni.i8, pp. &20—536; lloacnborg, Mol. Arch., pp. 157—KUl.
0) lloscnbcrg, Mal. Arch.; Ilo«onbcrg, Mcntowoi-oilandon; Mchs; Moaiw;

9) Modigliani, Engano ; Ouderaan» ; So»cr|jn, Engano ; llosonborg, Engano ;
Verskg ocnor rolu".

of a very mild kind, and the number of alavea is very small" i).
The fact that both authors speak of slavery only in connection
with these particular cases, whereas the others do not speak
of it at all, makes us doubt, whether what Walland and Ro-
senberg call slavery is slavery in the truo sense. So wo cannot
come to a clear conclusion.

Among the Hill- or Land-Dtjaks (Orang Qunong) slavery
in the restricted sense and slave-trade did not exist, but, says
Low: „tho system of slavo-dobtors is carried on, though to a
very small extent." Later on this kind of slavery also disap-
peared

Slavery also exists among tho Dyaks on ihc Jtcjaiuj river
Biadju-Dyaks\'), Ot-dnnoms 7), Olo-ngadju Dyaks of Tom-
passnk»), Kayans Muruts "), Dyaks of bimbos Kindjin-
Dyaks \'3).

Von Dowall, in his notes on tho Dyaks of Matan or Raping,
speaks of slaves of tho chiof. Whether thoso are tho only
slaves docs not appear

4) Uw, pp. 200, 201 ; SiMsnoor St. John, 1 p. 83; llnwkn I.ow in Ling
lloth, Snmwnk II p. 210,

Of the ByaTiS of Simpang he says the same, and adds that
pawning is unknown amongst them. Here too we cannot arrive
at a clear conclusion

The Bamhai- and Sebruang-DyaJcs probably have no slaves;
for it is stated, that their chiefs have no privileges; only,
when some accident, illness for instance, pcevents them from
cultivating their own rice-fields, this is done by the people -).
If there were slaves, the chiefs would not havo to cultivate
their own rice-fields. Moreover our author in his fairly detailed
description, would probably have mentioned slavery, if it
existed.

Slavery is proved by good authorities to exist or have
existed in several parts of this island. Such is the case in
the Minahassa^), in Boladng Mongondou*), in Lipu lo Ilolon-
ialo % in Buool\'), among the Alifurs of Central Celebes in
tho dictrict of Sandjai\\ in Banglcala^) and in Saleyer, an
island near the South Coast of Celebes \'O).

Slavery on theso islands seems almost universal. About tho
following islands and groups of islands wo havo been able to
obtain somo information: Sumhawa "), Sumba Florcs So-

7) Kruyt, N. Z. G. XXXIX pp. 121-123, 120-128; XL pp. 141, 142.
Soo also tho description giTon by Iliodol, who calls thoni Toiiantunuazii :
Riedcl. Topantunuazu, pp. 82-«4, 90.

13) Von Morton«, p. 117. (on tho wholo island); Ten Kate, Timorffrocp,
p. 212 (on 8ika) ; and ospooially Koos, pp. 488—491 (on Kndeh).

lor group Bonerate and Kalao 2), East Timor \'). West Ti-
mor % Savu% Rote or Rotti «), JFetar^), Keisar^ Leti\\
Dama Luang-Sermata group Bahar group Tenimher
aiul Timorlao islands^^ Aru islands^*), Kci islands Watu-
hcla islandsSeranglao-Gorong group i^j Serang Ambon
and the Dliase Scngir and Talauer islands -").

Iu all those cases it is clear, that slavery either formerly
existed or still exists.

Slaves are also employed by the Gdlcla, and Tobcloresc on
Ilalmaheiraand by the inhabitants of the district of Kan
on the same island

Riedel states, that on Burn there were formerly slaves,
and gives some details about slavery as it was carried on here.
Wilken however says that there are neither slaves nor pawns
Whether the latter means to say, that slavery did not exist

3) Do Coatro, pp. 484, 485; Forhcs, Timor, p. 417. Zondcrvan nioatly relica
on Do Gastro.

13) Ibid.. p. 993; Van Ilootoll, Tanimbar, p. 174; Forbo«, Timorlnut,
pp. 15, 18.

15) Uiodol, I.a, pp. 220, 228, ÏJl; Van IIoövoll, KoiMjIkndon, p, 120;
Ployto, p. 567.

19) lUwltd, I.o., p. 49; Van HoStcU. Ambon, p. 47.
2») Illokson, p. 141; tco aI»o pp. 137, 139, 142.

at the time at which he was writing (1875), or that it had
never existed, is not clear. So we are left in doubt as to the
former existence of slavery here.

The Tagals and Visayas, at tho time of tho conquista,
already practised slavery on a large scale

Slavery certainly exists among the Bagobos»), Manobos\'),
Magxiindanaos and inhabitants of the Snlu islands*), and Sa-
nudes \').

Among the Suhanos slaves are sacrificed at funerals«). But
whether th&<!e so-called slaves aro really slaves, or persons
captured or purchased for sacrificing purposes only, does not
appear.

The Kinngans sell their debtors as slaves; whether within
the tribo or abroad wo arc not told i).

In Blumentritt\'s rather short article on tho Bungians no
mention is made of slaves®).

Schadenberg, describing the Bontoc pcopU, does not speak
of slaves, and tho particulars he gives make its existence im-
probable. Thoy are zealous head-hunters. Thoy take tho heads
of mon and women; only children aro spared, though what
they do with those children does not appear. Sometimes they
take a prisoner, who is then tied to a tree and tortured to
death»).

Tho describcrH of tho Igorrotcs make no mention of slavery >o).
So its non-oxistonco is probablo, though not certain.

4) Blumcntritt, Kthnograpliic, pp. «"S, 54; Itlnmontritt, Maguindanaim,
p. 801; Januon, pp. 210, 224, 22.\'».

Of the several describera of the Negritos we have consulted,
none make any mention of slavery So we may safely infer
that they have no slaves.

The Ilovas and kindred tribes aro considered by many in-
vestigators to be Malays. Schurtz also classifies them among
tho Malays in the widest sense of tho word Tho anthropo-
logists do not yet agree about the origin of tho Ilovas; but as
the divisions of this chapter aro only intended to give tho
reader a clear survey of the matter, and not to answer any
anthropological purpose, we may treat thom here as well as
elsowhere.

Tho existence of slavery among tho Ilovas is proved by tho
statements of several good authorities\').

Sibrco, describing tho Jictsileo, Beisimisarakaj Bara, Tankatj
or Bcsanosanoy Sihamka and Tanala, makes no mention of
slavery; but his notes aro not detailed enough to mako its
non-oxistcnco. certain *).

Ilildcbrandt and Grandidier speak of slaves among tho An-
Uiiiknraiui\'). As, however, in thoir short notes only slaves
of tho king aro mentioned, wo may put this down as a doubt-
ful ca«o.

„ of Mandhcltng,
„ of Vertihic,
Kara Battahs,
litija Baltahs,
BatUtlis of Angkola^
ToImi liaitahs,
lAitiumgs,

1) 8omiM!r, I\'hilippinoni Miillnt; lllumcntritt, Negrito«; Solimlontrarg, No-
grit(M.
\'2) Sohurt«, p. 221.

DyaJcs of Sambas,
Kindjin-Dyaks,
inhabitants of the Minahassa,
„ „ Bolaiing,
„ „ Holo7italo,
„ „ Buool,
Alifurs of Central Celebes,
inhabitants of Sandjai,
„ Dangkala,

n »

» n

» n

» n

„ „ the Tenimbcr and Ti-
morlao islands,
„ „the Aru islands,
„ „ the Kei islands,
„ „ the Watubela islands,
„ „ the Seranglao-Gorong

group,
r, r, Serang,
„ „ Ambon and the üliaset
y, „ the Sengir and Ta-
lauer islands,
QaUla and Tdbelorese,
inhabitants of Kau,
Tagals aixd Visayas,
Bagobos,
Manobos,
Maguindanaos,
inhabitants of Stdu,
Samales,
Hocas,

"W© shall add hero a few notes on some Malay peoples, that
have attained to a too high degree of civilization to be quoted
here as instances of savages having or not having slaves. The
purpose of this addition is only to complete this survey of tho
Archipelago, and to show thoso readers, who aro not Dutch-
men, what literature exists on these peoples.

In Java slavery has not prevailed for ccnturies. „In Moham-
medan law a large place is taken up with regulations of sla-
very, of the rights of masters and slaves, and of tho manner
in which tho latter can acquire their freedom. Tho peculiar
state of tho aboriginal Javanese society prevented tho application
of nearly all precepts relating to this matter. Before tho intro-
duction of Islam slavery proper seems to havo been unknown;
tho universal subjection of the mass of the people, as Sudras,
to tho members of tho higher castes, had made slavery super-
fluous. Nor has Islam introduced slavery into Java; for although
in later times Javanese chiefs in a fow cases kept slaves, this
was dono \'in imitation of tho Europeans, and tho legal status
of these slaves depended on Iloman-Dutch law, not on Moham-
medan law." Tho dcsas or villages, that did not accept Islam,
wero conquered; yet thoir inhabitant« wero not enslaved, a«
is generally dono by tho Mohammedans in thoir holy wars;
but tho whole villages m bloc woro reduced to a subjected
state: thoy had to pay extraordinary tributes and to perform
sorvicea to the Sultans. This anciont state of things remained
in force, oven when gnwlually tho whole jajpulation occeptod
Islam. Even tho concubines of tho chiefs aro not captured or

purchased slaves, but women taken from among the common
people; and although thoy aro kept in a somewhat slave-like
condition, they are not treated as Mohammedan law requires
tho female slaves, who are used as concubines, to be treated
This passage from Veth\'s book does not, however, inform us
as to whether there wero slaves before the Hindu invasion
and some time after. In the „Encydopaedie voor Nedcrlandsch
Indie" it is stated 5), that in old times Africans were imported
as slaves into Java, as appears from an incription of 800 A. D.
Tho continued investigation of Javanese history will probably
throw more light on the subject.

In Bali slavery certainly exists, or at least formerly existed;
but, according to Liefrinck, only tho chiof and his family have
slaves Waandors however, who gives a detailed account of
tho Balinose slave-system, asserts that ovon Sudras havo slaves,
though ho speaks but incidentally of this *). Perhaps tho slaves
kept by tho common people aro only debtor-slaves; for, accord-
ing to Licfrinck, debtors servo thoir creditors, and arc somo-
times sold by auction *). Tonkos, who has (rather deficiently)
collcctoil tho literature on tho Balinose, docs not solvo tho
question. At any rat<!, slavory hero is not a fundamental insti-
tution. The chiof has groat powor, and tho Hindu casto-systom
prevails, so that tho social classcs arc widely scpamtcd; tho
Sudms aro at tho morcy of tho upper caatcs"). Slavory, though
discountenanced by tho Dutch government, still provailod as
late as 1877 7).

Van Eck has somo notes on Tjombok. Sasaks and Balincso
of tho Sudni-casto frequently bccomo slaves of tho rich, aa a
punishment or in payment of dobts \'*). Wo may suppose, that

Van Hasselt gives a detailed account of slavery among the
Malays of Menangkabao, In 1876 the slaves and pawns on the
West Coast of Sumatra were emancipated by the Dutch govern-
ment. But in the territories which are not under Dutch con-
trol slavery is still carried on to a great extent. In the little
independent states a chiefs power depends upon the number
of his slaves, who till his lands and strengthen his force in
warfare. The slaves in the restricted sense are purchased and
captured persons and their offspring. Besides these there are
pawns 1). Several further particulars are given in Van Hasselt\'s
valuable book.

In many other Malay districts of Sumatra slavery exists
Particular mention has to be made of Atjeh, where slavery
prevails to a great extent 3).

Matthes gives some details on slavery among the Macassars
and Buginese of South Celebes

In Tidore shivery formerly existed, many slaves being pro-
cured from New Guinea^). It has, however, been abolished
by the Dutch government\').

2) Among tho Rejangs: Marsden, pp. 2.\')2, 25.\'»; in I\'auw ton
Kato, pp. 537—542, Qramborg, pp. 458, 459; in lUalauw: Oramborg, pp.
471, 472; in Palembang : Gorucn, pp. 130, 137; Singkel: Iloscnbcrg, Sing-
kol, p. 413, IloHonWg, Mai. Arch., p. 45; VangkalUm: Hollo, pp.382,38:1;
/>iAM«n-//rt<M :-Noumann, !„ilioean-natoo, pp. 478, 479; Kan\'ntji, Scrampon
and Sutigai Tettang: Klerk«, p. 80; Upper Amhnni Van don Hor, p. 410;
ttdtubarah: do Sohooraakcr, pp. 471—473; Siak: Niouwenhuyxen, pp. 412 —
414. In Glttgur »serfdom does not exist; all men havo tho samo human
right*" (Van Dolden, p. 160). "Whether thin is tho original state of thing*,
or due to Dutch intorforcnoc, do<M not appear.

3) Snouok llurgronjo, I pp. 21—25. Concerning tho Went Coast of Atjeh
800 also van I^ngen, pp. 478, 479,

4) MatthoB, pp. 3, 5, 130, 137, cto. On Iho lluijinene of Tauftte aiid Unrnt
soo also Ilakkors, Tanotte, p. 2.57. an<l on thoHO of Ihni Unkkont, Honi
pp. GO, 98, 1.53.

Some tribes of this group undoubtedly havo slaves. These
are the Kakhyens the Shans of Zimmé *), the Lawas and
the Hill-tribes of North Aracan 3), one of these hill-tribes being
the Khyoungtha of Chittagong

The Steins, according to Colquhoun, sometimes seize a slave
in order to sacrifice him \'). No more particulars being given,
we cannot mako out whether the word slave is used here in
its true sense, or means a captive taken to bo sacrifioed.

captives a considerable time, when, if none of thoir friends
come to redeem them, he sells them off to other districts for
oxen or buffaloes if practicable, that ho may have an ox or
a buffalo to give to each village that came to his aid" 7). So
the Karens seem to prefer oxen and buffaloes to captives.
There are, however, many debtor-slaves among tho Karen-
Noes They aro also noted for thoir kidnapping propensities;
but it seems that tho kidnapped are only intended for sale
abroad \'). At any rate thoro are debtor-slaves, and so sla-
very exists.

When tho Sing-Phos of Upper Assam were conquered by
tho English, tho latter found in thoir villages numerous As-
nameso slaves, who as soon as possible ran away from thoir
masters. Wo are not told whether thoy kept theso slaves for

their own use or for sale. Further Dalton and Rowney speak
only of female slaves \').

We may add here the inhabitants of the Andaman and Ni-
cobar Islands in ihe Bay of Bengal.

Although Man does not explicitly state that ihQ Andamanese
have no slaves, his elaborate account of their social life suffi-
ciently proves that they aro unacquainted with slavery. Social
status is dependent on relationship, on skill in hunting, fishing
etc., and on a reputation for generosity and hospitality. A
child captured in war „would meet with kindly treatment, in
the hope of his or her being induced ultimately to become a
member of the captor\'s tribe"

Of the Nicobarese Svoboda says: „All authors agree that
nowhero in these islands is there subordination, all inhabitants
being of tho same rank. Only older and moro experienced
people have somewhat moro influence than tho rest" \'\'). Hence
wo may infer that slavery does not exist.

Dalton gives several particulars about slavory among the
Garos. Eliot also affirms that thoy have slaves\').

The Kookies, according to Macrae, „at times.... mako cap-
tives of tho children, and often adopt them into their families,
when thoy have none of their own; and tho only slaves among
them are tho captives thus taken" \'). What our author means
is not quite clear. Tho children who havo been adopted cer-
tainly are not slaves. Perhaps a part only of the captured
children aro adopted, tho rest constituting tho slave-class of
tho Kookies; but this is not clearly stated. Lowin asserts that
all the hill-tribes (Toungtha, divided into Lhoosai, Tipperah
and Kookies) formerly had debtor-slaves 3); but as nono of our
other authorities mako any mention of this, wo doubt whether
this general remark applies to tho Kookies, tho moro so as,
according to Macrae, „the only slaves among them aro tho
captives". So it becomcs very doubtful whether tho Kookies
havo slaves. Dalton\'s stjitomont that „all tho enemies ho [tho
Kookio] has killed will bo in tho happy hunting-fields in attond-
anco on him as slaves"is not sufficient to docido tho ques-
tion. Ono thing only is clear: tho Ilajah has slaves. Accoi^ing
to Dalton murderers and thiovos bccomo slaves of tho Ilajah.
Stowart affirms tho samo of thoso guilty of theft, burglary or
arson, and Butler of thiovos But if only tho Itijah, who
ropresonts tho public powor, has slaves, tho Kookies aro not
properly to bo called a slavo-keeping pooplo. Whether thoro
arc other slaves, besides thoso of tho llajah, is not sulli-
ciontly clear.

Tho Twins very probably have no slaves. Noithor Mot/,, nor
tho writers qmitcd by Sponcor, mako any mention of slavory,
though thoy fully doscribo thoir social lifo\').

5) DnlUin, p, 45; Stowart and Hutlor, «• quotod by Sppnc<»r, I.o. p. 14.
0) .McU; Bponoor, I)o«cr, Soo. V,

very. According to Hunter „caste is unknown among the San-
tals". „The classification of the Santals depended not upon
social rank or occupation, but upon the family basis." Dalton,
describing the Santals, does not speak of slaves\').

The idionds formerly offered human sacrifices. The victims
were purchased, and often kept for many years before being
sacrificed. Our author adds: „1 may just allude here to another
class of persons who are purchased by the Khonds, or procured
by them for adoption into their families, as helps in household
affairs, and in field labours. These are called Possia Poes, and
are usually obtained when young. They run little or no risk
of being sacrificed, and very often marry into the families of
their purchasers, and in the course of time merge into tho
general population." In another passage these Possia Poes aro
called serfs: „These serfs are well treated, and in no imme-
diate danger; but there is always a remote probability of their
sacrifice" As it is stated that theso Possia Poes aro absorbed
into the general population, wo may safely conclude that they
are not slaves.

Of the Manipuris Dalton says that „slavery, is an institution
amongst them", and he gives some details besides. So wo need
not doubt its existence, though Watt makes no mention of it ♦).

Among the Jyntias and Kasias tho llajah has slaves
Whether there aro any other slaves docs not appear.

Tho Korwas also very probably havo no slaves. In thoir
raids thoy kill all thoy meet 7).

Dalton says of the Dophlas: „They have normally the same
Mongolian type of physiognomy, but from their intercourse
,with the people of the plains and the number of Asamese
slaves, which they have by fair means or foul acquired, it is
much modified and softened"Nothing more is added about
shivery. Perhaps these „slaves" are simply captured women,
no other slaves being ever taken. Whether slavery really
exists is not clear.

The Nagas keep slaves, if we are to believe Grange who
„saw many Muneeporees who had been thus seized whilst
young, and sold both amongst Kookies, Cacharees and Nagas".
„The children of slaves are slaves." Miss Godden, however,
remarks: „Slavery was unknown among ono or moro tribes
[of the Nagas] according to Dr. Brown." „Among the Aos
[one of the Naga tribes] it is said to havo been universal"

Among tho Bodo and Dhimais „there are neither servants
nor slaves, nor aliens of any kind"

The VcddaJis of Ceylon, according to Sarasin, aro unacquain-
ted with slavery\').

1) UjfnUy, Arypti«, pp, 3r.2, 3r.fl; HoIktIhoii, pp. 78, 70; llouiwolot, p, 22:».

2) Diilton, p. l/\'tournwui (p. 30.\'») in in doubt vrboUior •liitory rwilly
uxinta h«n<, flnit Imhuuno thn I\'lidiini A)>urs nro urgnnixod in rupubliMin and
«yon oommunintio olani«, in wliioh Marory 1« hardly jwiwiijlo (why P);
M<oondly bvcauito tho young HlnvM livo tog«<ihor with tlio young Froomon in
tMjmmunnI long- houiH»«. ThU lout roinnrlc pr»»*tii that Iiolournonu in not very
familiar with tht< cImmottT of primitivo slnTory.

Negative cases: Hill-tribes near Bajamahall,
Todas,
Santals,
Khotids,
Oraons,
Korwas,

The Kazak Kirghiz, according to Pallas „much preferred
the securing of a slave to the killing of a man. Thoy did not
treat thoir slaves cruelly, as long as tho latter behaved well".
But the information we get from other authors shows that thoy
were not a slave-keeping people. Boutakoff says nothing about
slavery. According to Ujfalvy tho poor must serve tho rich;
he calls this a real serfdom. But he adds thnt, if the poor do
not wish to serve, they must borrow from the rich at 100
per cent, interest. So those poor aro compelled to servo by

havo well earned for themselve« tho title of tho „SlavehunterH
of the Steppes" by seizing upon caravans, appropriating tho
goods, and selling their cjiptives at tho great slave-markets at
Khiva, Bokhara, etc. Their wealth consists of cattle, sheop,
horses, and camels"\'). This is clear: tho captives are sold
abroad, and do not serve as slaves among tho* Kirghiz thein-
Bclves; therefore thoy are not enumerated as forming part of
their wealth. The best describor of tho Kazak Kirghiz that

1) Palliw, Roiuo, I, p. 338; IloutakofT; Ujfalry, Exp^d. »dent., p. 112;
Cliambe« iw quot««! by SiHjnoor, Dwwr. Boo. V p. 15.

we know of, Levchine, agrees with Cliambers. „Slavery is
unknown among them." „The Turks, the Persians, and nearly
all other sectaries of Mahomed keep slaves.... The Kirghiz,
on the contrary, have no slaves" In several passages of his
book, however, he makes mention of slaves 3). But this will
be understood, if we pay attention to two other statements of
his. „They do not kill their prisoners, but sell them to the
Bokharians, Kliivians, and other neighbouring nations." They
buy many commodities from their neighbours, and „in ex-
change ----provide them with slaves captured on tho Russian

frontiers"3). So the Kirghiz in Lovchino\'s time mado slaves;
they did not, however, themselves employ them; thoy wero
only slave-traders and not a slave-keeping people. Radloff, who
many years after Levchine visited tho Kazak Kirghiz, sup-
poses that thoy formerly kept slaves. Ho says: „Tho former
serfs and slaves of tho sultan, who havo been for many decJidcs
emancipated, always try still to noniadiso in tho vicinity of
tho sultans, and, though at jirosont entirely on a level with
tho other Kirghiz, aro still called tclcngnts,*\' „Tho denomina-
tions kul (malo slave) and kiimj (female slavo) now moan nuUo
and fomalo servant"*). But wo may compare this withast4it«-
ment of Lovchino\'s: „Wo do not arningo in a separate class
tho tclcngul« or servantH of tho khans, nor tho kulu or slaves.
Tho former aro taken froni anumg tho Kirghiz and enjoy tho
samo right^i; tho latter are looked upon as personal property
or c<imm(iditioH and nro not Kirghiz. Thoy aro lluHsian, Per-
sian, Kalmuck, etc. prisoncra" *). We aeo that Riulloff\'a „aerfa
or Hlavos", tho tdemjuL^ wero not alavoH, and tho hih wero
capturcd slaves intended to bo sold. Our inference ia that tho
Kazak Kirghi« in thoir former indopondont stato did not
koop alaves.

\\) lt>.IIofr, Aun Siliiricn, I p. TivVi. Kinwii (Wc^t-Sibiricn, p. IW) «ivviks
in tho inmo way.
Ti) Lovohino, p. 30r>.

About the Kara Kirghiz we have got but little information.
Radloff, in a short article on them, says: „In the regions of
their winter-quarters (on the Issik-kol) they cultivate very
large pieces of land, on which they leave behind labourers or
slaves (of whom there are but few) whilst the tribe repairs
en masse to the western mountains. These labourers get no
wages, but a part of the produce in kind" Although this
receiving of a part of the produce is not incompatible with
slavery, their being left behind without any supervision, and
Radloff\'s calling them labourers or slaves and in the latter sen-
tence labourers only, makes us doubt whether these people are
really slaves, the more so as in his book slavery among them
is not mentioned

Koehne, in his article on Kalmuck law, referring to Pallas
and Bergmann, asserts that the Kalmucks had slaves\'). But
the particulars he gives are not sufficient for us to decide,
whether the so-called slaves were slaves proper or retainers
of the chiefs; and if slaves, whether they were employed by
the Kalmucks, or intended for sale abroad. Spencer refers to
a statement of Pallas* (but from which of his books does not
appear), according to which slavery was inflicted as a punish-
ment *); but whether tho person so punished was kept as a
slave among tho Kalmucks or sold abroad, wo aro not told.
The only book of Pallas\' to which wo havo access does not
throw much light on tho subject. „Adultery and fornication"
says he „which aro voluntarily [?] committed with female
slaves..... are liable to punishment". In another place ho
states that tho Torguts (a division of the Kalmucks) had much
changed in physical appearance, probably by their intercourse
with females captured abroad. As a punishment for somo offen-
ces tho culprit lost ono or moro of his children; but what was
done with those children does not appear Nothing moro

definite on slavery is found in his detailed description of the
the Kalmucks. In an article on the Kalmucks of the Black
Irtysch Valley we read: „Horrible is the stato of the unfor-
tunate people who are reduced to slavery; they are bartered
and sold like cattle"\'). Here probably slaves intended for sale
abroad are meant; for such horrible treatment of slaves is
more common with slave-dealers than with those who employ
slaves. Radloff has nothing on slavery; but his description of
the Kalmucks is too short to draw any inference from®). So
we are left in doubt as to tho existence of slavery, though
we are inclined to think that it does not exist.

Much more fully than the Kalmucks proper Radloff describes
the Altaians or Altaian Mountain-Kalmncks. Slaves not being
mentioned, and it being stated in many places that the menial
work is done by servants and by the poor who are fed by
the rich 3), it is certain that slavery does not exist. The word
„slave" occurs in ono place only, viz. in tho mourning-song
of the widow, who complains that „now she wears a leothem
dress like base slaves; now she eats coarse food like slaves"
If we have not here to deal with an inaccurate translation,
this mourning-song might be a reminiscence of formerly exist-
ing slavery. Slavery would then have disappeared spontane-
ously, not through Russian infiuence, for the Altaians havo
maintained their position in the mounain-valleys of tho South-
west Altai, least accMsible to Russian colonization. So we may
safely consider tho Altaians as a savage tribo keeping no
slaves.

RadlofTs notes on tho TelcnL% Tatan on tJw. Kondoma and
Abakan Tatars are too short to draw any safe inference from

Many Central Asiatic tribes have been described by Yarn-
bdry. Tho description of each of then fills many pages, but

the information we get about social facts is very scanty. He
seems to have made but littlo use of his literature, if we may
judge from his paragraph on the Kazak Kirghiz, in which
much more should have been derived from Levchine\'s valuable
book. Therefore, though in most of his descriptions slavery
is not mentioned, we may not infer that it does not exist.
The positive cases havo of course more value.

The TJshegs, according to Vambery, till their land aided
by Persian slaves \'). No more details being given, wo may
put this down as a positive case, though not a clear one.

The Kara Kalpaks, in the beginning of the last century,
were given to slave-stealing whether for their own use or
for sale does not appear.

Tho TurJconmns, according to Vambery, sell foreigners as
slaves \'*). In another book tho same author tells us that in
their internal wars they made slaves; and he speaks of their
keeping female slaves*). Stein and "NVeil mako no mention of
slavery \'). According to Featherman „they are the intermediate
agents for carrying on tho slave-trade." The land is tilled by
a fow mon of tho tribo. „These agricultural labourers, poor
and destitute as they are, arc nevertheless exposed to tho
undue exactions of their tyrannical masters, and even tho
small pittance, which they may havo laid up for thcmselvoH,
is often fraudulently taken from thom under tho pretext of
borrowing"®). Such a tribo, that captures slaves, but makes
men of the tribo who aro not slaves till their soil, is probably
only the „intermediate agent" and not a slave-keeping tribe.
Letourneau also, referring to Burnos, remarks: „Tho Persian
captives are for tho Turkomans a source of largo profit; but
tho captors do not as a rule keep thom for themselves, except
sometimes tho womon, of whom thoy make concubines or wi-

Featherman states that „formerly slavery existed among the
Tatars [of the Crimea], but it is now abolished. The nobility
supported numerous attendants from mere ostentation and pride
of rank" 3). This short note is not however, sufficient for us
to go upon.

The Mongols have hired herdsmen who tend their camels\').
Whether they havo any slaves does not appear.

Ujfalvy informs us that among the Tadjiks of Uissar slav-
ery was recently abolished by an order from Bokhara

According to the same writer „all Oaltcltas aro free; for
slavery does not oxist and has never existed in their inac-
cessible valleys"

The Kurds of Erixoan probably have no slaves. Thoy keep
hired herdsmen. All members of tho community, rich and poor,
enjoy tho samo rights®).

Negative cjises: Kacak Kirghiz,
AUaiatis,
Turkomatts,
Galtchas,
Kara Kirghiz,
Kalmucks,
Mongols,

Pallas in the last century visited many Siberian tribes; but
most of his notes are too short to draw any inference from
as to the existence of slavery.

Of the Ostyaks he gives a detailed account. They probably
had no slaves; for it is stated that tho chiefs, like the common
people, had to live by their own labour But in Pallas\' time
they were already entirely under Russian control\'), so it is not
certain that in their aboriginal state thoy had no slaves.

Tho Samojedes were not nearly so nmch under Russian
influence. The details given by Pallas make it nearly certain that
slavery did not exist. „Every Samojcde keeps his reindeer
and tends them himself with tho help of his family, except
the richest, who hire poor men as herdsmen"\'). Islawin and
Pinsch also make no mention of slavery*). And tho account
of Samojcde customs given by Von Stenin, who has largely
drawn upon Russian literature, makes tho non-existonco of
slavory quito certain\').

„The Ghiliaks" says Döniker in a valuable article „arc all
equal, and never havo thero boon slaves among them"«).

Müller gives a somewhat minuto description of tho Tungxiz,
in which slavery is not mentioned, so it very probably does
not exist 7).

Tho samo author has somo notes on tho Yakutcs. Though,
hero too, slavory is not likely to exist, tho details given aro
not sufficficnt for us to arrive at any clear conclusion").

Stollcr\'s statement« about slavery among tho lUiUiicn or
KatnLtchadalcs aro not very dear. Speaking of thoir wars ho

says: „The victorious party enslaved the prisoners, made the
women and girls concubines, and slaughtered all males they
could to be henceforward safe from them." In another place
he states: „They do not steal anything from each other but
women and dogs, which was the cause of their former wars."
In his survey of Kamtschadale history he speaks of a chief
who, in order to augment his power, exacted from his enemies
a tribute of girls and boys. The Italmen of tho Kurile Islands
attacked those of the Kamtschadale peninsula, and carried off
many girls and boys into servitude. In a note he states: „The
prisoners and slaves were employed in various rough and

sometimes dismissed to his home after a two or three years\'
imprisonment"\'). In his chapters on male and female labour
and on marriage he makes no mention of slaves. In Stoller\'s
time Kamtschatka had already been brought under Russian
control; so he could not any more observe their warfare and
taking of prisoners, but got his information about theso matters
from hearsay. This probably is the reason why this inforniation
is not moro clear. As he gives some particulars about slaves
kept by the Italmen of tho Kurile Islands, we may suppose
that these at least had slaves. Tho author of tho Histoire de
h\'nmtsdiatka, who consulted Steller\'s manuscript, says: „The
tmd of their wars was to take prisoners in order to make the
men work and to take the women as concubines" •). But ho
adds no details.

The Tiiski or Tschuktschi are to bo divided into tho inland
Tuski, wlu> keep reindeer, and tho Tuski of tho coast who
ani fishers. Nordenskiold remarks: „According to some Russian
authors there are slaves, uiuloubtedly descendants of war-captives,
ou the inland settlements. Amongst the natives of tho coast, on
tho contrary, the most perfect equality provails" A statement
of Wnrngcdl\'s, referred to by Erman, gives some more parti-

culars. Wrangell, having lived already some time with the
Tuski, perceived to his great amazement that there wore serfs
(Leibeigenen)-J he saw some families that did menial work;
they had no property, and were not allowed to go away from
the rich on whom they were dependent. They received clothing
and lodging from their employers, and did the hardest work;
for instance they ran by the side of the sledges to urge on the
dogs. The Tuski said that this state of things had always
existed. Wrangell supposes that theso serfs were the offspring
of war-captives. It does not appear what this supposition is
founded upon i). This record is worth more than Nordenskiold\'s
vague reference to „some Russian authors." But it is not
easy to decide whether theso subjected people are slaves. Thoy
might simply be poor men dependent on the rich without being
slaves, sucji as arc also found among tho Eskimos. But tho
fact, that the poor Tuski aro obliged to stay with their em-
ployers is moro suggestive of slavery. Goorgi however states
that among tho Tuski tho poor servo the rich as herdsmen;
and Dall, Hooper, and Kennan mako no mention of slaves
In the Histoire de Kamtschatka it is stated that thoy made
raids on the tribes subjected to Russia, „killing or taking
prisoners all they meet"\'). But wo aro not told what was tho
fate of these captives. So wo must leave this question unde-
cided. At any rate this alleged slavery has been useful; for
it led to Nordonskiold\'s positive statement that among tho Tuski
of tho coast, whom ho had visited himself, slavery was unknown.

Tho Koryakcs aro to bo divided into nomadic Koryakosajul
settled Kofyakos. Tho former with their herds roam from ono
place to another, the latter live along tho rivers. Tho langua-
ges of theso two divisions differ so much, that thoy cannot
understand each other. „The nonuidic Koryakcs consider thom
[tho settled Koryakcs] as slaves, and treat them accordingly"

2) Ooorgi u quoted by Ilildobnuid, Uooht und Sitto, p.38; Dull; Ilooiwr;
Kennan.

says our author. But wo know that such slavery of a tribo
as a whole is not slavery in tho true sense of the word. No
other mention is made of slaves. Tho nomadic Koryakes „be-
fore they wero subjected by the Russians, had neither govern-
ment nor magistrates; only the rich exercized some authority
over the poor" So we may infer that slavery is unknown
among both nomadic and settled Koryakes.

The Ainu, though not inhabiting Siberia, may find a place
here, as they live nearer to this than to any other group.
Batchelor, describing the raids which the several divisions of
the Ainu made on each other, says: „On such occasions tho
whole of tho male population wero murdered during sleep,
whilst tho women and children were carried off as slaves to
work in the gardens, and wero called usshui ne guru. Tho
women however wero kept as concubines"«). Lnndor refers
to this and somo other remarks of Batchelor\'s and then adds:
„From my own experience — and I may add I am tho only
foreigner who has seen these Tokachi, or ns others coll them,
Tokapchi Ainu — I came to a conclusion very different from
this. I found that not only wore they not cannibals, but that,
taken altogether, thoy were the most peaceable, gentle, and
kind Ainu I came across during n>y peregrinations through
tho land of tho hairy people." „1 have no wish to force my
opinion on tho public as tho correct ono. I do but describe
what I havo actually seen in a district in which others who
havo written on this subject have never set fo(tt, and 1 leave
it to my readers who has most claim to be heard"®). Hitch-
cock also describes tho Ainu as peaceable. Speaking of somo
cruol punishments in vogue amongst them, he romarks: „H.
von Siobold has supposed from those old customs, that tho
Ainos wero onco a savage and warlike people. Thoy may havo
been so, as one might infer from Japaneso tradition, but it
soems to mo unmifo to make tho assuniptlon on tho grounds

suggested by von Siebold. Their present character does not
sustain it in any way" i). Landor gives another proof of Bat-
chelor\'s untrustworthiness: the description by the latter of
the Ainu of the Kurile Islands, whom he never visited, seems
quite erroneous. „Before being so certain as to what he was
stating," says Landor, „it would have been well, had the writer
of the above lines visited the island in question. He would
not then have committed so many blunders in so few lines"
On the whole most writers on the Ainu do not seem to havo
seen much of them. „The Ainu of this bay [Volcano Bay]
are poor specimens of their race, as most of thom havo inter-
married with Japanese. Thoy arc, however, those most talked
about by Europeans, for they aro of easy access to globe-
trotters. Thoy are mostly half-castcs, and even second and
third crosses; wherefore it is no wonder that tho incautious
travellers who have written on tho Ainu, studying only theso
easily-visited specimens, have discovered in them a remarkablo
likeness to the Japanese"^. Some other dcscribers of tho Ainu
we havo consulted mako no mention at all of slaves Fur-
ther evidence of Batchclor\'s untrusworthinesa ia given by tho
fact that, whereas ho assorts that thoy mako slaves to work
in tho gardcna, several authors inform ua that thoy subsist
on fiahing and do not till tho aoil. Landor aaya: „(Tho inhabit-
ants of Piratori) cannot bo taken as fair specimens of their
raco, for thoy havo adopted several customs and habits of tho
Japanese, which tho incautious traveller ha« then reported aa
purely Ainu customs. For instance, tho puro Ainu diet consist«
almost entirely of fish, moat and seaweeds. Only occasionally
aro tho root« of cortain trees oaton. At Piratori I found that
many grow and cat millet, and com and bad rico aro also
sometimes procured from tho Japanese" This ia aflirmcd by

St. John and Von SchrenckWo have dwelt rather long on
this subject; but the importance of the case justifies it; for
Batchelor\'s description of those raids, with so many particulars
and the native name of the slaves added to it, seems at first
sight sufficiently trustwortliy. Yet we believe that the author-
ities we have referred to may be considered sufficient for us
to reject his whole statement, native name and all, and to con-
clude that the Ainu have no slaves.

Tho ShaJisewcnscs, according to lladde, consist of two social
classes, the nobles and tho common people *), So they probably
havo no slaves.

1) St. John, 1.0. p. aiH; Schrenck, III pp 452, ir^. llilchoook (p. 457)
«tttto« thiU „milli\'t is ciuUi»iil«<l hero nnd there." If „hero nnd thoro" nienn«
in tho plnoofl whoro them is much intoroourso with tho Jnpnneso, this ngreos
with Lmdor\'s obsi>r»«tionit.

provide for his daughters and sisters, may sell them as
slaves" This is the only reference made to slavery by any
of our ethnographers Telfer states that tho independent
Suanes acknowledge neither king nor nobility, consider all
men equal, despise all authority and havo no laws\'). There-
fore it does not seem probablo that they keep slaves; perhaps
the daughters and sisters of whom Bodenstedt speaks are sold
abroad.

In Klaproth\'s detailed description of the Charatschai no
mention is made of slavery; so probably it does not exist *).

Gourien nobles, according to him, export slaves to Turkey
Whether they also employ slaves, wo do not know.

Among the Kabards of Asia Minor tho families consist of
about twelve persons, slaves included ®).

The Ahchases wero formerly slave-traders. They coupled
thoir prisoners, and sold the children born of theso unions\').
Whether these slave-breeders kept thoir slaves only for tho
sake of reproduction or for anything beyond this, does not
appear.

Tho Tchetclienes „say: Wo aro all equal. There wero never
slaves among thom. Only tho captives were not members of
tho tribo; but oven thoso often married their masters\' daugh-
ters and so became their equals" These captivos bear a
strong resemblance to slaves; and we should bo very much
inclined to call them such, wero it not that Chantro positively
asserts that, there never wero slaves among this tribo. Tho
lack of further details prevents our coming to any definite
conclusion.

Negative cases: Charatschai,
Sliabsowenses,
Suanes,
Tchetchenes,
No conclusion: Gourions,
Abchases.

The Acneec Bedouins have slaves. „Slaves, both male and
female, are numerous throughout tho desert; tiiere aro but
few sheiks or wealthy individuals who do not possess a couple
of them" >).

Doughty makes no mention of slavery among the Fqir
Bedouins\', but his description is not elaborate enough for us
to infer that slavery does not oxist«).

Tho T/arbas, a tribe of pastoral Arabs living in North
Africa, havo been beautifully described by Gooffroy. Thoy
keep Negro slaves \').

Theal remarks about tho Ihntu tribes in general that, when
firHt diHcovored by tho I^ortuguoso, tho coast tribes had no
slaves, but in tho inland there wore heartless slavo^ownora *).

Tromp and Macdonald, describing the Kaffirs in general,
make no mention of slavery\'). Waitz remarks: „The poor
join the rich as their „children", live in servitude, and arc
often exposed to heavy oppression and arbitary treatment; but
they are not slaves in the truo sense: slavery proper does not
exist." „The conquered are not enslaved, the conqueror requires
only subjection; whereas often the object of their wars is
the capturing af cattle rather than of men" 2).

The Aina-Xosa arc described by Pritsch. AVar is seldom
bloody, its main object being cattle-stealing; but if the attac-
ked defend their cattle energetically, a general slaughter ensues;
women and children aro killed without discrimination. Fugitive
enemies are mercilessly slaughtered. When a chief has great
renown, ho gets many followers, who crowd towards him from
all sides and contribute to the enlargement of his power; for
it is a custom among tho Kaffirs never to deliver up a fugitive
whatever tho reason of his fleeing from his native country.
The chiefs punish insurgents by taking away their cattle;
then they aro poor men without any influonco in the tribo.
Theso particulars mako tho oxistcnco of slavery improbable:
no prisoners arc taken, fugitives and insurgents aro not on-
slaved. In ono place, however, ho speaks of slaves. Tho Pcngu,
remnants of dcstroywl tribes, fell into tho hands of tho Ama-
Xosa, who spared tho lives of theso fugitives, but kept thom
in wretched, bondage. „In 1835, after this slavo-stato had lasted
for moro than ten years, when tho Kaflirs woro at war with
tho colony, tho Pcngu begged tho Governor Sir lionjamin
d\'Urban to liberate thom. Tho Govonior, complying with tho
request, sent troops to enable thom to depart, an«l so at onco
16800 mon, women and children with what littlo cattlo and
other property thoy had, established themselves in tho colony" \').

It is clear that these Fengu were not slaves. That they could
depart in such large numbers from tho country of the Ama-
Xosa, proves that they lived more or less separate. They woro
weaker tribes subjected by a stronger ono; we shall see that
this occurs very often in South Africa. Tho tribes were sub-
jected as tribes, not the individuals as such; therefore they
wore not slaves. We may safely infer that slavery does not
•exist among tho Ama-Xosa.

In his description of the Ama-Ztdti Fritsch makes no
mentiwn of slavery. Livingstone says: „Zulus do not usually
destroy any save the old, and able-bodied men. The object of
thoir raids in general is that tho captured women and children
may be embodied into tho tribe, and become Zulus. Tho
masters of tho captives are kind to them, and children aro put
on the same level as those of any ordinary man. In their
usual plan, we seem to havo tho condition so bopraisod by
some advocates for slovery. The members of small disunited
communities are taken under a powerful government, obtain
kind masters, whom thoy aro allowed to exchango for any
ono else within tho tribo, and their children become freemen.\'....
The Zulus aro «aid never to soil thoir captivos" >). Theso
captives who aro „embodied into the tribe, and become Zulus,"
and are never sold, certainly are not slaves.

The MatahcU aro a division of the Zulus, who in 1820
separated from tho mothor-oountry. Thoir mode uf life still
boars much resemblance to that of tho ZulusLivingstone
remarks: „Among tho coast tribes a fugitive is almost always
Hold, but hero [i. e. among tho Zulus] a man retains tho same
rank he held in his own tribe. Tho children of captivcsovon
havo tho same privileges jw tho children of thoir captor«. Tho
Hov. T. M. Thomas, a missionary now living with Mosolo-
katao, finds tho same system prevailing among his Zulu or
Matabelo. He says that „tho African slave, brought by a
foray to tho tribo, enjoys, from tho beginning, tho privileges

and name of a child and looks upon his master and mistress
in every respect as his new parents. He is not only nearly
his master\'s equal, but he may, with impunity, leave his
master and go wherever he likes within the boundary of the
kingdom: although a bondman or servant, his position, expe-
. cially in iloselekatse\'s country, does not convey the true idea

become a master himself, and even more rich and powerful
than he who led him captive." The practice pursued by these
people, on returning from a foray, of selling the captives to
each other for corn or cattle, might lead one to imagine, that
slavery existed in all its intensity among the native Africans;
but Mr. Thomas, observing, as we have often done, the actual
working of the system, says very truly: „Neither the punc-
tuality, quickness, thoroughness, nor amount of exertion is
required by the African as by tho European master. In Europe
the difficulty is want of time, in Africa, what is to be done
with it. Apart from the shocking waste of life, which takes
place in these and all slavo forays, thoir slavery is not so
repulsive as it always becomes in European hands" \') Kerr
states, that the masters must pay for tho offenccs committed
by their skves s). Holub\'s account throws quite another light
on the subject. The captured boys are given to warriors in
order to be instructed by them in warfare; those already
accustomed to the use of weapons are instantly enrolled into
tho army. Female captives are lent to warriors. Tho king
used yearly.to make roids on tho neighbouring countries; on
these occasions thousands were slaughtered. Besides tho men
old women no longer able to work, infants and young child-
ren wero killed. When Mackenzie in 1863 visited Matabele-
land, he found but a few Zulu-warriors. Most men in tho
prime of life were Betehuanos, whom tho king had either
captured or exacted as a tax. The regimenta of young men
consisted mainly of Makalaka and Mashona youths. In time of

peace they had to tend the cattle, and on their return home
to exercise themselves in the uso of weapons\'). Can these
statements be brought to agree? It may be, that Ilolub\'s
account relates to a period of strong but short-lived despotism,
such as so often occurs among these tribos, and Livingstone\'s
description to a more peaceful time. It may also be, that both
relate to the same period, Livingstone not mentioning their
military organization. Though Thomas (quoted by Livingstone)
speaks of slaves, it is not easy to make out, whether tho
ciiptives were really slaves; wo should rather think not, as
thoy might leave their masters and go wherever they liked.
At any rate slavery, if it exists, is not much developed, the
chief function of slaves probably being reinforcement of tho
tribo in warfare.

In his description of the Bdchmnas Fritsch makes no men-
tion of slaves. According to Ilolub, however, thoy have Ma-
kalahiri slaves»). But from somo particulars it appears that
these Makalahiri are rather a tribo subjected «is a whole than
individual slaves. „These Makalahiri havo to live in tho moro
wostorn parts, whore game is plentiful, and havo to kill tho
game and bring tho spoil to thoir niastors, who live in parts
where the water is moro abundant." Thoy aro employed as
hunters or herdsmen. „If a Makalahiri Horvant behaves well
and kills a good many ostriches for his master, ho is allowed
to nmrry a Betachuana woman" \'). Condor describes tho Ma-
kalahiri as „nomadic hunters, living chiefly in tho west, and
considered in tho light of serfs of tho chiol" % It is clear that
theso hunters, living away from tho Betcliuanas, and consi-
dered UH „Horftf of tho chiefs" are a subjected tribe and not
individual slaves. There are two other tribes subjected to tho
BetohuanaH: tho Barwa or Masarwa, and tho Mndenn^pana.
I bat these aro sorvilo tribes and not Hlavos, appears still more

clearly than with the ilakalahiri i). The inference is, that the
Bctchuanas have no slaves.

The Makololo and Bakwains are considered by Schurtz as
divisions of the Betchuauas But as we have got separate
descriptions of them we shall treat them here separately.

Livingstone tells iis that the Makololo never make slaves s).
In another work he relates, how once a troop of Matabelo
was starving on an island; the Makololo finding them killed
the adult people and adopted the rest. Formerly there was no
slave-trade; now captured children are the object of it*). Tho
Makololo therefore have no slaves.

As to the Bakwains, Livingstone speaks of a woman who
as a punishment for theft, became tho property of tho injured
party But we do not know, whether she was intended to bo
sold abroad or to be kept as a slave. Holub speaks of Bar-
wa and Makalahiri in a servile condition; but theso aro
probably subjected tribes and not slaves

Joest informs us that among tho Barolong thoro aro descend-
ants of slaves, though not treated as such, who livo with most
of their families. They tend tho cattlo; thoir namo „Ba-khala-
hari" vouches for their western origin 7). Perhaps thoy aro a
division of the same Makalahiri wo havo met with as a tribo
subjected to tho Bctchuanas. But tho statement, that thoy livo
with Barolong families is moro suggcstivo of slavery; thoy
may, howovor, bo frco labourers. Wo cannot arrive hero at
any definite conclusion.

Tho Angoni aro groat slavo-traderH, but keop also domestic
slaves. Kerr gives somo particulars regarding their slavc-
systom ®).

Among the Vatcenda the ebildren of sorcerera are aohl as
slaves; whether at home or abroad we are not told i). No
more particulars being given, we do not know whether slavery
exists here.

Theal, describing the Mdkalanga or MaTcarangay tells us
of a chief who offered female slaves to the whites But this
short note is by no means sufficient for us to go upon.

The Omlverero or Bamaras, according to Andersson, have
slaves. The men are lazy; all their work is done by women
and slaves. The slavos are the offspring of impoverished fami-
lies, and captured Bushmen. The former are enslaved when
children and mainly employed as herdsmen\'). It is strange
that Fritsch, who often refers to Andorsson, makes no mention
whatover of slavery. If he believes that tho Ovaherero have
no slaves, ho should have stated that Andersson is wrong.
Ilahn and IlaarhofF also have nothing on slavery which is
very puzzling, as according to Andersson slavery holds so
largo a place in their social life. Probably tho children of
impoverished families whom Andersson speaks of aro not
slaves but free labourers compelled to serve only by poverty;
for „among all South-African natives the rich oppress the
poor, who in the hope of filling their stomachs, submit to a
stato of dependence that is not authorized by law" The
only slaves would then be a few captured Bushmen, though
the existence even of these slaves is rendered unccrUiin by
the other authors not mentioning them.

Qalton speaks of Negroes employed by Hottentots and I)a-
maraa; the master sometimes gives away Negroes to his friends.
This is nither suggestive of slavery. But it ia added that tho

Negro „complies with the transaction, as he wants a master
and does not know how to live without one"\'). So these
Negroes are perhaps servants rather than slaves. As this sta-
tement too does not throw much light on the subject, we
cannot arrive at any definite conclusion.

Among the Batoka the slave-trade had in Livingstone\'s
time been lately introduced \'). Wo are not told whether thoy
kept slaves themselves.

The Barotse have slaves; this is proved by the statements
of several writers 3).

In the descriptions of tho Mnkalaka no mention is made of
slavery, so they probably havo no slaves

The Manansa are not fond of fighting 6), so they probably
make no prisoners. They might have purchased slaves; but
as nothing is told us of slavery amongst them, tho probabi-
lity is against this.

The LovaU people have tho reputation of being harsh task-
masters. Slaves aro one of the articles they get by exchange
from abroad These short notes are all tho evidence wo know
of, bearing on the existence of slavery among them.

The people of Lunda aro great slave-traders. Several details
given by our informants prove that they also keep slaves for
their own use").

In the neighbouring country of Cazcmbe there aro two social
classes: .the nobility and tho Muzias or servants, including
peasants, artisans, etc. Both classes are called slaves of tho

3) Holub, SOd-Afrikft II pp 3;M, 348, 350 oto.; LiTingstono, Mim. Tniv.,
p. 318; .Sorpa I\'into II p. 42.

8) Poggo, Muata Jamwo, pp. 105, 134, 220, oto.; Litingilono, LMtJourn.
I p. 237,

Muata (king); this of course is not slavery proper. All men
able to fight must go to war; but this does not affect tho
cultivation of the laud, which is carried on by tho women
only 1). These statements make the existence of slavery im-
probable.

Macdonald remarks that the East-Central African tribes in
general have slaves ♦).

The Manganja suffer much from slave-stealing tribes, but
also keep slaves themselves\').

Tho Bahisa sometimes sell their own wives and daughters as
slaves. They are „dependants of tho Babemba; reduced by
thoir own slaving habits to a miserable jungly state" Being
themselves in such a subjected state, it is not probable that
thoy havo slaves.

The IfazaratH\'} havo no weapons of war; warfare seems
unknown among them. Thoy formerly suffered much from
the slave-trade "). Wo do not know, whether they havo slaves;
probably thoy havo not.

Potors, in his account of tho Mararis. gives some particularH
about slaves; but thoy aro not suiHciont to decide, whether
there is domostio shivery or slave-trade only ").

The Wasinja and Wdkerewe export slaves; but slaves are
also imported into their country by caravans Probably the
latter are kept among them; but this short note is not suf-
ficient to draw a positive inference from.

The Wafipa are said never to make slaves or to sell them
to traders. When a slave succeeds in arriving at the town of
Kapufi, he is considered free. They never make war, though
they defend themselves when attacked

Von Hohnel, visiting the country of the fVaTiiknyu, found
two men, who some years before had joined a caravan and
had been left behind because they were ill; from that time
they had lived as slaves among the Wakikuyu *). This state-
ment shows, that tho Wakikuyu keep slaves for their own
use, not for export only.

Of the Jf\'awirn we havo a detailed description by Emin
Pasha. As there is not a word about slaves in it, it is almost
ccrtain that slavery docs not exist among them

Slavery is also very probably not to bo found among tho
Wataveta, minutely described by Thomson, Johnston and Von
Ilohnel 7).

Ward, and Do Bas, speaking of tho Chiigo tribes in yetienU,
state that slavory exists\').

consists of „the head man or patriarcli, his wives, family
proper, dependents and slaves." There are also debtor-slaves \').

Slavery certainly exists among the Bihh^), Minungo^
Mpongwe% Onmgti^ Mbengns% Apinchi\'). Duallas^), Fio-
tes% Bayanzi\'^% Bangala on the Con^rolicduha^% Man-
Kabinda lni7iga and Galloa fVangata\'«),

The describers of the Mundombe maive no mention of
slavery; so they probably have no slaves \'»).

The writers on the QuiUengm also are silent on this subject;
but here the descriptions are not minute enough for us to
arrive at any accurate conclusion

The natives of Angola have slaves; whether for export
only or also for thoir own use, does not appear ^M«

8) Buchhoh. pp. 00, 07, 100, 200, 201, 85; «oo nlso Kohlor, Nogorrocht,
pp. 10, 24, 25, 34.

^0) Cciuilhat, pp. 85, 80. 122; Ward, Cannib.tU, pp. 105, 1(W, 303; l)«-
Ponl, pp. 210, 231-233.

13) Uvingstono, I^t Journ., II pp. 131, 13», 2*.», 02, O;».
U) WoUr. pp. 200, 207.

ir» Unx, pp. 53, 218; Gompiigno, Okanda, pp. 02, 05.
«6) Co<iullhat, pp. 140, 157, 100.

18) CompkVgno, (lubonttU, pp. 114, 130, 141.
10) Magyar; Surpa Pinto; Cipollo nnd Irons.

22) Sohatt, pp. 70, 00, 113 ; I.ivlngstono, Miw. Trav., p. 43.5; Capollo and
Irons, pp. 314, 325, oto.

The Songo or Masongo use slaves as articles of exchange,
and wherever the chief goes, he is accompanied by slaves;
but whether they can rightly be called a slave-keeping people,
is not clear from Pogge\'s short notes \')•

The slave-trade is almost the only trade of the OJcota. On
the death of a distinguished person slaves are killed *). This
information is not, however, sufficient to put this case down
as a clear one.

Nono of our authors on tho Bateke mako any mention of
slavery. According to Guiral they sometimes eat their prisoners,
when they find no occasion to sell them So they probably
keep no slaves.

The Jragenia are stated to throw tho corpses of slaves, and
perhaps of all tho dead, into the river®). This short note
being the only evidence, we aro not certain that slavery
really exists.

Among tho Wartia at the funeral of a chief slaves are kill-
ed But this does not prove that slavery is a social instit-
ution here.

The Bakuba havo slaves, according to Wissmann ®). But
the same author states in another place, that male slaves are
bought only to bo killed at funerals\'). So slovery proper
probably docs not exist.

5) Coquilhat; Ward, CanniboU; Dupont; WJiwm.nnn, Ira Inncri«n ATrika«;
Guiral, p. 150.

8) Winamann, Im Inncron Afrikas, pp. 240, 241.
9> Widdmann, Zwoito Durohquorung, p. 115,

slaves; but on a later visit he found that male slaves had
been introduced among them. Pogge also observed male slaves \').
So at present slavery exists here.

Of the Tupendc we are told, that slaves have for two hund-
red years been exported from their coimtry. Thoy buy female
slaves, and make them their wives Probably they keep no
male slaves; but it is not certain.

The Aduma and Oschebo are slave-traders; but of domestic
slavery no mention is made

Tho describers of the Wantjoro\') make no mention of
slavery; but their notes are not detailed enough to infer that
it does not oxist.

Barotse,
Kimhunda,
Lunda pcoplf,
Kioho,
Sdlcs,
Manganja,
Banijai,
Wanyaimccsi,
AeiniJ)a,
If\'ajyiy

5) Wlmann. Untor douUchcr FUggo, I p. t"; Pogffo\'«
0) Wilwn and Kolkin, I pp. 10»» 193.

Ininga and Galloa,
Wangata,
Bondo,
Cflmas,
Tuchilangue,
Waganda,
Ovahorcro,
Lovalé pooplo,
Bakclc,
Wagon ia.
Warua.
Negativo caso«: Ama-Xom,
Ama-Zulu,
Bdchmnas,
Makoiólo,
Makalakay
Jf^afijkt,
IVanyn/um,
Wairirn,
Ifa/acda,
Mundonée,
Fans,
Batch:,

Matabele.
Mnnanea,
Cazembo pcoplo,
Babisa,
Wazaranio,
Bakuba,
Tupende.
No conclusion: Bakwains,
Barolong,
Vawenda,
Makalanga,
Batoka,
Mararis,

Among povomi tribe» hero nlavory cort4unly exist«. Those
nro tho Catalarrsc \'), inJmbitanls of Bonny \'), Brass people
inhihitants of ]icmn% Jiirc-sjknkiny (and nnmng

I) Hiutinn, Coogr. nnd Kthn. Hildor, p. 143; HuUihlnstm, pp. 13:), 141—
H.\'i; CoraplAffno, (\'.«boniii«, p. B7; I^indor, III p. »11; \\V«lkor, pp. 190-1«.
S) lUwtimi, 1.0. p. 100; Kfllor, pp. IM-liyv, 104; Compii^ne, I. o. p. 78.

these especially the Ewe^) and the inhabitantsof Dahomey
Geges and Nagas of Porto-Novo"), Yorttba-speaking peoples
(especially the Yortibas^)), Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold
Coast (and amongst these especially the inhabitants of Ash-
anti 7)), Fanti ®), Liberia-tribes\'), (and amongst these especially
the Croos\'O), Gallinas^^) and Mandiyvgos\'^-)), Wolofs^^),Saraco-
lays^*\\ Bambaras^^) and Toucouleurs or Torodos^^).

„The Bobo" says Tautain, „make no slaves; they hold
slavery greatly in abhorrence.... It seems that the Bobo are
very industrious; as they have no slaves, they probably have
to work much harder than the Mandingos and other neigh-
bouring peoples"

Corre informs us that „slavery exists among the Sereres.
However, the inhabitants of Fadiouth aro said to have had
captives during the last few years only, imitating what they
saw amongst the Wolof traders, most of whom are subjects
of France. Independent persons, such as a woman without a
husband or family, may sell themselves to any one who is
willing to buy them"\'»). This case may well be called a
dubious one.

4) Kllis, Yoruba-i>|>caking pcoplo«, pp. 178, 182.
.*>) Lander, I p. 37; Staudingor, p. 10.

6) Ein», Taht-speaking pooplo», pp. 2Ri) -205; hoo also lloaman, I pp.
126, 187.

Tho uotes we have been able to collect relate to one people
only of this group, viz. tho Haiissft. Staudinger\'s account clearly
proves that thoy have slaves \').

Wo have not been able to collect many notes on tho Negro
tribes of the Central Soudan; moreover somo tribes had to be
oxcludcd, as they could not properly be called savages.

Lander relates that a former king of Alia had 500 domestic
slaves\'). This being tho only information, wo cannot arrive
at a clear conclusion.

Chaillo Long tolls us that among tho Chillooks the shoikh
of cach tribo detains as slaves thoso who do not possess at
least ono cow No moro particulars being given about slav-
ory, wo may put this down as a very dubious caso.

Tho Diour tribes mako raids on cach other. A largo number
of slaves aro carried off ovory year by tho Arabian slavo-
tradors Whether domestic slavery exist« or not, wo arc
not told.

Among tho Dinlia ovory man has on an average throo head
of aittio, but thero aro also poor pooplo, who aro tho slaves
or servant« of tho rich\'). Thoso „slaves or servant«" very
probably aro not slaves. Wo may not, howovor, Infor honco
that slavery doo« not exist hero; for tho notes our authors\')
givo on thoir social lifo nro very short.

r») Wllwn And Folkin, II pp. Iftll, «02.
0) Sohwolnfurlli, I p. 104.
7) Sohwoinfurth; Junker.

The Bari are themselves victims of the slave trade\').
"Whether they keep slaves, we are not told.

Very minute descriptions are given in Stuhlmann\'s book
of the Latuka Alur \') and Lendu *). No mention being made
of slavery, we may be sure that it does not exist among them.

Junker speaks of a chief of the AbuJcaja or Amadi, who
made raids and divided tho booty, consisting of captured women
and girls, with the allied chiefs and his subjects. Such is the
custom, says Junker, and therefore the men like to go to
war. In another place he speaks of captured women with
children and infants, and girls Whether these captured
persons are kept among the Abukaja or exported, and if tho
former, whether thoy are made slaves, we do not know.

The same author speaks of slaves among the Makaraka;
but it is not clear, whether they keep these slaves or sell
them to the Arabians, who carry on the slave-trade on a
large scalc in theso regions

The Niam-Niam in their wars capture many women. Schwein-
furth supposes, that they retain the captured women as slaves,
but kill tho men. Junker also speaks of female skves. Ac-
cording to him male slaves are sometimes sacrificed; but it
is not dear, whether the latter are ordinary slaves or only
bought or captured to be sacrificed\'\'). Our information does
not admit uf any accurate conclusion.

Schwoinfurth\'s description seems to show, that tho Mout-
biittus have male slaves. Junker speaks only of female slaves
Our information is rathor scanty.

Burrow\'s notes on tho Niam-Niam and Mombuttus do not
throw much light on tho subject.

Tho Wagungo proper, says Junker, do hardly any work
themselves; they leave it all to their slaves, the Schuli and
Tschappu\'). These Schuli and Tschappu seem to be subjected
tribes rather than slaves; but as further particulars are want-
ing, we feel unable to decide.

The samo applies to tho Wafiomi % Watatunc and If \'am-
bugice^). Johnston\'s account of tho WacJiaga shows, that they
also have no slaves\').

The several describers of the Bongos, who give many details
of their social life, make no mention of slavery; hence we
may infer that it does not exist among them 7).

Tho Boobies of Fornando-Po, acconling to Compiegne, havo
numerous slaves. Hutchinson states, that in their wars they
spare neither ago nor sex "). So tho slaves aro probably pur-
chased foreigners.

Sibroe, describing of the Sakalavas of Madagascar, speaks
of a kind of temple, which slaves may not enter, for shouhl
thoy do so thoy would become free»). According to Hildobrandt tho
occupations of tho Sakalavas aro not multifarious. Tho men tend
tho cattle and now and then sell a boast, and Hometimes help
the women in the little plantations. In tho rice district of
North Sakalavaland, where rico is cultivated for export, there
is moro labour on tho fields to bo dono; therefore in this
district many slaves are kept\'"). It is not clear, whether our

0) Johnnton.pp. 180, IBl.SooalnoThomwn, Miuwai; Von llaiinol; Knllonl>orfC.
7) Sohwolnfurth; Junkor; Wllixin nnd Kolkln.
K) Compi^gno, nalwnnU, p. 02; Hutchin«on, p. 101.
0) Slbrwj, p. 227.

informant means to say, that in the other districts of Sakalavaland
there are no slaves; at any rate we may conclude, that among
the Northern Sakalavas slavery exists.

Wafiomi,
Wataturu,
Wamhugtoe,
Waclmga,
BongoSy
No conclusion: Chillooks,
Dioura,
Dinka,
Bari,
Abukaja,
Makaraka.

Fritsch, at tho beginning of his description of tho Hotten-
tots or Koi\'Koin, states that in his time thoso tribes had
already boon much changod from thoir aboriginal stato; so ho
had to rely on tho statomcnts of ancicnt writers, sovoral of
which bear a rather fantastic charactcr\').

Of tho Naniaqm ho says, that tho stato of womon ia not
80 bad as among most South African tribes. Tho men assist
thoir wives in tho hanl work; moreover a class of servants
or slaves exists hero. »This lowest class of pooplo — ono
"light object to our calling them „alavca", aa thoro ia no
ostabliahod law distinguishing slave« from freemen — anu>ng
tho Namaqua mainly conaiats of individuals belonging to tho
doapisod tribe« of MounUun-Damam and Bushmen. Thoao
pooplo aro looked upon aa inferior by their very birth, and
(like tho Vaalpens among tho Botchuana«) regard bad treatment
a« inevitably connoctod with their origin, without bning
slavea by law. Serf« {Tjeibcigcncn) in tho proper aonao of tho woni
may bo defined a« those only who, a« priaonera of war, or
by aurrondoring at diacrotion (liko tho Fingu among tho
Kaflirs) bcc<mio aubjoctod to mightier poraona; of thoao thoro

are but few among the Namaqua tribes, but among all South
African natives the rich tyrannize over the poor who, in the
hope of filling their stomachs, comply with a state of depend-
ence which is not authorized by law." According to Th. Hahn
ho who ill-treats or even barbarously murders a slave, is not
punished \'). This statement is not very clear. Fritsch speaks
here of three kinds of „servants or slaves": a. poor dependent
on the rich; these certainly are servants and not slaves;
b. individuals belonging to despised tribes; of theso Fritsch
says, that they are not slaves by law, and as no moro details
are given, wo cannot make out what they are; c. prisoners
of war and thoso who have surrendered at descretion. These,
according to Fritsch, aro the only Lcibeigenen in the proper
sense; but he compares thom to the Fingu, who, as we saw
in § 15, are subjected tribes rather than slaves. Galton\'s
above-quoted statement about Negroes among the Hottentots
and Damaras being „given away" by their masters, also
throws but little light on tho subject So wo cannot here
arrive at any definite conclusion.

In his description of the Griqua, Korana, and Colonial
Hottentots Fritsch makes no mention of slavery. Holub remarks:
„ Where a well-to-do Korana can afford to keep somo Makala-
hiri and Masarwa as servants and slaves, the soil is tilled to
a small extent" 3). Wo have before met with those Makulahiri
and Masarwa as tribes subjected to the Betchuanas; this makes
UB doubt, whether tho „slaves" Holub speaks of are not
division^ of tho same tribes subjected to the Korana, rather
than slavQS in the proper sense; tho moro so as he speaks
of „servants and slaves."

There is no ovidonee thoroforo of slavery existing among
the Hottentots. Yet, bearing in mind Fritsch\'s above-quoted
warning and Qalton\'a dubious statement, wo must conclude,
that its non-existence is far from certain.

The describers of the Btishmmmake no mention of sla-
very. Fritsch tells us that they adopted parts of tho declining
Hottentots into their hordesso we may safely infer that
slavery did not exist among then.

None of the describers of the AJdMS\') make any mention
of slavery. Burrows tells us that they „purchase their imple-
ments, such as spears, arrow-heads, and knives, from their
neighbours, in exchange for dried meat, or for captives they
have taken in the bush." But as the same writer states that
„each village is ruled by a chief or head man, but among the
people there is no variation of rank" we may safely sup-
pose that they sell abroad all captives they have made, and
do not keep any of them as slaves.

Of tho Abongos we know little, far too little to make out
whether slavery exists among them

The Mticasscqwrcy according to Serpa Pinto, sell the capti-
ves thoy make in their wars as slaves to the Ambuella, who
transmit them to Bih6 caravans«). We may therefore suppose
that they do not keep slaves.

tribes, all of which practise slavery: Beduan\\ TaTciic\\
Marea\'), Beni Amer Barea and Kunama«), Bogos ®}.
The Gallas practise slavery to a great extent 7).
The Somal and DamM also have slaves, though not so
many as the Gallas

Amongst the Massai slavery is unknown\').
The Wandorobo have been described by several authors \'O).
Nowhere is any mention made of slaves. They are them-
selves subjected to the ilassai"). We may safely conclude
that they have no slaves.

The iVakwafi, also probably have no slaves; for none of
their describers say a word about slavery.
The Ftdbe or FtUah certainly have slaves ").
Among the Moors of Senegambia also slavery certainly
exists \'♦).

Duveyrier\'s book on tho Tuareg was not accessible to us;
but Letourneau, referring to Duvoyrier, gives many particu-
hirs which sufficiently prove that the Tuareg keep slaves

4) Ibid., pp. 27Î», 308—3H etc.; »oo aluo Junki-r I p. 180; von Mullor,
p, 428,

5) .Munzingcr, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 483, 4H4, 497,
0) Munzingcr, IJogo«, pp. 42, 43, 48-50.

8) Paulitschko, I pp. 200, 203; II pp. 138, Conoorning th» Sumal
8C0 aljM) Ilottcgu, pp. 422—425; Ilildobrandt, Bornai, p. 4.

10) ThomBon, Througb Ma«itailand; Johnaton; Ilaumann; Kallonborg- von
IlShncI. \'

Several North-African pooplos, boing somi-civilized rather
than savages, havo been excluded here, tho Kabyls among
others.

What Letourneau says about tho Kabyls affords a curious
instance of tho manner in which ho treats his subject. From
tho fact that tho creditor has a right of iniprisonmcnt, ho
concludes, that thoro woro formerly dobtor-Hlavos. But ho makes
no montion at all of tho passage, in which his authorities
explicitly stato that tho Kabyls had Ni\'gro-slavos, until thoir
country was conquered by tho French \').

In tho proccding paragraphs wo havo tried to find, which
savage tribes havo, and which havo not, slaves. But wo sup-
pose that our enumeration (»f positive and negative caHos has
not yot given tho reader a clear idea of tho occurrcnw) of
slavory in tho sovoml geographical district«; probably ho docs
not Hoo tho wood for trees. So wo shall tako hero a short
survey, serving, so to speak, as a map and showing in which
^part« of tho globo slavo-kocping savago tribiM» aro found.

In North America Blavery exists along the Pacific Coast
from Behring Strait to the Northern boundary of California
(15 clear positive cases). Beyond this district it seems to bo
unknown (42 clear negative cases).

In Central and South America we find 9 positive and 18
negative cases The positive cases are scattered over the
whole continent; there are no large positive or negative di-
stricts. Such, at least, is the result we arrive at with the aid
of our rather incomplete literature; a better literature would
perhaps show that such districts exist.

In Oceania, i. e. Melanesia, Polynesia and Micronesia, slaves
are only to bo found in Tahiti, New Zealand, and the Western
part of New Guinea (altogether 7 pos. cases). In the rest of
this group (except a fow dubious cases) slavery does not exist
(23 nog. cases).

In the Malay Archipelago slavery very frequently occurs
(62 pos. cases). The 7 negative cases are scattered over the
group.

India aud tho Indo-Chinese Peninsida, taken together, afford
12 positive and 11 negative cases, the former being found in
the Northern parts of both groups.

In Central Asia and Siberia slavery seems to bo unknown,
except among tho Kamtschadalos (in Central Asia 4 nog.
cases, in Siberia 1 pos. case and 7 nog. cases).

The Caucasus yields 3 positive cases, 1 negative caso, and
several dubious cases. Our literature on this group is rathor
scanty.

Tho Arabian Aenozo Bedouins, as well as the Arobian
Larbas who live in North Africa, keep slaves (2 positive and
no negative cases).

As for Africa,, the Northern part of this continent, being
inhabited by semi-civilized peoples, ia excluded from our sur-
vey. Among tho savago Africans slavery very fro<iupntly oc-

1) In thU parrigraph wo «i»oak of „po«itivo" nml „ncgntiTo «uo«", mwi-
niog only tlio cknr coiMit.

cure. There are only two districts, in which no clear positive
cases arc found, viz. South Africa to the South of the Zam-
besi, and the country about the Upper Nile, to tho South-
Woat of Abyssinia. Largo agglomerations of slavo-kceping
tribes aro found on the Coast of Guinea, and in the district
formed by Lower Guinea and tho territories bordering tho
Congo. A fow negative eases, however, aro interspersed among
the members of both groups, especially of the latter. Thero
aro altogether 65 pos. and 28 ncg. cases in Africa.

Tho results of the first Part will bo utilized in this. Wo
have seen that slavery exists or formerly existed among many
savago tribes, whereas many others have always, as far as wo
know, been unacquainted with it. Tho present Part will bo
taken up with an inquiry into tho causes of those phenomena.
Wo shall try to find out, what kinds of tribes havo slaves,
and what kinds havo not.

To this ijnd it would seem best to divide tho several tribes
according to thoir general culture, and then to inquire at
which stages of culture slavery is found. But such a division
cannot be mado horo incidentally; for it would require years
of labour. And a good divinicm, that wo could adopt,, has not
yet been mado. Morgan distinguishes three periods of wiva*
gory, three of barbarism, and ono of civilization\'). Hut his
system rests on tho unproved supposition, that tho stogo of
culture. a |)ooplo has attained to entirely depends on its toch-

nical ability in the arts of subsistence. Vierkandt has recently
made another distinction. Besides the civilized and semi-civi-
lized peoples he has two categories: migratory tribes.{uns/c/c
Völker), and primitive peoples proper (eigentliche Naturvölker).
The former are the Australians, Tasmanian«, Andamanese,
Veddahs, Negritos, Kubus, Bushmen, African pigmy-tribes,
Fuegians and Botocudos; the latter the American Indians,
Arctic races. Northern Asiatics, Caucasus tribes, hill-tribes of
India, Negroes to the South of the Soudan, inhabitants of the
Malay Archipelago and Oceanic Islands \'). But this division
cannot be of any use to us. It is not the result of an extensive
and accurate examination of tho facts; the writer himself
admit« that ho has followed his genenil impressions\'). His
unstete Völker are simply those generally known as the „lowest
typo of man", whether justly or unjustly we do not know\').
And his eigentliche Naturvölker comprehend savages of widely
differont degrees of development. Sloreover, although ho says
his criterion is the psychical statu of man, tho economic side
of social lifo comes always prominently into view ; but the
author does not even try to prove that tho psychical state of man
depends upon the stage of economic development. His charac-
terization of the psychical difTorenco between primitivo and
civilized man is very valuable; but, like so many sociologists,
Vierkandt nuikes somo ingeuious remarks, and loaves tho dif-
ficult work, the careful examination of the facts, to others *).

Yet, as it can be easily done hero, we may inqi\\ire whether
Vierkandt\'s unstete Völker have slave«. It will bn «iMin fnun
the second Chapter of our first Part that all of thtun are un-

kandt add« to PcMhoPB lUt l!,o Nogritos. Kulmi nnd Africin plRiny-trllHH..
nin7ul«r\' inlmldtnnU of tho Cjilifornian i>o-

acquainted with slavery This conclusion, however, is not of
much use to us, as we do not know whether they have been
justly or unjustly classified under one category.

No other attempts have been made, as far as we know, to
classify* the savages according to their general culture -). So
the method of investigation that would seem the best is not
applicable here. Therefore we are also unable to ascertain
whether, as some writers assert, slavery at a certain stage of
social development is universal. Bagchot says of slavery: „There
is a wonderful presumption in its favour; it is one of the in-
stitutions which, at a ccrtain stage of growth, all nations in
all countries choose and cleave to"\'). Grunberg expresses tho
same view: „No people has always and in all phases of its
development been unacquainted with slavery" ♦). According to
Spencer „observation of all societies in all times shows that
slavery is tho rule and freedom tho exception" \'). And Tour-
magno exclaims: „This almost universal scourge, going back
to the very origin of tho nations and affecting all of them, is
it not to bo regarded as a social stage that every people has
to traverse, as an evolution which it is obliged to undergo,
before it can attain to tho higher degrees of civilization"«) P
If wo had an ascending series of stages of culturo, wo might
inquire whether, within the limits of savagery (for tho civili-
zed and scmi-civiliziHl peoples fall beyond tho scopo of tho
present volume) thero is a stage at which slavory is universal.
But, as wo havo already remarked, this is not yet possible.

Tho best.method wo can uso now will bo to tako into view
ono prominent side of social life, that may reasonably bosup-

1) Wo may Icuro out of tlio qucntion Zu Wiotl\'« duliioua ntjit«mcnlnl)oul
tho liotooudiM. Of tho pigmy-trilNM wo do not know wry much; but nu-
whoro in it Htutod that any of thcin havo «layo«.

4) Orflnborg, Article „Unfreiheit" in IajxI»\' llandwortorbuoli dor Staal»-
wissonitoliafton. In edition.

posed to have much influence on social structure, especially
on the diyision^of labour; and to inquire whether this ono
factor may entirely, and if not to what extent it may, account
for tho existence or non-existence of slavery in every parti-
cular case. Here tho economic_jido_pJ[Jifc comes in tho first
place into consideration. Wo are not among the adherents of
the materialistic theory of history; it is quit^iprovod #nd 1
seems to us very one-sided. But wo may suij^Wlhat the di-1 t
vision of labour between tho several socia^PFips within at \\
tribe, and therefore also the existence or non-existence of; j
slavery, largely depends on the manner in which the tribo ^
gets its subsistence. Whether, and to what extent, this suppo- jJ.
sition is true, will bo shown by the examination of tho facts.
If this hypothesis fails to account for all the facts, we shall
try, with the aid of other hypotheses, to explain the rest.

The opinion that tho existence of slavery mainly depends T
on tho mode of subsistence is also held by many theorists. L
According to Morgan „slavery, which in the Upper Status of
barbarism became tho fate of tho captive, was unknown aniong
tribes iu tho Lower Status in tho aboriginal period". This
Lower Status of barbarism begins with „the invention or pra-
ctice of tho art of pottery". Anterior to tho art of pottery was
„the commencement of village life, with somo dogn^e of con-
trol over subsistence". It ends with „tho domestication of ani-
mals in the Eastern hemisphere, and in tho Western with
cultivation by irrigation and with the use of adobo-brick and
stone in architecture"So slavery, ncconling to Morgan, does
not exist before a rather advanced period.

Several writers assort that hunters and fishers never have
slaves. According to Schmollor „no people unacquainted with
cattlo-brooding and agriculture has slaves" «). Ingnun oxprosse«
tho same view: „In tho hunter period tho savage warrior
docs not «mslave his vanquished enemy, but slays him; tho
women of the conquered tribo ho may, however, carry off and

appropriate as wives or as servants, for in this period domestic
labour falls almost altogether on the female sex. In the pastoral
stage slaves are captured only to be sold, with the exception
of a few who may be required for the care of flocks or the
small amount of cultivation which is then undertaken. It is
in proportion as a sedentary life prevails, and agricultural
exploitation is practised on a larger scale, whilst warlike ha-
bits continue to exist, that the labour of slaves is increasingly
introduced to provide food for the master, and at the same
time save him from irksome toil. Of this stage in the social
movement slavery seems to havo been a universal and inevi-
table accompaniment." But he makes an exception in the case
of those communities where „theocratic organisations established
themselves"\'). Flügel says: „Hunting tribes can neither feed
nor employ tho prisoners ; generally thoy kill them" Ac-
cording to Schurtz „among tribes of migratory hunters there
is no room for slavery" "). Whether ho means horo all hun-
ters or only Vierkandt\'s unstete Völker is not clear.

Pastoral nomadism especially is considered favourable to tho
growth of slavery. The nomadic herdsman, who had learned
to domesticate animals, began also to domesticate men, i. o.
to enslave them. According to Lippert slavery „first arises in
the patriarchal communities of pastoral peoples". „Thoy [tho
slaves] were tho object of an appropriation entirely similar
to the appropriation of tho domestic animals" *), Lamprccht
also asserta that the prisonors, who fcirmerly wero either sacri-
ficed or adopted into tho community, in tho paatoml stage
were enslaved, becauso many hands were wanted to tend
tho catties DlmitrofT says that originally tho captives wore
instantly killed like tho game, as was tho case amongst tho
hunting tribes of America, Australia and Africa. But as

A few theorists, however, who aro moro familiar with
ethnographical literature, know that it is not only among
pastoral and agricultural tribes that slavery is to bo found.
So Peschel states. According to him hunters cannot employ
slaves. Fishers, however, sometimes do-so, as on tho North-
west Coast of America, amongst the Koniagas, Koloshes, and
Ahte of Vancouver Island. But only at the agricultural stage
is slavery practised on an extensive scale¹). Wagnor is of
the samo opinion: „In tho curliest economic stato of society
slavery is quito or nearly unknown; generally speaking slav-
ery is coeval with a settled and agricultural life. This is to
bo accounted for by economic causcs; for only in tho agricul-
tural stago can slavo labour bo of any considorablo uso. Thoro-
foro slavory is unknown among hunters, and occurs but seldom
among fishers. Bondage {UnfrcUmt) presents itself already
undor sovoml forms among nomadic herdsmen; but only
among settled agricultural peoples docs it atUiin U) its full
development" 3). Tylor remarks that slavery osists, m soon
as tho captives aro spared to till tho soil; but ho adds that
oven among savago hunters and foresters absoluto equality is
not always to bo found*). Sponcor says: „Tribes which havo
not emerged from tho hunting stago arc littlo giv«>n to enslav-
ing tho vanquished; if thoy do no kill and oat thom thoy
adopt them. In tho abscnco of industrial activity, slaves aro
almost UHoloHH, ami indeed, whoro game is scarco, aro not
worth thoir food. But where, as among fishing tribes liko tho
Chinook«, captivos can bo of uso, tir whoro tho pastoral and
J^ricultural stages havo boon nuchod, thoro arises a motive
for sparing tho Uvea of conquorcd mon, and after inflicting
on thom Huch mutilations as mark thoir subjection, sotting

them to work"Bos is also aware of the fact, that the
Tlinkits and similar tribes have slaves. He explains this in
a curious way: slavery does not agree with the nature of
hunting tribes; therefore it is probable that these tribes for-
merly were agricultural to a small extent -). Felix remarks
that slavery already exists at the beginning of the agricul-
tural stage\'). Mommsen, however, asserts that in the oldest
times (until when does not appear) slavery did not prevail to
any considerable extent; more use was made of free labourers

Letourneau expresses his opinion very prudently: slavery
was not carried on on a large scale before men applied them-
selves to cattle-breeding and especially to agriculture At
the end of his book on slavery of over 500 pages he contents
himself with this vague conclusion.

We see that the theories disagree very much. Whether any
of them agree with the facts will appear from the investiga-
tion we are about to undertake.

This investigation will be carried on in tho following man-
ner. The tribes that afforded clear eases in tho second Chapter
of the first Part will bo divided into several groups according
t<» their economic state. It will be seen then how many posit-
ive and how many negative cases there are in each group;
and we shall try to explain why tho result ia such aa wo
shall find it. Perhaps wo shall be able to account for this
result entirely by economic causes; if nut, wo shall inquire
what other causes there may be.
Tho following economic states will be distinguished:
1°. Hunliiuj and fishing.

It has to be remarked that this is not an ascending series ^
of stages of economic development. What the economic evolu-
tion has been we do not exactly know. Little credit is given
to-day to the old division into the three successive stages of
hunting, pastoral nomadism, and agriculture. This was not
yet so in 1884, when Dargun could still write: „The evolu-
tionary stages of hunting, pastoral, and agricultural life are
so well established in science as stages of human evolution
in general, that it seems rather audacious to object to this
division. TaTcen in general, however, it is false; on the greater
half of tho globe pastoral life was not a transitory stage from
hunting to agriculture; therefore the people concerned had
not to pass through any regulation of property peculiar to
herdsmen. Thoy learned agriculture without having been pas-
toral. This phenomenon comprehends two parts of tho world —
America and Australia-Polynesia — completely, and two
«»ther part« — Asia and Africa — to a great extent, as tho
Malay Archipelago and the territory of tho Negro tribe« across
Africa also aro included. Therefore it will bo necessary to
leave off considering the three sUiges of hunting, paatoral
and agricultural life as a rule of human progress. Moreover,
nearly all pastoral tribes carry on agriculture, however neglig-
ently ; and it is not at all certain that tho origin of tho latter
does not go back to a moro remoto period than cattle-breeding;
it is oven probable that i« does, for nomadic herdHmen aro
on tho whole moro civilized than the rudest agricultural
tribos; cattle-breo<ling therefore is posterior to primitive agri-
culture"\'). This viow of Dargun\'« i« now generally accopt<Ml.
But a now ascending series that has any scientific value doesT
not yet oxist. And so wo can only distinguiah economic states, [
not BtagoH of economic developmont.

A few remarks must still be made on each of our groups.
These remarks will also serve to justify our division.

This group comprehends those tribes only that are entirely
unacquainted with agriculture and cattle-breeding. Sometimes
agriculture is carried on to such a small extent, that the tribe
subsists almost entirely on hunting, fishing and gathering
wild vegetable food. Such tribes bear much resemblance to
true hunters; but if we called them hunting tribes it would
be very difficult to draw the line of demarcation between
them and other agricultural tribes; moreover, such tribes are
not exactly in the same economic state as true hunters. So
we have classified them under the agricultural groups.

Such tribes as use animals (especially horses) only as a
means of locomotion, arc hunters, viz. if they aro unac-
quainted with agriculture; at any rate they are not pastoral
tribes This is tho case with several tribes of North and South
America.

Tho tribes belonging to this group subsist mainly on tho
milk and meat of thoir cattle. Most of thom also undertake a
small amount of cultivation (seo tho abovo-quoted passage of
Dargun\'s), whereas many agricultural tribes nuir cattle. We
shall draw tho line of demaraition thus: this second group
•will contain thoso tribes only that depend so much on their
cattle, that the whole tribe or tho greater part of it is nonm-
dic; whereas thoso who, although living for a considerable
part on the produce of their cattle, have fixed habitations,
will be classified under tho agricultunil groups.

Grosse makes a distinction between lower and higher agri-
culture; but as the former comprehends nearly all agricultural
savages, this distinction cannot bo of any use to us\') Hahn,

in his book on tho domestic animals, distingnishes hoe-cul-
ture {Hackbau), agriculture proper {Ackerbau) and horticulture
(Gartenbau) But hoe-culture is carried on by nearly all
agricultural savages; besides, this division is purely technical
and therefore cannot serve our purpose. What we want is a
division according to the place agriculture occupies in social
life. VVe^muit lisk to what extent a tribe is occupied in and de-
pendent for subsistence on agriculture. For on this, and not on
the form of the agricultural implements, it will depend whether
slaves are wanted to till the soil. A slave may be set to
handle the hoe as well as the plough. We might even say, tho
ruder the agricultural implements, the more disagreeable it is
to till the soil, and the more likely that a man does not want
to do it himself if ho can got a slave to do it for him.

Perusing the ethnographical literature, we found such great
differences between the several \'savage tribes in this respect,
that we havo thought it best to distinguish three stages of
agriculture Tlio principle according to which tho distinction
will bo made is, as we have already hinted, the extent to
which a tribe depends upon agriculture for its subsistence.
The first agricultural group will contain those cases, in which
agriculture holds a subordinate place, most of tho subsistence
being derived from other sources, viz. hunting, fishing or
gathering wild-growing vegetable food \'•). The tribes of the
sccond group carry on agriculture to a considerable extent, but
not to the exclusion of hunting etc. Tho third, or highest,
agricultural stage is reached, when agriculture is by far the
principal mode of subsistence, and hunting etc. hold a very
subordinate place, so much so that, if tho latter were entirely
wanting, the economic state would be nearly the same.

2) Wijorons our 5 ooononiio groups aro not an nsocnding scries, those
3 ngricuhurnl grouj)« are. I\'rinutivo ngrioulturo nmst bo anterior to a more
«loyelopod atato of agiioulture.

3) This group 1» nearly idontical with Dargun\'s J<7o<>ii(niffvi, hpo Dargun,
p. 00 note 1.

But our information is not always very complete; and so
it is not always clear to what extent subsistence is derived
from agriculture. In such cases we shall make use of some
secondary characteristics. Some facts may be recorded from
which we can more or less safely draw conclusions as to the
place agriculture occupies. The facts indicative of the first
stage of agriculture are: 1. Women only are occupied in agri-
culture 2. The tribe is very mobile, habitations are often
shifted. Those indicative of the second stage are: 1. The tribe
has fixed habitations (except where this is due to an abun-
dance of fish or fruit-bearing trees), 2. The lands are irriga-
ted. Those indicative of the third stage are: 1. Tho lands are
manured, 2. Rotation of crops is carricd on, 3. Domestic ani-
mals are used in agriculture, 4. Agricultural products aro
exported.

It is not, of course, necessary that in every case a whole
set of characteristics is found. Sometimes a part of them
only are mentioned. Besides, there is much overlapping: a
characteristic of the first stage may bo found connoctod with
ono of the third. In all such eases wo must not forget that
theso secondary characteristics havo only signification as in-
dications of tho place occupied by agriculture, so they havo
not a fixed value; in every particular case tho manner in
which thoy aro mentioned, tho place thoy hold in tho whole
of tho description etc. will decide what importance wo aro to
attach to cach of thom.

Hitherto wo have supposed that agricultural tribes did
nothing else besides tilling tho soil, oxcopt hunting, fishing and
gathering wild vegetable food. But it may also bo that they
subsist partly on agriculture, partly on cattle-brood ing or
trade\'). In theso eases wo caniiot apply tho samo principle
of division. A tribo that subsists partly on agriculture, but

2) Under «tmdo\'\' wo simll nlso comprehend induntry. Industry ns n modo
of subsistence, not of a few individuals, but of a wholo tribo, has but
littlo signiflcance where tho manufactured goods aro not oxolmngod abroad.

chiefly on trade ia not to be classified under the same cate-
gory as a tribe that subsists partly on agriculture, but maiuly
on hunting. The latter is not yet agricultural, the former has
perhaps passed beyond the agricultural stage. Here we may
regard only the technical ability attained to in agriculture.
Where agriculture is technically little developed, wo have
probably to deal with former Jägerbauern who have become
traders. "Where agriculture has reached a high perfection, but
trade is one of the chief modes of subsistence, tho tribo has
probably passed through the higher stages of agriculture. What
we say hero of trade equally applies to cattlebreeding.

There aro a few tribes that afforded clear cases in tho
second Chapter of our first Part, but about tho economic state
of which we are not sufficiently informed. Theso will bo left
out here.

The literature used is tho same as in Part I Chap. II\').
We have not thought it necessary to quote the pages relating
to each tribo. In most ethnographical rocords tho nmdo of
subsistence occupies a conspicuous place, so any ono wishing
to verify our conclusions may easily find tho passages concerned.

§ 3. Hunting and fishing, 2>astoral, and agrictdtural tribes
in the several geocjraphical districts.

We shall give here a list of tho tribes that afforded „cloar
cases" in the second Chapter of Part I, stating, after tho nanu^
of each tribe, tho economic condition in which it lives. As we
havo said before, wo shall omit a fow tribes, about tho eco-
nomic state of which wo aro not sufficiently informed.

It will not perhaps bo superfluous to remind the reader
that, as our list contains only „clear cases", it gives no evi-
dence as to tho economic state of each geographical group. If,
for instance, in our list somo geographical group contains as
many hunting as agricultural tribes, this dooa not prove that

1) About tlio Malay Arobipolago we havo also oonsultcil Do Holländer,
and about Africa, ilatzel.

in this group hunters and agriculturists are equally divided;
for the group may contain many more tribes, which in our
second Chapter have not afforded „clear cases"; and what is
the economic state of these tribes does not appear from our list.

Among the agricultural tribes we have separately noted
those, among which subsistence depends largely either on
cattle-breeding or on trade, in addition to agriculture.
We shall make use of the following abbreviations.
h means hunting or fishing; the tribes so marked are hun-
ters or fishers.

c means cattle-breeding; the tribes so marked are pastoral tribes,
ai, a®, tt® means first, second, third stage of agriculture.
a} -\\-c means an agricultural tribe of the first stage, among
which subsistence depends largely ou cattle-breeding;similarly
a" c and a\' -j"

a^ -f t means an agricultural tribe of the first sttige, among
which subsistence depends largely on trade; similarly a® -f-1
and a®

a^ c-\\-t means an agricultural tribe of the second stage,
among which subsistence depends largely both on cattle-breed-
ing and trade; similarly a\' c -f-

i) UooHcvelt ciills tlujni huntora; but in tbo Jesuit UeUitionH it is Ht<it(\'(|,
that they wero not entirely unacquainted with agriculture.

Positive cases.
Atnas h
Similkameem h
tribes of W. Wash-
ington and N. W.
Oregon h
Chinooks h

Honduras a\'
inhabitants of Pana-
ma and Costa Rica a\'
Caribs of the Antil-
les a\'
Mundrucus a\'
Mauhés a\'
Mbayas a\'
Caduvei a*

1) According to Cossac, who got hid infornmtion from u man wiio had
boon detained in captivity hy tiiom for 13 yearn. Tho other anthorn make
no mention of ngrioulture.

Negative cases.
Cheyennes a\'
Blackfeet nation h.
Iroquois a-
Hurons o-
Katahbas a-
Cherokees a-
Muskoghe a®
Choctaws a-
Chickasaws a^
Creeks a"
Seminoles a®
Natchez a-
Sioux h
Hidatsas ai
Omahas a\'
Osages h

Kansas Indians ai
Assiniboins h
11 upas h
Comanches
Apaches h
Zuni o\' -{- c
Lower Californians h.
Wild tribes of North

Mexico h
natives of tho Mos-
quito Coast a\'
Caribs of tho Isth-
mus a\'
Warraus a\'
Macusi a\'
Roucouyennes a\'
Tupinambas a\'

Nuforeso a\' 1
Papuas of Arfak a\'
„ ofAdioa\'-|-<
„ on tho Gulf of
Kaimani a\' -f <

Schingu
Paressi a*
Bororo a\'
Guanas a^
Charruas h
Minuanes h
Puelchcs h
Araucanians o®
Fuegians h
Tho 23 tribes enume-
rated in Chapter II,
of Part I, all of
them h
Now Caledonians a^
Solomon islanders
(eastern part of tho
group) a\'
Solomon islanders

t) On Musturu\' nuthority. According to Charlovoix iigriculturo ia not en-
tirely unknown nmongat them.

2) On Kenne\'s authority. According to Zu Wied nnd Martius thoro aro
Home slight traces of agriculture.

Battahs on tlio Pane
and Bila Rivers a\'
Biittahs of Mandhé-
ling a3
Battahs of Pertibio a\'
Karo-Battah« a«
Raja-Battahs a\'
Battahs of Angkola a\'
Toba-Battahs a-
Lam pongs a"
natives of Nias a^
„ „ Anambas,
etc.

Negative cases.
Motu Ol 1
Mowat a\'
Toaripi a\'
Tamul a\'
Tongans a\'
Samoans a\'
Rotumians a®
Rarotonga islanders a®
Marquesas islanders a®
Marshall islanders a®
Caroline islanders a\'
Marianne islanders a®
Polau islanders a^
Kingsmill islanders a\'
Sakays a^
Sömang a^
Kubus h

talo a^
inhabitants of Buool a®
Alifurs of Central Ce-
lebes a^
inhabitants of San-

lor group a\'
inhabitants of Bone-
rate and Kalao a®-f <
inhabitants of East Ti-
mor

bar group a®
inhabitants of the Te-
nimber and Timor-
lao Islands a"
inhabitants of tho Aru

tubela Islands a\'
inhabitants of the
Seranglao-Gorong
group a\' <
inhabitants of Se-

rang a\'
inhabitants of Ambon
and thoUliasort^-f /
inhabitants ofthe Sen-
gir and Talauer Is-
lands a\'
Qalela and Tobelo-

rese a^
inhabitants of Kau
Tagals and Visayas a"
Bagobos o\'
Manobos a^
Maguindanaos
a\'4-c-f /
inhabitants of Sulu

Aracan a®
Karens a®
Meshmees a\' .
Garos a®
Lushais a\'
Manipuris a-
Kafirs a2 c
Padam Abors a\'
Nagas a®

Santals (a part) a\'
Santals (a part) a\'
Santals (a part) h
Khonds (somo divi-
sions) a®
Khonds (other divi-
sions) a^
Oraons a®
Korwas a^

Bodo and Dhimals a®
Vcddahs h
Kazak Kirghiz c
Altaians c
Turkomans c
Samojedes c
Ghiliaks h
Tunguz c

Ossctcs a* -}- c
Circassians c
Kabards of Asia Mi-
nor c
Aonezo Bedouins c
La rbas c
Angoni a^
Barotsi» a® -f c
Kimbunda a" -f t

Positive cases.
Lunda people a^ -{-t
Kioko -f t
Selles a" t
Manganja a®
Banyai a®

Wanyaniwesi a^ -\\-t
Azimba a®
Wajiji a^ 1
Wakikuyu a^
Bondei o\'
Bihés o® 1
Minungo o®
Mpongwo a®
Orungu a^
Mbengas a® -{- <
Duallas a®<
Bayanzi a\' <
Bangala on tho Con-
go a®
Baluba a»
Manyueina a\' -}- <
Kabinda a® -f t
Ininga and Galloa a\'
Wangata a\'
Tuohilangue a®
Waganda a® -f c
Calabareao a\'
inhabitant« of Bonny

Negative cases.
Makololo a\'-\\- c
Makalakas a® -}- c
Wafipa a\' c
Wanyaturu a®
Wawira a®
NVataveta a®
Mundombe (a part) c
Mundombe (a part) a®
Fans a\'
Bateke a\' -f t

Latuka a®
Alur tt® c
Lendu
Warundi rt®
Wafiomi a® -j- c
Wataturu a^ -{- c
Wambugwe a\' -j- c
Wachaga a® -f c
Bongos rt®

Fanti a^
Croos a- -f t
Mandingos a\'-\\-c
Wolofs a®
Bambaras a®
Toucouleurs a®
Haussa a^ -\\-t
Borgu a^

Beni Amer c
Barea and Kunama a\'
Bogos a\' -j- c
Gallas a^ -f c
Somal (somo divi-
sions) c
Somal (some divi-
sions) a*
Danakil c
Fulbo c

Among tho „dear cases" of the second Chapter of our first
Part tho following are hunting and fishing tribes.

Nootka« (including Ahts),
tribes about Puget Sound,
Fish Indians,
Tacullies,
Atnas,

South Amcrica: wild tribes of North Mexico,
Botocudos,
Charruas,
Minuanos,
Puelchcs,
Eucgians.

So tho groat majority of tho 83 cases wo havo got are
negative. This fact ogrecs with tho opinion of thoso theorists
who assert that this economic state is unfavourable to tho deve-
lopment of slavery. Tho oxistonco of 18 positive cases, howo-
vor, shows that those arc wrong who hold that no people un-
acquainted with agriculture and cattle-brocding over has slaves.

Wo have to explain now, why most hunters and fishers do
not keep slaves. In a fow cases tho fact that thoy are inclosed
between superior peoples and reducod to a dependent, power-
less state, might afford sufficient explanation. So tho Wando-
robo, according to Thomson, aro considered by tho Alassai as
a kind of serfs; nnd Johnston calls thom a holot raco\'). But
with most of our hunters and fishers, who do not koop slaves,
this is not tho caso, as is proved by thoir boing often at war
with thoir neighbours. It has been shown that tho Ojibways,
Sioux, Osages in North America, tho Charruas, Minuanes and
Puelchcs in South America oithor kill or adopt thoir priso-
ners, that tho Andamanoso also sometimes adopt captivo child-
ren, that tho Montagnais gonorally tortured their prisoners

to death, that warfare is also known among the Botocudos i).
And the most striking evidence is afforded by the Australians,
an isolated group consisting entirely of hunters, in which
slavery is altogether unknown. So the non-existence of slavery
among the great majority of the hunters and fishers must be
due on the whole to more general causes; and only if the
latter fail to account for the absence of slavery among the
Wandarobo or any other tribe in a similar subjected state,
may we have recourse to an explanation by this state.

What general causes may there be? Spencer, speaking of
hunters, says: „In the absence of industrial activity, slaves
are almost useless; and, indeed, where game is scarce, are
not worth their food"\'). It is true, where food is more plen-
tiful than it is among most hunters, slaves can be of more
use; but we cannot think that tlie only cause why slavery
does not exist, is that the slave is „not worth his food", i. e.
that the produce of a man\'s labour cannot much exceed his
own primary wants. For we meet with several instances,
among these tribes, of people whose wants aro provided for
by the labour of others. In our first Part we saw, that the
Australian men depend largely for their subsistence on the
work of their wives. Some other statements are indicative of
a similar state of things. Dawson says of the natives of the
Western District of Victoria: „Groat respect is paid to the
chiefs and their wives and families. They can command the
services of every one belonging to their tribo. As many as
six young bachelors aro obliged to wait on a chief, and eight
young unmarried women on his wife; and as the children are
of superior rank to the common people, thoy also havo a num-
ber of attendants to wait on them----Food and water, when

brought to the camp, must be offered to them first, and reeds
provided for each in the family to drink with, while thecom-

1) Sec nboTo, pp. 53, 59, 60, 70, 81, 82, 122. Tho MontiignniH «ocni also
gomctimcH to havo a(lopto<I priBonors. l.o Jouiio ohrtorvod a young Iroquois,
whom tlioy imd adopted. .Jesuit relations, VI p. 259.

mon people drink in the usual way. Should they fancy any
article of dress, opossum rug, or weapon, it must he given
without a murmur\'\'And of the chiefs of tho Andaman
islanders we are told: „They and their wives are at liberty
to enjoy immunity from the drudgery incidental to their modo
of life, all such acts being voluntarily performed for them by
the young unmarried persons living under their headship" -).

So there are people here whose wants are provided for by
the work of others; therefore scarcity of food cannot be tho~\'^
only cause why slavery does not exist, and we have to exa-
mine what other causes there may be

The reader will remember, from tho details given in the
first Part that slaves are frequently acquired from without the
community to which the slave\'s owner belongs, by war, kid-
napping or trade. It may be convenient to give this pheno-
menon the technical name of extratrihal slavery, whereas we
shall speak of iniratribal slavery in those cases where the
slave remains within tho same community to which ho belonged
before being enslaved, e. g. a debtor-slave. Now tho keeping
of extratrihal slaves must bo very difficult to hunters. Hunting
supposes a nomadic life; and the hunter, who roams ovor vast
tracts of land in pursuit of his game has not much opportu-
nity to watch the movements of his slave, who may bo apt
to run away at any moment. And if tho slave himself is set
to hunt, tho difficulty ampunts nearly to impossibility. More-
over, the hunting slave will bo much more inclined to run away
than a soil-tilling slave; for tho latter, during his flight, has
to live in a make-shift way on tho spontaneous products of
nature; whereas tho former continues hunting, as ho has always
done; his flight has not tho character of a flight.

3) Another instanoo of poophi providing for tho wants of otiinr« is tho
nnirriago by sorYioo, tho young man serving tlio parents of his brido, boujo-
tinies for several years. This oven oocurs among the Ainu, Hurthinon, anil
Fuogians, soo Wost«<nnarok, pp. UOO,

live in small groups. „Even now" says "Westermarck „there
are savage peoples of the lowest type, who live rather in
separate families than in tribes, and facts indicate that the
chief reason for this is want of sufficient food"i). Hildebrand
gives several instances. „The Nilgala Veddahs are distributed
through their lovely country in small septs or families." The
Kubus of Sumatra live in small hordes or families. Among
the Negritos each family holds communication only with a
few neighbouring families. The Woguls in their woods live in
families. The Indians of Upper California „living on acorns,
wild chestnuts and the seeds of various plants, cannot form
large communities." The Indians of the Rocky Mountains
„exist in small detached bodies and single families". „The
Indians of the thick woods, of necessity, from the scarcity of
animals, camp only in small numbers." To tho north of tho
Amazon River there aro tribes consisting of one or a few
families, and living in complete isolation from their neighbours.
The Fuegians „appear to live in families and not in tribes".
Among tho Bushmen a horde generally consists only of tho
members of one family\'). And Sutherland remarks: „The
middle savages, on tho average of six races, roach about 150
as the social unit." „The upper savages, as typified by the
North American Indians, would average about 360 to an en-
campment"\'). Now it is easy to undersUind, that such small
communities would not bo able to develop much coercive
power over slaves introduced into tho tribo from foreign parts.
A fugitive slave would bo very soon boyond the reach of the
tribe; and a comparatively small number of slaves would bo
dangerous to tho maintenance of power by tho tribesmen within
tho tribo.

But the nomadic life of hunting tribes does not prevent tho
existence of intratrlbal slavery; such slavery might oven be

compatible with living in small groups. There are however
other, more internal causes.

If there were slaves, i. e. male slaves, for slavery proper
does not exist where all slaves are women, they would have
to perform either the same work as free men, or the same
work as free womon. One might object, that sometimes slaves
have separate kinds of labour assigned to them, which are per-
formed by slaves only. This is true; but when slaves began
to be kept it must have been otherwise. It is not to bo sup-
posed that mon, convinced of the utility of some new kind of
labour, began to procure slaves in order to mako them perform
this labour; or that, finding some work tedious, thoy invented
slavery to relievo themselves of this burden. Modern psycho-
logy does not account for psychical and social phenomena in
such a rationalistic wayDifferentiation of slavo labour from
frco labour cannot havo existed in tho firHt stago of slavory.
Therefore two problems aro to be solved: why are thero
no slaves performing men\'s workP 2°. why are thoro no slaves
performing women\'s work?

Men\'s work, besides warfare, is hunting. Now hunting is
never a drudgery, but always a noble and agreeable work.
Occupying tho wholo soul and leaving no room for distract-
ing thought; offering tho hunter a definito aim, to which ho
can reach by ono mighty ofTort of strength and skill; uncer-
tain in its results liko a battle, and promising tho glory of
victory ovor a living croaturo; elevating tho wholo person, in
a word intoxicating; it agrees very well with tho impulsive-
ness of savago charactcr -). Therefore it is not a work fit to
bo imposed upon mon who are deprived of tho common rights
of freemen and aro tho property of others.

For, first, good hunters aro highly rospcctod. This appears
from several statomonta. Ottawa womon rcspcct a man who is

1) Social inatitutionu aro soiiiotimcH made; but thin in the oxooption:
gonorally tlioy grow.

a good hunterTasmanian fathers took care to give their
daughters to the best hunters Among the Dumagas (a Ne-
grito tribe) a man who wishes to marry must show his skill
in shooting^). Ojibway parents try to give their daughters to
good hunters. If the husband is lazy the wife may leave him
In "Western Victoria „if a chief is a man of ability, exhibit-
ing bravery in battle or skill in hunting, he is often pre-
sented with wives from other chiefs" Among the Andaman
islanders social status is dependent „on skill in hunting, fishing
etc. and on a reputation for generosity and hospitality" ®). Le
Jeune tells us of a Montagnais, who was laughed at because
ho was a bad hunter. This was a great disgrace among tho
savages; for such men could never find or keep a wife7). A
describer of Kamtschatka says of the dangerous sea-lion hunt-
ing : „This chase is so honourable, that he who has killed most
sea-lions is considered a hero; therefore many men engage in
it, less for the sake of the meat, that is looked upon as a
delicacy, than in order to win renown" % In W. Washington
and N. W. Oregon „a hunter is, in fact, looked upon with
respect by almost every tribe in the district" \'J). Even among
the pastoral Colonial Hottentots those who had killed a savage
animal were highly respected by their countrymenPersonal
qualities, among such tribes, are the only cause of social diffe-
rentiation. Wealth does not yet exist"); and hereditary nobi-
lity is unknown. And so a good hunter cannot bo considered
by public opinion as a slave, the more so as a good hunter
is also a good warrior; and without the aid of public opinion

the master is not able to keep him subjected. And a bad
hunter would be of little use as a hunting slave

This prevents the growth of intratribal slavery: no member
of the tribe is so superior to any other member, that he can
reduce him to a state of complete subjection; except perhaps
where the latter is physically or psychically much weaker;
and then ho would not be of any use as a hunting slave. But
it also prevents extratrihal slavery. Enemies aro hated, but
not despised. In Central North America prisoners are either
killed or adopted, and in the latter case entirely considered
and treated as members of the tribe. Sometimes a captive is
spared for his bravery; he is then provided with all necessa-
ries and dismissed to his home Even those who aro intended
to be killed, are in the meantime treated with all due honours,
sometimes even provided with wives Enemies, if allowed to
live, are on a footing of equality with tho tribesmen; another
state of things is not yet thought possible.

But even if the idea of subjecting tribesmen or enemies
had entered the minds of these hunters, hunting slaves would
not bo of any uso. For hunting requires tho utmost application
of strength and skill; therefore a compulsory hunting system
cannot oxist. If a man is to exert all his faculties to tho ut-
most, there must be other motives than mere compulsion. It
is for the samo reason that in countries whore manufactures are
highly developed, a system of labour other than slavery is
required. „It remains certain" Stuart Mill remarks, „that sla-
very is incompatible with any high state of the arts of life,
and any great efficiency of labour. For all products which

I) Mombors of tlospisod oloascs iiro often exohided from tho oooupntionH
oonaidcred noblo by the community. So tho .lewii in the Middle Age« wore
not iillowed to hold roiil property (except in some periods in tho South of
Franco and Spain), nor to enter into corjmrations and trades. (Nys, p. 130).
Tho expulsion of .Tows from the army in certain modern states belongs to
tho same order of things.

3) Soo Charlovoix, Nouv. Kranoo. Ill |). 210 (alwut tho Ilurons and In)-
quois); Lory, p. 22.\') (alwut tho Tupinanthiw). These tribes aro not hunters
proper, but Jiigerbauern\', but this is rather a proof « fortiori.

require much skill, slave countries are usually dependent on
foreigners.... All processes carried on by slave labour aro
\'conducted in the rudest and most unimproved manner" And
Cairnes says that the slave is „unsuited for all branches of
industry which require the slightest care, forethought, or dex-
terity. He caunot be made to co-operate with machinery; he
can only be trusted with the coarsest implements; ho is inca-
pable of all but tho rudest forms of labour" Kruijt, descri-
bing the natives of Central Celebes, speaks in the same way:
„The free Alifur works as hard as his slave and even harder;
for during the hours that there is nothing to do in the gar-
dens, the freeman has to mend the furniture, plait baskets,
and cut handles from wood or horn, etc. all which work tho
slave does not understand"®). A freeman may give his whole
mind to his work, because ho knows he will enjoy the fruits
of it, and still more because he will win a reputation by it
among his fellow-men. Tho slavo has not these motives; ho
works mainly on compulsion*). And as both hunting and"
higher iudustrial labour require much personal application,
neither can be well performed by slaves. Here extremes meet,
if hunting and manufactures aro to bo considored as extremes,
which wo aro inclined to doubt, at least regarding thoso tribes
that havo brought tho art of hunting to a high perfection;
such hunting probably supposes moro development of cerebral
power than the lowest stage of agriculture \'). But there is a dif-
ference botween hunting and manufactures. In manufacturing
countries, where slavery exists, it does not disappear as soon
as tho arts of life are so much developed that free labour is
I moro productive than slavo labour. In such countries, besides
j the higher kinds of labour, thoro is still ruder work to be dono,
that can bo dune by slaves as well. But tho main cause is

T)) Seo IlQolier, p. 0, and Fritsoh\'s beautiful desoription of Ilushinan liunt-
ing, Fritsch, pp. 424 sqq.

this: slavery has passed into the laws and customs; social life
is based upon it; and so it remains for a long time after its
economic basis has fallen. Slavery in such cases, by a gradual
mitigation, is made to agree with changed economic conditions:
the slave is given a proportionate share in the produce of his
labour; he is allowed to buy his freedom by means of his
savings; or his obligations are restricted to fixed tributes and
services, and so the slave becomes a serf\'). But our Austra-
lians and other hunting tribes have not probably ever done
anything but hunting; and so neither present wants induce
them to mako slaves, nor do the traditions of the past main-
tain slavory -). We may add, that supervision of the work of
a hunting slavo would bo nearly impossible. An agricultural
slavo can work in tho prescncc of and surveyed by his mas-
ter; but hunting requires rather independent action.

So slaves cannot be enjployed in hunting. Thoy might,
however, bo sot to do women\'s work, i. o. „erecting habita-
tions, collecting fuel aud water, carrying burdens, procuring
roots and dolicacics of various kinds, making baskets for cook-
ing roots and other purposes, preparing food, and attending
to tho children"\'). But, first, nomadic life and tho require-
ments of tho work would, in this case too, very much facili-
tate tho escape of tho slavo. Moreover, tho mon aro not likely
to tako tho pains of procuring slaves for the benefit of thoir
wivos only. Wo must also tako into consideration, that thoso
small tribes aro very niuch in need of tho forces of ovory
man in hunting and still moro in warfare; thercforo an able-
bodied boy will bo brought up to bo a hunter and warrior,
rather than given to tho women as a slavo. And finally.

1) Soo tho oxocllont exposition of tho touscb nnd devclopniont of this mi-
tigation by Wagner, pp. 390 -405.

2) TIjo assertion of somo writers (o. g. Waitz-Gorland, VI pp, 707, 700),
that tho Atistrulians have declined from a higiier state of culturo, seems to
us quito unfoundoil.

3) This description given by Dawson (p. 37) of female labour in Wostorn
Victoria, may be taken as a fair typu of female labour among huiitum in
general.

where war is frequent, such slaves, not being able to fight,
would soon be eliminated in the struggle for life, whereas
women are often spared because they are women Therefore
it is only among tribes which either live in peaceful surround-
ings. or are so powerful as not to have to fear their neigh-
bours very much, that men performing women\'s work are to
be found. Crantz speaks of a young Greenlander who was
unable to navigate, because when a child ho had been taken
too much care of by his mother. „This man was employed
by other Greenlanders like a maid-servant, performing all
female labour, in which he excelled" Among the Central
Eskimos, according to Boas, „cripples who are unable to hunt
do the same kind of work as women" Tanner tells us of
an Ojibway, who behaved entirely as a woman, and was kept
as a wife by another Ojibway. He excelled in female labour,
which he had performed all his life. Such men, according to
Tanner, are found among all Indian tribes; they are called
agohoa But iu all these cases the men who perform female
labour are not slaves. Crantz\'s young Greenlander probably was
glad to earn his livelihood in this way. Female labour among
the Greenlanders is not so much valued, that it was worth
while to compel him to work. Widows and orphans are some-
times taken as servants; but this is done rather as a favour;
for else they would havo to starve \'). Among the Central Es-
kimos only those who aro unable to hunt do the same work
as women; a man able to hunt will never be compelled to
do female work. And tho men of Tanner\'s narrative are en-
tirely treated as women and somehow perform tho sexual
functions of wives; the perforfiiing of domestic labour only
would not probably be sufficient for them to get their sub-

aiatence\'). Only where either peaceful surroundings or a fight-
ing power much superior to that of tho neighbours makes tho
existence of men performing female labour possible, and where
at the same time female labour is so much valued that the
more labourers can be got to do it the better, can thoro be
male slaves performing women\'s work "Whether these requi-
rements are fulfilled in any of our positive cases, will appear
from our investigation of these cases.

The non-existence of slavery among most hunters and fish-
ers now being accountcd for, we shall proceed to an inquiry
into the causes of the existence of slavery among 18 hunting
and fishing tribes.

Going on to account for our 18 positive cases, we may
remark in the first place, that what wo have said about tho
causes preventing tho existence of slavery, applies much more
to hunters than to fishers. Fishers aro not necessarily so no-
madic as hunters; and where a sedentary life prevails, there
is more domestic work to bo done, and tho slaves cannot so
easily escape. Moreover it is not so very difficult to control a
fishing slave, who is in the same boat with the master. TIio
slave may also bo used to row tho boat. Therefore it may be
of somo uso to inquire, how many hunting and how many
fishing tribes are to bo found among our positive and negative
cases. Fishing in our senso includes tho killing of water-ani-
mals besides fish: whales, seals, etc. Where a tribo lives by
hunting and fishing, wo shall call it a hunting or a fishing
tribe, according to tho predominating modo of subsistence.

1) Suoh iiiun, trcatoil ua wivod iiiul porforiuiiig funiiilu labuur, wcru very
nunioroHH in Kanitucliatku; soo Steller, p. 3.^0 note.

2> Sutherland (I p. 379) remarks that «when a slave has to be fed by
the huntsnuui skill of his nijister, ho is a burden rathor than a help, and
amid roving habits it is dilHoult to soo how thoro can bo enough of drud-
gery to mado it convenient to food him.»

lian, subsist largely ou wild fruits, roots, berries, grasses, etc.,
shcll-fish and lower land-animals, such as beetles, lizards, rats,
snakes, etc.; so that neither hunting in the true sense nor
fishing prevails \'). For our purpose it will be most convenient
to classify them under the head of hunters; for the peculiar
features of fishing tribes which we have enumerated: fixed
habitations, easy supervision of the work of slaves, drudgery
such as rowing, are not found among them. Moreover, the
gathering of wild-growing vegetable food and the catching of
the lower animals, in Australia too, are chiefiy incumbent on
women, whereas the men hunt; to the division of labour is the
same as among other hunters regarding the quality of the
work of each sex; only tho quantity of male labour is less and
of female labour greater hero.

Of our positive cases the following arc hunters: some tribes
about Puget Sound, Atnas, Similkameem, Abipones, Tehucl-
ches. Tho rest aro fishers^

Of our negative cases tho following are fishers: Eskimos
(9 tribes), Ilupas, Fuegiana, Southern Nicobarese, Tuski, Ghi-
liaks, Koryakes, Ainu. Tho rest aro hunters, with tho excep-
tion of the Chepewyans, of whom Bancroft says: „Their food
consists mostly of fish and reindeer, tho latter being easily
taken in snares. Much of their land is barren, but with süf^-
ficiont vegetation to support numerous herds of reindeer, and
fish abound in thoir lakes and streams"\'). So wo aro notable
to ascertain whether hunting or fishing predominates among the
Chepewyans.

So 5 hunting and 14 fishing tribes havo slaves; 48 hunting
and 16 fishing tribes havo no slaves®). In other words: of the
hunting tribes 9 7s per cent., of the fishing tribes 47 per cent,
have slaves.

3) The positivo cases liere are 5 14=19, instead of IK, heoauso tho
Indbns about I\'uget Sound count double, somo of them being hunters and
others fisliers. Tho negativo aisos aro 48 10 = G4,-insteud of 05, because
wo have omitted tho Chepewyans.

We may gay now, that hunting is very unfavourable, and
fisliiiig not nearly so much so, to the oxistcnco of slavery.
But it remains to bo explained, why a few hunting tribes
keop slaves, and why among the fishers the tribes with nnd
without slaves arc nearly equally divided.

Now it is worth noticing, that the great majority of our
positive cases (all except the Abipones, Tehuelchos and Kamt-
schadales) belong to one geographical group: thoy all live on
or near the Pacific Coast of North America, from Bohring
.Strait to the Northern boundary of California. Therefore wo
may suppose that the existence of slavery among all these
tribes is due to the samo or nearly tho samo causcs; and a
survey of the economic stato of this group will probably
enable us to find these causes. Wo shall examine then, whe-
ther slavery among tho thrco tribes outside this group can bo
accounted for by tho samo causcs, or if special causes aro at
work thoro.

The circumstanccs that may bc considered as favouring tho
oxistcnco of slavery on tho Pacific Coast aro tho following:

1°. Abundance of food, Tho Aleuts eat only tho best parts —
of tho dried fish; tho rest is thrown away \'). Bancroft tells
us that „although game is plentiful, tho Ilaidas aro not a
raco of hunters, but derive thoir food chiefly from tho innu-
merablo multitude of fish and sea animals, which, cach variety
in its season, fill tho coast waters" »). Tho Tacullics, „aro able
to procure food with but littlo labour" \'\'). Our author also speaks
of tho „abundant natural supplies in occan, stream, and forest"
of the Pugot Sound Indians *). About tho tribes of W. Wash-
ington and N. W. Oregon Qibba remarks: „With all theso
sources of subsistence, tho greater part of which is afforded
spontaneously by tho land or water, nothing but indolence
or want of thrift could load to want among a population oven

greater than we have reason to believe at any time inhabited
this district"\'). The salmon fishery „has always been the
chief and an inexhaustible source of food for the Chinooks,
who, although skilful fishermen, have not been obliged to
invent a great variety of methods or implements for the cap-
ture of the salmon, which rarely if ever have failed them"
Several other tribes on the Pacific Coast have fixed habitations
and live together in large groups, as we soon shall see; there-
fore amongst them too food must be abundant, though this is
, not explicitly stated.

i The consequence is, that the produce of labour exceeds the
primary wants of the labourer much more than for instance in
L Australia, and the use of slaves is greater.
^ 2". Most of these tribes live chiefly hy fishing (see above).
i Moreover, there is a great variety of food. The Koniagas catch
salmon, haddock, whales, seals, deer, reindeer, waterfowls, a
small white fish and grizzly bears The Tlinkits cat fish,
various kinds of meat and plants, and shell-fish; formerly they
also killed whales ♦). The Ilaidas have abundance of game and
fish. They eat also birds, and various kinds of vegetables.
Shell-fish are gathered by the women *). Of some tribes about
Puget Sound we are told: „Fish is their chief dependence,
though game is taken in tnuch larger quantities than by the
Nootkas"«). Tho Ahts eat fish, roots and berries, and hunt
the deer 7). The Tacullies eat fish (chiefly salmon), herbs and
berries and small game®). The Similkamcem cat fresh and
dried game of all kinds, tho seed of tho sunflower, various roots,
edible fungi, berries, wild onions\'). Tho tribes of W. Wash-

ington and N. W. Oregon live on fish, roots, berries and a
little game. „The roots used are numerous." „Besides the sal-
mon sturgeon is taken in the Columbia, and a variety of other
fish." Seals and whales are also occasionally killed. „Shell-fish
in great variety exist in the hays and on the coast" \'). The
basis of the Chinooks\' food is salmon; but besides this they
eat sturgeon, wild-fowl, deer, rabbits, nuts, berries, wild fruits
and roots

We do not attach very much importance to this circum-
stance; for even the Australians have a great variety of food,
and yet they are poorly off \'\'). But together with tho other
causes it may have some influence; for where various kinds
of food aro available, there is a good chance, that the procur-
ing of one or more of them will be a work fit to be per-
formed by slaves.

30. They generally havo fixed habitations and live in rather
large groups] they are enabled to do so by preserving food
for winter use. The Koniagas „build two kinds of houses;

summer hunting hut.... Tiieir winter houses aro very large,
accommodating three or four families each." „The kashivi or
public house of the Koniagas is built liko their dwellings, and
is capable of accommodating three or four hundred people" *).
The Tlinkits during the winter dwell in villages, regularly
built and consisting of solidly constructed houses. Tho greater
houses lodge up to 30 persons. „For winter they dry large
quantities of herring, roes, and the flesh of animals" \'). llaida
houses aro similar to those of tho Tlinkits, but larger, better
constructed and more richly ornamented. „Fish, when caught,
are delivered to the women, whose duty it is to prepare them
for winter uso by drying"«). Among the Nootkas „each tribe

ri) Krauso, pp, 123, 155; «anoroft, p. lOi.
C) Krause, p. 307; Iknoroft, p. U>3.

has several villages iu favourable locations for fishing at differ-
ent seasons". Each house accommodates many families. Fish
and shell-fish are preserved by drying; somo varieties of sea-
weed and lichens, as well as various roots, aro regularly laid
up for winter use i). In W. Washington and N. W. Oregon
acorns, some kinds of berries, and especially salmon and whale-
blubber, are stored for winter use About Puget Sound
„the rich and powerful build substantial houses". „These
houses sometimes measure over ono hundred feet in length,
and aro divided into rooms or pens, each house accommodat-
ing many families." „In tho better class of houses, supplies
are neatly stored in baskets at the sides"®). „During a portion
of every year the Taculliea dwell in villages." .,In April thoy
visit the lakes and take small fish; and after theso fail, they
return to their villages and subsist upon tho fish thoy havo
dried, and upon herbs and berries" The Chinooks do not
move about much for the purpose of obtaining a supply of
food. They have permanent winter dwellings. „Once taken,
tho salmon were cleaned by the women, dried in tho sun and
smoked in the lodges; then they were sometimes powdered
fine between two stones before packing in skins or mats for
winter use"\'). Similar accounts aro given of tho Ahts and
^Similkameem ®).

These circumstances greatly tend to further tho growth of
slavery. A settled life makes escape of the slaves moro diffi-
^cult 7). Living in larger groups brings about a higher organi-
zation of froomen, and therefore a greater coercive power of
the tribe over its slaves. And the preserving of food requires

7) Oibbfl romirks: tF^a-st of tho Ciwcadoa, though it [Hlavcry] oxistn, it is
not so common; tho equestrian habits of the tribes liting thoro pn»bably
rendering it less profitable or convenient than among tho more settled in-
habitants of tho coast.» (Qibbs, p. 188).

additional work; and this work is very fit to be performed
by slaves, as it does not require overmuch skill, and has to
be done in or near the house, so that supervision of the work
is very easy. Moreover, the hope of partaking of tho stored
food is a tie that binds the slavo to his master\'s house, in
much the same manner as a modern labourer is bound by
having a share in the insurance fund of tho manufactory. ^
•4". Trade and industry are highly developed along the Pa-
cific Coast. Among tho Aleuts „whalefishing is confined to"^
cortain families, and tho spirit of the craft descends from
father to son" The Koniagas aro „adapted to labour and
commorce rather than to war and hunting" Among tho
Tlinkits there aro professional wood-carvers, smiths and silver-
smiths. Tho women aro very skilful in plaiting. Very good
canoes aro mado. Formerly thoy hunted whales with harpoons.
Trade was already highly developed before tho arrival of the
whites; they traded even with remote parts of tho coast and
with the tribes of tho interior. Tho trade in slaves was for-
merly carricd on on a largo scale 3). Tho largo and ingeniously
built canoes of tho Ilaidas aro widely celebrated; thoy often
mako them for sale. Thoy havo a standard of value: formerly
slaves or pieces of copper, now blankets. Thoir houses aro
richly ornamented. Thoy aro „noted for thoir skill in tho con-
struction of their various implements, particularly for sculpt-
ures in stono and ivory, in which thoy cxcol all tho other tribes
of Northern America" *). The Tsimshian formerly acted as
middlomcn in tho slave-trade. Tho southern tribes kidnapped
or captured slaves, sold thom to tho Tsimshian, and these
again to tho Tlinkits and interior Tinnoh. „Each chiof about
Fort Simpson kept an artisan, whoso business it was to repair
canoos, mako masks, otc." Tho Atnas „understand tho art

of working copper, and have commercial relations with sur-
rounding tribes". They buy their slaves from the Koltschanes\').
Gibbs states that in W. Washington and N. W. Oregon the
Indians of the interior preserve some kinds of salmon, „which
after a stay in the fresh water have lost their superfluous oil,
and these are often actually traded to those Indians at the
mouth of the river or on the Sound. The Dalles was formerly
a great depot for this commerce". Some wild-growing roots
„were formerly a great article of trade with the interior".
The slave-trade is carried on here too. „Many of the slaves
held here are.... brought from California, where they were
taken by the warlike and predatory Indians of the plains, and
sold to the Kallapuia and Tsinuk." „Many of them [tho sla-
ves] belong to distant tribes" The tribes about Puget Sound
have canoes, beautifully made, painted and polished. The hou-
ses of the rich are made of planks split from trees by means
of bone wedges. „In their barter between the different tribes,
and in estimating their wealth, tho blanket is generally the
unit of value, and the hiaqm, a long white shell obtained off
Cape Fiattery at a considerable depth, is also extensively used
for money, its value increasing with its length. A kind of
annual fair for trading purposes and festivities is hold by the
tribes of Puget Sound at Bajada Point." „Slaves are obtained
by war and kidnapping, and are sold in large numbers to
northern tribes"\'). Of the Nootkas Bancroft says: „Trade in
all their productions was carried on briskly between the dif-
ferent Nootka tribes before the coming of the whites." „The
slave-trade forms an important part of thoir commerce." llar-
pooners are a privileged class *). The several divisions of the
Ahts mutually exchange the fish that each of them catches.
They also sell mats and baskets manufactured by tho women *).

till lately in the habit of purchasing oil from the Nittinat
also, and have traded in a single season, it is said, as much
as 30,000 gallons". A division into different trades also exists
among them. „A portion of them only attain the dignity of
whalers, a second class devote themselves to halibut, and a
third to salmon and inferior fish, the occupations being kept
distinct, at least, in a great measure"Among the Tacullies
hiaqua shells up to 1810 were the circulating medium of the
country =). The Chinooks „were always a commercial rather
than a warlike people, and are excelled by none in their
shrewdness in bargaining. Before tho arrival of tho Europeans
they repaired annually to the region of the Cascades and Dal-
les, where they met tho tribes of the interior, with whom
they exchanged their fow articles of trado — fish, oil, shell
and "Wapato — for the skins, roots and grasses of thoir eastern
neighbours". „Their original currency or standard of value was
tho hiaqua shell." They obtain thoir slaves „by war, or moro
commonly by trado"").

This development of trade and industry furthers the growth
of slavery In several ways:

a. The slave-trade facilitates the keeping of slaves. Prisoners
of war usually belong to a neighbouring tribo; they have much
more opportunity to escape to their native country than pur-
chased slaves, who havo been transported from a great dis-
tance. The latter, if escaping from their masters, would Instiuitly
bo recaptured by some other slave-keeping tribo of tho Pacific
Coast. So among tho Nootkas „a runaway slave is generally
seized and resold by tho first tribe ho meets" ■•).

h. Where the fishing implements aro brought to a high
perfection (canoes, nets, harpoons), fishing becomes moro remu-

nerative; the produce of a fishing slave\'s labour exceeds his
primary wants more than where fishing is carried on in a
ruder manner.

c. The more the freemen devote themselves to trade and
industry, the more need there is for slaves to do tho ruder
work (fishing, rowing, cooking, etc.). The trade itself may
also require menial work: carrying goods or rowing boats on
commercial journeys, etc.

d. Another effect of intertribal trade, together with a settled
life and abundance of food, is probably this, that these tribes
are not so warlike as most hunters. So they need not employ
all available forces in warfare; they can afford to keep male
slaves who do not fight. Wo have seen that the Koniagas are
„adapted to labour and commerce rather than to war and hunt-
ing", and that tho Chinooks „were always a commorcial nUher
than a warlike people". Regarding the other tribes it is not
clearly stated, whether war is very frequent ; but our im-
pression, on perusing the ethnographical literature, is, that it
is not nearly so frequent as among tho Sioux, Ojibways, and
similar tribes.

5°. Property and wealth aro -also highly developed. Anu)ng
tho Koniagas „when an individual becomes ambitious of popu-
larity, a feast is given"®). Among tho Tlinkits private property
comprises clothcs, weapons, implements, hunting territories and
ways of commerce. Nobility depends on wealth rather than on
birth*). Of the Ilaidas Bancroft says: „Rank and power depend
greatly upon wealth, which consists of implements, wives and

1) Trading itiwlf ia not u drudgory, but a highly agrocablo ooouiwition.
«.Moat or tlie Arrioiinaf ajiya Livingatono (/iinibuai, ]>. TiO) «nro nntunil-lmrn
tradora; they love trade more for the ankc of tniding, ihnn for what thoy
mako by it». HQohor decidedly undorratea the Hignificanoe of trado among
aavagea.

2) So Uanoroft (p. 01) wiya of tho Aleuta: «Notwithatanding thoir peaceful
character, the oocupanta of the several islanda wero almost conatantly .it
war.» This is far from clear; for wo o.m hardly imagine peaceful pcojile
being always at war with eaoh other.

slaves. Admission to alliance with medicine-men, whose in-
fluence is greatest in the tribe, can only be gained by sacri-
fice of private property." Swan speaks of wooden pillars, placed
before the houses of the rich. They are elaborately carved at
a cost of hundreds of blankets, and fetch up to 1000 dollars.
Only the very rich are able to purchase them^). Among the
Nootkas „private wealth consists of boats and implements for
obtaining food, domestic utensils, slaves, and blankets". „The
accumulation of property beyond the necessities of life is only
considered desirable for the purpose of distributing it in pre-
sents on great feast-days, and thereby acquiring a reputation
for wealth and liberality" A. wealthy Fish Indian may also
win renown by giving away or destroying propertyAmong
tho Makah „the larger class of canoes generally belong to a
single individual and ho receives a proportionate sharo of tho
booty from the crew"*). Among tho Tacullies „any person
may bocomo a miuty or chief who will occasionally provide a
village feast" »). Of the tribes of W. Washington and N. W.
Oregon Gibbs says: „Wealth gives a certain power among
them, and influence is purchased by its lavish distribution."
Thoy havo pretty clear ideas about tho right of property in
houses and goods. Tho men own property distinct from their
wives. Tho husband has his own blankets, tho wifo hor mats
and baskets\'). Bancroft tells us of tho Puget Sound Indians:
„1 find no ovidonco of horodilary rank or caste except as wealth
is sometimes inherited"\'). Among tho Chinooks „individuals wero
protected in thoir right to personal property, such as slaves,
canoes, and implements". Each village was ruled by a chiof
„either hereditary or selected for his wealth and popularity" •>).

The effects of this development of property and wealth are:
a. Social status depending mainly upon wealth, a slave may
be a good hunter or fisher and valued as such, and yet be
^despised as a penniless fellow.

h. The accumulation of property beyond the necessities of
life requires more labour than would otherwise be wanted. Mo-
reover, slaves are the more desired, as the keeping of many
slaves is indicative of wealth and therefore honourable.

The five causes we have enumerated hero aro not at work
independently of each other. Abundance of food enables a tribe
to have fixed habitations, to live in larger groups, to preserve
food. Any greater development of trade and industry would
be impossible if food were not abundant; for else all time and
energy would be occupied by the seeking of food; and a sett-
led life tends greatly to further the growth of industry. Wealth
would scarcely exist if there were no trade and industry. The
industrial development again facilitates the procuring of food,
^hat is the primary cause of this high stato of economic life
is not easy to say, and an investigation into this nuitter falls
beyond tho scope of tho present volume.

It must also be remembered, that this economic state is n(»t
only the cause, but also to some extent the effect of slavery.

The development of trade and industry, of property and
wealth, is undoubtedly much furthered by slavery. By impos-
ing the ruder work upon slaves, the slave-owner can give moro
of his time and mind to trade and industry. „Leisure" as
Bagehot remarks „is the great need of early societies, and
slaves only can give mon leisure"\'). And that tho keeping of
slaves furthers the accumulation of wealth need hardly be said.
The slave-trade, which enriches the traders, is even quite
impossible where slavery does not exist. Hence we may infer
that slavery must already havo existwl here at a souiewhat
lower stage of economic life.

On the other hand, there is a circumstance tending to acce-
lerate the growth of slavery on tho Pacific Coast. These tribes

form a somewhat homogeneous group, and have much inter-
course with each other. So we may suppose that some of them,
that were not yet in such an economic state as spontaneously
to invent slavery, have begun. to_keep_^ slaves,, im.ita^g what
they saw among ^eir_neighbour8; the more so, as the slave-
trade made this very easy. For our group is not quite homo-
geneous. The picture we gave of their highly developed econo-
mic life does not equally apply to all these tribes. The summer
and winter dwellings of the Similkameem are rather primitive.
They depend on hunting for a large portion of their food.
Trade and industry, property and wealth are not mentioned;
it is only stated that at a later period they had horses and
cowsNiblaek tells us that the Tsimshian sold slaves to the
Tlinkits and interior Tinneh; but „the last-named had no
hereditary slaves, getting their supply from the coast"No
moro particulars are given; but we may suppose that among
these interior Tinneh slavery existed in a rather embryonic
state, and would not have existed at all but for the slave-trade.
Tho early ethnologists overrated the influence of imitation and
derivation of social institutions; but wo must not fall into tho
other extreme and underrate it. An institution may be derived
and thereby its growth accelerated, of course within restricted
limits.

If tho information we havo got on tho labour imposed on
slaves were moro complete, it would perhaps be bettor first
to survey this information, and thenco to infer what place
slavery occupies among tho tribes of tho Pacific Coast. But
the statements of our ethnographers regarding slave labour are
rather incomplete. A survey of them may, however, bo of
sonjo use. In tho first place it will be seen, whether thoy can
be brought to agree with the exposition given above- of tho
causes of slavery; and, secondly, our survey will perhaps pro-
vide us with now valuable data, which may give us a clearer
understanding of tho significance of slavery on tho Pacific Coast.

1". In a few cases the slaves strengthen their master\'s force
in warfare. Aleut slaves always accompany their masters, and
have to protect them\'). „Kotzebue says that a rich man [among
■ the Tlinkits] purchases male and female slaves, who must
labour and fish for him, and strengthen his force when he is
engaged in warfare" We may suppose that the last part of
this sentence applies to male slaves only. Tsimshian slaves
guard the house, when the master is absent\').
^ This military function of slavery, as we shall see, also exists
l^mong several pastoral and agricultural peoples. The industrial
part of society, in such cases, is not quite differentiated from
the military part. As for the Tlinkits and Tsimshian, the
employing of slaves for protecting the master or his property
is facilitated by the slave-trade: a purchased slave, brought
from a great distance, may bo mado to fight, whoro it would
not be safe to employ in warfare a slavo captured from a
neighbouring tribe; for tho latter will probably bo much inclined
to go over to tho enemies, who often aro his own kindred.
But the example of tho Aleuts, whoso slaves aro prisoners of
war and thoir descendants ♦), shows that oven captivo slaves
may bo employed in warfare. Wo shall not very much won-
der at this, if wo tako into consideration, that prisoners of war
are sometimes soon forgotten, and oven repelled, by their for-
mor countrymen. So „if a Mojavc is taken prisoner ho is
forever discarded in his own nation, and should ho return his
mother ovon will not own him" \'). The expectation of such
treatment may induco captivo slaves to fight on their mastors\'
side against their own tribesmen rather than join tho latter.

2". Slaves aro Hometimcs employed in hunting, fishing awl
"work connected with fishing, such as rowing, otc. From astato-

2) Hancroft, p. 108; soo also Niltlack, p. 2.\'i2.
.1) Huas, Dio Tsimshian, p. 24i.

nient of Dunn\'s, quoted by Niblack, we learn that at Fort
Simpson, British Columbia (in the country of tho Tsimshian)
„a full-grown athletic slavo, who is a good hunter, will fetch
nine blankets, a gun, a quantity of powder and ball, a couple
of dressed elk skins, tobacco, vermilion paint, a flat file, and
other littlo articles" \'). And Boas tells us, that Tsimshian slaves
row the boats, bring the killed seals to land, and cook them s).
Tliukit slaves, as it appears from Kotzebue\'s above- quoted sta-
tement, must fish, for their masters. Among the Nootkas „the
common business of fishing for ordinary sustenance is carried
on by slaves, or the lower class of people; while the more
noble occupation of killing the whale and hunting the sea-otter
is followed by nono but the chiefs and warriors"\').

Dunn\'s statement about hunting slaves is very valuable. It
proves that hunting is here no longer the chief and noble
occupation of freemen. Among tho Ojibways a good hunter is
held in high esteem, not bought at a high price as a valuable
slave. What wo havo said in the last paragraph about hunting
not being fit to be performed by slaves, is not impaired by
this statement; for hunting among theso traders is not (ho
most honoured occupation; moreover, tho abundance of game
along tho Pacific Coast makes it very easy; it does not require
nearly so much skill and application as among tho Ojibways
and similar tribes. This statement also contains a most striking
refutation of Bos\' assertion, that slavery hero exists only as a
reminiscenco of a hypothetical former agricultural state*). If
this woro true, there niight be traces of an ancient slave
system; slaves might even still bo kopt by rich mon as a
luxury; but tho slave\'s ability in hunting would not enter as
a determining factor into his price. Slavery exists hero in full
vigor, and is not in any way, as Bos will have it, foreign to
tho economic state in which theso tribes live\').

What ileares tells us of the Nootkas is also instructive.
The drudgery for daily sustenance, fishing, is left to the sla-
ves; whereas the chiefs and warriors reserve to themselves
the less productive and (partly therefore) more noble occupa-
tion of killing whales and sea-otters. It is remarkable that
fishing is carried on by „the slaves or the lower class of people".
Those who cannot afford to buy slaves must themselves per-
v,^^ form the drudgery that others leave to slaves. The formation
^^ of social classes among freemen is furthered by slavery.

3". We are often informed, that slaves do domestic work.
Tsimshian slaves cook the killed seals and cut wood \'). Among
the Nootkas „women prepare the fish and game for winter
use, cook, manufacture cloth and clothing, and increase the
stock of food by gathering berries and shell-fish; and most of
this work among the richer class is done by slaves". Our
author speaks also of „the hard labour required" from the
slaves ®). Among the Ahts slaves serve the family. When a
man of rank is going to remove, the new house is prepared
in advance by his slaves^). Among the Fish Indians old wo-
men and slaves prepare the food Chinook slaves „are obliged

amount of the work connected with tho Chinook household
is never great" \'). Tho last sentence hero proves that „drud-
gery" means household labour.

of thciio tribes. Ho )ius not, however, rooourse to n Iiypotbotioiil fornier
.-igricultiiml state, but to the great ethnologionl aainorum, derivatioii
(p|). 1ü\'2, 134). liut ho doos not inrorm us wlienoo shtvery oan havo been
dorived. Porliaps from tiie inbind tribes who, as Letourneau himsolf provos
tu bo awaro, havo no slavos f Or from tho Siborians, who aro rather in a
iower than in a highor eoonoraio stato as oompared with tho Indiam* of
the I\'ocifio Coast? Or from tho llindus or any othor mythioal early visiUirs
of America? t

nographers sccni to bear the same meaning. For instance
Tlinkit slaves, according to Kotzebue (quoted above), must
„labour" for their masters; and Niblaek, evidently referring to
the samo statement, says that „slaves did all the drudgery" i).
The Tacullies use their slaves „as beasts of burden", which
perhaps also means imposing household labour upon them -).
And Niblaek remarks about the Coast Indians of Southern
Alaska and Northern British Columbia in general: „When
slavery was in vogue, this class performed all the menial
drudgery" S).

It is remarkable, that slaves in so many cases aro stated to
perform household, i. o. female, labour. These statements aro
even more numerous than those about fishing and similar
<>work; so it would seem (we may not speak moro positively,
aa our materials are rather scanty), that household labour is
.the chief occupation of slaves along the Pacific Coast. Now
it is easy to understand, that fixed habitations and the pre-
serving of food for winter use require a large amount of do-
mestic labour. But this does not solve tho question, why slaves
are employed for this work; why tho mon purchase or capture
slaves not for thoir own private use, but in order to relieve
their wives of a part of their task. In Australia women are
overworked, and beaten into the bargain; why are tho men
of tho Pacific Coast so anxious to give the women assistance
in thoir labour? ^

It might bo, that female labour is valued by the men, be-
causo articles of trade are prepared by the women. Unfortu-
nately our ethnographerH most often content themselves with
remarking that a brisk trado is carried on, or that some tribe
is commercial rather than warlike, without specifying the
articles of conunerco. Yet a few statements tend to verify our
hypothesis. The articles of trade of tho Chinooks before the
arrival of the Knropeans wore: fish, oil, hIioIIs, and Wapato.

„The Wapato, a bulbous root, compared by some to the po-
tato and turnip, was the aboriginal staple, and was gathered
by women"„Dried and pounded salmon, prepared by a
method not understood except at the falls, formed a prominent
article of commerce, both with coast and interior nations"
And as we are told that „the women prepare the food which
the men provide"the trade proves to depend largely on
female labour. The Tlinkits export to the interior basket-work,"
dancing clothes, train-oil prepared from the ssag (a kind of
fish), a sort of cakes made of Alaria Esculcnta (a sea-weed).
The women manufacture basket-work, dancing clothes, mo-
cassins and other clothes. In the fishing season they aro from
morning to night engaged in preparing the fish. In the autunm
they gather berries, bark, leaves and other vegetable by-mcat;
in other seasons they gather shells and sea-urchins on tho
beach *). Here all articles of trade aro products of female
labour. Among the Ahts baskets and mats, manufactured by
the women, are sold; the women may keep tho proceeds, and
also got a little portion of their husbsnds\' earnings. Our in-
formant, speaking of tho several divisions of tho Ahts mutu-
ally exchanging tho fish that cach of thom catchcs, probably
also means fish prepared by the women In W. Washington
and N. W. Oregon tho kamas, a root which was „formerly
a great article of trade with tho interior," is dug by tho
women\'). What articles aro exported by tho other tribes wo
do not know.

Thoro is another fact strengthening our hypothesis: womon
aro often consulted in nuittors of trade. Among tho Tlinkits
„tho men raroly concludc a bargain without consulting thoir

wives" 1). Nootka wives too „are consulted in matters of trade" 2).
About Puget Sound tho females „are always consulted in
matters of trade before a bargain is closed" And Chinook
women „are consulted ou all important matters" which
matters, among these commercial people, necessarily includc
the trade.

This need not, however, be the only cause; for women here
cJijoy a rather high position; so it might bo that tho men
wish to alleviate the task of their wives, quite apart from
the occupation of the latter in preparing tho articles of com-
merce. Aleuts, if not addicted to drinking, are good husbands,
and help their wives in everythingAmong tho Tlinkits,
according to Krause, „woman\'s position is not a bad one. She
is not tho slavo of her husband; she has determinate rights,
and her influence is considerable"; and Bancroft remarks
that „there aro few savage nations, in which the sex havo
greater influence or command greater respect" 7). Nootka wivos
»seem to bo nearly on terms of equality with thoir husbands,
oxcopt that thoy aro excluded from some public feasts and
ceremonies" ; and Sproat tells us that among the Ahts slaves
only are prostituted; women aro not badly treated; a wife
nmy leave her husband with tho consent of her relatives\').
In W. Washington and N. W. Oregon, according to Gibbs,
„the condition of tho woman is that of slavery under any
circumstancoH." But tho particulars ho gives prove that tho
women hero aro not so very badly oif. In thoir councils „the
women aro present at, and join in the deliberations, speaking
in a low tone, thoir words being repeated aloud by a reporter.

On occasions of less ceremony, they sometimes address the
audience without any such intervention, and give their admo-
nitions with a freedom of tongue highly edifying. In a few
instances, matrons of superior character, „strong minded women",
have obtained an influence similar to that of chiefs." The men
own property distinct from their wives. „He has his own
blankets, she her mats and baskets, and generally speaking
her earnings belong to her, except those arising from prosti-
tution, which are her husband\'s." Sometimes „the courtship
commences in this way — the girl wishing a husband, and
taking a straightforward mode of attracting one." „The ac-
cession of a new wifo in tho lodge very naturally produces
jealousy and discord, and tho first often returns for a time in
dudgeon to her friends, to be reclaimed by her husband when
he chooses, perhaps after propitiating her by some presents"
Yet the condition of women seems not to be quite as good
as among the other tribes. „A man sends his wife away, or
sells her at his will." „An Indian, perhaps, will not let his
favourite wife, but he looks upon his others, his sisters, daughters,
female relatives, and slaves, as a legitimate source of profit"
But we must take into consideration, that Gibbs gives a
general description of inland tribes and coast tribes together.
That among the latter the condition of women is not so very
bad, is proved by Bancroft\'s statements about the tribes on
Puget Sound and Chinooks. About Puget Sound „women have
all the work to do except hunting and fishing, while their
lords spend their time in idleness and gambling. Still the
females are not ill-treated; they acquire great infiluence in
the tribe" And among the Chinooks „work is equally
divided between the sexes.... Their [women\'s] condition is
by no means a hard one. It is among tribes that live by tho
chase or by other means in which women can be of little
service, that we find the sex most oppressed and cruelly

treated" The Tacullies „are fond of their wives, perform-
ing the most of the household drudgery in order to relievo
them" 2). Mackenzie, speaking of an Indian tribo, probably
related to the Atnahs on Fraser River, amongst whom stran-
gers are kept „in a state of awe and subjection," states that
they live upon the products of the sea and rivers and are to
bo considered as a „stationary people." „Hence it is that tho
men engage in those toilsome employments, which tho tribes
who support themselves by the chase leave entirely to the
women" S).

Our information, hero again, is not very complete; hut as "
far as it goes it tends to prove that the condition of women
on the Pacific Coast is not a bad one.

This good condition of women here, as compared with for
instance that of Australian women, may for a great part be
duo to the settled life of theso tribes. While the men are on
fishing, hunting, or trading expeditions, tho women enjoy much
liberty; whereas Australian women are continually marching
along with their husbands Tho men must also bo aware
that domestic comfort, worth much in these cold regions,
depends on the women. As militarism does not prevail horo
to any great extent, women are not so much in need of
male protection. And village life makes conspiracy of women
possible. So among the Aleuts „a religious festival used
to bo held in Docombor, at which all tho women of the

4) A writer of tho I8ih ouiitury tolls us of the women of the I)ut<di islo
of Amelnnd (the mon being fishers nnd mnrinors): »Thoy are gonorally
somowhilt imperious, and by their Toolish cleanliness most mon are hardly
over allowed to havo a lire on tho grate during winter-time. Tho rause of
this imperious behaviour of Amoland women is not diflieult to detoot: ns
tho men aro at homo only in tho winter, tho womon rule for tho greater
part of tho year, nnd are not Inclined to part with thoir authority in
winter-time. Therefore most men, so to speak, board at thoir wives\', and if
thoy want to keep peace, have to put up with fenmlo asoondonoy." Togen-
woordige Stiuit dor Voreenigdo Noderlanden, XIV pp. 363, 364.

village assembled by moonlight, and danced naked with
masked faces, the men being excluded under penalty of
death" i). Last but not least, the preparing and preserving
of food for the time of scarcity makes subsistence largely
dependent on female labour.

We havo only enumerated some causcs tending to bring
about a good condition of women. It is not the placc here to
expatiate upon this point any further. But it is worth while
to emphasize the fact itself, that women are on tho wholo
well treated among these tribes. A German writer. Dr. Grosse,
has recently tried to prove, that among the „higher hunters"
{JwJicre Jäger) as well as among the „lower hunters" {niedere
\'läger) woman\'s state is a bad one. As all our tribes belong
to Grosse\'s „higher hunters" wo shall attempt to find out,
why his conclusion is so diametrically opposed to ours. lie
quotes several ethnographical statements, which are to afford
a basis for his inference 3). We shall examine whether this
is a sound basis. Grosso does not always exactly specify which
tribo each quotation applies to; but as he most frequently
quotes Bancroft, wo can easily find it out. Ho first quotes this
statement of Bancroft\'s about tho Shoshoncs: „Tho weaker sex
of course do the hardest labour, and rcceivo moro blows than
kind words for their pains"*). But tho very next sontonco:
„Those people, in common with most nomadic nations, havo
tho barbarous custom of abandoning tho old and infirm tho
moment thoy find them an incumbrance," which Grosso does
not quoto, shows that theso Shoshoncs aro not at all to bo
compared to tho Tlinkits and similar tribes; thoir modo of
lifo is decidedly rudo and littlo comfortable. Then ho refers
to somo passages of Bancroft\'s, proving that unfaithfulness of
tho wifo is punished with death, whereas tho husband has
tho right to prostitute his wifo to strangers. Thoso passages

apply to the Southern and Northern Californians as well as
to the Shoshones. But about the former it is also stated: „If
a mau ill-treated his wife, her relations took her away, after
paying back tho value of her wedding presents, and then
married her to another" \'). And of tho Northern Californians
we are told: „Among the Modocs polygamy prevails, and the
women havo considerable privilege. The Hoopa adulterer loses
one eye, the adulteress is exempt from punishment" More-
over, „although tho principal labour falls to the lot of tho
women, the men sometimes assist in building the wigwam,
or even in gathering acorns and roots" Another statement
of Bancroft\'s, quoted by Grosse, applies to the Chepewyans:
»The Northern Indian is master of his household. Ho marries
without ceremony, and divorces his wife at his pleasure. A
man of forty buys or fights for a spouse of twelve, and when
tired of her whips her and sends her away" \'). This etatement
IS corroborated by a report of Hearne\'s. But why Grosse calls
the Chepewyans „higher hunters" wo do not understand.
„Altogether they are pronounced an inferior race." „Tho
Chepewyans inhabit huts of brush and portable skin tents."
»Their weapons and thoir utensils aro of tho most primitivo
kind" •>). The next quotation applies to tho Kutchins, whoso
wives „are treated moro like dogs than human beings." But
this is only stated of tho Tonan Kutchin, „people of tho
mountains," „a wihl, ungovernable horde, their territory never
yet having been invaded by white people." „The Kutcha
Kutchin, „people of the lowland," aro cleaner and better man-
nered." And of these „bettor mannered" Kutchins Bancroft
says: „The women perform all domestic duties, and eat after
the husband is satisfied; but the mon paddlo tho boats, and
have even been known to carry their wives ashore, so that

they might not wet their feet" As for the Nootkas, women
being „somewhat overworked" (Grosse does not mention that
among the richer class most female work is done by slaves),
and excluded from some public feasts, Grosse concludes that
their state is a bad one. We have quoted above some facts
proving the contrary. Then Grosse asserts that, according to
Bancroft, Haida husbands prostitute their wives for money.
Bancroft, however, says literally: „While jealousy is not
entirely unknown, chastity appears to be so, as women who can
earn the greatest number of blankets win great admiration for
themselves and high position for their husbands"-); which is
not exactly the same. The Tlinkits, according to Grosse, are
tho only, unaccountable exception to his general rule. Finally
he attempts to prove, that the alleged gynecocracy in Kamt-
schatka does not signify so very much; but that Kamtschadale
women are badly treated, even he does not assert.

What remains now of Grosso\'s evidence? Tlinkitand Kamt-
schadale women be himself admits not to be badly off. What
he says of Nootkas and Ilaidas proves nothing at all. About
the Northern and Southern Californians wo have got statements
that impair Grosses argument very much. Only among the
Shoshones, Chepewyans, and Tenan Kutchin is tho state of
women decidedly bad; but thcso are not on a level with the
other tribes; they are migratory and little advanced in the
arts of life. And of the Tenan Kutchin we know very little,
„their territory never yet having been invaded by white
people" a).

Grosse derives most of his evidence from Bancroft\'s book;
but he uses it in a rather strange way. Sometimes he quotes
one sentence, whore two successive sentences taken together
would give quite another view of the matter. Several state-

3) Somo othor writor«, howovnr (whom (Iroiwo doon not.rofor to), «|»p.ikinfc
üf tho Kutchina in goncrnl, atat« th.it women nro budly trcatod; hoo Kirby.
p. 419; Ilnrdiaty, p. 312; Jonca, Kutohin triboa, p. 32.\'>.

ments of Bancroft\'s (sucli as about the tribes on Puget Sound,
Chinooks, Tacullies) he omits altogether; whereas just the
tribes of the N. W. Coast of North America are, according
to him, among the most typical „higher hunters" \'). And he
can only give a semblance of truth to his inference by classi-
fying under „higher hunters" Shoshones and similar tribes,
which aro not more advanced in the arts of life than some
Australians, and decidedly much less than the Eskimos and
Aleuts whom he calls „lower hunters". This is not the way
in which a sociological investigation should be carried on.

Returning to our chief subject, we may remark, that our\'
survey of slave labour leads to the same conclusion we ar-
I\'ived at before, viz. that tho preserving of food, a settled j
life, and tho high development of trado, industry and we.ilth, i
the main causes which have brought about, that slaveryj
80 largely prevails here. As additional causes we may now f
namo the high position of women, which induces the men \\
to relieve them of a part of their work by giving them tho
holp of slaves; and, in a few cases, tho want of fighting!
\'uen, who aro to strengthen their masters\' force in warfare. J,

We shall now briefly examine, which are tho causes of
slavery among the slave-keeping hunters and fishers outside
tho Pacific Coast. »

Among the Abijwncs tho function of slavery ia beyond any \\
doubt reinforcement of tho tribo. The slaves are very leniently \\
treated. „1 know of many people" says Dobrizholfor, „who,
being released hy their friends and brought back to their
"lUlvo couutry, voluntarily returned to their masters, the
Ablpones, whom they follow in thoir hunting and fighting
expeditions; though Spaniards themselves, they do not hesitate
to stain thoir iiands with Spanish blood." „The liberty to go
where they like, tho abundance of h)od and clothing procured
without any labour, tho possesion of many horses, tho freedom to
idle and run into debauchery, tho lawless impunity they enjoy,
bind tho Spanish captives so much to tho Abiponos, that thoy

prefer their captivity to liberty." „The Abipones, though con-
sidering polygamy allowed, very seldom take several wives at
a time; the captives do not often content themselves with ono
■wife, but marry as many female prisoners, Spanish or Indian,
as they can"

The reason for taking prisoners here is the same as among
the Iroquois and similar tribes, where they are adopted; with
this sole difference, that the Abipones seem to have a sexual
aversion (that cannot be accounted for here) to all men and
women outside their own people; therefore they do not adopt
their prisoners, nor have they any sexual connection with
them. Slavery as a system of labour does not exist here.

As for their economic life, this is much inferior to that on\'
the Pacific Coast. They subsist on the spontaneous products
of nature and on game. Food is abundant; yet their modo of
life requires frequent migrations. All their journeys aro per-
formed on horseback \').

The information we get about tho Tehuekhes is not very
clear. Falkner states, that tho female relatives of tho caciquo
havo slaves, who perform most of their labour\'). According to
Featherman, in their wars thoy spare „only tho young girls
to mako them their wives, and tho children to servo as slaves
in their household, and as herdsmen to guard thoir cattlo and
horses" ♦). But nono of tho other ethnographers wo havo con-
sulted mako any mention of cattle. Tho confusion is augmont(Ml
by Charlevoix tolling us that tho Tohuolchcs grow somo corn *).
And Musters makes no montion of slavory. So wo cannot
arrivo at any definite conclusion.

In Kamtschatica slaves were employed for various domestic
labours, such as fetching wood, feeding tho dogs, making axes
and knives from stono and bono®). Tho Kamtschadalcs woro

Feathcrinan, III (5>outh America), p. 497.
r») Clmrloyoix, Pamguay, p. 145.
0) Stoller, p. 235 note.

not so far advanced in tho arts of life as the tribes of the
Pacific Coast. They think only of the present, says Steller;
ttey are not ambitious to become rich. They do not like to
work more than is needed for their own and their families\'
subsistence. „When they have got as much as they think to
be sufficient, they do not collect any more food; they would
not even do so, if the fish came on land and the animals into
their dwellings." A rather brisk trade was, however, carried
on by them and was largely dependent on female labour
They also had fixed habitations ^

Speaking of the tribes of the Pacific Coast, we concludefl\'^\'
that slavery must have already existed among them at a some-
what lower stage of economic life. Tho Kamtschadales afford
a proof of this. They were not so far advanced in tho arts of
Hfe as the tribes of the Pacific Coast; yet slavery already
existed among them, though it does not seem to have prevailed
here to any great extent.

In tho last paragraph we have shown that in tho economic
f^nd social lifo of the slave-keeping hunters and fishers (espe-
cially those on the Pacific Coast) there are somo features which
account for the existence of slavery. But there is still some-
thing wanting in our argument. It might be that the circum-
stances which we have calknl causes of slavery were equally
found among the hunting and fishing tribes that do not keep
slaves; in that case the foregoing argument would prove false.
Therefore we shall apply here the cxpcnmcntum cnicis] we
shall attempt to prove that the economic and social lifo of tho
slave-keeping tribes differs from that of tho other tribes in
several respects. This investigation, besides corroborating the
conclusion we have arrived at in the last paragraph, may bo
instructive in another way. It might be, that of the supposed

causes of slavery some were found among non-slave-keeping
as well as among slave-keeping tribes, whereas others existed
among none but slave-keeping tribes; then the latter causes
only would be decisive. Or perhaps we shall find that each of
these causes exists among one or more non-slave-keeping tribes;
but that the combination of all tho causes is found nowhero
but among slave-keeping tribes. It were also possible, that a
combination of the same causes existed among non-slave-
keeping tribes, but that among these there wero other cir-
cumstances neutralizing the former. Whether any of these
possibilities is a reality, will appear from the ensuing inves-
tigation.

Wo do not, however, think that it is necessary to give a
survey of tho economic and social life of all non-slave-keeping
hunters and fishers. For we have seen that among tho tribes
of the Pacific Coast the growth of slavery is much furthered
by their forming a somewhat homogeneous group. Accordingly
slavery among tho fow^ slave-keeping tribes outside tho Pacific
Coast seems to be little developed. Now there are many non-
slave-keeping hunting and fishing tribes, either living quite
isolated (e. g. Andaman Islanders, Fucgians) or surrounded
by mightier, agricultural or pastoral, tribes (e g. Bushmen,
African pigmies, Negritos). That such a position is very unfa-
vourable to the existence of slavery is evident. We shall there-
fore confine ourselves to a survey of the three great groups
of hunters and fishers outside tho Pacific Coast: the Austra-
lians, tho Indians of Central North Amcrica, and tho Eskimos.
Australia and the regions where the Eskimos live aro inha-
bited by hunters and fishers only. In Central North America
a fow agricultural tribes of tho lowest stage (hunting agricul-
turists) aro found; but theso differ so littlo from hunters pro-
per, that wo may speak hero of a group of hunters, not in-
closed between superior peoples. Perhaps the hunters and
hunting agriculturists of Brazil, Paraguay, ctc. form a similar
group; but the literature on these tribes accossiblo to us was
rather scanty.

furthering the growth of slavery on the Pacific Coast, are
found among each of these groups.

1°. Ahtindancc of food. Food in Australia is by no means
abundant and often very scarce. The Australians are omnivo-
rous in the widest sense of the word; they eat oven mice,
rats, lizards, beetles, etc. In some parts of Australia, especially
on the West Coast and in the interior, the natives aro con-
tinually suffering from hunger\'). We shall soon see that scar-
city of food compels them to live in very small groups.

2°. Variety of food. There is a great variety. Concerning
S. W. Australia Gorland enumerates 6 kinds of kangaroos,
29 of fish, two of seals; and further wild dogs, omus and
other birds, tortoises, opossums, frogs, shell-fish, grubs of
booties, bird\'s eggs, mice, rats, snakes and lizards; roots, mush-
rooms, resins and various fruits\'). But this list, including
(as Gorland remarks) everything eatable, proves only that thoy
livo very poorly. And as for fishing, though fish enters for a
largo part into tho subsistence of tho coast tribes, thero aro
no fishing tribes in tho higher senso in Australia, liko thoao
of tho Pacific Coast. Their canoes, whoro thoy havo any, aro
very primitive; and tho principal moans of catching fish aro
by spearing and setting traps\'j.

3°. Fibred habitations, large groups, preservitig of food. Gor-
land states that to find sufficient food, tho Australians must
continually roam ovor tho country. Theso wandering tribes
cannot bo largo, olso food would fail thom; so tho division of
tho Austmliana into numoroua aniall tribca ia a conscquonco
of tho nature of thoir country *). And Brough Smyth remarks:
»It is noccssary for a tribo to move very frequently from
placo to placo, always keeping within tho boundaries of tho
country which it calls ita own now to tho spot whoro cola

can be taken in the creeks; often to the feeding-grounds of
the kangaroo; sometimes to the thicker forests to get wood
suitable for making weapons; to the sea-coast continually for
fish of various kinds; and, at the right season, to the lands
where are found the native bread, the yam, ahd the acacia
gum"The writers who describe separate tribes also often
state that these tribes are nomadic and live in small groups.
We shall quote here only the statements of our ethnographers
concerning one significant fact, that presents a striking con-
trast to the state of things on tho Pacific Coast, viz. the im-
providence of the Australians. In the Moore River District of
W. Australia food is abundant in tho summer; but the natives
are reckless of the future; they consume whatever they havo
got. The natives of S. W. Australia preserve no food; if tho
game killed is too much for a family to eat in one day, neigh-
bouring families are invited and a feast is given, till nothing
is left. They do, however, store up acacia gum, and carry
roots with tliem. The Queenslanders on Herbert River think
only of tho present moment. The Cammarray of N. S. Wales
eat as long as thoy havo anything; thoy never lay up provi-
sions, except when a dead whale has been cast on shore. Of
the aborigines of N. S. Wales in general Fraser tells us:
„When the fish aro abundant, tho fishers cannot use a tithe
of the fish they catch, and so sell them to all comers at a few
pence for a backful. As for themselves, they have a noblo
feast, thoy and all thoir tribe; and, as is their habit whenever
thoy havo abundance, they gorge themselvcH so that their
bodies are swollen to unnatural dimensions and seem ready to
burst. When they can hold no more, they go to sleep like
snakes, and sleep for twenty-four hours or moro." Similar
particulars are gives by Angas. As for tho Tasmanians: „They
lay up no store of provisions, and havo been known in winter
time to cat kangaroo skins" \'). Matthews, speaking of several

2) Litcmturo. On tlio Mooro Uivor Digtrict Oldfield; on S. W. AuHtmlia
Salvado; on tho nativcH on Herbert River I.untholtR; on tho (juuniarray

tribes of Queensland and South Australia, states that they „aro
very improvident, and accumulate no property beyond their
weapons and rugs" And Forrest tolls us that the natives
of Central and Western Australia „live from hand to mouth,
Dover collect moro than enough for the day, and each morning
have to look out for their day\'s food"

Trade and industry. Bartering is not at all unknown
among the Australians. Fraser, speaking of N. S. Wales,
remarks: „1 have already spoken of pipe-clay and ruddle as
articles of trade; the Mindi-mindi gatherings are tho markets
at which this trade is carried on. The necessity for these fairs
is not far to seek. A black man\'s own „taurai" does not fur-
nish everything he requires for his daily life. In it there may
bo food enough, but he wants suitable stone for an axe, wood
for his spears, and „bumerangs" and shields and clubs, flint
for cutting and skinning, gum to be used as cement, and
lumps of gritty sandstone, on which to sharpen his stone-axe;
for adornment, tho pipe-clay and tho red-ochre are much
valued, and so are swan-down feathers and tho rose-coloured
crests of a certain kind of cockatoo; somo of thoso ho can
®"pply) and for them ho gets in barter others that ho wants.
Then also there arc manufactured articles which ho can give
in exchange, — cloaks, rugs, baskets, knitted bags, nets,
Weapons, and tools; most of thoso articles bear tho „brand"
of tho maker. In this way tho black nuin\'s wants aro supplied
l^y the mutual interchange of commodities. I suppose that, at
tlioso fairs, the usual amount of haggling goes on in tho
making of bargains, but there is no quarrelling; for, during
tho time, universal brotherhood prevails. Tho fairs are held
whenever thoro is a need for thom"\'). Intertribal commorco

Collins; on N. S. Wales Fraser and Anpas; on tho Tivsmanians Ling Uoth.
As vfo havo not got tho books at hand, but only some notes whioh wo had
previously made, in whioh tho pages aro not spooifiod, wo caunot givo
hero tiio exact refercnocs.

3) Fraser, p. 07. „Taumi" is tho land owned by a tribo or a division of
a tribe, soo ibid., p. 30.

is also carried on by the Narrinyeri and DieyerieIt seems,
indeed, that there is hardly any savage tribe, among which
the interchange of commodities is quite unknown. And in
N. S. "Wales it is not only the spontaneous products of nature
that are exchanged, but manufactured articles, so the trade
requires industry. Yet trade and industry are not nearly so
fuUy developed here as on the Pacific Coast. Nowhere are there
particulars given, showing that any Australian tribe is, like
the Koniagas of the Pacific Coast, „adapted to labour and com-
merce rather than to war and hunting." On the Pacific Coast
the coast tribes exchange their manufactured goods for the
raw products of the hinterland; but in Australia there is
nothing but hinterland.

That trade and industry do not signify nearly so much as
on the Pacific Coast is clearly proved by their not having
here the same effect; they have not led in Australia to any
development of:

5". Property mid wealth. Dr. Steinmetz, in his Entwickluny
der Strafe, has closely studied the forms of government exist-
ing among the Australian natives. From tho details he gives
it appears, that a man\'s influence depends on his ago, his
bravery, eloquence, etc., and his having numerous relatives,
but not on his wealth. Among the Queenslandors described
by Lumholtz the old men have most influence. Aniong the
Kurnai age, rather than bravery, gives influence. In Central
Australia a man\'s power depends chiefly on his age, but also
on force, courage, prudence, dexterity, perseverance, and tho
number of his rebtives. On the Bourke and Darling rivers
the council of old men is the only form of government. In
Tasmania a man\'s influence depended on his strength, courage,
perseverance, prudence, and dexterity. The old men were
highly honoured and had many wives. In the Wellington tribo
there is no government whatever; all are equal. Among the
Cammarray tho old men are chiefs. Among tho Narrinyeri
chieftainship is elective; wisdom, moderation, and good humour

are the qualities most required in a chief. Among the Dieyerie
the oldest man of the clan is chief, but has not always most
power. A chief has real power only when, besides his age,
he has other valued qualities, such as bravery, eloquence, or
a large family. Great warriors, orators and sorcerers havo most
influence. In the Moore River District there is no government,
a perfect equality prevails. The natives of Port Lincoln have
no government; old people are held in high esteem. In the
Western District of Victoria „the succession to the chiefdom
is by inheritance". „The eldest son is appointed, unless there
is somo good reason for setting him aside." If the ^heir is
weakly in body or mentally unfitted to maintain tho position
of chief, — which requires to bo filled by a man of ability
and bravery, — and has a better-qualified brother, he must
give way to the latter or fight him in singlo combat. Among
the tribes of Victoria described by Lo Souef government in
the true sense does not exist, but tho bravest and strongest,
and often the most dangerous men, have most influence
Somo other statements not given by Steinmetz (dating from
recent times, after his book was published) lead to tho samo
conclusion. In N. W. Central Queensland „a ripe old ago con-
Htitutes the highest social status in the camp, and tho ono
calling for tho greatest respect. There ia no single individual
chief to direct affairs"®). In N. S. Wales, according to Fraser,
„there is nothing of tho nature of kingly rule in any ono of
the tribes, nor is thoro an over-chief for tho whole of a tribo;
hut tho affairs of each section of a tribo aro administered by
a number of elders, among whom ono man is considered tho
loader or chief, becauso of his superior wisdom and influence".
»If thoro aro two rivals competing for tho chiefship, thoy
settle tho matter by single combat"\'). Among tho Dioyerie
chieftainship is olectivo according to tho influence of tho can-
didate\'s clan and his oratorical power ¹). About Powell\'s Crook

there is no government whatever; „the oldest man in tho
tribe would usually carry most sway in tribal matters"
Matthews, speaking of several tribes of Queensland and South
Australia, remarks: „They have elders or chiefs corresponding
with the Indian Medicine men, who I believe are principally
self-constituted, or admitted as such on the score of age or
personal prowess. Great respect is attached to age as a rule,
especially in visiting another tribe" -). A describer of tho
natives of North Australia tells us: „There are no recognized
chiefs in a tribe in the true sense of the word, as far as I
have come in contact with them; the old men of each tribo
form themselves into a sort of council when anything of im-
portance is to be discussed, and what they decido upon is
generally carried out" Finally we may add Brough Smyth\'s
statement about the Australians in general: „The government
of aboriginal tribes is not a democracy. Thero aro the doctors
or sorcerers who, under somo circumstances, havo supremo
power; there aro the warriors who in time of trouble aro
absolute masters; thero aro tho dreamers, who direct and con-
trol the movements of tho tribo until their divinations aro
fulfilled or forgotten; thero aro tho old men (councillors)
without whose advice ovon tho warriors aro slow to move; and,
finally, thero aro tho old women, who noisily intimate thoir
designs and endeavour by clamour and threats to influonco tho
loaders of thoir tribe" *).
I "Wo seo that influonco and powor in Australia depend on
j personal qualities, not on wealth. Wo havo only found two
L instances on record of men trying to strengthen thoir influonco
by means of their property. Gason tolls us of a celebrated
Dioyorio chief, who rocoivcd regular tributes from tho hordes

4) Rrough Smyth, I p. 126. Tho othnographor» givo many moro clotaila
regarding tribal government; but wo havo only quoted thoao tliut boar di-
rectly on tho question at issue, i. o. that show on what qualities influence
and power depend.

under his control. The writer often observed him distributing
presents among his personal friends, in order to avoid their
jealousy But this is quite another thing than what we
found existing on the Pacific Coast. In the latter group a
rich man, by being rich, attains to power; whereas hero the
chief, elected for his personal qualities, receives tributes, and
by distributing what he has received strengthens his influence.
Moreover we are told that these Dieyerie „have no property
except a few weapons or ornaments ; they are generally buried
or destroyed", viz. after their owner\'s death Lumholtz speaks
of an old man in Queensland who distributed his property
among his fellow-tribesmen to attain to greater influence\'^).
This looks somewhat like the state of things existing on the
Pacific Coast; but as the same writer tells us that there is
no government except the council of old men, this may bo
an isolated case. And even if among one or two tribes wealth
gave a certain influence, this would not impair the conclusion
we have arrived at, that generally a man\'s influence and
power do not depend upon his wealth, whence we may infer
that wealth and property are little developed here.

6". Condition of women. Whereas on the Pacific Coast women"
are held in rather high esteem, and therefore provided by the
men with slaves who help them in their work, tho condition
of women in Australia is decidedly bad, as we have seen in
the first Chapter of Part I *).

7°. Militarism. Wo have shown that slaves are sometimes
taken in order to strengthen their nuisters\' force in warfare.
On the other hand, where militarism does not prevail to any
considerable extent, the tribe can afford tho luxury of having
">ale slaves living among thom who do not fight. As for tho
Australians, their wars generally are not bloody, and often
settled by single combat

Our conclusion is that the Australians differ from the tribes
of the Pacific Coast in many respects. Food is by no means
abundant; the highly developed fishing methods of the Pacific
Coast are unknown here; the Australians are migratory and
improvident, and live in small groups; though some tribes
interchange commodities, trade and industry do not signify
nearly so much as on the Pacific Coast; the objects of pro-
perty are very few and wealth does not exist; tho condition
of women is a bad one. Only in two respects both groups
agree: there is a great variety of food, and militarism does
not prevail to any great extent. We havo seen, however, that
„variety of food" here means that the Australians must avail
themselves of whatever is eatable, i. e. that they live in the
deepest misery. Therefore henceforth wo shall no more speak
of variety of food as a circumstance favourable to the existence
of slavery; and in the next paragraphs we shall not inquire
whether the Central North Americans and Eskimos havo
variety of food.

This paragraph will contain a survey of tho economic state
of the group of hunting tribes, extending across North Ame-
rica, from tho Montagnais near tho Atlantic Coast to tho
Apadies of Texas. Besides hunters in tho proper sense this
group includes the Choyoimes and Comanches, who, though
slight traces of agriculture aro found among them, subsist
almost entirolj on tho products of tho chase.

1°. Ahundancc of food. Lo Joune, speaking of tho Mon-
tagnais, says: „The savages are almost always hungry" \').
The Chepewyans „are not remarkable for thoir activity as
hunters, owing to the ease with which thoy snare deer and
spear fish" *). Among tho Kutchins a good hunter can always,
except in very unfavourable circumstances, procure sufficient

food The Beaver Indians, according to Mackenzie, seemed
to live in a state of comparative comfortThe Comanches
in the summer, when the hufFaloes remove to the North, often
suffer from want of foodGrinnell, speaking of the inland
Indians in general, remarks: „The life of the Indian was in
somo respects a hard one, for the question of food was an
ever-present anxiety with him"

Considering the foregoing statements, and rememhering Tan-
ner\'s narrative that gives a description of a continual struggle
for mere existence, we may safely conclude that, though a
few of these tribes live rather comfortably, food, among the
Indians of Central North America in general, is not nearly
so abundant as on the Pacific Coast.

2". Whereas the tribes of tho Pacific Coast subsist chiefly
by fishing, the Indians of Central North America are, nearly
all of them, hunters (See § 2 of this Chapter).

3°. Fixed habitations, large groups, preserving of food. Tho
Montagnais, in Lo Jouno\'s time, were wandering and few in
number; their life consisted of feasting as long as they had
anything; thoy lived from hand to mouth and did not lay up
any provision\'). Tho same writer calls tho Algonquins a wan-
dering tribo Tho Ojibways, according to Keating, aro divided
into small groups, each containing a few families. They do
not lay up any provision for winter use. Jones also remarks,
that they are very improvident^). Tho Knistoneaux often, at
ono foast, consume what would havo been enough for several
weeks ®). Tho Blackfeet tribes aro nomadio in thoir habits »).
Ross tolls ud, that tho Eastern Tiimeli „are obliged to lead a

."i) Jon. Ilcl., VI pp. 8:i, 2.\')<J. m.
0) (bill., p. 133; hoo aliio .Sagard, p. 78.

wandering life, in order to procure food either by fishing or
hunting" The Indians on the Upper Yukon are very im-
provident. "When fish is abundant, they gorge themselves with
it, instead of drying it for winter use The Kutchins livo
in transportable dwellings. According to Kirby they „are
divided into many petty tribes". Hardisty, however, states
that they generally live in large groups Mackenzie speaks
of a Beaver Indian establishment of about 300 inhabitants
The Sioux live in small\'bands, owing to the scarcity of game
The Osages are nomadic. Our informant speaks of an Osage
town of 1500 inhabitants®). Apache tribes of 100—200 people,
of whom 25—50 are warriors, aro headed by a captain. They
are „nomadic and roving in their habits". „Seldom do they
remain more than a week in one locality" 7). The Comanchcs
„usually roam in small subdivisions, varying according to ca-
price or the scarcity or abundance of game". These subdivi-
sions consist of 20—110 families. Bancroft remarks about tho
Comanchcs: „No provision is made for a time of scarcity, but
when many buffalo aro killed, they cut portions of them into
long strips, which, after being dried in tho sun, aro pounded
fine. This pemican they carry with them in their hunting
expeditions, and when unsuccessful in the chase, a small
quantity boiled in water or cooked with grease, servos for a
meal" ®). Theso details do not quito agree with Bancroft\'s
assertion that „no provision is mado". Grinnoll remarks, that
tho Indians aro often undeservedly taxed with improvidence.
„"Wo are told in books much about tho Indian\'s improvidence,
and it is frequently stated that however abundant food might
bo with him to-day, ho took no thought for the needs of tho

morrow. Such Btatements aro untrue and show but superficial
observation. The savage does not look so far ahead, as does
the civilized man, but still the lessons of experience are not
wholly lost on him. He remembers past hardships, and en-
deavours to provide against their recurrence; and these people
were rather remarkable for their foresight, and for the pro-
vision which they were accustomed to make for the future" \').

However this may be, it is evident that the supplies these
wandering tribes (as they subsist on hunting, me may safely
suppose that they are all of them nomadic, whether this bo
explicitly stated or not) wero able to store for winter\'s use,
cannot compare with those of the tribes of the Pacific Coast.

40. Trade and industry. The Montagnais, in Le Jeune\'s
time, bought maize from the Hurons for elk-skinp -). The
Algonquins, according to the same writer, used to sell furs to
the French\'). The Blackfeet tribes sell peltries which they
procure in the Northern part of their country Jones calls
the Kutcha Kutchin traders: „they make very little fortliem-
selves, but buy from tlie othor Indians." And Hardisty tells
us, that they live by trading; they exchange beads, which
are their circulating medium, for the peltries of other tribes
The Osages, too, carried on the fur-trade in Hunter\'s time").

We see that trade does not hold a largo place in the eco-
nomic life of theso Indians; and that only raw products aro
exchanged.

Qrinnell enumerates the branches of industry existing among
tliem. „Pood supply and defence against enemies depended on
the warrior\'s weapons. These were his most precious posses-
sions, and he gave much care to their manufacture. Knowing
nothing of metals, he nuule his edge tools of sharpened stones."
„The most important part of thn warrior\'s equipment was the

.\'■>) .lonu», Kuttdiin tribo«, p. 324; Ilnrdirtty, p. 311.
«) lluntor, Oodonk«cliriften, p. !>0.

bow, and over no part of it was more time and labour spent."
„The stone axe, the maul, and the lance were all simple wea-
pons." „A very important part of the warrior\'s outfit was tho
shield, with which he stopped or turned aside the arrows of
his enemy. It was usually circular in shape, and was made of
tho thick, shrunken hide of a buffalo bull\'s neck." „Clothing
was made of skins tanned with or without the fur." „Many
tribes — especially those to the south — made a simple pottery ...
Among the northern tribes, where pottery was least known,
ladles, spoons, bows, and dishes were usually formed from horn
or wood". „The different tribes had but slight knowledge of
tho textile art, and this knowledge seems to have been great-
est in the south and on the coast." „Three vehicles wero
known to the primitive Indian — the travois in tho south and
tho sledge in the north for land travel, and tho canoe where-
ver there wero water ways." „The Indian\'s ideas of art aro
rude." „It is in tho art of carving, however, that tho greatest
skill was shown"So these tribes do not seem to havo
attained to a high industrial development; tho moro so, as
most of tho instances Grinnell gives of their skill in carving
relate to tribes of tho Pacific Coast.

5". Property and wealth. "Whereas on the Pacific Coast in-
fluence and power depend on wealth, wo shall see that in
Central North Amcrica it is otherwise. Lo .Teuno, speaking of
the Montagnais, remarks: „Rliotoric controls all theso tribes,
as tlio captain is elcctcd for his eloquence alone, and is obeyed
in proportion to his use of it, for thoy havo no other law than
his word""). Roosovelt states thnt among tho Algonquins tho
war-chicf „wielded only tho influence that ho could secure by
his personal prowess and his tact"\'). The power of an Ojibway
chief depends upon his wisdom, courage, and hospitality *). Of
tho Blackfeet wo aro told: „Chiefs never recoivo a gift, con-

sidering it a degradation to accept anything but what their
own prowess or superior qualities of manhood acquire for them.
Their hearts are so good and strong that they scorn to hike
anything, and self-denial and tho power to resist temptation to
luxury or easily acquired property is a boast with them. On
these men, in time of peace, when difficulties occur among
themselves, tho tribo relies, and in time of war they are their
leaders to the scene of action." And Schoolcraft states that the
chiefs „have little or no power, unless they have distinguished
themselves as warriors and are supported by a baud of
braves"\'). Among the Kutchins, according to Jones, tho chiefs
aro elected for their wisdom and courage, not for their birth.
Hardisty, however, states that the power of the chiefs depends
on tho number of beads they own; for these afford a means
of injuring those who displease them. And Whymper remarks:
„The chiefs, who are without exception good hunters or fishers,
often procure or strengthen their position by periodical distri-
butions of their chattels. They not seldom havo tho worst
clothing and food of all inhabitants" -). Among tho Cheyennes
generally the bravest and wisest man is elected as a chiefs).
Mrs. Eastman tolls us of the Sioux, that formerly „their bra-
vest men, their war chief too, no doubt exercized a control
over tho rest." Tho chief lived liko the common people
Among tho Apaches, according to Schoolcraft „the chicfiB are
tho wealthiest men, the niost warlike, the first in battle, tho
wisest in council." According to Ten Kate tho power of the
chiefs depends on their success in forays. And Bancroft re-
marks: „Sometimes it happens that one family retains tho
chieftaincy in a tribo during several generntions, becauHO of
tho bravery or wealth of tho sons" \'). Conuincho chiefs, ac-
cording to Schoolcraft, „are selected for their known or pro-

tended prowess in war." In anotlier place he states, that they
are made chiefs for their „superior cunning, knowledge or
^ success in war"

Influence and power depend thus on bravery, wisdom, elo-
__quence, not on wealth. Only among the Apaches does it depend
on wealth, though not on wealth exclusively. Tho distributions
of property among the Kutchins somewhat resemble thoso on
the Pacific Coast, but are not indicative of quite the same
development of wealth; for on the Pacific Coast wealth con-
sists to a large extent of moro durable goods, such as houses,
canoes, etc.

A few other statements also tend to prove, that wealth is
not highly developed; the economic life of some tribes shows
rather communistic features. Among tho Kutchins „unless ho
is alone, a hunter cannot take and appropriate tho meat of
the animal he kills. Should ho do so, he would be considered
mean. And this feeling is strong. When two good hunters go
together, good tlnd well, tho one has as good a chance of
getting meat as the other; but when one is a bad hunter
and the other a good one, tho former gets all the meat and
the real hunter has nothing, and loses his ammunition into
the bargain" Among tho Chopewyans tho game is distri-
buted among thoso who shared in tho chase. Tho game which
a man catches in his snaro is his private property; „nover-
thclesH any unsuccessful hunter passing by may take a deer
so ciiught, leaving tho head, skin, and saddle for tho owner" »).

Among tho Osages, too, wealth was formerly unknown;
for in Hunter\'s time tho old men disapproved of tho fur-trado,
which gave abundance and thereby led to offomijBacy *).

G®. Condition of women. Lo Jeunc states, that among tho
Montagnais tho sox has great influence. Household affairs aro
left to tho discretion of tho womon, without any malo inter-

ference. The women „cut and decide and give away as they
please" Ojibway women, according to Jones, do the hardest
work, are slaves of the men, get the worst food and the worst
place in the wigwam; and Long states, that the wives are
the slaves of their husbands®). Mackenzie tells us, that among
the Knisteneaux women are in tho same subjected condition
as among other wild tribes Among the Blackfeet the hus-
band may send his wife away when he likes; she then takes
her property with her; tho children remain with the father.
Jfany men have 6 or 8 wives; they readily lend thom to
whites for brandy^). Chepewyan wives are subjected to their
husbands, who are very jealous and „for very trifling causes
treat them with such cruelty as sometimes to occasion thoir
death" Among the Kutchins, as we have seen in § 2, the
condition of women is a rather bad one®), ^[ackenzio speaks
of the „extreme subjection and abasement" of Beaver Indian
women 7). Ciieyenne women perform all the drudgery. Yet
they have some influence in government matters; they do not
attend tho councils; but their wishes, privately uttered, are
not generally disregarded ®). Among the Sioux women as chil-
dren and wives are despised, as girls a little more honoured.
And Schoolcraft states that they exercise some influence in
tribal matters by expressing their desires at home, but are
not admitted to the council\'). Bancroft, speaking of the Apache
family in general (including Apaches, Comanches, and several
other tribes) remarks: „Womankind as usual is at a discount.
The female child receives little care from its mother, being
only of collateral advantage to the tribe. Later she becomes

\\) Zii Wiod, Nord-Amorika, I p. 573.
,5) Maokonzio, I p. U7.
0) Soo aboYO, p. 222.
7) Maokonzio, II p. 11.
. 8) Dodgo, p. 122.
51) F.iKtninn, Dahcotali, p. XXIV; Sohooloraft, II p. 1R9.

the beast of burden and slave of her husband." But another
statement of the same writer proves that the women\'s con-
dition is not so very bad: „The marriage yoke sits lightly;
the husband may repudiate his wife and take back the pro-
perty given for her; the wife may abandon her husband, but
by the latter act she covers him with such disgrace that it
may only be wiped out by killing somebody — anybody whom
he may chance to meet" \'). The wife may thus with impunity
leave her husband, the latter venting his anger upon „some-
body". Schoolcraft states that Comanche women are not thought
much of, even by themselves; the husband has unlimited sway
over his wife 2).

Now let us inquire what Grinnell, who is so well acquainted
with Indian life, has to say about the treatment of women
among the Indians in general. „A word or two with regard
to tho position of the wife in tho household may not be out
of place here. The Indian woman, it is usually thought, is a
mere drudge and slave, but, so far as my observations extend,
this notion is wholly an erroneous one. It is true that tho
women were the labourers of tho camp, that they did all tho
hard work about which there was no excitement. They cooked,
brought wood and water, dried tho meat, dressed tho robes,
made the clothing, collected the lodge poles, packed tho horses,
cultivated tho ground, and generally performed all the tasks
which might bo called menial, but they wero not mere servants.
On tho contrary, thoir position was very respectable. They
wero consulted on many subjects, not only in connection with
family affairs, but in moro important and general matters.
Sometimes women wore even admitted to tho councils and
spoke there, giving thoir advice. This privilege was very
unusual, and was granted only to women who had performed
somo deed which was worthy of a man. This in practice
meant that she had killed or counted coup on an enemy, or
had been to war. In ordinary family conversation women did

not hesitate to interrupt and correct their husbands when the
latter made statements with which they did not agree, and the
men listened to them with respectful attention, though of
course this depended on the standing of the woman, her intel-
ligence, etc. While their lives were hard and full of toil, they
yet found time to get together for gossip and for gambling, and
on the whole managed to take a good deal of pleasure in
life" \'). And Ten Kate, a careful observer, remarks that the
Indians do not, as has often been asserted, regard woman as
a beast of burden and a drudge. Her condition, as compared
with that of the women of the lower classes in civilized coun-
tries, is rather better than worse ^

So tho lot of the Indian woman is not so hard as at first
sight it seems. Yet the fact, that several ethnographers picture
it in such dark colours, whereas the describers of the tribes of
tho Pacific Coast agree, that the sex command great respect,
tends to prove, that the condition of women is not quite so
good hero as on the Pacific Coast.

70. Militarhm. Theso tribes aro very warlike. Roosevelt
states that warfare and hunting, wero tho chief occupations
of tho Algonquins 3). Among tho Ojibways tho end of educa-
tion is to make good hunters and warriors *). According to
.Mackenzie, warfare and hunting, among tho Knistoneaux, are
tho occupations of the men. Thoy aro continually engaged in
warfare \'). Tho Blackfeet aro very warlike, and always fighting
with thoir neighbours"). Mackenzie tells us, that it was a custom
with Chepewyan chiefs „to go to war after they had shod tears
in order to wipe away tho disgrace attached to such a femi-
nine weakness" Tho Beaver Indians wero oven moro war-

5) Mftokenzio, I pp. 130, 123.
0) Uoports of Kxpl., I p. 443.
7) Maokonzio, I p. 271.

like than the Chepewyans i). Mrs. Eastman calls the Sioux
„brave, daring, revengeful" s). The Apaches, according to Ban-
croft, „are in their industries extremely active, — their in-
dustries being theft and murder, to which they are trained by
their mothers, and in which they display consummate cunning,
treachery, and cruelty" 3). And the same writer tells us that
„the Comanchcs, who are better warriors than the Apaches,
highly honour bravery on the battle-field. From early youth,
they are taught the art of war, and the skilful handling of
their horses and weapons; and they are not allowed a scat in
tho council, until their name is garnished by some heroic
deed"\'^).

We see, that the Indians of Central North America present
a strongly marked contrast with such tribes as tho Koniagas
who are „adapted to labour and commerce rather than to war
and hunting" and the Chinooks who „were always acommer-
• cial rather than a warlike people." Therefore all available
men are wanted in warfare; thoy cannot afford to have malo
slaves living among them, who do not share in their military
operations. They are very much in need of warriors, and littlo
of labourers. Accordingly among many of theso tribes such
prisoners of war as aro allowed to live, aro adopted into tho
tribe or into somo family within tho tribo. This is tho caso
among tho Montagnais, Ojibways, Potawatomi, Cheyennes,
Sioux, Osages, Apaches, Comanchcs *).

Concluding, wo may remark, that tho Indians of Central
North America differ from tho tribes of tho Pacific Coast in
many respccts. Thoy havo no abundance of food, aro hunters
and nomadic; wealth docs not exist, and militarism prevails
to a great extent. Tho groups in which thoy livo, though
larger than in Australia, aro smaller than on tho Pacific Coast.

Food is preserved, though not so systematically as on the
Pacific Coast. The condition of women, though not so bad as
in Australia, is not quite so good as among the slave-keeping
tribes of the North-west Coast of North America. Their trade
consists only in exchanging raw products; and industry is
littlo developed.

I". Abundance of food. In Greenland vegetable food is very
scarce. The flesh of the reindeer is most valued by the Green-
landers, but is not available in large quantities; so they havo
to live chiefly upon sea-animals, seals, fish and sea-birds Boas
states that „the mode of life of all tho Eskimo tribes of
Northeastern America is very uniform." They depend entirely
on animal food, especially seals and deer\'). Bancroft, speaking
of the Eskimos of Alaska, remarks: „Their substantials com-
prise the flesh of land and marine animals, fish and birds;
venison, and whale and seal blubber being chief"\'). Though
wo nowhere find it stated that food is exceedingly scarce, tho
details given here sufticiently prove that it is not nearly so
abundant as on the Pacific Coast. Shell-fish, fruits, roots, and
othor vegetables, acquired so easily and in largo quantities by
the tribes of the Pacific Coast, do not enter for any consider-
able part into the food of the Eskimos.

2". As for fishing, taken in the wider sense (including the
killing of water animals besides fish), all Eskimos aro fishers.

3". Fixed habitalions, hirge groups, preserving of food.T\\\\o\\\\^\\\\
the Eskimos move about much for the purpose of obtaining
food, they aro not quite nomadic. In winter-time they live in
solidly constructed dwellings Rink states that thoy have their
winter-houses on the same place during several generations \').

4) Crantz, l pp. 158sqq.; Boas, l.o. pp. 540 sqq.; Banoroft, pp. 50 sqq.
.5) llink, p. 0.

Boas remarks: „There is no need of any new buildings, as the
Eskimo always locate in the old settlements and the old build-
ings are quite sufficient to satisfy all their wants" i). And
Crantz tells us that a Greenlander is not generally much in-
clined to leave the place where he was born and bred and
settle somewhere else; for in nearly every place there is a
peculiar method of fishing and seal-hunting, which the new-
comer has to learn; and in the meantime, often for several
years, he is poorly offAn Eskimo village most often consists
of a single house but Eskimo houses accommodate several
(in Greenland from 4 to 10) families*). Among the "Western
Eskimos, however, there aro larger villages Food is preserved
for winter use by tho Eskimos, though not in such largo
quantities as on the Pacific Coast. The Greenlanders, though
laying up some provision for the winter, are rather improvi-
dent. As long as they have abundance of food, they feast and
gorge themselves with it; but in the winter they often live in
the greatest misery Boas, speaking of Central Eskimo store-
houses, remarks: „In winter, blubber and meat are put away
upon theso pillars, which are sufficiently high to keep thom
from tho dogs." Yet „the house presents a sad and gloomy
appearance if stormy weather prevents the men from hunting.
The stores are quickly consumed, ono lamp after another is
extinguished, and everybody sits motionless in the dark hut" \').
Among tho Eskimos of Alaska „meats aro kept in seal-skin
bags for over a year.... Their winter store of oil they secure
in seal-skin bags, which aro buried in tho frozen ground" ®).

4". Trade and industry. Rink states that tho Eskimos mako
long journeys for tho purpose of interchanging such commo-

ditiea, as are found in some districts only and yet aro neces-
sary to all the tribes. The trade is carried on from Asia to
Hudson BayThe Greenlanders mutually exchange the ar-
ticles they need. With some of them bartering is quite a
passion; they often exchange useful things for worthless trifles.
They have a kind of annual fair, at which tho inhabitants of
several districts interchange the products of their country. „A
great article of commerce are vessels made of soapstone, which
are not found in all parts of the country; and, aa the Southern
Greenlanders have no whales and the Northern no wood, there
come, all through the summer months, from the South and
even from the East of the country many boats with Green-
landers from 100 to 200 miles, to Disko, britglng now kyaks
and women\'s boats with the necessary implements. They rcceivo
in exchange horns, teeth, bones, whale-bones and whale-ten-
dons, part of which, on thoir homeward voyage, they sell
again" -). Among the Central Eskimos „two desiderata formed
the principal inducement to long journeys, which sometimes
lasted even several years: wood and soapstone. The shores of
Davis\' Strait and Cumberland Sound aro almost destitute of
driftwood, and consequently tho natives were obliged to visit
distant regions to obtain that necessary material. Tudjaqdjuaq
in particular was the objective point of their expeditions.
Thoir boats took a scnithorly course, and, aa the wood was
gathered, a portion of it was immediately manufactured into
boat ribs and sledge runners, which were carried back on tho
return journey; another portion was used for bows, though
these were also mado of deer\'s horns ingeniously lashed to-
gether. A portion of tho trade in wood seems to havo been
in tho hands of the Nugumiut, who collected it on Tudjaq-
djuaq and took it north. Another necessary and important
article of trado, soapstone, is manufactured into lamps and pots.
It is found in a fow places only, and very rarely in pieces
largo enough for tho manufacture of tho articles named....

The visitors come from every part of the country, the soapstono
being dug or „traded" from the rocks by depositing some trifles
in exchange. In addition to wood and soapstone, metals, which
were extremely rare in old times, have formed an important
object of trade. They were brought to Baffin Bay either by
the Aivillirmiut, who had obtained them fom the Hudson Bay
Company and the Kinipetu, or by the Akuliarmiut. Even when
Probisher visited the Nugumiut in 1577 he found them in
possession of some iron. The occurrence of flint, which was
the material for arrow-heads, may have given some importance
to places where it occurs. Formerly an important trade existed
between the Netchillirmiut and the neighbouring tribes. As tho
district of the former is destitute of driftwood and potstone,
they arc compelled to buy both articles from their neighbours.
In Ross\'s time they got the necessary wood from Ugjulik, tho
potstone from Aivillik. They exchanged these articles for native
iron (or pyrite), which they found on the eastern shore of
Boothia and which was used for striking fire. After having
collected a sufficient stock of it during several years, thoy
travelled to tho neighbouring tribes" Tho Eskimos of Alaska
are also very commercial. „On tho shore of Bering Strait tho
natives have constant commercial intercourse with Asia....
They frequently meet at tho Gwosdeff Islands, whoro tho
Tschuktschi bring tobacco, iron, tamc-rcindecr skins, and wal-
rus-ivory; the Eskimos giving in oxchango wolf and wolverine
skins, wooden dishes, seal-skins and other peltries. Tho Eskinios
of tho American coast carry on quito an extensive trade with
tho Indians of tho interior, exchanging with thom Asiatic
merchandise for peltries" \'■\'). \\Vc sco that most of tho Eskimo
trade is bartering of raw products. This agrees with what
Rink remarks, viz. that thero is no division of labour; cach
group that has a tent or boat is entirely self-dependent\').

niously made and have excited the admiration of all travellers.
„The kajak (qajaq) is almost exclusively used for hunting by
all Eskimo tribes from Greenland to Alaska" \'). Crantz tells
us that the implements the Greenlanders use for procuring
their subsistence are simple, but so well adapted to their pur-
pose that they are more convenient than the costly implements
of the Europeans. Their harpoons consist of several pieces,
but are so ingeniously made that not a single piece is super-
fluous. Their boats are also greatly admired by this writer
And Bancroft tells us that „the Hyperboreans surpass all
American nations in their facilities for locomotion, both upon
land and water. In their skin boats, the natives of the Alaskan
seaboard from Point Barrow to Mount St. Elias, made long
voyages, crossing the strait and sea of Boring, and held com-
mercial intercourse with the people of Asia. Sixty miles is
an ordinary day\'s journey for sledges, while Indians on snow-
shoes havo been known to rnn down and capture deer". „So
highly were these boats esteemed by the Russians, that they
were at once universally adopted by them in navigating theso
waters. They were unable to invent any improvement in either
of them" »).

5°. Property and wealth. It is nowhere stated that a man\'s
rank or power depends upon his wealth. The Greenlanders
livo without any government; tho head of each family is in-
dependent. When several families live together in one house,
they havo no control over each other, but voluntarily obey the
nu)st respected head of a family, i. o. tho one who is best
acquainted with hunting and the signs of weather. Yet our
informant also sUites: „If several Greenlanders live together,
they liko to kee|) an anyeJcok (priest), to avail themselves of
his advice. And if thoy do not keep one, they aro despised
or pitied by tho others as being poor men" *). So poor people

are despised, but this applies to villages or settlements rather
than individuals. This agrees with what Rink tells us of their
communistic régime. Only the indispensable implements aud
utensils are individual property, and also provisions sufficient
for less than a year. If an individual or group have got too
much, they are compelled by public opinion to give it to those
who have too littlo Among the Central Eskimos men unable
to provide for themselves are employed as servants, but their
position „is a voluntary one, and therefore these men are not
less esteemed than the self-dependent providers" Among tho
Eskimos of Alaska „now or then somo ancient or able man
gains an ascendency in the tribe, and overawes his fellows."
„Caste has been mentioned in connection with tattooing, but,
as a rule, social distinctions do not exist"

Though the Eskimos are dependent for their subsistence on
the possession of boats, houses and implements, they do not
want more property than is needed for procuring their daily
food. According to Rink an heir inherits duties rather than
fortune; for boat and tent continually require so much mend-
ing, that a single hunter is hardly able to keep them in
order*). In Greenland, if a man dies leaving no full-grown
son, his goods devolve upon the next of kin, who is obliged
to provide for the widow and her children. But if he already
possesses a tent and a boat, he will leave tho inheritance and
the duties connected with it to an alien ; for nobody is capable
of keeping two tents and two boats in repair

6". Condition of women. Tliough not quite so bad as in
Australia, woman\'s condition is not so good here as among
the Indians of tho Pacific Coast. Greenland women lead a
hard and almost slave-like life, says Crantz®). And Bancroft

tolls us that among the Eskimos of Alaska „the lot of the
women is but little better than slavery" Tho principal cause
of this difference perhaps is, that female labour among the
Eskimos is not productive. In Greenland „a man who has
two wives is not despised ; on the contrary he is looked upon
as an able provider" This proves that subsistence depends
upon male, not as in Australia upon female labour. Among
tho Central Eskimos „the principal part of the man\'s work is
to provide for his family .... The woman has to do the house-
hold work, tho sewing, and the cooking" Among the "Western
Eskimos „polygamy is common; every man being entitled to as
many wives, as he can get and maintain" So the man main-
tains the family; female labour, however useful, is not so indis-
pensable as male. The men know this quite well. In Green-
land „the man hunts and fishes, and having brought tho
animals ashore he pays no more attention to them; it would
oven bo a disgrace for him to carry the captured seal on
land" "). This is quite another state of things than what wo
havo seen to oxist on tho Pacific Coast, whore female labour,
especially in tho preparation of articles of commerce, is highly
valued.

7®. Militarism. Among tho Greenlanders warfare is unknown «).
Boas, speaking of tho Central Eskimos, says: „Real wars or
fights between settlements, I believe, have never happened,
but contesta havo always been confined to single families" 7).
In Alaska it is otherwise, for „the Northern Indians are fre-
quently at war with tho Eskimos and Southern Indians,
for whonj thoy at all times entorhiin the most inveterate
hatred" This absence of militarism enables tho Green-

landers and Central Eskimos to havo men performing women\'s
work living among them, as we have seen in § 1 of this
Chapter

So the Eskimos, like the slave-keeping tribes of the Pacific
Coast, are accomplished fishers, have fixed habitations, aro in-
dustrially highly developed, and generally not warlike. On the
other hand there is no abundance of food, wealth does not
exist, and woman\'s condition is not nearly so good as on
the Pacific Coast. Also in the size of their groups, the pre-
serving of food, and the development of trade, they aro decid-
edly inferior to the slave-keeping tribes of the N. W. Coast of
North America.

The principal cause why the Eskimos do not keep slaves
is the difficulty with which food is procured. "We havo seen
that female labour, being unproductive, is little valued. Male
labour only is indispensable, and this is labour of high quality.
Navigating in tho kyak is a matter of much skill. Crantz
tells us that Europeans who tried it, could move about a
little in very calm weather; but they wore not able to fish
while being in tho kyak, nor to save themselves when the
least danger occurred. This requires peculiar skill, and Eskimos
tako several years to learn it. Thero aro indeed men unable
to capture seals; they are much despised -). Bancroft also
states that considorablo skill is required in taking seals •\'\'),
and Boas describes at great length tho ingenious methods used
in seal, walrus, and whalo hunting*). Unskilled labour is not
wanted; and widows and orphans who havo lost their bread-
winner may bo glad if any ono is willing to rcceivo then» into
his house ®).

Sometimes an Eskimo wants labour. In Greenland a mar-
ried couplo having no children at all or no full-grown children.

adopt male and female children whom they treat as their
own; the adopted son is considered tho future head of the
family i). Among the Central Eskimos too, as to the right of
inheritance „an elder adopted son has a preference over a
younger son born of the marriage" Thus we see that a
normally constituted family is self-dependent. If there aro no
children, their place has to be supplied by strangers; boys
have to perform the same highly skilled labour as the father,
and girls to help the mother in her work that, though less
valued, has also to be done. But a further increase of the
family by slaves performing menial work is not wanted; the
man, if able, would not be willing to maintain them. The
only kind of labour indispensable here cannot be imposed upon
slaves; and tho cost of maintaining slaves performing othor
work would bo greater than the profit they would yield. Food
is not preserved in such large quantities as on the Pacific
Coast; shell-fish and vegetable food are almost entirely un-
known hero; nor is any fish, oil, etc. prepared for commer-
cial purposes.

There is one more cause at work among the Eskin\\os, pre- \\
venting the e.xistence of slavery: tho dependence of labour \\
upon capital. Boas, describing tho Central Eskimos, states
that among tho adopted people „who nuiy almost be considered
servants" there are „men who have lost their sledges and
dogs." Such servants „fulfil minor occupations, mend the
hunting implements, fit out the sledges, feed the dogs, etc.;
sometimes, however, they join the hunters. They follow the
master of the house when he removes from ono placo to
another, make journeys in order to do his commissions, and
so {»n"\'). And Crantz tells us that among the Greenlanders
nuiny boys are neglected in their youth, as the providing of
them with kyak and implements is very costly On tho

Pacific Coast the possession of capital gives great advantage;
thus among the ATakah the owner of the canoe receives a
proportionate share of the booty from tho crew^); but it is
not indispensable. Here it is. A man destitute of capital
cannot provide for himself, and is therefore at the mercy of
the capitalist. Now the Eskimo capitalist most often allows
such men to share his house and food, and makes them feed
the dogs, etc. rather as means of procuring employment for
them, than because such work requires hands outside tho
family. The capitalist does not want labourers; but even if
he did, there would always be widows and orphans, and men
destitute of capital, who would readily enter into his service.
The Eskimos have to struggle with „unemployment" diffi-
culties, not with scarcity of hands; therefore a slave-dealor
visiting them would not find a ready sale for his stock-
in-trade.

We shall sum up here the conclusions to which the fore-
going paragraphs havo led us.

1". Hunters hardly over keep slaves; and when thoy do
slavery is of little moment. But among fishers slavery often,
though by no means always, exists: of tho two largo groups
of fishing tribes ono (the group on tho Pacific Coast) keeps
slaved, tho other (tho Eskimos) docs not.

2\'. Tho living in fixed habitations is moro favourable to tho
existence of slavery than nomadism.

4°. Where food is abundant and easy to procure, slaves can
be of moro use than where food is scarce; in tho latter case
tho slave, to use Spencer\'s words, „is not worth his food."

in manufactured goods, have more use for slaves than others.
We must, however, bear in mind that trade, even among
savages, does not seem anywhere to bo altogether unknown.

7°. A high development of industry also tends to further
the growth of slavery. The instance of the Eskimos, however,
shows that industrial tribes do not always keep slaves.

8®. Where wealth exists slaves are moro likely to be kept
than where wealth is unknown.

10°. Where only highly skilled labour is required, slave/
cannot bc of any use.

11°. Female labour may in somo degree servo as a substitute
for slavo labour (as in Australia). But where women enjoy
much consideration, tho men sometimes procure slaves in ordor
to relievo the womon of a part of their task, especially where
tho women perform productive labour.

12". Where militarism largely prevails, and warriors aro
moro wanted than labourers, slavery is not likely to exist.
Yet in a fow cases tho samo militarism leads to tho keep-
ing of slaves, viz. whon slaves aro kept mainly for military
purposes.

13°. Tribes forming a somewhat homogeneous group, and
maintaining constant relations with cach other, aro moro likely,
ceteris paribus, to keop slaves, than an isolated tribo.

Theso conclusions, arrived at by an examination of hunt-
• ing and fishing tribes, all, oxcopt tho first, bear a general
character. Wo may thoreforo suppose that thoy will e(iually
apply to pastoral and agricultural tribes. Whether this really
tho caso, will appeor from tho ensuing Chapters. It may,
howovor, bo convenient first to simplify and systematically
arrange them.

As tho principid factor wo nmy regard tho general economic
stato of society. Two distinctions aro to bo mado horo:

These two distinctions are independent of each other. For
where suhsistence depends on capital, it may, witli the aid of
capital, he easily acquired or not. Similarly, where it does not
depend on capital, it may be easy or difficult to procure. Ac-
cordingly we find the following forms of economic life:

P. Subsistence depends on capital. Without capital a man
cannot get on. Now, if labourers are wanted, there are always
people destitute of capital, who have no other resource left
but to offer their labour to the capitalist. But there is a dif-
ference, according as subsistence is easily acquired or not.

a. Subsistence, even with the aid of capital, is difficult to
procure. The procuring of suhsistence requires a combination
of capital and skilled labour. Thus among the Eskimos a man
unacquainted with their ingenious hunting and fishing methods
cannot get on any more than a man destitute of a boat, or of
sledges and dogs. Here labourers are not much wanted. Help-
less persons are kept as servants, but this is done for pity\'s
sake rather than because they are useful. Slavery does not
exist. ici.

b. Subsistence, . with the aid of capital, is easy to procure.
Unskilled labour, combined with capital, is so productive that\'
it gives a surplus beyond the subsistence of tho labourer. Fn
this case the capitalist wants labourers, but there aro also labour-
ers who want the capitalist. We havo not yet met with any
instance of this stato of things. Slavery can exist here, if tho
demahd for labour exceeds tho supply of labour; but wo do
not think this will often bo the case.

2°. Subsistence does not depend on capital. Wo aro, of
course, aware that a man, to procure his subsistence, always
wants somo implements, such as a spear^ bow and arrow, etc.
But he does not, therefore, depend on capital; for ho can
always mako a spear or bow for himself; so after all, ho
depends only on his own strength and skill. If an Eskimo
loses his boat, ho wants long time to make a now ono; in
the meantime he has to live, and so is thrown upon tho
morcy of others. But where the necessary implements can
always be procured at a moment\'s notice, subsistence is not

dependent on capital: the man who has broken his spear can
immediately make a new one; he need not ask anybody to
feed him in the meantime.

Subsistence, where it does not depend on capital, is again
either easy or difficult to procure.

a. Subsistence is not easy to procure; it requires much J^
skill. As subsistence does not depend on capital, every skilled
labourer is able to provide for himself. Those who are not
able providers are dependent on the others; but their labour,
being little productive, is not much valued. Such is tho state
of things among many hunting tribes. As slaves cannot be U
compelled to perform work that requires tho utmost skill and V
application, slavery cannot exist here. j

b. Subsistence is easy to procure. The produce of unskilled
labour can exceed the primary wants of the labourer. As sub-
sistence is not dependent on capital, everybody is able to ^
provide for himself; therefore labourers do not voluntarily
offer themselves. Now, if a man wants tho products of an-
other\'s labour, he can proceed in several ways, lie can him-
solfs produce commodities, and exchange thom for what an-
other has produced. He can also, liko tho ^lakah boat-owner,
produce such things as enhance the productiveness of labour,

and lend them to others, stipulating for a part of the profit
for himself. But there is another manner in which he oan
attain his end: he can by force compel others to work for him.
And we know that one form of compulsory labour is slavery.
This manner will often be the most profitable; for the slave-
owner has only to survey the labour of his slave, and leave
him the mere necessaries of life; whereas in the way of
free commerce he would have to produce as much, or nearly
as much, as he would get in return. Therefore, wlien subsis-
tence is easy to procure, and not dependent on capital, slavo
labour can bo of much use. Yet even then slavery does not
always exist. We shall see that there are additional causes.
But wo may now, at least, say that, generally speaking, ,
slavery can only exist when subsistence is easy to procure j
without the aid of capital. | "

There are some additional, or secondary, causes which in-
crease or diminish the use of slave labour.

P. It may be, that unskilled labour is required, but is suffi-
ciently performed by the women. Thus in Australia women gather
vegetable food and perform all the common drudgery; and
some Australian tribes subsist mainly on the produce of female
labour. In such cases slaves are not wanted. This is a cir-
cumstance of much importance; for everywhere women are
about a half, sometimes more than half, of the population.
As in our days, in civilized Europe, the employing of women
in factories tends to keep wages low, female labour in Australia
makes slavery superfluous. The causes on which the division
of labour between the sexes depends cannot be examined here;
this would require an investigation of the whole history of
family and marriage. But, though unable to find the causes,
we can trace the effects of this division of labour. Where women
are looked upon as „beasts of burden" (to use an expression
our ethnographers aro very fond of), there is not so much use
for slavo labour as whore they hold a high position and the
men are desirous of relieving them of a part of thoir task.

2®. Where food is preserved in large quantities, moro labour
has to be dono at a time, viz. in tho season of plenty, than
where life is continually a hand-to-mouth proceeding. And
tho additional work required for preserving food, o. g. tho
drying of fish, is very fit to bo imposed upon slaves: it
requires littlo skill and is easy to supervise.

3". The development of trade and industry has a great
influence. When tho freemen wish to devote themselves to
these pursuits, they want others to perform tho common drud-
gery for every-day subsistence. Jforoovor, thd" preparing of
tho articles of commorco may require monial labour: thus on
tho Pacific Coast slaves are employed in drying fish, preparing
oil, etc. And finally, trado and industry lead to tho develop-
ment of wealth. As soon as wealth exists, a man docs not
only want food and tho other necessaries of life, but also luxuries,
so his wants may become almost unlimited, and thoro is much
moro usp for slave labour.

Hitherto we have considered slavery as serving economic
purposes. But slaves may also be liept for non-econoinic pur-
poses. There is only one such purpose we have as yet met
with: the employing of slaves in warfare. We have seen that
among the Abipones this is the main and almost the only
function of slavery.

On the other hand, it may bo that militarism so largely
prevails, that all available men are wanted in warfare. If,
then, the military organization is not so highly developed,
that slaves can be employed in warfare without any danger,
slavery is not likely to exist, though it might be economically
of great use.

Thero are other causes, which wo may call external. Howe-
ver much slaves aro wanted, thero must be a coercive power
strong enough to mako tho keeping of slaves possible. Tho
following causcs tend to increase this coercive power:

1°. Living in fixed habitations. Besides tho effect this has
on the growth of industry, it makes tho escape of slaves more
difficult and tho surveying of slavo labour easier.

2". Living together in largo groups. In a small group any \'
increase in tho number of slaves would soon bccomo dan-
gerous to tho maintenance of powor by tho freomon within tho
group, and an escaping slavo would soon bo out of reach of
tho group.

3°. Tho preserving of food. Besides having somo economic
effects of which wo havo treated above, it makes living in
largo groups and in fixed habitations possible; moreover it
attaches tho slavo to his master\'s homo; for ho knows ho will
get thoro sufficient food in tho timo of scarcity, whereas, if
ho cscapcd, ho would havo to shift for himself.

4". Tho oxistonco of a somewhat homogeneous group of tribes
maintaining constant relations with cach other greatly accolo-
ratos tho growth of slavery, especially by means of tho slave
trade. Twenty . tribes, living separately, havo, each for itself, \'
to invent slavory; but when twenty tribes maintain relations
with each other, as soon as ono of them has invented slavory,
tho other 19 havo it ready-mado before thom.

1) »Proacrving of food" ocoura twioo, bccAUSo it works in difTorent di-
roctiofis.

Tho number of these tribes is not large, as they are found
in a few parts of the world only. Moreover, the descriptions
available to us aro in many cases too incomplete to justify
any inference as to their having or not having slaves.

Todas.

Kazak Kirghiz

Altaians,

Turkomans.

The pastoral tribes on which we havo collected somo notes,
without arriving at a definite conclusion as to the existence
of slavery, are tho Qoajiro, Kurds, Shahsewenses, Mongols,
Namaqua, Ovaherero, Matabele, Inland-Tuski, Kalmucks, Fejir
Bedouins, Syrian Bedouins, Mairs and Meenas.

We see that there are as many positive as negative cases.
So thoso theorists are wrong, who hold that tho taming of
animals naturally leads to tho taming of men \').

It might, however, bo that tho non-existence of slavery in
our negative cases wero due to a special, external cause, viz.
that theso tribes woro so inclosed between superior peoples
as not to be able to procure slaves, though slaves would bo
of much use to them. A brief survey of tho political state
of theso tribes shows that thoy aro not all in this position.
The Kazak Kirghiz, in Levchine\'s time, kidnapped slaves
whom they sold abroad. Tho Massai are very warlike and
adopt captives. Tho Turkomans aro „the intermediate agents
for carrying on tho slave-trade" Tho Ama-Xosa and Ama-
Zulu are also very warlike \')• We see that there aro some
pastoral tribes that, though ablo to procure slaves, do not
keep any. The non-existence of slavery among them must
be duo to other, moro internal, causes.

to a gonoral rule. For many pastoral tribes, though subsisting
mainly by cattle-breeding, carry on agriculture besides. If
these only kept slaves, and employed them chiefly in work
connected with agriculture, slavery would provo foreign to
pastoral nomadism as such; for then theso tribes would only
.. keep slaves in their quality as agriculturists.

We shall inquire whether this be so; and for this purpose
we shall give a survey of the work imposed upon slaves among
pastoral tribes. This survey, besides enabling us to decido
upon tho question at issue, will show what placc slavery oc-
cupies in pastoral life.

Among the Larhas tho boys (also free boys) guard the cattlo
on tho pasture-ground, whereas tho work that requires moro
skill (the tending of young animals, tho breaking of horses,
etc.) is equally divided between master and slaves \').

Circassian slaves, according to Bell, till tho soil, tend tho
cattle, and perform domestic labour. Klaproth, however, states
that tho peasants may only bo sold together with tho land;
so thoy aro rather a kind of serfs. Domestic slaves nuiy bo
sold separately\').

Munzinger speaks of domestic labour boing imposed on
slaves by tho Bcdtian. Most of theso slaves aro women

Among the Bcni Atner it is considered an honour to havo
many slaves. „Properly speaking slaves servo thoir nuistor
only when children. Adult fomalo slaves aro concubincs, livo
with their master, but arc exempt from nearly all labour;
adult malo slaves gonorally despise all labour, and belong to
the retinue of tho master. Tho master derives no real profit
from his alaves." According to Von Müller tho fabrication of
tar falls to tho sharo of tho slavo, such work boing below
the dignity of a freeman

3) Munzingcr, Ostafr. Stud., pp. I.\',4, 155.
Jbid., p. 310; Von Müller, p. 429.

Danakil slavery is not profitable; for the territories inhabited
by them are thinly peopled, agriculture is insignificant, and
these cattle-breeders get their subsistence rather easily; more-
over they would be unable to support a considerable number
of slaves by the produce of their cattle. Therefore among the
Danakil on the river Aussa and the Rahanwin Somal on
the lower "Webi-Schabeli, where slaves aro employed in agri-
culture, there is more use for slave labour. Among the nomadic
Somal and Danakil slaves appear also to be employed in war-
fare. According to Bottego, whoso account applies to the Somal
of the towns, adult male slaves till the soil, build houses,
and perform the rudest and most fatiguing kinds of work.
The boys lead the cattle to the pasture-ground; the women
are employed in household labour and often arc concubines of
their masters^).

Among the FvUhe, according to Rohlfs, all the rowers of the
ships are slaves. B6renger-F6raud states that freemen disdain
all labour except warfare and agriculture; but this does not
agree with what he says in another passage, viz. that, where
intermarriage with Negroes has been frequent, the Fulbe are
more than elsewhere given to agriculture. "Waitz, who has
consulted much literature on the Fulbe, states that most of
their warriors are slaves; moreover there are domestic and
agricultural slaves

The slaves kept by the Moors of Smcgamhia aro stated to
have a hard lot, to bo treated in fact as beasts of burden

There are some tribes that subsist mainly on agriculture,
but also, to a great extent, on cattle-breeding. It may be of
some uso to give a survey of slave labour among them too;

2) Kohlfs, p. lO.\'i; Bercnger-I\'V-raud, pp. l43, 140; Waitz-Gorlnnd, II
pp. 470, 471.

it will appear, then, whether they keep their slaves for agri-
cultural purposes only, or employ them also in pastoral labour.

Among the Kafirs some slaves are blacksmiths. In war a
slave boy beats the drum i). Our informant speaks only inci-
dentally of slave labour; he does not mean to say that this
is the only work performed by slaves.

Among the Barotse young slaves are given as pages to the
children of freemen. Slaves till the soil and tend tho cattle;
slave boys are employed as herdsmen

A describer of the Waganda tells us: „One of the prin-
cipal evils resulting from slavery in Uganda is that it causes
all manual labour to be looked upon as derogatory to tho
dignity of a free man"

Among the Mandiiigos native-born slaves enjoy much liberty;
they tend tho cattle, and go to war, oven without their mas-
ters. Freemen work as much as slaves. Every Mandingo, to
whatever class ho belongs, is occupied in agriculture. Tho
tending of horses is incumbent on slave boys *).

Ilildebrandt states that the occupations of the Sakalavas
are not many. In North Sakalavaland, however, rico is cul-
tivated for export, and so thoro is moro labour wanted hero;
therefore in this district slavery prevails to a largo extent\').

Among the Bogos there aro hardly 200 slaves (whereas
Munzlnger estimates the total population at 8400). Slaves
aro of little uso to their owners. Male slaves live separately
and generally take to robbery. Female slaves, having no op-
portunity to nmrry, become prostitutes and live rather inde-
pendently «).

The Takuc havo very fow slaves. In their laws and customs
thoy show a close resemblance to the Bogos 7).

Among the pirate-tribes of Mindanao and Sidu agriculture
is incumbent on slaves. The slaves also share in their mas-
ters\' slave-raids. Jansen gives some more details about slave
labour in the Sulu Islands. The ordinary occupations of slaves
are agriculture, fishing, manufacture of salt, trade, and domes-
tic labour

The slaves of the Geges and Nagos of Porto Novo aro
chiefiy employed in agriculture

The slaves captured and purchased by the Gallas are gener-
ally sold to foreign traders; in large households they are
sometimes retained and employed in various kinds of work.
In another place our informant states that most slaves aro
employed in agriculture

Yornba slaves are employed in trade and warfare
We see that slaves are employed in agriculture among the
agricultural Somal and Danakil, Fulbo, Barotse, Mandingos,
Sakalavas, pirate-tribes of Mindanao and Sulu, Geges and
Nagos, Gallas; and very probably also among tho Waganda,
where they perform „all manual labour." As tho details given
by our ethnographers aro not always complete, it is possible
that in somo moro cases slaves aro employed in agriculture.
But it is sufficiently clear, that among the Beni Amor, nomadic
Somal and Danakil, Bogos, and probably also among the
Beduan and Takue, slaves do not till the soil. Among tho
Oasetes and Circassians the peasants aro serfs, slaves being
employed in household labour. What work is incumbent of
slaves among tho Acneze Bedouins wo are not told; but agri-
culture seems to be unknown among .them. Among tho Larbiui
the daily work is equally divided between master and slaves,

agriculture holding a very subordinate placo. Hence it appears
that several of these tribes keep slaves, though they do not
employ them in agriculture; pastoral tribes, as such, sometimes
keep slaves.

But another inference we can draw from the foregoing
survey of slave labour is this. Where slaves are not employed
in agriculture or in such other work as requires a settled lifo
(e. g. house-building among the Somal of the towns, fishing
and manufacture of salt among the pirate-tribes of Mindanao
and Sulu), tho use of slave labour is not great. Among tho_^
Beni Amor, Bogoa, and nomadic Somal and Danakil slave-
keeping is stated to bo a mere luxury. Tho Sakalavas, except
in tho rice-exporting district, do not want much slavo labour.
And only in ono case, viz. among tho Larbas, is it clearly
stated that tho chief business of slaves

This tends to provo, that among true
as a system of labour, is of little moment
verified by sovoral statements about slaves being often manu
mittod or in tho course of timo becoming practically frco.

Burckhard, speaking of the slaves of tho Aeneze Bedouins,
says: „After a cortain lapse of timo thoy aro always emanci-
pated, aud married to persons of thoir own colour" \')•

Among tho Circassians slaves are often manumitted. A slavo
can also purchase his freedom, and then becomes a member of
a Circassian fraternity 2).

Tho Bcni Amcr havo two kinds of slaves, newly-purchased
nnd nativo-born. „Thoir condition differs so much, that only
tho former may properly bo callcd slaves; tho latter aro rather
serfs. Tho nowly-purchasod slavo is treated liko ovory Moham-
medan slavo, ho may bo sold and docs not yet belong to tho
family. Tho nativo-born slavo has only tho nanio, not tho
stato of a slavo; this appears from his boing allowed to inter-
niarry with tho Worcea (subjected class). Tho children born
of such a marriage aro considered frco, as thoy dosccnd from

0 Larbas, is it clearly
is pastoral labour. V

pastoral tribes slavery,
fient. This infcronco is Jj j

vos br>innr nfton inanii- —^

a free mother. In Barka the Kishendoa, i. e. native-born sla-
ves, who inhabit a camp of tents of their own, are governed
by a chief who is one of their own number, and intermarry
with the Woresa. Native-born slaves may live where they
like and have the same right of inheritance as freemen; only
if such a slave leaves no relatives does the master succeed

is in a peculiar condition. If a newly-purchased slave is
killed, his price is restored to his owner; for such a slavo is
looked upon as an article of trade. The native-born slave,
however, belongs to the family; therefore his blood requires
blood; he is avenged by his relatives if there are such, and
otherwise by his master; if this is not practicable because the
murderer is a man of power, the matter is hushed up; but a
compensation is never given"

Among the Kafirs of India each tribe is governed by a
council. Even slaves can be elected as members of this council

Our survey of slavo labour shows in the third place, that
slaves are often employed in warfare. This will be accounted
for later on.

Hero wo have only to emphasize the fact, that to pastoral
tribes as such slave labour is of little use. This makes it
Uasy to understand why so many of them dispense with
slavery altogether.

Going on to inquire what is the cause of this phenomenon,
we may remember the general conclusion we have arrived at
in the last paragraph, viz. that slave labour is of littlo use,
where subsistence is either dependent on capital, or very

difficult to procuro. Now it is easy to see that among pastoral
tribes subsistence entirely depends on capital. Among people
who live upon the produce of their cattle, a man who owns"
no cattle, i. o. no capital, has no means of subsistence. Ac-
cordingly, among pastoral tribes we find rich and poor men;
and the poor often offer themselves as labourers to the rich

Among the Syrian Bedouins „to every tent, or to every
two or three tents, there is a shepherd or person to attend tho
cattle, either a younger son or servant; ho receives wages
for ten months" -).

Among tho Larbas alms aro given to tho poor. Tho social
rank of the head of a family depends on tho number of his
children, his practical knowledge of tho pastoral art, and his
wealth. There aro free labourers who aro paid in kind,
llerdsmon havo tho usufruct of a part of tho herds thoy tend.
Generally tho labourer takes a tenth in kind at tho close of
the time agreed upon; moreover ho receives his daily food
during tho time of his engagement

Levchino, speaking of tho Kasak Kirghiz, tells us: „Once
I asked a Kirghiz, owner of 8000 horses, why ho did not sell
every year a part of his stud. He answered: „Why should
I sell that which is my pleasure P I want no money; if I
had any, I should bo obliged to shut it up in a coffer, where
nobody would see it; but when my steeds run over tho
steppe everybody looks at thom; everybody knows that thoy
aro mine; and people always remember that I am rich." In
this manner is tho name of a rich man acquired throughout
the hordes; such is tho wealth that procures them tho regard
of thoir countrymen and tho title of hai (rich man), which
sometimes gives thom an ascendency over tho offspring of the
khans and tho most deserving old men." On tho other hand
the number of beggars is very considerable. Levchino makes
no mention of servants; but lladloff, who about thirty years

1) Soo HiUlohrand, Uocht und Sitto, p. 38.
% Huroklmrdt. I p. 181
3) Geoffroy, pp. 420, 42.\'-), 434.

later visited the Kazak Kirghiz, says: „There exists here a
class of servants, whom I met with in every well-to-do family.
The herds are generally tended by hired herdsmen, who are
subjected to a kind of supervision." The rich also engage poor
families to till their lands. A man who loses all his cattle
has no resource left but to offer himself as a labourer\').

The same first-rate ethnographer informs us that among the
Altaians „rich and poor eat the same kind of food; the dif-
ference consists only in the size of the kettle and the quan-
tity of food. The poor man eats what he has got, which most
frequently is very little; and he would starve but that the
rich have such an abundance of food, that in summer they readily
entertain whoever comes to their jurts (tents)." When a beast
is being killed, the poor neighbours in large numbers throng
towards the place and try to secure those portions of the
bowels that the rich disdain; they have to fight for them
with the dogs, who aro equally fbnd of the tit-bits. When
all guests have been served, pieces of meat are thrown towards
the door, where poor men and dogs try to secure them. Tho
picked bones are also thrown to the poor, who clean them so
thoroughly that nothing but tho bare bone is loft to the dogs.
The cattle of tho rich are generally tended by poor neigh-
bours, who live in the vicinity of the rich, partake of thoir
food, and receive their worn clothes. Young girls often seek
employment as servants; orphans of poor men also servo
the rich «).

The Turkomans „have largo herds and Hocks, which thoy
pasture in the steppes, and for this service thoy employ men
of thoir tribo as herdsmen and shepherds"

Among the Kalmnclcs there aro many poor people who
serve the rich as herdsmen *).

1) Lovohino, pp. 348, 349, 344 note 1; llndlofT, Aus .Siliirion, 1 pp. 40.2,
4G3, 410; see also Ujfalvy, ICxpt\'d. Sclent., p. 112.

Prschewalsky states that rich Mongols, who owu thous-
ands of beasts, employ herdsmen who aro poor and have no
family i).

Wood, speaking of the Kirghiz (whether Kazak Kirghiz or
Kara Kirghiz does not appear), remarks: „Slaves are not
common among this people, though they have, like European
families, maid servants"

Among the Tunguz the poor generally serve the rich, by
whom they are badly treated *).

Pallas says: „Every Samojede has his reindeer and tends
them himself with the help of his family, except the very
rich who employ poor men as herdsmen." Von Stenin also
states that the poor serve the rich. The following anecdote,
given by this writer, shows how strongly the desire of wealth
influences psychical lifo among tho Samojedes. One of them
depicted the delight of intoxication in these terms: „Spirits
taste better tlian meat. When a man is drunk, ho fancies he
has many reindeer and thinks himself a merchant. But on
coming to his senses he sees that ho is poor and has just
spent his last reindeer in drinking" »).

Of the Koryakcs we are told: „Before they were subjected
by the Russians, they had neither government nor magi-
strates; only tho rich exercised some authority over the poor."
Their greatest pleasure consists in looking at thoir herds. Tho
poor are employed in tending the herds of the rich for food
and clothing; if they have themselves some reindeer, thoy are
allowed to join them to their master\'s herds and tend them
together with the latter"®).

1) Hildobrnnd, l.o., p. aO; bco iilso Obrutiwhow, 1 p. 37, nnd Iwnnowski,
pp. 8, 11.
\'2) Hildobrnnd, l.o.
3) Von Stenin, Dio Kurden, p. 221.

6) Histoire do Kaintschatkn. Il i)p. 239, \'243, soo nimi Hil.lobmnd,
Iteoht und Sitte, p. 38. 11 . . .

In North-east Africa the state of things is not quite the
same. The pastoral nomads here form the nobility, and tax
subjected tribes with tributes and compulsory labour. Servants
are not found here so often as in Asia. Sometimes, however,
they are found. Thus among the Beni Amer there are herds-
men, maid-servants etc. who work for wages 2).

„Among all South African natives" says Fritsch „the rich
tyrannize over the poor who, in the hope of filling their
stomachs, comply with a state of dependence that is not
authorized by law" 3).

Among the Kaffirs poor men place themselves under the
protection of a rich head of a family, build their huts in his
kraal, and in reward yield their cattle to him

The Ovaherero despise any ono who has no cattle Tho
children of impoverished families who, according to Anders-
son are kept as slaves, are perhaps rather to bo callcd
servants.

Among thoso tribes which aro mainly agricultural, but
besides subsist largely upon tho produce of thoir cattlo, similar
phenomena present themselves.

Among tho Ossetes freemen are often employed as servants
Among the Bctchuanas the possesion of cattlo and a waggon
is a mark of distinction. Thoy mix their porridge with curdled
milk, and thercforo call a poor man a watcr-porridgo man

Among tho DinJca every man upon an average owns three
head of cattle; but there are also poor men, who are the
slaves or servants of the rich We may safely infer that
these „slaves or servants" are servants and not slaves..

The sheikh of each Chillooh tribe, according to Chaillo
Long, detains as slaves those who do not own even a single
cow 2). Probably the same state of things prevails here as among
the Kaffirs: these poor men arc not slaves, but compelled
by hunger to seek the protection of a rich man.

The Bogos employ freemen as herdsmen and peasants; they
also keep maid-servants*).

We seo that, wherever men subsist by cattle-breeding, a
peculiar characteristic of economic life presents itself. This
characteristic is not tho existence of wealth; for wealth also
exists among the tribes of the Pacific Coast; yet on tho Pa-
cific Coast slavo labour is of great use. It is tho existence of
poverty. On tho Pacific Coast tho „abundant natural suppliesT~
in ocean, stream, and forest" enable each man, bo ho rich
or not, to provide for himself; but among pastoral tribes tho
means of subsistence are tho property of individuals; and
thoso who own no cattle have no resource but to apply to
tho owners for supportTherefore, if labourers aro wanted,
there aro always freemen who readily olTer their services;
and there is no great use for slave labour.

So there is always a supply of labour. On tho other hand,
the demand for labour is small. Thoro is but littlo work to
bo done. Among somo pastoral tribes tho men spend a groat
deal of time in idleness.

5) Tho oiittlo, mnong paatoral tril««, arc tho proiwrty of inilivi.lunls, not
of tho oomnmnity; »«o Durgun, pp. 58-09,

laziness is a main characteristic of the nomads; they spend
their whole life in idleness, which is furthered by the cha-
racter of pastoral nomadism. The tending of the cattle is the
solo occupation of the Mongol, and this does not nearly require
all his time. The guarding of cows and sheep is the business
of the women and grown-up children; milking, creaming, butter-
making and other domestic labour falls almost entirely to the
share of the housewife. The men generally do nothing, and
from morning till night ride from one jurt to another, drink-
ing Jcoumiss and chattering with their neighbours. Tho chase,
which the nomads are passionately fond of, serves mainly as .
a pastime."

The Altaians have to survey the cattle; this consists only
in riding a few times a day to the herds, and driving them
together. The milking of the mares during the summer, which
requires some courage, is also the men\'s business.

Among the Aenese Bedouins the men\'s sole business is
feeding the horses, and in the evening milking tho camels

Tho Kazak Kirghiz, too, are very lazy. Thoy pass a great
part of the summer sleeping because of the warmth; and in
winter-time they hardly ever leave their tents, because the
snow covers the roads. As they aro not acquainted with any
arts, and tho tending of tho cattle is their only occupation,
there is no need for much work 2).

The Turlcomans „pass their time in idleness; and to engage
\'in conversation about politics or plundering excursions, while
the pipe is handed round, is tho highest felicity of their
earthly existence"

Rownoy tells us of tho Mairs and Mcenas of Rajpootana:
„The ostensible occupation followed by them was that of
goatherds; but tho herds wore usually left to tho charge of
their boys and old mon, while tho moro able-bodied spent

1) nildobrniid, llccht und Sitto, jip. .17, iW (after lWiowalnky, ILidlolF
and UurnkJiardt). On tlio Mongol« mio nl«o Iwanow«ki, j». 12.

It has to be remarked, that most of these tribes do not
keep slaves; so the men are not by imposing all the work
upon slaves enabled to pass their time in idleness; yet they
do almost nothing. This proves that but little labour is wanted.
One might object, that perhaps women and boys are over-
worked. But the fact that the able-bodied men, who form a
considerable part of the community, can afford to take life
80 very easily, sufficiently proves that the total amount of
labour required is rather small.

Here we find one more reason why pastoral tribes have
little use for slave labour. The demand for labour is small; »
therefore, even if free labourers were not available, only a
few slaves would bo wanted. Capital is here the principal
factor of production, labour holding a subordinate place. Among
agricultural tribes, whon there is a practically unlimited supply
of fertile soil, every person whose labour is available to the
tribo can cultivate a piece of ground, and so, the moro people
there are, tho more food can be produced. But among pas-
toral tribes, as soon as there aro people enough within the
tribo to guard the cattle, milk the cows, and perform the
other labour required, an increase in tho number of labourers
is not profitable. There is only a limited demand for labour;
therefore, though there may be a temporary scarcity of labour
which makes strengthening of the labour forces of the tribe
by means of slaves desirable, — when a few slaves have been
procured, the point at which a further increase in the number
of people gives no profit will soon bo reached again«).

2) Tho foUowing ruiniirkiiblo aUitoniont tends to verify our nrgument.
Among the Hottentots and Damaras mon are „nivon aw.ny". If a Negro has
for Bomo time Horved a master, and tl>o hilt»ir lias no longer any employ-
ment for him, ho gives him to »oiuo friend or aeiiuaintanoe. Tho Negro
complies with tho tranuaotion; for ho wants a master and cannot HuhsiU
without ono. (Qalton as nuotod by I\'ont, Afr. Jur., I p. 97).

and such as is, is easy to procure; for there are always people
destitute of capital, who offer themselves as labourers. Thcre-
_fore slaves are economically of little use.

There is, however, one description of a pastoral tribe, in
which it is stated, that men as well as women have to work
very hard. This is Geoffrey\'s capital monography on tho
Larhas. The head of the family and his sons have to guard
the herds, trace and dig pits, share in all operations common
to the horsemen of the tribe: raids and battles, the pursuing
of thieves, the defense of the pecuniary interests of the family,
the depositing of merchandise in the Jcsours (store-houses). The
head of the family tends the sick animals, and has the ad-
ministration of the wool and grain; but practically ho will
not have much to do with theso matters, not considering them
worth his attention. But a great part of his time is taken up
with keeping watch and marching, and this makes his lifo a
rather hard one; c\'est un pen toujours commc la guerre. Ho
docs not sleep at night; ho waters tho cattlo in tho pits or
r\\lirs] ho surrounds his tents with a protecting hedge, tho
zirha\\ he struggles against tho elements, which often disperse
beasts, tents and men. Daily, from the cradlo to tho tomb, tho
nomad\'s life is a struggle for existence. As a child ho is
already concerned in tho caro taken of tho cattle in tho tents;
ho learns to rido on horseback with his father. When older,
whether rich or poor, ho has to learn, for several years, to
\' conduct largo numbers of cattlo, which is a very difficult and
dangerous work, to tend tho diflbrent kinds of animals, to euro
them, to sell them, to derive from thom as much profit aa
possible. Pastoral art is moro complicated than at first sight
it soems, and comprehends a long scries of accomplishnumts.
At twenty years tho nomad is an accomplished man, thoroughly
acquainted with tho lifo ho has to lead, enjoying all tho phy-
sical strength indispensable in tho exceptional milieu where ho
has to struggle. Tho two youngest sons of tho head of tho
family our informant describes, 15 and 13 years of age, now
perform in tho family tho duties of herdsmen. \'Daily occupa-
tions of master and alaves aro tho driving together of tho

dispersed animals, the tending of the females that have calved,
the preparing of special food for the young animals, the dress-
ing of the stronger ones for the saddle and pack-saddle, and
the chase of hares and gazelles

We see that pastoral life is not to easy here as on the fert-
ile plains of Central Asia. But the work that is most neces-
sary here, and also most difficult, is tho care for tho security "t
of the tribe and its possessions, or, as Geoffroy very appro-
priately expresses it, „c\'esf un peu toujours comvie la guore". 1
And this work cannot bo left to slaves; else the slaves would \\
become the masters of the tribe. Warriors aro wanted here; j

Wo have now accounted for tho non-existence of slavery
among many pastoral tribes, and tho littlo use of slave labour
among pastoral tribes in general, by tho principle laid down
in tho last paragraph, that, generally speaking, slaves are not
wanted where subsistence depends upon capihd.

In Noi\'th-cast Africa, however, thoro is ono moro cause at
work, making slavery superfluous. This is tho existence of a
kind of substitute for slavery, viz. subjection of tribes as such.
Pastoral tribes often levy tributes on agricultural tribes, to \'
which thoy aro superior in military strength; tho latter cannot
easily leave tho laiuls thoy cultivate and seek a now country;
if not too heavily oppressed, thoy will prefer paying a tribute.
And to pastoral nomads tho levying of a hix on agricultural
tribes brings far moro profit than the enslaving of individuals
belonging to such tribes, whom thoy would havo to employ
either in pastoral labour, which thoy do not want, or in tilling
tlie soil, which work tho nomads would bo unablo to super-
vise. There aro also pastoral tribes subjected by other pastoml
nomads, tho latter forming tho nobility and tho nulitary part
of society. Finally wo fitul subjected tribes of hunters, smiths,
etc.; hero wo havo sometimes rathor to deal with a voluntary \'
division of labour.

gcllis in North Somaliland wc find the following: 1°. Midgan,
smiths and traders; these, by acquiring considerable wealth,
sometimes win so much regard, that even a Somali noble
deigns to marry his daughter to a Midgan. 2°. Tomal, who
are employed by Somali nobles as servants, herdsmen and
camel-drivers, and are also obliged to go to war. Tho noble
Wer-Singelli carries sword and spear, whereas the Tomali uses
bow and arrows; sometimes a Midgan girl is given him as a
wife, but never the daughter of a noble Somali. The Tomal,
however, belong to the tribe, 3°. Jihbir, who are very much
despised. They have no fixed habitations; thoy roam in fami-
lies over the country, from tribo to tribe, aa jugglers and
magic doctors. Everybody, for fear of sorcery, gives them food
and presents, and in return receives from them amulets, mado
of stone and roots, Thoy contract no marriage outside their
own caste

The Massai, true warriors and raiders, „keep a subjected
tribe, tho Wa-rombutta, who do their hunting and what meagre
agriculture they indulge in. This tribe is insignificant in appear-
ance, and although servile and subject to the Massai are not
slaves; they present almost the appearance of dwarfs." Tho
Wandorobo too, according to Thomson, are regarded by tho
Massai as a kind of serfs, and treated accordingly; and Johnston
calls them a helot race of hunters and smiths

Among the Bogos „patronage results from military subjection
or from the helpless state of separate immignints with regard
to a strong and closely allied people. As the nobles airefully
trace their pedigrees, it is easy to find out the Tigres. Tigrc
means a man of Ethiopian extraction, who speaks tho Tigro
language. Some Tigro families, subjected from time immemo-
rial, havo immigrated together with tho family of Qebro Torko
[the legendary ancestor of tho Bogos]. Others lived already in
the country, and unable to withstand the invasion, hastened

2) Mm. French-Sheldon, p. 380; Thomson, Througli Maaailand, p. •14K;
Johnston, p. 402.

to submit in oi-der to bo tolerated. The Bogos seem to have
taken possession of the country in a very pacific and forbear-
ing way, and unlike tho Normans and other European in-
vaders, do not interfere with the regulation of landed property,
so that the ancient aborigines still own most of the laud. Tho
third class is composed of foreign families who, being for some
reason unable to agree with their countrymen, settle in tho
country of the Bogos and place themselves under their pro-
tection, which still continually occurs. A member of the Boas
family [i. e. of the Bogos nobility], however poor and weak,
never becomes a Tigre; his family is a guarantee of his inde-
pendence. A Tigre, however mighty and rich, cannot become
a Schmagilly [noble]; for the Tigres, who are a compound of
various elements, cannot trace their origin so far back as the
Schmagillies who pretend to spring all from the same ances-
tor. ]\\[oreover, tlie oppression is so slight, that a revolution is
unimaginable

Among tho Tahic tho state of tho Tigres is the same as
among the Bogos; formerly they brought beer to their lords;
now they pay them a snuill tribute of corn and fat

Marea Tigres have a harder lot. Two kinds of obligations
aro incumbent on them: towards their respective masters, and
towards the nobility cn bloc. Even tho poorest noble never be-
comes a Tigre, and does not perform degrading work, such as
for insttmco milking. Tho Tigre pays his master yearly 8
bottles of fat, a measure of corn, and every week a leathern
bag with milk. Of every cow killed by a Tigre the master
receives a considerable portion; a cow belonging to a Tigre,
which dies a natural death, falls entirely to tho nuistor. As
for the Tigres\' obligations towards tho nobility as a whole, on
several occasions thoy have to give up their cattle for the
nobility. Among the Black ifarea the Tigres own most of the
land; among the Rod Jtarea tho greater part of the land is in
the hands of impoverished nobles, who live chiolly upon the

rent of their landed property. Another class are the Bolcono,
who are obliged to choose a patron and pay a tribute, but aro
held in rather high esteem and often marry daughters of tho
nobles; they own land and herds and are much given to
trading \').

Among the Bmi Amer the same distinction, of nobles and
subjects, prevails. The latter are called Woréza. „We shall
speak of master and servant," says Munzinger „though tho
latter term does not quito answer the purpose. Tho state of things
we are going to describe much resembles that which wo have
met with among tho aristocrats of the Anseba; among tho
Bcni Amer, however, the servant is a feolFeo rather than a
protégé. But as he derives his wealth from his master, to whom
ho owes what we may call interest, his state is one of much
greater dependence .... Among tho Beni Amer it is an ancicnt
custom, that a lord distributes his wealth among his servants;
e. g. if ho receives 100 cows as his portion of tho war-booty,
ho docs not add thom to his herd, but leaves them to his serv-
ants as a present. When the servant marries, tho lord presents
him with a camel. In every emergency tho servant applies to
his lord, who helps him whenever possible. All those presents
become tho truo property of tho recipient; tho servant may do
with them as ho likes, sell and oven spend them; tho lord
may upbraid him for it, but legally has nothing to do with it.
On. tho death of tho servant tho presents devolve upon his hoirs.
But the lord has a kind of usufruct of those presents ; tho serv-
ant provides him with fat and daily brings him a certain
quantity of milk, i. o. ho foods tho lord nnd his family. Often
has tho lord to wait for his supper till midnight, because tho
servant provides for himself first. Tho" servant, moreover, has
to provide tho funeral sacrifice for his lord and for every
member of tho lattcr\'s family; ho leaves to tho lord ovory
sterile cow, and whon ho kills a beast ho brings him tho
breast-piece. lie stands by his lord in every emergency, and
oven assists him according to his moans towards paying tho

tribute." The servant is, so to speak, a tenant of his lord.
As the Beni Amer are nomads, there is no land to distribute;
the pasture has no owner; therefore the fief can only consist
in movable property. As most of the wealth of tho country is
in tho hands of the servants, they have a decisive voice in
every public council; they have to find out where tho best
pastures aro, where the camp has to be erected \').

In tho second Chapter of Part I wo havo met with subjected
tribes in South Africa, such as Tingu, Makalahiri, etc., some-
times cjillcd slaves by our ethnographers

Tho Moors of Setiegambia aro also tho patrons of subjected
tribes, which they protect and levy heavy tributes on •\'*).

Geoffroy speaks of settled tribes being in somo way tho
vassals of the Larbas. The ksours aro buildings in which the
nomads preserve their corn, dates and wool; thoso stores aro
guarded by settled tribes, that permanently live there and re-
coivo ono tenth of tho preserved stock yearly. The nomads
look upon all settled tribes as degenerate men and inferiors
Here wo havo to deal with a voluntary division of labour,
rather than with subjection.

Among tho Tuareg slavery proper docs not prevail to any
great extent. Tlioro aro two kinds of tribes, ono consisting of
nobles and tho other of serfs. The nobles only have political
rights. Tho serfs work to feed tho ruling classes, and from 4
to 8 serfs aro wanted to support ono noble. The nobles pass
thoir time travelling in tho desert, cither to escort or to plun-
der caravans; the serfs, in the meantime, cultivate the oases
and rear sheep, goats and camels. Thoy also tend tho herds
I\'olonging to tho nobloa, to whom thoy pay a yearly tribute
of butter, milk, sheep, goats and camels. Tho serfs aro somo-
times richer than the nobles. The nobles lot thom enrich thcm-

selves, requiring nothing from them but the yearly tribute.
These tributes, together with those levied on caravans, form
the revenue of the Tuareg nobles. The serfs may not wear tho
same dress nor carry the same weapons as the nobles. Yet
nobles and serfs generally live together in perfect harmony.
But the free, nomadic Tuareg show a great disdain for the
settled and rural population; they consider their own nomadic
life, chiefly taken up with escorting or plundering caravans,
as particulary noble; and regard the settled tribes as degene-
rate beings

In Circassia, according to Bell, the serfs are prisoners of
war and the ancient inhabitants of the country. The latter
are perhaps the samo peasants who, according to Klaproth,
may not be sold apart from the land

It is remarkable, that in Central Asia and Siberia wc do
not find a single instance of this subjection of tribes as such •\'\').
This is probably the reason why in these parts members of
tho tribo arc so often employed as servants.

Where nearly all work is left to subjected tribes or castes,
and the nobles do nothing but fight, there is not much use
for slave labour. Tho nobles do not want slaves, becjiuso all
labour required by them is performed by thoir subjects.
■ Wo have now found a new cause, from which in somo
i cases slaves are not wanted: tho subjection of tribes as such,
which serves as a substitute for slavery.

Yet several pastoral tribes keep slaves; this has still to bo
accounted for. Wo shall inquire first, whether tho secondary
causes we have found in the last paragraph are at work hero.

3) It is Htatcd, that tho notnadio Korynkua rogard tho aottlod Koryakoa
as slaves (Histoiro dc Kaintschatka, II p. 223). But wo are "not told that
thoy recjuire tributes or serviooa from them. Probably our informant only moans
to say, «that tho settled Koryakes aro despised by tho nomads (aoo p. 222, ibid.).

1°. Condition of toomen. On the Pacific Coast the men some-
times procurc slaves, in order to relieve the women of a part
of thoir taslv. Thero aro somo details on record suggestive of
tho same state of things among some pastoral tribes. Among
tho Circassians, Beduan, Fulbc and Tuareg (pastoral tribes),
Waganda, pirate-tribes of Mindanao and Sulu, Ossctcs and
Gallas (agricultural tribes depending largely on cattle for their
subsistence) slaves aro employed for household labour. The
samo is tho caso with female slaves among the Larbas and
Somal of tho towns. Munzingor states that only fow Beduan
are rich enough to keep a female slave or a maid-servant;
therefore in most families tho preparing of food falls to tho
sharo of tho wife, this being almost her only occupation\').
Hence wo may infer, that among tho Beduan, and probably
among somo other tribes, slaves are procured by tho men for
the benefit of tho women.

2°. Preserving of food. This docs not seem to require much
labour among pastoral tribes. On tho Pacific Coast tho fish
havo to bo prepared for winter use. But whoro mon livo upon
tho products of thoir cattlo, food is not at ono timo much moro
abundant than at another.

3°. Trade and industry. Household labour, sometimes per-
formed by slaves, docs not sccni to servo tho purposes of trado,
as on tho Pacific Coast; thoro is not a single detail on rocord,
that would lead us to suppose that it docs. Wo oven fiiul
particulars tending to provo tho contrary. Among tho Jieni
Atner, who havo many slaves, tho womon aro continually oc-
cupied in making mats, tho proceeds of which labour aro often
sufficient to pay tho tribute to tho Turks *). Slaves do not
socm to join in this labour.

Among tho lAirhas frco womon manufacture tissues, which
arc sold abroad\'). Probably slaves aro not capablc of perform-
ing such fine work.

Among the Yorubas and pirate-tribes of Mindanao and Sulu
the slaves are occupied in trading. But these tribes are not
nomadic; moreover, these slaves do not, like the slaves on the
\'Pacific Coast, prepare the articles of commerce, but are them-
selves the traders, which is quite another thing.

4°. Slaves xoanted as loarriors. Slaves sometimes serve to
augment the military strength of the community. Prom the
survey of slave labour, given in the beginning of this Chapter,
it appears that they are often employed in warfare, viz. among
tho nomadic Somal and Danakil, Fulbe, Kafirs, pirate-tribes
of Mindanao and Sulu, Mandingos and Yorubas; probably also
among the Bogos, w^here they generally take to robbery. Cir-
cassian slaves cannot be compelled to go to war\'). Hence it
seems to follow that they may go if they like. Among the
Beni Amer native-born slaves arc avenged by their own relat-
ives; so theso slaves are armed, and probably fight together
with their masters.

The ensuing statement strikingly shows how highly slaves
are valued as warriors among the nomadic Somal and Danakil.
If a slave kills ono enemy, he becomes free; if two or more,
he is entitled to being adopted. Having killed ten enemies,
he becomes a person of rank and enjoys many privileges

In these cases slaves strengthen the military force of the
tribe. But the tribe profits only indirectly by this reinforce-
ment\' of the family. Most pastoral nomads live in comparativ(ily
small groups, rather independently; there is no strong centml
government And where quarrels between these small groups
are frequent, the moro numerous tho family (in tho wider
sense, the Roman familia, including slaves), the bettor will
the head of the family bo able to maintain his position. And
pastoral nomads have always a great motive for fighting: they
can enrich themselves by a successful raid. Among hunting.

3) Sovcrfll inBtanccs of tliis phcnomonon nro on record with nihlcl)rnnd,
Rocht und^itto, pp, 30, 40, 41.

fishing, and agricultural tribes, if the conqueror does not want
to keep the vanquished as slaves, war gives little profit. But
in the raids pastoral nomads make on each other, the successful
raider may acquire numerous herds, i. e. great wealth. There-
fore it is of the utmost importance for a man to havo as nu-
merous a familia as possible.

When speaking of tho Larbas, wo have seen that their
mode of life is un pen toujours commc la guerre. Their des-
criber also states: „Theft is the most threatening evil the
nomad has to deal with; ho is therefore most severe in sup-
pressing it, tho punishment being invariably death." IIo also
speaks of freo servants, members of tho family, who live under
tho protection and at tho expense of some rich head of a
family; they aro generally very numerous, and form a body
of clients that strengthens their patron\'s power\').

Levchino, speaking of tho Kaeak Kirghiz, says: „Their
feuds aro caused by the unrestrained desire for plunder, that
ruins and entirely demoralizes them; this plundering is called
haranta. These barantas consist in reciprocal cattle-stealing,

think that public hatred or contempt falls on thoso who are
addicted to those horrible excesses; on tho contrary, they onjoy
a reputation for bravery, and aro distinguished by tho name
of liatyr or lioghatyr, which nanio spreads through all tho
hordes tho fame of their exploits. Many of these braves, called
Batyr for their plundering ardour, though iminy years dead,
still live in tho remombrauce of thoir countrymen, and thoir
naujcs aro celebrated." Accordingly, ono of tho qualities re-
(juired in a chief is a largo family, that gives him tho power
to maintain his authority *).

Anjong tho Beni Amor, whore it soomjs to bo quite an
ordinary thing for a noble to receive 100 cows as his portion
of tho war-booty, it is a great support for u man to havo

A writer of the 18th century tells us that „the Tschuktschi
who live to the north of the river Anadir, are not subjected
to the Russian empire, and often make raids on those brought
under Russian control, on the Koryakes as well as on the
Tschuktschi, killing or making prisoners all they meet, and
carrying off their herds of reindeer" 2).

Among the Somal and Gallas internal wars are very fre-
quent; among the former most wars are marauding expeditions.
And here too the possession of wife and children is indis-
pensable; an unmarried man cannot attain to wealth and
power

Among the Ama-Xosa and Ovaherero the chief object of
warfare is cattle-stealing. Fugitives from other tribes are
never delivered up by the Ama-Xosa, whatever tho reason of
their flight; for they strengthen tho chiefs power■•).

We have already seen, that the Massai are „true warriors
and raiders", that tho Mairs and Meenas spend their time in
„marauding, plundering and murdering," and that politics
or plundering excursions aro the chief subjects of Turkoman
.conversation

We see, that among these tribes everybody is desirous of
having as many people about him as possible for tho protection
of his own property and tho capturing of his neighbour\'s.
And a convenient means of procuring such people is the
purchase of slaves.

""" There is ono moro secondary cause here, which wo havo
not met with before. It is sometimes stilted that keeping slaves
is a moro luxury. Now rich nomads, liko all rich people, love
luxury. Liko tho rich Kazak Kirghiz who told Lovohino that
the possession of ovor 8000 horses procured him a reputation

among his countrymen, many rich nomads will win renown
by possessing a large retinue of slaves. Thus for instance we
know that among the Beni Amor slave labour is of little use;
yet it is stated, that the Beni Amer are ambitious to possess
many slaves And slaves arc preferable, as objects of Juxury, _--
to free servants. For slaves, generally acquired from beyond
tho limits of the tribo, aro much more apt to gratify tho
prido of tho rich man by their submission, than poor freemen,
who aro always conscious of their membership of tho tribo
and unwilling to bo trampled down. The latter fact is proved
by several statements of ethnographers.

If a rich Samojcde refuses to givo his poor countryman a
reindeer for food, tho latter has the right to carry off ono or
more from tho rich man\'s herd; tho law does not givo the
owner any hold upon him -).

Among the Yakutcs tho rich sustain thoir poor follow-tri-
bcsmon; if tho latter lose their reindeer, thoy aro indemnified
by tho rich "»).

Similarly among tho Ostyaks „members of tho same tribo,
whether largo or small, consider themselves as relations, oven
where tho common ancestor is unknown, and whero tho ovi-
donco of consanguinity is wholly wanting. Nevertheless, tho
feeling of consanguinity, sometimes real, sometimes conven-
tional, is tho fundamental principle of tho union. Tho rich,
of which thero aro fow, help tho poor, who aro many. Thero
is not much that can change hands. Tho littlo, howovor, that
is wanted by tho needy is taken as a right rather than a
favour"

The Altaians aro very sensitive about thoir liberty. „Every
poor man who joins a rich family considers himself a member
of it. Ho will perish of hunger, rather than comply with a
demand of his rich neighbour mado in a commanding tone" \').

Mi\'illor, Untor Tunguiicn unil .Iiikuton, p. 173.
l.»itlmni (w <iuottHl by Spon<!or, Di-nor. Soo., V p. 10.

Licata tells us that hungry DanaJcil go to their chief and
say: „1 am hungry, give me something to eat"").

Among the Larbas free labourers „work for one more fortu-
nate tlian themselves, but not for a superior; for notwithstand-
ing the relation of employer and employed, equality prevails -).

It is easy to understand that slaves are preferred to such
servants. Only in one case is this preference mentioned by an
ethnographer. Munzinger states that the slaves bought by the
rich Beduan for household labour are generally more trusted
than ordinary servants, as they are riveted to their position
But we may safely suppose that in other cases this circumstance
has furthered the growth of slavery.

We have explained why pastoral tribes have no great use for
slave labour. We have also mentioned some motives that may
induce such tribes to keep slaves. But the fact has not yet been
accounted for, that some pastoral tribes keep slaves and others
do not. Whence this difference ? It has bc(Jn shown that slavery
does not only exist among pastoral tribes that till the soil to a
limited extent. Among all pastoral tribes subsistence is depend-
ent on capital. Wealth, too, exists among all these tribes ;
and we cannot see why slaves, as a luxury, w(mld be wanted
by one such tribo more than by another. As slaves aro some-
times employed as warriors, we might be inclined to suppose
that slavery exists among all warlike tribes, and among tliese
only. But there are several pastoral tribes which, though very
warlike, do not keep slaves : Kazak Kirghiz, Turkomans, Massai,
and tho pastoral nomads of South Africa. Therefore there must
be other causes.

4) Even ninong tbo hiniple Tod-na; for it in Ktiitod, thnt tliO dociBion of
their diaputea by tlio prieat ia „generally given in favour of tho wealthieat
of tho litigant«.\'\' Metz as quoted by Spencer, Deaer. Soo., V p. 12.

that slaves would be of great use, aud yet cannot be kept,
because the coercive power of the tribe is not strong enough.
We havo also seen that this coercive power is most strongly
developed where men have fixed habitations, live in rather largo
groups and preserve food for tho time of scarcity, aud where
there is a group of somewhat homogeneous tribes maintaining
constant relations with each other. Pastoral tribes are nomadic,
do not live together in very large groups, and do not want to
preserve food, for thoy havo their supply of food always at
hand. Yet the fact that several pastoral tribes keep slaves pro-
vos that at least among theso the coercive power is strong
enough. Wo shall try to find a cause peculiar to theso tribes,
that enables them to keep slaves. Now it is remarkable that
our positive cases are all found in a fow definite parts of tho
globe: North-east and North-west Africa, tho Caucasus, and
Arabia ; whereas tho pastoral nomads of Siberia, Central Asia,
India, and South Africa do not keep slaves. And the parts j
where slavery exists are exactly thoso where the slave-trade /
has for a long time been carricd on on a largo scale. Accord-/
ingly, the slaves these tribes keep are often purchased from
slave-traders and in several cases belong to inferior races.

Although wo find no description of slave-trade among the
Circassians, slaves in tho Caucasus are exported on a largo
scale 3).

Most slaves found among the Somal and Danakil are
articles of transit trado: thoy aro purchased from interior „
tribes and intended to bo sold to Arabians. A Somali never ^
becomes tho slavo of a Sonuxli, and prisoners of war aro not
enslaved *).

The slaves kept by the Beni Amer are either captured from
enemies or purchased abroad; a Beni Amer never loses his
freedom. Slaves are not, however, often sold abroad -).

The Fidhe, in Lander\'s time, carried on an extensive trade
in slaves. Tinibuctu was a great centre of the slave-trade,
whither Arabians came to purchase slaves, whom they sold
in the Barbary States and even in Turkey

The slaves of the Moors of Senegambia arc „blacks acquired
by force or for money"

The slaves kept by the Tuareg are also Negroes\').
On the other hand, tho pastoral tribes of Central Asia, and
especially those of Siberia and South Africa, live in secluded
parts, far from the centres of the slave-trade.

The slave-trade greatly facilitates tho keeping of slaves.
Where slaves are brought by slave-dealers from remote parts,
it is much easier to keep them than where thoy havo to bc
captured from enemies, i. e. from tho neighbours; in tho latter
caso tho slaves are very likely to run away and return to
their native country; but a purchased slavo transported from
a great distance cannot so easily return; if ho succeeded in
escaping, ho would bo instantly recaptured by ono of tho
foreign tribes whoso countries ho would havo to traverse. More-
over, . tho slavo-keeping tribes may, by thoir intercourse with
slave-traders, have bccomo familiar with the idea of slavery,
and so tho slavo-tmdc may havo suggested to them tho keeping
Lof slaves for their own uso.

Thero is another circumstance we havo already hinted at,
, which may partially account for tho oxistcnco of slavery among
some of thoso tribes: tho slaves arc often Negroes. And Nogroes

have always aud everywhere been euslaved; they beem to be
more fit for slaves thaa most races of maukiiid. Moreover most
of these slave-keeping tribes are Semites and Hamites, and
therefore look upon the Negroes as an inferior race. Now,
where slaves are procured mainly for military purposes (and
we have seen that this is often the case with pastoral tribes)
an absorption of foreigners into the tribe would answer the
purpose as well as, and perhaps better than, slavery. But where
the foreigners belong to inferior races, the members of the tribe
aro not likely to intermarry with them aud look upon them as
thoir equals; they remain slaves, though they are not of great
uso as such. "NVe must also tako into consideration that inferior
races are not so much to bo dreaded as superior peoples; the
latter, of individuals belonging to them were kept as slaves,
might retiiliate upon tho slave-owners. This may have been
the reason why tho Kazak Kirghiz who, in Lovchinos
time, kidnapped many Ilussians, always sold them abroad:
it would not havo been safe to keep thom as slaves. Accord-
ingly, Pallas states that in his time they used to kidnap men
on tho Russian frontiers towards the time when they were
going to remove with their herds, so that they could not bo
pursued \').

In tho second Chapter of this Part wo have remarked that the |
growth of slavery is furthered by tho existence of a group of
«»ore or less similar tribes, the slave-trade being in such cases the-
moans of spreading slavery over tho group. Wo may say now
that, whether such a group exists or not, the shivo-trade facili-
tates tho keeping of slaves. When tho coorcivo power of a
tribe is not strong enough for the keeping of prisoners as
slaves, tho slave-trade njay enable such a tribe to keep slaves;
for tho keeping of purchased slaves, brought from a groat
distance, does not require so much coercive power.

We see that tho difToronco bctweon tho slave-keeping and
the other pastoral tribes consists in external circumstances.
Pastoral tribes havo no strong motives for making slaves, for

the use of slave labour is little. On the other hand, there
are no causes preventing them from keeping slaves. These
tribes are, so to speak, in a state of equilibrium; a small
additional cause on either side turns the balance. One such
additional cause is the slave-trade; another is the neighbour-
hood of inferior races. There may be other small additional
causes, peculiar to sin.^le tribes. We shall not inquire whether
there are; it would be of little interest to know them. Wo
shall content ourselves with having dispelled the mystical
belief, that the taming of animals naturally leads to the
taming of men, and shown what is the relation between
capital and labour among pastoral tribes.

Recapitulating we may remark that our general theory,
that there is no great use for slave labour where subsistence
depends on capital, is fully verified by our investigation of
economic lifo among pastoral tribes.

Two secondary internal causes found in the second Chapter
have been also met with among pastoral tribes: slaves are
sometimes employed in warfare, and sometimes for domestic
labour to relieve the women of their task. Two new secondary
causes have been found in this Chapter: slaves are kept as
a .luxury; and sometimes the subjection of tribes as such,
serving as a substitute for slavery, makes slavery proper
superfiuous.

With regard to the external causes it has been shown that
the coercive power of pastoral tribes is not very strong, as
they are nomadic and live in rather small groups; but this
want is sometimes compensated for by the slave-trade and the
neighbourhood of inferior races. The two latter circumstances
may therefore rank as now external causes, the slave-trade
taking tho placo of the existence of a homogeneous group.
On the Pacific Coast it is the trade between tribes of the
same culture, among pastoral nomads it is the\'trade with
Arabia, etc.; but in either case it is tho slave-trade that
furthers the growth of slavery.

1°. Subsistence do-
pendent on ca-
pital.
2o. Subsistence not
dependent on
capital, but dif
ficult to procuro
1". Female labou
making slavo la
hoursuperfluous
20. Subjection of

I) nProsorving of foo.!" aoourd twioo, booaiuo it works in difforont
(lirootions.

§ 1. Numbers of positive and negative cases among the three
agricidtural groups.

Tho list given in § 3 of tho first Chapter of this second Part
contains tho following numbers of agricultural tribes with and
without slaves, classified according to the division into three
groups wo have mado in § 2 of the same Chapter:

13 0 3 2 3 0 1 0 20 2
§ 2. Development of agriculture and development of slavery.
Wimt do thcso nmnbors toacli usP

In tlio first placo wo soo that nmny (133) «grlcultural tribes
koop slavos. Ilonco it appears that slavery is by no means
incompatible with agrieulturo. But there aro also many (8G)

agricultural tribes without slaves, so the existence of agricul-
ture among savage tribes does not necessarily lead to the
keeping of slaves.

In the second place it appears that the more agriculture is
developed, the more frequent slavery becomes. Looking at the
purely agricultural tribes, i. e. those among which subsistence
does not depend to any considerable extent on cattle-breeding
or trade (a\', a\', a\'\'), we find that in the first group there are
24 positive and 31 negative cases, i. e. 43,6 per cent, of
these tribes keep slaves. In the second group the correspond-
ing numbers are 50 positive cases, 42 negative cases, and
54,3 per cent.; in the third group 13 positive and no negative
cases, and 100 per cent. We see that in the second group
slavery is somewhat more frequent than in the first, whereas
in the third group it is universal. It has, however, to be taken
in consideration, that the great majority (11 out of 13) ofthe
tribes belonging to the third group live in te Malay Archipel-
ago, and 5 out of these 11 are divisions of tho Battahs. Wo
may not, therefore, attach much importance to the numbers
relating to the third group; for they may bo strongly influen-
ced bij local circumstances. Taking the second and third group
together wo find 63 positive and 42 negative cases, i. o. 60
per cent, keep slaves, which percentage is considerably higher
than that of the first group.

We do not claim mathematical exactness for these numbers.
But at any rate wo may say that thoy sufficiently prove, that
slavery is considerably more frequent among true agricultural
tribes, which subsist chiefly by agriculture, than among inci-
pient agriculturists, who still depend on hunting or fishing for
a large portion of their food.

The total numbers lead to the same conclusion. Looking at
these we find in the first group 31 positive and 36 negative
cases, i. e. 46,3 per cent, keep slaves. For tho second group
tho corresponding numbers are 82 pes. cases, 48 nog. cases
and 63,1 per cent; for tho third group 20 pos. cases, 2 nog.
cases and 90,9 per cent; for tho second and third group taken
together 102 pos. cases, 50 nog. cases and 67,1 per cent.

This agrees with what we expected. The tribes belonging 0 \'f
to the first group, the „hunting agriculturists" {Jdgerhauern) | | ^^
as Dargun calls them, bear a strong resemblance to hunting
tribes. Generally the men\'s business is hunting and warfare,
whereas the women have to till the soil. The division of la-
bour between the sexes does not much differ here from that
which exists in Australia, where the men hunt and tho women
gather fruits and dig roots. These tribes are also often no-
madic: when the fruits of thoir fields aro scarcely ripe, they
reap them and remove to somo other place i).

Azara, a careful observer, speaking of the Indians living in
and around Paraguay, remarks: „Even tho agricultural tribes
are moro or less nomadic. Wherever tho Indians pass thoy
sow something, and later on return to reap the fruits"

Lory, a writer of tho 16tl« contury, tolls us that among the
Tupinambas tho principal cultures wero two roots, which ho
calls aypi aud maniot. Thoy were cultivated by tho women. After
being planted the roots needed no further caro, and within
2 or 3 months woro fit to bo dug up. Maize was also cultivated
by the women. Tho Tupinambas depended on hunting and
fishing for a considerable portion of their food. They did not
generally remain for longer than 5 or 0 months in one place,
but wero always removing from one place to another, carrying
their house-building materials with them

Von den Stoinen, describing tho tribes on the Upper Schingu
(in Brazil), states that, though largely subsisting on agricul-
ture, thoy are psychically hunters rather than agriculturists.
As everywhere in Brazil, tho womon not only prepare the food,
but cultivate tho manioc. The mon cultivate nothing but tobacco,
tho smoking of which is thoir exclusivo privilege

1) Cunninghiun (Kngliah Industry, 1 p. 31) ronmrka that »primitivo agri-
culture ia porf«)tly oonsiatont with a very nugratory life."

"We have seen (in Chap. II of this second Part) that hunt-
ers hardly ever keep slaves; and as the „hunting agricultu-
-rripts" so much resemble true hunters, it is easy to understand
j|why among the majority of them slavery does not exist.
(^Slaves cannot be employed for hunting, and the women can
easily perform the small amount of cultivation wanted by these
tribes. Moreover the men who, as warriors, are able to pro-
cure slaves, are not likely to take them for the sole benefit
of the women. And where the men are always hunting, the
women would have to supervise the slaves and keep them in
order, which is not very easy for them.

Yet there aro a considerable number of positive cases in
our first group (24 out of 55). We will, of course, make due
allowance for mistakes; there may be several tribes contained
in our first group which on closer scrutiny would prove to be
true agriculturists and not Jdgcrbauern. But we cannot think but
that among theso 24 tribes there are many, which have been
justly placed in the first group. The existence of slavery among
them will have to be accounted for by ^pndary causes,
internal and external, such as wo havo found in tho foregoing
Chapters and of which we shall perhaps find somo moro in
the continuation of this Chapter.

We must, however, bear in mind that our first group does
not only contain „hunting", but also „fishing agriculturists";
and-wo know that fishers are moro likely to keep slaves than
hunters. This may perhaps account for tho existence of slavery
among some of these tribes. But our numbers give us no hint
in this direction. We find, indeed, that one half of our positive
cases belong to the Malay Archipelago; but among theso there
are several Dyak tribes living in the interior of JJorneo. More-
over South America affords 6 positive, and the Molanosian is-
lands 7 negative cases. We may suppose that whatever effect
this factor has is neutralized by the intervention of other cir-
cumstances.

Of the truly agricultural tribes keep slaves. .Whether
this is due to tho general state of agricultural societies, or to
secondary causes, will appear from tho next paragraph.

"Wo havo seen that among tho purely agricultural tribes of
tho second and third stages there aro altogether 63 positive
and 42 negative cases, i. e. three-fifths of them keep slaves.
These numbers make it probable, that the existence of slavery
among so many agricultural tribes has to be accounted for by
a general cause, that agricultural life as sucli is favourable to
the grow^ of slavery. We have to inquire now, whether this
supposition is justified by an application of the general prin-
ciple laid down in § 6 of tho sccond Chapter, i. o. whether
among agricultural tribes subsistence is dependent on capital,
and if not, whethei\' it is easy or difficult to procure.

It appears that, whoro agriculture is carricd on without thol
aid of domostic animals, subsistence docs not depend on capital. J
Even tho European agriculturist of to-day often wants littlo
capital besides his cattle; and this applies a fortiori to tho
savago agriculturist, who is unacquainted with tho moro per-
fect and costly agricultural implements used in Europe, and
who, where population is scarce (as it is among niost savages)
cultivates only such grounds as aro most fertile and easiest of
access. Even tho plough is used by very fow savages; thoy
most often content themselves with a pointed stick or hoo,
wherefore Ilahn calls tho agriculture carried on by them hoo-
culturc {Ilacld)au) as distinguished from agriculture proper
{Ackerbau)\'). And ovon whoro agriculture is carried on in a
nu)ro skilful jnannor, e.g. by moans of irrigation, it is not capi-\'
tal that is wanted, but labour. Tho construction of tho irri::.
gation-works may bo a long and laborious task, but tho mate-
rials cost nothing. Thoro is only ono instance in which wo
havo found it stjitcd that agriculture cannot woll bo carricd
on without capital. lladloiT tolls us that tho Kazak Kirghiz,
besides rearing cattlo, arc largely agricultural. Somo fields want
constant irrigation, and tho water is very difficult to procurc.

The rich use a paddle-wheel; the poor bring the water to their
fields in buckets and wooden vessels, but this is of little avail.
Therefore it is only the rich who are capable of carrying on
agriculture to any considerable extentBut this state of things
had not yet existed more than some 30 years; for Levchino
(writing about 30 years earlier than Radloff) states that in his
time agriculture was of little importance; and he does not make
any mention of irrigation The introduction of the paddle-
wheel has therefore probably to be ascribed to tho Russians;
for the Kazak Kirghiz, in RadlofTs time, were already strongly
influenced by them; so we may not speak here of a fact be-
longing to savage life. We have not found any other instance
of this dependence of agriculture on capital; bul even if there
be a few instances, we are justified in concluding that, goner-
ally speaking, the savage agriculturist can perfectly well do
without capital, except, of course, where ho depends on
cattle.

Moreover, subsistence is fairly easy to procuro. Agriculture,
where it is carried on in such simple manner as among most
savages, does not require much skill or application. As com-
pared with hunting, seafaring and manufactures, it is rather
dull work, requiring patience rather than strength or skill. It
is one of the occupations about which there is no excitement,
and which in many primitivo societies aro performed by tho
women. Hunting requires personal qualities, and a good hunter
is held in high esteem; but wo havo not found it stated in
a single instance, that a man\'s influence or power depends
on his ability in agriculture.

Subsistence, therefore, is independent of capital and easy
to procuro. Every ono is ablo to cloar a piece of ground and
-provide for himself; nobody offers his services to another, and
so, if a man wants a labourer, hojnuaLcompel another to
work for him. „All freemen in now countries" says Bagohot
must be pretty equal; every ono has labour, and every ono

has laud; capitiil^ at least iu agricultural countries (for pastoral
countries are very different), is of little use; it cannot hire
labour; the labourers go aud work for themselves. There is
a story often told of a great English capitalist who went out
to Australia with a shipload of labourers and a carriage; his
plan was that the labourers should build a house for him,
and that ho would keep his carriage, just as in England. But
(so the story goes) ho had to try to live in his carriage, for
his labourers left him, and went away to work for them-
selves" \')• Iu such countries, if a man wants others to work .
for him, he must compel them to do it, i.e. he must enslavef
them. There are two ways in wich wo can avail ourselves of
tho produce of another\'s labour. We can buy from him what
he has produced, or wo can induce him to work iu our
service, so that whatever he produces will fall to us. Now
we havo seen that in primitive agricultural societies nobody
voluntarily serves another; therefore, in such societies, ho
who wants the produce of another\'s labour must procure it
either in the way of freo commerce or by enslaving him.
And the latter way will in many cases provo easier and moro
to tho purpose. For primitive man is very la/.y; therefore he
will not do moro than is necessary to provide for his own
primary wants, if ho is not compelled to work. Ingram remarks
that „slavery discharged important offices .... by forcing tho
captives, who with thoir descendants came to form tho niajority
of tho conquering community, to a life of industry in spite
of tho antipathy to regular and sustained labour which is
deeply rooted in human nature, especially in the earlier stages
of the social movenient, when insouciance ia so connnon a
tniit, and irresponsibility ia hailed aa a welcome relief»).

2) Ingnuii, p. r». Soo also Forroro\'s vi\\hml)lo romarkn on llio inipulKivi\'notw
and indolcnoH of Hiivngo«, nml tho arlrzionr del hroro hrotight iibout hy
Hlrtvory. A ouriouA instanoo of tlii« indolonoo in givon hy Stollur wlio,
Hpoaking of tlio Itulinon of Kaintsohntka, Hay«: »Thoy novor huy anything
beforehand, ovon if thoy C4in get it for a tenth of tho ordinary prioo; hut
when a KanitHchadalo i« in need of Hoiiiotliing, ho pays without haggling

And agriculture, requiring little skill aud application, is very
fit to be imposed upon slaves: compulsory agricultural labour,
though not so productive as voluntary labour, can yet yield some
profit. Moreover, the agricultural slave is rather easy to cont-
rol; his work does not require independent action. It is also
easy to prevent him from running away. In all this he differs
from a hunting slave. And agriculture is also more favourable
to the existence of slavery than cattle-breeding; for among
pastoral tribes there is but a fixed and rather small amount
of work to be done; but where men subsist by agriculture,
any increase in the number of slaves brings about an increase
of food.

We cannot, therefore, agree with Adam Smith, who asserts
; that in those countries where slaves are employed, it would
\' be more profitable to employ free labourers, and that it was,
in general, pride and love of power in the master that led to
the employment of slaves A free labourer, it is true, is
more interested in the work he has to do, and therefore likely
to do it better, than a slave; but in those countries where
there is an abundance of fertile soil, and capital is of littlo
use, free labourers cannot be had; every freeman prefers
working for himself, or perhaps not working at all.

Cairnes admits that slave labour has sometimes an advantage
over free labour, but only where tobacco, cotton and similar
crops aro raised for industrial purposes, not whero cereals aro

wliatover in lukcd by tbo sollor. And lio novor I)uy8 nnytbing for rondy
money, but always on credit; for if bo haa no debt« ho will oatoh nt>
animal, oven though it came to his very door. In 1740 it camo to pons,
that a merchant heard a Kamtsohadnlo complaining of two annoying sables,
who every niglit camo to tho balagans [store-houses] to steal fish, and bail
already oausod nmch harm. The merchant smiled and asked: Why do you
not catch them? Then they will not annoy you any longer. Hut the Kamt-
schadale replied: What shall 1 do with them ? I have no debts to pay, Tho
merchant gave him half a pound of tobocco and said: Take it, now you
havo n debt. Two hours after tho Kamtschadale brought him tho two sable«
ho had caught, and paid off his debt." Steller, p. 291,

1) Adam Smith as referred to by Ingram, p. 282. Loria (p. 97) also holds
that production was decreased by the introduction of slavery.

grown. „Tho economic advantages of slavery" ho remarlvs
„are easily stated: they are all comprised in the fact that
the employer of slaves has absolute power over his workmen,
and enjoys the disposal of the wholo fruit of their labours.
Slave labour, therefore, admits of the most complete organi-
zation; that is to say, it may bc combined on an extensive
scale, and directed by a controlling mind to a single end,
and its cost can never rise above that which is necessary to
maintain tho slavo in health and strength. On tho other hand,
tho economical defccts of slavo labour arc very serious. They"
may be summed up under tho throo following heads: — it is
given reluctantly; it is unskilful; it is wanting in versatility ....
Tho line dividing tho Slave from tho Free States marks also an
important division in tho agricultural capabilities of North
Aniorica. North of this lino, tho products for which the aoil
and climate aro best adapted arc cereal crops, while south of
of it tho prevailing crops aro tobacco, rico, cotton, and sugar;
and these two classes of crops arc broadly distinguished in
the methods of culturo suitable to each. Tho cultivation of
tho one class, of which cotton may bo taken as tho typo,
requires for its (illicient conduct that labour should bc com-
bined and organized on an oxtonsivo scale. On tho other hand,
for the raising of cereal crops this condition is not so essential.
Kvon whoro labour is abundant and that labour frco, tho
largo capitalist docs not in this modo of farming appear on
the wholo to havo any preponderating advantage ovor tho
»niall proprietor, who, with his family, cultivates his own farm,
as tho example of tho best cultivated states in Europe proves.
Whatever superiority ho may havo in tho powor of combining
and directing labour sooms to bo compensated by tho greater
energy and spirit which the sense of property gives to tho
exertions of tho anmll proprietor. But thoro is another essential
circumstance in which theso two classos of crops differ. A
single labourer, Jlr. Russell tolls us, can cultivate twenty
acrcs of wheat or Indian corn, while ho CJinnot manage moro
than two of tobacco, or thrco of cotton. It appears from this
that tobacco and cotton fulfil that condition which wo saw

was essential to the economical employment of slaves — the
possibility of working large numbers within a limited space;
while wheat and Indian corn, in tho cultivation of which the
labourers are dispersed over a wide surface, fail iu this
respect. "We thus find that cotton, and the class of crops of
which cotton may be taken as the type, favour the employment
of slaves in competition with peasant proprietors in two lead-
ing ways: first, they need extensive combination and orga-
nization of labour — requirements which slavery is eminently
calcultated to supply, but in respect to which the labour of
peasant proprietors is defective; and secondly, they allow of
labour being concentrated, aud thus minimize the cardinal
evil of slave labour — the reluctance with which it is yielded.
On the other hand, the cultivation of cereal crops, iu which
extensive combination of labour is not important, and in which
the operations of industry are widely diffused, offers nono of
these advantages for tho employment of slaves, while it is
remarkably fitted to bring out in the highest degree tho
especial exellencies of the industry of free proprietors. Owing
to these causes it has happened that slavery has been main-
tained in tho Southern States \'), which favour tho growth of
tobacco, cotton, and analogous products, while, in tho Northern
States, of which cereal crops are the great staple, it from an
early period declined and has ultimately died out. And, in
confirmation of this view, it may bo added that wherever in
the Southern States the external conditions are especially
favourable to cereal crops, as in parts of "Virginia, Kentucky,
and Missouri, and along tho slopes of the Allcghanios, there
slavery has always failed to maintain itself. It is owing to
this cause that there now exists in somo parts of tho South
a considerable element of freo labouring population"

This reasoning is quite correct so far as Negro slavery in
tho United States is concerned; but it does not hold with
regard to primitivo slavery or „retail slavery" as Bagchot

calls it. The few slaves kept in primitive agricultural societies
work together with their masters, who can therefore continu-
ally supervise their labour and do not want overseers. Moreover,
the slave in primitive and simple societies is not looked upon as
a piece of machinery; he is, so to speak, an inferior member of
the family, sharing in its pleasures, sorrows, aud occupations;
therefore it is not only the fear of punishment that induces him
to work; he is interested in the welfare of the family, and knows
that the better he works, tho more he will be valued, and the
more food there will be of which he will get his due share i).
This retail slavery, as Bagehot remarks, „the slavery in which a
master owns a few slaves, whom he well knows and daily sees —
is not at all an intolerable state; the slaves of Abraham had no
doubt a fair life, as things went in that day. But wholesale
slavery, where men are but one of tho investments of large
capital, and where a great owner, so far from knowing each
slave, can hardly tell how many gangs of them he works, is an
abominable stato" -). Retail slavery, therefore, can very well
exist where cereal cropnire raised; it is oven tho most con-
venient system of labour in primitive agricultural societies.

Wo SCO that tho general econonuc state of truly agricultural
tribes may account for the existence of slavery among so
niany of those tribos. Wo shall now inquire what secondary
causes thoro aro at work among agricultural tribes, and what
effect they have. But we shall havo to speak first of a groat
factor in economic life, which wo havo not met with before.

1) 8uoh wo« tho slave system of tho nneient Germans deserihed by Taoitiis:
«You cannot toll mast«>r from slave by any distinction in education: they
spend their time among tho muuo flooks, upon tho same land, until ago sepa-
rates tho nobles ond their valour ojiuses tliom to bo«ioknowledged."Taoitus,
Oormania, 20.

2) Hi^ohot, i)p. 73, 74; see also FlOgel, p. 00, and Jhering\'s oxoollont
description of tho eharaotor of slavery in early Uomo (Jhering, II Part I
pp. 172 sqq.).

that in primitive agricultural societies capital is of little use
and subsistence easy to acquire; therefore every able-bodied
man can, by taking a piece of land into cultivation, provide
for himself. Hence it follows that nobody voluntarily serves
another; he who wants a labourer must subject him, and this
subjection will often assume the character of slavery.

But this general rule requires an important qualification.
Hitherto we have supposed, that there is much more fertile
land than is required to be cultivated for the support of tho
actual population. Such, indeed, is the case among most sa-
vages; but it is not always so. And where it is not so, our
general rule does not obtain. When all land fit for cultivation has
been appropriated, a man, though able-bodied and willing to
work, if ho owns no land, cannot earn his subsistence indo-
pently of a landlord; he has to apply to tho owners of tho land
for employment as a tenant or servant. In such caso froo la-
bourers are available; therefore slaves are not wanted.

In this and tho ensuing paragraphs we shall endeavour to
provo by facts tho hypothesis arrived at hero by a dcductivo
reasoning, which wo may express thus: where all land fit for
iMvation has been appropriated, slavery is not lilcely to exist.
ho samo view is hold by somo theoretical writers.

According to Cairnes „slavery, as a pormanont system, has
need not merely of a fertile soil, but of a practically unlim-
ited oxtont of it. This arises from tho defect of slave labour
in point of versatility. As has been already remarked, tho dif-
ficulty of teaching tho slave anything is so great — tho result
of tho compulsory ignorance in which ho is kept, combined
with want of intelligent interest in his work — that tho only
chance of rendering his labour profittvblo is, when ho has onco
learned a lesson, to keep him to that lesson for lifo. Accord-
ingly whero agricultural operations nro carricd on by slaves,
tho business of each gang is always restricted to tho raising

tho character of tho soil and tho nature of slavo. industry,
whether cotton, tobacco, sugar, or rico, that crop is cultivated,
and that alono. Rotation of crops is thus precluded by tho con-

ditioas of the case. The soil is tasked again and again to yield
the same product, and the inevitable result follows. After a
short series of years its fertility is completely exhausted, the
planter — „land-killer" he is called in the picturesque nomen-
clature of the South — abandons the ground which he has ren-
dered worthless, and passes on to seek in new soils for that
fertility under which alone the agencies at his disposal can be
profitably employed .... Slave cultivation, wherever it has been
tried in the now world, has issued in the same results. Pre-
cluding the conditions of rotation of crops or skilful manage-
ment, it tends inevitably to exhaust the land of a country, and
consequently requires for its permanent success not merely a
fertile soil but a practically unlimited extent of it." Therefore
expansion is a necessity of slavo societies \').

It is easy to see that these arguments do not apply to
slavery as practised by savages. Rotation of crops and skilful
management are wanting among nu)st savage tribes, whether
they keep slaves or not. Moreover, as we have already renuirked,
the slaves kept by them are not pieces of machinery, nor,
as in the United States, kept in conipulsary ignorance; they
aro rather regarded as njembors of the master\'s fannly; there
is no great difference between master and slavo \'). We may
therefore suppose that, whether a savage tribe keeps slaves or
\'lot, agriculture is carried on in the same manner.

Loria also holds that slavery requires an abundant supply
of ground; but his arguments aro quite different from Cairnes\'.
His reasoning is as follows.

As long as there is laiul not yet appropriated, which a man
destitute of cjipihil can take into cultivation, capitiilistic pro-
perty cannot exist; for nobody is inclined to work for a capi-
talist, when he can work for his own profit on land that costs
him nothing. If, then, the capitalist wants by any means to get
a profit, he must violently suppress tho free land to which tho

2) Cairnes is also aware of tho ililToronoo between ancient ami niotlorn
»lavery (pp. lOO sqq.).

labourer owes his force and liberty. And as long as population
is scarce and therefore all land cannot possibly be appropriated,
the only means of suppressing the freo land is by subjugating
the labourer^ This subjugation assumes at first the form of
—\'*^l3lU\\rBry~; afterwards, when the decreasing fertility of the soil
has to be made up for by a greater fertility of labour, slavery
j gives place to serfdom, which is milder and makes labour more
i productive.

\' When population increases, and all land that can be culti-
vated by labour without the aid of capital had been appro-
priated, quite another state of things prevails. The labourer
has now no other resource but to sell his labour to the capitalist
for such wages as the latter likes to givo; he is compelled to
yield to tho capitalist the greater part of the produce of his
labour. Now the latter need no longer use violence to get his
profit; for it falls to him by the automatic operation of tho
social system. Yet, oven then tho capitalistic régime is not
absolutely certain to arise, for there is still land not yet appro-
priated, that can bo cultivated with the aid of capital. If, therefore,
tho labourers could save a portion of their earnings and thus
accumulate capital, thoy would be ablo to take this land into
cultivation and so make themselves independent of thoir om.
ployors. This consideration induces tho capitalist to keep wages
so low that thoy cannot exceed the immediate wants of tho
labourers, which ho brings about by various artificial means.

When, finally, a further increase of population makes tho
total appropriation of the land possible, tho mere appropriation
of it by tho capitalist class renders the labourers for over sub-
jected. Tho capitalist need no longer havo recourse to artificial
methods of reducing wages ; the system operates automatically.
Tho capitalists have only to retain tho ground for themselves :
they will then secure a perpetual revenue at tho cost of tho
labouring class.

„The basis of capitalistic property is thus always the same,
viz. the suppression of tho freo land, the exclusion .of tho la-
bourer from tho appropriation of tho land. This is brought
about by various means, according to tho fertility of the land

and the extent to which it has already been appropriated. As
long as there is free land fit for cultivation by labour without
the aid of capital, tho only means of suppressing it are slavory
and serfdom; afterwards, when tho land not yet appropriated
can only be cultivated by one who owns capital, it is sufficient
systematically to reduce wages to a level that docs not enable
the labourers to save; when, finally, population has so far
increased as to make the appropriation of all land possible,
the capitalists have only to keep the land to themselves"

Many objections can bo mado to Loria\'s arguments. Ho is
constantly confusing capitalist and landlord. Ho seems to con-
sider capitalists and labourers as two strictly separated classcs,
though we seo continually people passing from ono class to
the other. And when ho tells us that, if wages wero higher,
the labourers would save a portion of their earnings and so
accumulate capital, but that the employers, wishing to prevent
this, keep wages low, — ho ascribes to both capitalists and
labourers so much forethought and consciousncss of class-interest
as men scarcely over havo, oxcopt in books on political eco-
nomy. Yet wo cannot think but that in tho main Loria is right.
The gist of his reasoning is what wo havo already remarked
in tho beginning\' of this paragraph. As long as thoro is an
abundanco of land not yet appropriated, and thoreforo at tho
disposal of whoever may chooso to cultivate it, nobody applies
to another for employment, and tho only labourers a man can
procure aro forcod labourers. But whon all land has been appro-
priated, those who own no land aro at tho morcy of tho land-
holders, and voluntarily servo thom; thoreforo slaves are not
wanted.

"^Vakoficld, in his book on tho art of colonization, arrives at
tho samo conclusion as Loria, and follows nearly tho samo lino
of argument.

This writer complains that in Australia and othor colonics
manufactures cannot thrive; tho reason for this is, according
to him, that thoro aro no labourers to bo had; for thoro is so

much free land that every newly-arrived labourer becomes a
landowner rather than work for wages. Therefore there are
many colonies which would keep slaves if the home government
let them. This leads the writer to an investigation of the cir-
cumstances which induce men to keep slaves.

„They are not moral, but economical circumstances: they
relate not to vice and virtue, but to production. They are tho
circumstances, in which one man finds it difficult or impossible
to get other men to work under his direction for wages. They
are the circumstances.... which stand in the way of combi-
nation and constancy of labour, and which all civilized nations,
in a certain stage of their advance from barbarism, have en-
deavoured to counteract, and have in some measure counteracted,
by means of some kind of slavery. Hitherto in this w^orld,
labour has never been employed on any considerablo scale,
with constancy and in combination, except by ono or other of
two means; either by hiring, or by slavery of somo kind.
What tho principle of association may do in the production of
wealth, and for tho labouring classes, without cither slavery
or hiring, remains to be seen; but at present wo cannot rely

Slavery is evidently a mako-shift for hiring; a proceeding to
which recourse is had, only when hiring is impossible or diffi-
cult ____it is adopted becauso at tho time and under the cir-
cumstances there is no other way of getting labourers to work
with constancy and in combination. What, then, are the cir-
cumstances under which this happens P

It happens whenever population is scanty in proportion to
land. Slavery .... has bocni confined to countries of a scanty
pupulatiou, has never existed in very populous countries, and
has gradually ceased in tho countries whose population gradu-
ally increased to tho point of density. And tho reason is plain
enough .... In populous countries, tho desire to own land is
not easily gratified, bocauso the land is scarce and dear: tho
plentifulness and cheapness of land in thinly-peopled countries
enables almost everybody who wishes it to become a landowner.
In thinly-peopled countries, accordingly, tho great majority

of free pooplo are laudowuera who cultivate their owu land;
and labour for hire is necessarily scarce : in densely-peopled
countries, on the contrary, the great majority of the people
cannot obtain laud, and there is plenty of labour for hire. Of
plentifulness of labour for hire, tho cause is dearness of land:
cheapness of land is the cause of scarcity of labour for hire"

Wakefield proposes that the government should sell the new
land in the colonies at a sufficient price, i. c. at a price which
would oblige the newly arrived labourers to serve a few years
for wages before being able to become landowners 2).

We shall speak of landlords and labourers. It is rather
puzzling to speak, as Loria does, of capitalists. Capital, in the
early stages of agriculture, is not yet an important factor in
economic life, except where cattle are kept. Perhaps Loria
uses tho term „capitalist" in a popular sense as meaning a
rich man. It may also bo that he has kept in view some-
what exclusively the situation of colonial establishmenta,
where the immigrants bring their capital along with them.
However this may be, we must be aware that in the early
communities we speak of capital is of little use. We shall,
therefore, leave out of consideration Loria\'s intermediate stage,
in which the land iu)t yet appropriated can only be cultivated
with the aid of capital.

There is one more reason (not mentioned by Loria) why
slaves are of little use in those countries where all hind has
been appropriated. When there is free land, a man can, by
increasing the number of his slaves, to any extent augment
liis revenue: every slavo will take a now patch of land into
cultivation; tho more slaves a man owns, tho more land he
will have in tillage. Ikt when tho supply of land is limited,

>) Wiikonolil, PI». 32:1—32.\'). Mnrx (I pp. 705-804) given n <let«ileil no-
count of tlio Hnnio nrgument n« iloveloi>o<l in another hook of WaUofiehl\'«,
unci nililrt that tho exolunion of tho 1110.1« of the people from tho »oil forms
tlio hasirt of tho enpitnliatie mode of production (ihid., p. 708).

2) On tho practical result of WakcHeld\'s plan soo Cunningliam, llnglisli
Industry, II pp. 003—007. I\'rof. Cunningham justly call« Wakeneld „a
judicious and far-seeing man" (ibid., p. 005, noto 3).

each landowner can employ only a definite number of labourers.
As soon as there are hands enough to cultivate his grounds,
an increase in the number of labourers becomes unprofitable.
"What we have said of pastoral tribes obtains here too: it may
be that slaves are wanted, but when they are procured the
point will soon be reached at which a further increase in their
number yields no longer any profit. Therefore, when all land
has been appropriated, even though it be equally divided be-
tween the members of the community and so a labouring class
be wanting, there is little use for slaves.

It must bo understood that wo speak here of self-dependent
agricultural countries. "Where manufactures and the trado with
foreign parts are highly developed, economic life becomes much
more complicated and presents quite another character.

What we want to prove is that in such self-dependent agri-
cultural countries, when all arable land has been appropriated,
slavery is not likely to exist.

All land has been appropriated, when every piece of land
is claimed by some one as his property. Tho owner, of course,
need not bo an individual; land may also bo owned by a group
of individuals. Yet tho statements of our ethnographers con-
cerning tribal property may not be accepted without much
caution. They often tell us that a tribe claims tho ownership
of the territory it inhabits. This so-called right of property
held .by tho tribo often proves to cousist in this, that no stran-
gers aro admitted to tho territory, but every member of tho
tribe may cultivate as much of tho land as ho likes. In such
case, whether it be the tribo or tho king to whom tho land is
stated to belong, the term „ownership" is very inappropriately
used \'). We shall only speak of appropriation of land when
somo one claims tho use of it to tho exclusion of all others,
and values his property. Where tho so-called owner is always
willing to give a piece of it in cultivation to whoever wants
to cultivate it, wo shall not speak of appropriation; where,
however, tho land is never (oxcopt by way of favour) given in

use gratis, but a rent is always stipulated, it appears that the
owner values it, it has now really been appropriated.

It is not always clearly stated whether all land has been
appropriated. Then we shall have recourse to some criteria
from which we may infer whether such be the case.

The principal criterion is the existence of a class of freemen
destitute of land \'). Where such people are found we may be
sure that there is no free land; else they would take it into
cultivation. It need scarcely be added that even whero no such
people are found, it may be that all land has been appropriated,
everybody sharing in it.

The appropriation of tho land docs not imply that all land
is actually being cultivated. Thero may bo land actually out
of tillage and yet valued by tho owner. But when it is stated
that all land is being cultivated, it must all have been appro-
priated. This will thercforo bo our sccond criterion.

There is another criterion that proves that all land has not
yot been appropriated. Whon wo aro told that clearing a
piece of land is a modus acquircndi of landed property, thero
must still bo froo land.

Tho appropriation of all land implies that property in land
exists; but tho reverse is not truo: whon wo aro informed
that property in land exists, this docs not provo that all land
has already been appropriated. For as soon as population has
HO far increased as to require tho cultivation of land less
fertile than that which was at first exclusively cultivated,
tho moro fertile land acquires value. „On tho first settling of a
country" says Ilicardo „in which thero is an abundanco of rich
and fertile land, a very small proportion of which is required
to bo cultivated for tho support of tho actual population, or
indeed can bo cultivated with tho capital which tho population

„Dostituto of land\'\' in not tho samo aa: „who own no land." Wlion
population ia ao scarco that oven tho most fertile land liaa no value, nobody
«wna land; but thoro aro no men «leatituto of land, any moro than among
thoro are men destitute of air or water; every ono baa land at hia dia-
posal. Only whon every pieoo of land has an owner, can thoro bo people
dostituto of land, i. o. who havo no land at thoir disiwsal.

can command, there will Jile he no rent; for no one would
pay for the use of land, when there was an abundant quantity
not yet appropriated, and, therefore, at the disposal of whoso-
ever might choose to cultivate it." But „when in the progress
of society, land of the second degree of fertility is taken into
cultivation, rent immediately commences on that of tho first
quality, and the amount of that rent will depend on the
difference in the quality of these two portions of land" As
soon as land of the second degree of fertility is cultivated,
rent commences; but in such cases there is possibly much
land of tho second degree not yet appropriated, and at any
rate land of the 3rd, 4th^ etc. degrees. Accordingly wo find
that among some savage tribes, where there is an abundance
of free land, some very fertile or very favourably situated
pieces of land are highly valued. We shall give oue instance.
Among the Sea Dyaks land is so abundant that, if a Dyak,
when about to cultivate a piece of land, finds a dead animal
lying on it, which he considers a bad omen, he immediately
leaves tho land, and seeks a now field. Yet among tho samo
Sea Dyaks „parents and children, brothers and sisters, very
seldom quarrel; when they do so, it is from having married
into a family with whom afterwards they may havo disputes
about land. One would imagine that was a subject not likely
to create dissensions in a country like Borneo; but there aro
favouj-ito farming-grounds, and boundaries aro not very settled.
It used to bo tho practice not to have recourse to arms on
those occasions, but the two parties collecting their relatives and
friends, would fight with sticks for the coveted spot" Tho
last sentence proves that theso quarrels wero rather frequent.
When, therefore, it is shited that land has value, or that lands
are rented, or that tho wealth of individuals consist partly in
landed property, this does not provo that all land has already
been appropriated.

propriatcd. What land is fit for cultivation in each country
depends on the ability of the inhabitants in agriculture. Much
will also depend on the character of the individuals. Whero
these are vigorous and enterprising, the people destitute of
land will endure many hardships in taking new lands into
cultivation, whereas weak and indolent men will prefer living
at the expense of the rich and being employed by them in
tho most despised work. Here again we see that economic
phenomena have always a psychological basis.

We shall not, in order to prove our hypothesis, examine
the regulations of landed property among all agricultural
savage tribes, but confine ourselves to one geographical group,
in which the phenomena wo have spoken of in this paragraph
most strikingly present themselves. This group is Oceania,
comprehending Polynesia, Micronesia, and Melanesia. We shall,
however, leave out of regard New Guinea, one of the largest
islands of the world. Tho rest of Oceania consists chiefly of
small islands.

Slavery in Oceania (with the exception of New Guinea)
has never prevailed to any great extent. In the second Chaptcr
of Part I it has been shown that slavery existed only in
Tahiti and New Zealand. And in these islands slaves were
economically of but littlo use. Ellis says of the Tahitians:
„We do not kiu)w that they ever carried on a traflic in slaves,
or sold those whom they had conquered, though a chief nnght
give a captive for a servant to a friend. This is the only
kind of slavery that has ever obtained among them.... If
peace continued, the captive frequently regained his liberty
after a limited service with his master. So long, however, as
they continued slaves or captives, thoir lives were in jeopardy.
Sonu\'times they were suddenly murdered, to satiate tho latent
revenge of their conquerors; at others reserved as human
victims, to bo olfercd in sacrifice to their gods" \'). And Polack
sUites that in New Zealand formerly many slaves were killed

at the feasts held in commemoration of dead chiefs, but now
(Polack wrote in 1840, when the Maori were already in con-
tinual intercourse with the English) no slaves are killed at
these occasions, as they can be productively employed This
proves that they formerly were of little use. And Letourneau,
who has consulted much literature on Now Zealand, concludes:
„After all, slavery in New Zealand was still defectively organized
and without great importance; the slaves were captives pre-
served at least temporarily and performing the duties of servants
in the households of the principal men. Indeed, a numerous
servile class was not yet wanted, and sometimes the con-
querors contented themselves with imposing upon subjugated
tribes a nominal slavery, a kind of serfdom, by obliging them
to pay a tribute and furnish food"

Slavery was thus unknown on most of the Oceanic islands,
and where slaves were found they were economically of littlo
use. Wo shall try to account for this fact by showing that
on most of these islands all land had been appropriated, which
led to a state of things inconsistent with slavery as a social
system.

In the following paragraphs wo shall inquire what our
ethnographers havo to say about landed property in Occania
and tho extent to which land had been appropriated.

In this and tho following two paragraphs wo shall not men-
tion all particulars of land tenure given by tho ethnographers,
but only thoso which may enable us to decide whether all
land had boon appropriated.

Mahler, speaking of Polynesia and Micronesia generally, re-
marks that on many islands tho burial-placcs occupied largo
tracts of land; but this does not prove that there was abund-
ance of land, for theso places wore hardly over anything but

(according to Penny) „barren points where tlie wind howls and
the sea moans, or rocky caverns in which the waves dash with
sullen roar" \').

Waltershausen tells us that in Polynesia tho cultivated
land belonged to the king and nobility, to the exclusion of tho
labouring classes. The upper classes also owned the fruit-trees,
the small coral islets surrounding the larger islands, the lakes,
the rivers, and those parts of the sea which extended from tho
land to the reefs. The untilled land was the property of tho
tribo and, unless the king forbade it, every ono might cut tho
wood growing on it for building houses aud canoes; but only
tho ruling classes might tako it into cultivation \').

Mariner states that in Tonga property principally consists
in plantations, canoes and houses. Agricultural labourers aro
very much despised; thoy servo tho chicfs on whom they are
dependent. West tolls us that „the feudal principle, that tho
wholo country belonged exclusively to tho king, regulated tho
disposal and tenure of lands,", and so tho lower classes wero
in a slaveliko condition. „Lands woro hold in fief. Tho great
landlords derived them by hereditary right, in conjunction with
thoir chieftainship, but hold them at tho will of tho supremo
rulor." Thoso landlords distributed their lands among thoir
families and followers\').

„Tho land in Samoa" says Tumor „is owned alike by tho
chiefs and these heads of families. Tho land belonging to each
family is woll known, and tho person who, for tho timo being,
holds tho title of tho family head, has tho right to dispose of
it. It is tho samo with tho chiefs. Thero aro cortain tracts of
bush or forest land which belong to thom. Tho uncultivated
bush is sometimes claimcd by thoso who own tho land on its
borders. Tho lagoon also, as far as tho roof, is considered tho
property of thoso off whoso village it is situated." Von Bulow
concludes from tho legends and traditions of tho Samoans that

formerly all the land helonged to the chiefs. But now the land
is owned by the families !).

Gardiner gives a beautiful and elaborate account of the regu-
lation of landed property in Rotuma: „No private property in
land formerly existed, it was all vested in the pure for the
time being of the hong-)] the district generally had rights over
it. It usually consisted of four kinds: bush, swamp, coast, and
proprietary water in the boat channel; common to the hoag,
too, were wells and graveyards. Every member of the lioag
knew its boundaries, which consisted of lines between certain
trees or prominent rocks, posts, and even stone walls. In tho
bush land every hoag possessed property; it lay on tho slopes of
hills aud in valleys between at some slight distance from the
coast, from which it was separated by a stone wall, running
round the whole island. On it taro, yams, bananas, plantains,
and a few cocoanut trees wore grown for food, while the paths
into it aud through it wore planted with the Tahitian chestnut,
the fava tree, and the sagopalm. The Tahitian chestnut and
fava trees were favourite boundary marks owing to their size
and longevity. Swamp land is only possessed by Noatau, Oinafa,
Matusa, and Itomotu. It is low-lying land, on extensive beach
sand flats, which exist in theso districts. Tho tide always keeps
it wet, percolating through the sand, and in it is grown tho
papoi, or hrohi, against famine. The possession of a good-sized
strip always caused and gave to tho lioag a position of impor-
tance ; its boundaries wero stones at tho sides. Coast land lay
outside tho surrounding wall, to which tho hoag had a atrip
from and including tho foreshore. On it as near as possible to
the coast tho iiouse or houses of tho hoag were placed, while
tho rest of tho land was planted with cdcoanuts for drinking
purposes. Ilifo trees are stated to have been planted formerly
to show tho boundaries, but they moro often now consist of
stones or cocoanut trees, tho ownership of which is a constant
source of dispute. Districts and oven villages were sharply

marked off by walls down to the beach. All had the right of
turning out their pigs on this land, and each Iwag had to keep
in proper repair the parts of the wall adjacent to it. Each had,
however, usually an enclosure on its own land for its own pigs,
when young. The proprietary water ran from the foreshore to
the reef, a continuation of the strip on shore. At Noatau and
Matusa, where it is very broad, it was to some extent cross-
divided. It consists of a sand flat covered by 10—12 feet of
water at high-tide. On it fish of all sorts are caught by traps
and various devices, and shell-fish are gathered. As these form
no inconsiderable portion of tho daily food, indeed tlie principal
animal food, the value of this property was always very con-
siderable. The roof — i. e. the part on the outside exposed at
the low tide — was the common property of all. It was ex-
plained to me that fish, crabs, etc., cannot be cultivated there,
owing to tho heavy breaking seas, but are sent up by the
(itwi, or spirits." „Any land, not being planted, is willingly
lent to another hoag on condition of two baskets of first-fruits
of each patch being brought to the pnrc, but cocoanut trees
on the land cannot bo touched by tho tenant, nor is ho entit-
led to their usufruct. If a hoag owns land in ono district, but
lives in another, first-fruits are always paid to the qhief of the
district, in which its lands lie. Any encroachment on the land
was very vigorously resented, it was usually referred to the
district chief to settle, and his decision loyally adhered to."
»If he [a jnan| had planted more cocoanuts than required by
the hoag, he has the entire usufruct of these trees during his
lifetime, quite independently of the apportionment of the land
below tliem for planting." We see that tho idea oflandowner-
\'\'bip is most fully developed here. During tho present century
the population has much diminished, and so „most of the
Iwag have far more land than they can cultivate." IJut formerly
It was otherwise. „Examining tho remains of planting, it appears
as if the whole island, wherever practicable, was at one time
tilled. The land, whero there is a good and deep soil, is, and
was, no doubt tilled regularly from year to year, while the
rocky country was planted moro or less in rotation with yams

and kava. Even on the steepest slopes, there are signs of clear-
ing, the summit alone being left crowned by the hifo. The
bottoms of the craters of many hills used to be planted too;
in the crater of Sol Satarua, the lulu as it is termed, there
are still bananas growing, but planted so long ago that tho
fact that it had a lulu at all was almost forgotten" \') Accord-
ing to Halo food was not always abundant on this island;
therefore the natives liked to engage themselves as sailors on
whaling-ships, until they had earned enough to buy a piece
of land 2). In Hale\'s time land was evidently not so abundant
as it is now that tho population is so rapidly declining.

In Tahiti „every portion of land had its respective owner;
and even the distinct trees on the land had sometimes different
proprietors, and a tree, and tho land on which it grew, dif-
ferent owners." What our informant further tells us of tho
present state of things as compared with that of earlier times,
shows a remarkable likeness to Gardiner\'s statement about
Rotuma. Ellis states that „an extent of soil capable of cult-
ivation, and other resources, aro adequate to tho maintenance
of a population tenfold increased above its present numbere."
But a groat depopulation has taken place in the course of
years. „In tho bottom of every valley, oven to the recesses in
the mountains, on tho sides of the inferior hills, and on tho
brows of almost every promontory, in each of tho islands, monu-
ments of former generations aro still met with in great abund-
ance. Stone pavements of thoir dwellings and court-yards,
foundations of houses, and remains of family temples, are numer-
ous. Occasionally thoy are found in exposed situations, but
generally amidst thickets of brushwo.od or groves of trees,
somo of which aro of tho largest growth. All these relics aro
of tho same kind as those observed among tho natives at tho
time of their discovery, evidently proving that they belong to
tho same race, though to a moro populous era of thoir history. .
Tho stone tools occasionally found near theso vestiges of

antiquity demonstrate tlie same lamentable fact." According
to Moerenhout „landed properties constituted the principal,
or rather the only wealth of these people; therefore the power
of the chiefs always depended on tho quantity and quality of
their lands; moreover, the moro people they could support,
tho more sure they wore of having subjects." This writer
does not, however, enter into many details i).

In Hawaii four social ranks existed. The members of tho
third rank, according to Ellis, „aro generally callcd/i«7cM aj»w,
proprietors of the land." „In tho fourth rank may be included
tho small farmers, who rent from ten to twenty or thirty

classcs, thoso who attach themselves to some chief or farmer,
and labour on his land for their food and clothing, as well
as those who cultivate small portions of land for their own
advantage." „Sometimes tho poor people tako a piccc of land,
on condition of cultivating a given portion for tho chiof, and
tho ronniindor for thomselvcs, nuiking a fresh agreement after
ovory crop." Halo states that formerly thero wero no landed
proprietors; all tho land was „tho property of tho king, and
leased by him to inferior chicfs (hatu-ainay landlords), who
underlet it to the people; as tho king, however, though abso-
lute in theory, was aware that his powor dopondod very much
on tho co-operation of tho high chiefs, thoy bccamo, to a
certain degree, parhikors in his authority." Romy tolls us
that tho land belonged exclusively to tho great chiefs, who
leased it and rocoivcd considerable rents

In liarofotKja, according to Gorland, a man\'s powor doponds
on tho (juantity of land ho owns. Moinicko states that thoro
arc four social classos. Tho third class is composed of tho
landed proprietors; tho lowest class aro thoso who own no
land and livo as Uuiants on tho osUitcs of tho nobles\'\').

3) \\Vftit/. aorlni»(l, VI p. 11W: Mciiiioko, Dio Inscin ilea atillon Oiioiuia,

On the Marquesas Islands, according to Gerland, three
ranks formerly existed: chiefs, landholders, and the common
people. The landholders were the most powerful class; the
common people were obliged to pay them a tribute. Yet those
who owned most land were not always most respected, and
even of the common people some owned land. Meinicke,
however, states that the whole of the land is the property of
the nobles. Hale, after speaking of the nobles, adds that the
rest of the people wero the landholders and their relatives
and tenants i).

In Mangareica (belonging to tho Paumotu group) the
nobles were the proprietors of the soil; they often let out
their lands to the third class, the common people\').

Meinicke tells us that iu the Manahiki group the cocoanut
trees and the lagoons (for fishing purposes) were private
property

Tregear has the following notes on landed property in New
Zealand: „Land was held primarily by tribal right; but within
this tribal right each free warrior of the tribo had particular
rights over some portion. He could not part with tho land bo-
cause it was not his to give or sell, but he had better rights
to certain portions than others of his tribe. He would claini by
having the bones of his father or grandfather there, or tiiat
they once rested there; or by the fact of his navel-string having
been -cut there; or by his blood having been shed on it; or
by having been cursed thoro; or by having helped in the
war party which took the land; jor by his wifo being owner
by descent; or by having been invited by the owners to live
there." Thomson states that „all free persons, male and female,
constituting tho nation wero proprietors of the soil." The chiefs
were tho greatest landholders. „Conquest and occupation gave
titles to land. The right of fishing in rivers and sea belonged
to tho adjoining landed proprietor. Amongst tho families of

each tribe there arc also laws regarding lauded property. Thus
the cultivation of a portion of forest land renders it the pro-
perty of those who cleared it, and this right descended from
generation to generation.... It was illegal for one family to
plant in another\'s clearing without permission"

We see that on most Polynesian islands all land has, or
had been appropriated. Regarding Rotuma and Tahiti this is
explicitly stated; and tho same must bo tho case in Tonga,
Hawaii, Rarotonga, the Marquesas Islands, aud ^langarewa,
where classes destitute of land aro found. In Manahiki pro-
perty in land was strongly developed ; but whether there was
still free land is not clear. In Samoa there was still unappro-
priated bush land, though this was already „sometimes claimed
hy thoso who own tho land on its borders." In New Zealand
clearing was still a modus acquircndi, which proves that all
land had not yet boon appropriated.

Kubary tells us that tho population of Ebon, and of tho
whole Riillik group (in tho Marshall Islands), consists of four
ranks. „The common pooplo aro called armij kajur and form
tho gr(>ater part of tho subjects. Thoy havo no property, except
tho land allotted to thom by tho chief, who can take it from
thom at his pleasure. Every week thoy have, each of them,
to provide tho chief with prepared food, tho quantity and
quality of which aro detonninod. Tho next class are tho/co/«-
fiatak, who hold thoir property by hereditary right and not
from the chief. Tho chief cannot hike tho property of thoso
\'»on unless he kills thom first." „The punishments inflicted
hy tho chiefs in furmor times consisted most often in capiti\\l
punishujont, and moro rarely, in less serious cases, in confis-
cation of land and house"\').

Kohler, referring to a manuscript of Jung, states that in
Nauru (also belonging to the Marshall group) the soil is com-
mon property or individual property. Not only the mainland,
but the reefs near the coast and the sea wasliing them, can
be individual property. Such property may be alienated, which
most often is done by exchanging small parcels. On the com-
mon ground every one may cut up a palm to make toddy from
and so acquire an exclusive right" \'). Here too we find a lowest
class destitute of land

On the Pelau Islands the right of disposing of the land of
the tribe vests in the oboh\'d (chief of a family-group); but he
cannot alienate any land without the consent of his nephews.
However, a regular agriculture does not exist, and most of the
land remains untilled; therefore the opposition of the nephews
generally bears a formal character; they only aim at extorting
a present from the ohokdl. The dboh\'d divides the land among
the members of the tribe for cultivation. He may also cede
pieces of land to aliens for use without payment; such persons
then enter into the position of kauMik, i. e. they are considered
as related to the tribe without possessing the same rights, thoy
occasionally provide the oboJcul with food, and help him in his
labours. In another placo our informant states that there is
not often reason for disputes about land, as the population is
scarce and large tracts of land are uncultivated •"\').

On tho Mortlock Islands the chicf of each tribe has an unli-
mited right to dispose of the land belonging to tho tribe. He
divides it among the heads of families on condition of their pay-
ing a tribute in kind. The latter assign to each member of their
groups a pipce of land for cultivation.\' Jfost land is divided up
between tho several keys (family-groups); the land which ia
not yet occupied is tho property of the principal key and thus
more directly than the rest at the disposal of the chiefs).

3) Kubary, Soc. Einr. dor I\'elauor, pp. 47, 48; Kulmry, Die Vorbrechen, p. 8.1.

On tlio ialo of Ktisaie twolvo principal chicfs own all tho
land; but the chiefs of the second rank administer and culti-
vate it for them. The common people are obliged to pay a
tribute to tho chicfs and sorvo thom. Tho highest mountains
aro planted up to their summits with bananas, taro, sugar-
cane, etc.\').

On the Eastern Caroline Islands the land belongs exclusi-
vely to tho two upper classes of people; the third class aro
attached to the soil on which thoy livo

Halo states that in Ponape or Ascension Island thero aro
three classes. All tho land belongs to tho two upper classes.
The estates arc novor alienated and pass only by succession

Gcrland tells us that on tho Marianne Islands tho nobles
Wore hereditary owners of tho wholo of tho land

As to tho Kingsmill Islands, tho particulars givon bjj Wil-
kes and Parkinson, as (juoted in tho sccond Chapter of Part
I\'), sufficiently provo that all laud had been appropriated.
According to Wilkes „any ono who owns land can always call
upon others to provide him with a house, canoo, and tho ne-
cessaries of lifo; but ono who has nono is considered as a
slave, and can hold no property whatever." Halo tells us that
»tho IctUohi aro persons not originally of noble birth, who
cither by tho favour of their chiof or by good fortune in war,
liuvo acquired land and with it freedom" If in Wilkes\'state-
ment wo road „prolctiirian" instead of „slave," and take Halo\'s
»freedom" in an economic, not in a legal sense, wo soo that
lioro too tho lowest class woro destitute of landed property.

Lower classos dostituto of land nro stated to exist in Ebon,
Kusaic, the Eastern Caroline Islands generally, Ponapo, tho
Marianne Islands, and tho Kingsmill Islands, so on all thoso

Wuilz-Ocrland, I.e., p. 111.
Buo «boTo, i)p. 100—108.
«) Wilkoa, p. 96; llulo, p. 102.

islands all land must have been appropriated. The same must
be the case in Nauru, where a class destitute of land also
exists. Our informant speaks of common grounds on which
palms grow; but as he makes no mention of any cultivation
undertaken on these grounds, we may suppose that they aro
not fit for cultivation, In Pelau, though a vast amount of land
is actually out of tillage, tho regulation of landed property
related by Kubary proves that all land is held as property.
Ilere, in Rotuma and Tahiti, we have to deal with the effects
of the depopulation that has taken place in Oceania. In Mort-
lock there seems to be free land; but Kubary\'s account is
not very clear.

Codrington, in his article „On social regulations in Mela-
nesia," remarks that his observations „are limited to the
Northern New Hebrides, tho HanJcs Islands, the Santa Crus
Group, and the South-eastern Solomon Islands" \'). Of land
tenure he says: „Land is everywhere divided into (1) tho
Town, (2) tho Gardens, (3) the Bush. Of these the two first
aro held as property, the third is unappropriated----Every-
where, or almost everywhere, tho abundance of land makes
it of little value. If an individual reclaims for himself a
pieçe of bush land, it becomes his own"

Somorville, speaking of New Georgia (one of the central
Solomon Islands, and therefore not included in Codrington\'s
description) remarks: „Property seems to be well recognised:
every one of tho myriad islets of tho great eastern lagoon
has its understood owner, no matter if cocoanuts bo growing
there or not. Groves of cocoanut trees aro well protected by
hoj)es, as before described, as aro also taro patches. Hunting
rights over opossums on a man\'s property aro also protected
by hopes" \').

Woodford describes the regulation of landed property in the
Solomon Jslaiids in the following terms: „As to the system
of land tenure among them, I believe that to land, per sc,
they attach but little value. Any individual of the tribo
appears to bo able to select at will a piece of land from tho
forest, which ho clears, fences in, and upon it rears his crop
of yams or bananas. After the crops are taken off, tho laud
is allowed to relapse again to forest. When, however, a native
plants cocoanuts his property appears to bo in tho trees them-
selves, apart altogether from any idea of ownership in tho
land upon which they are planted. I do not think that any
objection would be raised to another native utilizing tho
ground upon which tho cocoanuts wero planted for other
crops so long as the trees themselves were in no way dam-
aged or interfered with. Property in cocoanuts appears to
pass, upon a man\'s death, to his heirs"

Of land tenure on the isle of Aneityum, in tho New Heb-
rides, Inglis says: „There is neither a town nor a village in
the whole island. The system of cottage farming is a state of
full development there. There is no large proprietor, no
powerful or wealthy chief; every man sits proprietor of his
own cottago, his own garden, and his own cultivated patches —
you could not call thom fields. Tho waste lands and tho forests,
to the summits of tho mountains, belong to tho tribo. Thoy
are a kind of crown laiuls, but what each man cultivates
belongs to himself«).

In New OiJcdonia, according to Brainno, a noble\'s authority
depends on tho rango of cultivated grounds he owns, and ono
who possesses largo tracts of cultivated land and largo plant-
ations of cocoanut trees is called a greot chief. Glaumont tolls
"s that „property is acquired by purchase or oxchango. It
\'"ay also bo ocquirod by labour. Thus uncultivated grounds
belong to tho tribo, aro so to speak common property; but
>f a Kanaka clears and cultivates a portion of this bush land

it passes into his property. Property is held sacred (viz. in
time of peace); the chief himself, however powerful, would
not dare to tjike away the field of taros or ignames from the
least of his subjects." Meinicke says: „Each tribe possesses a
separate territory in which the land fit for cultivation is the
individual property of the chiefs and nobles, whereas the rest
is at the disposal of all." According to Rochas there are two
ranks: nobles and common people; but the latter enjoy a
rather independent position and always own some land. The
rights of property in land are highly respected, even by
the chiefs" •)•

Williams, describing Fiji, speaks of a feudal government;
but he adds that the ancient divisions of landed property are
much respected. Seeman states that the „real power of the
state resides in the landholders or gentry"; and Hale tells us
that the members of the lowest class „work for tho chiefs
and landholders and are supported by them." The fullest
account of land tenure in Fiji is given by Fison. Tho lands
are of three kinds. „1. The Yavu or Town-lot; 2. The Qclc,
or Arable Land; and 3. the VciJcatt, or Forest." „The town-
lots and the arable lands are divided among the tauJcci (land-
owners), while the forest lands are held in common by them.
Arable land also, which is not in actual use, is in somo places
common to a certain extent." „The land is vested in — or,
at any rate, is held by — certain joint tribal owners who
have a common descent. Theso are called the Taiilcci ni vanun,
or owners of the land .... Not all the people are landowners."
Fison then speaks of some classes destitute of land, of whom
it is not quite clear whether they are tenants or serfs. Rut
the following statement of his clearly shows that all land has
been appropriated: „In addition to the /wro [villages] already
mentioned, there are others inhabited by tribes who have
either migrated from their own lands owing to disagreement
with their kinsfolk, or have been driven thence by war. These

. 1) Hminno, p. 241; Glaumont, p. 75; Moinioke, Dio Inuoln doa atillon
Oceana. I*p. 2.\'«); Hocliaa, pp. 24.5, 202.

emigrants bog land from a taiikei tribe, aud settle down upon
it. They are not landowners where they arc now living, but
it does not follow that they are Misi [base-born man, who are
very much despised]. If they were taulcei in their own land
they cannot bo placcd on the level of tho people without a

such as theso are tenants at will, and tho land may bo taken
from them whenever it may bo required. How long soever
their occupation may continue, it does not establish a title.
The descendants of tho tauhei can always resume tho lands,
upon giving formal notice, and presenting some property or
other, which is called „the falling back of the soil""\'). These
emigrants are neither slaves nor serfs, but destitute of land;
if there woro free land fit for cultivation, they would appro-
priate it instead of becoming tenants at will.

Parkinson, describing Neio Britain (Neu Pommorn) makes
no mention of property in land. A man\'s position does not
depend upon the possession of land, but of dewarra or shell-
money. Among tho articles which aro bought with this money
our informant docs not namo land®). Hence wo nuiy infer that
land has littlo value hero.

Haddon, in his article on tho Western Tribes of Torres
Straits, remarks: „1 havo no precise information as to land
laws, but I believe that tho whole of tho land is divided up
Into properties, certainly tho arable land is, the chief sharing
like anyone else. There is no ono person or class of laud-
owners who possess land to tho total exclusion of anyone
else. Title to land is derived from inheritance, gift or pur-
chase. I never heard of any means of conveyance"

Hunt, describing tho Murray Islaiuls, says: „The chiofs
held only thoir own hereditary lands, but tho first fruits of
all cultivated lands wero presented to thom as thoir share....

Any dispute about land would be settled by the old men
who would meet and discuss the point in dispute and then
pronounce their decision. Land was never sold, but could be
leased, when, if used for planting, a share in the first fruits
would be paid to the owner"

In many parts of Melanesia clearing is a modus acquirendi,
viz. in the Solomon Islands, Northern New Hebrides, Banks
Islands, Santa Cruz Group, and New Caledonia. Yet the
rights of landowners are recognized everywhere in these
islands. Here, as Ricardo would say, land of the second degreo
of fertility has already been taken into cultivation, and so
rent has commenced on that of the first; but there is still
free land. In Aneityum, too, there seems to bo land not yot
appropriated. In Fiji people destitute of land are found. In New
Britain land seems to have little value. Among tho western
tribes of Torres Straits all arable land is divided up into
properties, as Haddon tells us; but whether the rest of the
land is still free is not quite clear. With regard to tho
Murray Islands wo cannot arrive at any definite conclusion.

Generally speaking wo may conclude that in Polynesia and
Micronesia all land has been appropriated, whereas in the
Molanosian islands free land etill exists.

Wo see further that not only the arable land is held as
property, but often also the fruit-trees, lakes and streams,
tho shore and the lagoon as far as tho reef. On most Poly-
nesian and Micronesian islands whatever portion of land or
water can yield any profit has been appropriated.

It appears from the foregoing paragraphs that in those is-
lands where all land has been appropriated, there are nearly
^_alwayfe found people destitute of land. Tlio only exceptions aro

Rotuina and Pelau. Gardiner, in his very minute article on
Rotuma, makes no mention of social ranks; and Kubary, as
we have already seeu in the sccond Chapter of Part I, states
that „among the Pelau islanders there can be no question of
a devision of the people in ranks or classes." But Semper, as
has also been shown in the same Chapter, speaks of a despi-
sed working class \').

Another state of things would not be inconceivable. It were
quite possible that every inhabitant had appropriated a portion
of tho land, nothing of it remaining unclaimed. Yet it is easy
to understand that, when all land has become individual pro-
perty, a class of people destitute of land is likely soon to
arise. In largo families the portions falling to each of the
children will often become too small to live upon. And where
it is customary to buy and sell land, there may bo improvid-
ent people who squander tho land that was to afford them sub-
sistence. But the principal cause probably is the arbitrary con-
tluct of the chiefs and other men of power who appropriate
the land of their enemies, and even, under somo pretext, that
belonging to thoir own subjects.

In Tahiti the chiefs had „a desire for war, as a means of
enlarging their territory, and augmenting their power"

Regarding Hawaii Ellis tells us: „When Tamehameha had
subdued the greater part of the Islands, he distributed them
among his favourite chiefs and warriors, on condition of their
rendering him, not only military service, but a certain pro-
portion of the produce of their lands. This also appears to
have been their ancient practice on sinular occasions, as the
^Mopahora or pa)Mhora, division of land among the ranakira or
victors, invariably followed the conquest of a district or is-
land"

Soo above, p. 10«. (n Tahiti thoro wero aliw pooplo destitute of land,
«r whom wo sliall havo to spiuik in this paraiiraph.
2) KIIIh. Pol. Ros., I p. 107.
Ibid., IV p. il4.

tby the favour of their chief or by good fortune in war, have
acquired land" \'). Hence it appears that, here too, the victors
used to occupy the lands of the conquered.
— In Fiji^ according to Waterhouse, one of the motives of war
was the desire for land; and Williams states that tho inhabitants
of conquered districts were reduced to an abject servitude.
Fison says: „It is certain that in former days, when popu-
lation seems to have been on the incrcaso----tribes wero dis-
possessed of their lands by other tribes who took them into
their occupation, and arc the taukei of the present day"

We have seen in § 5 that a New Zealander sometimes
claimed land „by having helped in tho war party which took
tho land." According to Ellis a desire to enlarge their terri-
tory led to frequent wars. Thomson tells us: „Sometimes whole
tribes became nominally slaves, although permitted to livo at
their usual places of residence, on tho condition of catching
cols and preparing food for their conquerors at certain sea-
sons" 8).

In New Caledonia tho inhabitants of conquered districts have
to pay a tribute to tho conqucror, but generally continuo living
under their own chicfs

Von Bulow states that in Samoa conquered lands bccomo
tho.private property of tho victorious chiefs).

Wo see that this conquering of land does not always create
a class destitute of land; sometimes tho inhabitants havo only to
"pay a tribute. But whero individuals belonging to tho victori-
ous tribo rccoivo portions of tho conquered laiul allotted to
them, as in Now Zealand and the Kingsmill Islands, or where,
as in Samoa, tho land becomcs tho private property of tho
conquering chiof, tho original owners must bo deprived of their
property.

Williams shitos that in Fiji an adulterer may be deprived
of his land as a punishment; and Fison tells us that the chiefs
have overridden the ancient customs regarding land tenure \').

In Tahiti those who resisted tho king\'s authority were ba-
nished and deprived of their lands. „Should tho ofFonder have
been guilty of disobedience to the just demands of the king,
though tho lands might bo his hereditary property, he must
leave them, and become, as tho people expressed it, a wanderer
„upon tho road" " -).

Among tho Melnncsians described by Codrington tho chiefs
„often use their power to drive away the owners of gardens
they desire to occupy" •\').

Where land is so highly valued, and wealth and power
depend upon tho possession of it, tho chiefs and other men
of power will be inclined to appropriate as much of it as p(»3-
sible. This ia not always easy, and sometimes, in domooratic-
ally organized societies, hardly practicable; but we may bo
Huro that it will bo dono on the very first opportunity. This
is strikingly proved by what Gardiner tells us of liotuma:
„Since the introduction of missionaries, too, much land has
been seized by the chiefs, who, as a rule, in each district wero
its miasionarios, aa fines for tho fornications of individuals. A
certain amount of cocoanut oil was then given by the chiefs
to the Wesleyan Mission, apparently in payment for their aup-
port. Tho nussion in tho nanm of which it was dono, though
generally without tho knowledge of the white teachers, waa
so powerful that the hoag had no redreaa." Formerly landed
property in Rotuma wiw highly reapcctod: „The victorious

side obtained no territorial aggrandisement, as it was to the
the common interest of all to maintain the integrity of the
land, and the victors might on some future occasion bo them-
selves in the position of tho vanquished" Formerly the chiefs
were not powerful enough to appropriate land belonging to
others; but the additional power that the new religion gave
them enabled them to seize the lands of their subjects, and
thoy immediately availed themselves of this opportunity.

A similar change has taken place in Satnoa. In Turner\'s
time Samoan government had „more of tho patriarchal and
democratic in it, than of the monarchical." Von Bulow, writing
several years later than Turner, states that somo chiefs have
lat<\'ly introduced what he calls serfdom. In tho villages where
this state of things exists the inhabitants live on land belong-
ing t«> the chief. Thoy pay no rent, but aro obligwl to stand
by the chief in war and peace. They aro personnally free and
have the right to emigrate, but own no land s).

Wo can now perfectly understand why people destitute of
land aro found in so many of theso islands. And ns most
often not only tho arable land, but fruit-trees, lakes, Htroams,
and the sea adjoining tho land aro individual property, these
people aro entirely at tho mercy of tho landowners. We shall
see that thoy have to i>erform the drudgery for tho landlords,
and are sometimes heavily oppressinl.

In Toufju the l»)we«t class wero the looas. „Tho hxHui ain
be divided into three categories. A fow of them are warriors
and form part of tho retinue of tho chiofs, as wn havo said;
some aro professed cooks in tho sorvico of tho superior or
inferior chiefs; others, and theso form tho majority, till the
soil. Tho latter ure found throughout tho country and havu
no other employment besides agriculture"\').

In Samotty in Turner\'s time, a democmtic und even com-
munistic regime prevailtKl. Speaking of tho chief, Tumor says:

„"With a few exceptions, he moves about, and shares in
everyday employments, just like a common man. He goes out
with the fishing party, works in his plantations, helps at
house-building, and lends a hand at the native ovrn." The
Samoans were very hospitable: „In addition to their own
individual wants, their hospitable custom in supplying, without
money and without stint, the wants of visitors from all parts
of the group, was a great drain on their plantations." Hale
states that „the common people are in general the relatives
and dependents of the iulafalcs [landlords] and hove no direct
influence in tho government"We have seen that recently
a class of people destitute of land ha« been created by houjo
chiefs; but their lot does not seem to be a hard one.

In Tahiti the lowest class were tho manahune, including,
besides tho liti or slaves, „the tciiicn or servant« of the chit\'fs;
all who were destitute of any land, and ignorant of the rude
arts of cjirpentcring, building, etc., wich are reapectwl anu»ng
thom, and such aa wero reduce<l to a atato of dependence
upon those in higher atntions." Speaking of tho groat land-
holderri our informant says: ,Possessing at all timea the
Mioflt ample atoa>a of native p^»viaiun8, tho number of their
«le|M;ndenta, or retainers, was great. Tho destituttnuid thought-
le<«.< readily attaohe<l themselves tii their establishmenta, for
the purpose of securing tho nuvins of Hubsisteiico without care
\'>r apprehenaion of want" *).

In Hawaii four acMjial mnka oxiated. Tho uu^mbera of the third
rank held land, ,cultivating it cither by thoir own dejMMulenta

^n the fourth rank may be include«! tho auiall farmera, who
»■«nt from Icmi U» twenty or thirty acres of land; the midmnica,
namely, caniK) and house buiUlera, fiahennen, musicians, and
«Ittncer«; indeed, all tho labouring claauea, thoao who attach

theinaelrcs to some chief or farmer, and labour on his land
for their food and clothing, as well aa those who cultivate
small portions of land for their own advantage". „Sometimes
the poor people take a piece of land, on condition of cultivating
a given portion for the chief, and the remainder for themael-
vea, making a fresh agreement after every crop. In addition
to the above demands, the common people arc in general obli-
ged to labour, if required, part of two days out of seven, in
cultivating farms, building houses, ctc. for their landlord. A
time is usually apixiintcd for receiving tho rent, when tho
people repair to tho governor\'s with what they have to pay.
If the required amount is furnishwl, they return, and, aa thoy
express it {komo hott) enter again on their land. But if unable
to pay tho rcquirc<l sum, and their landlords aro diaaatiafiod
with the pruscnta they havo rocoivcd, or think tho tenants havo
ncglectc<l thoir farm, they aro forbidden to return, and tho
bud is ofTcrcd to another. When, however, tho produco brought
ia nearly equal to the required rent, and tho chlofa think the
occupanta havo exerted themaelv«! to procure it, thoy remit
tho doficiency, nnd allow iheni l<i return" \'). Thia ia quito tho
rcverao of what occurs in ahivo countriea. Tho alavo or iwrfi«
proventod from eecaping nnd com|K»llcHl t<» remain with hia
maati^r; tho Hawaiian Umant, if tho landlord in diMntiMfiotl
witTi the produco brought, ia forbidden t4) nHurn to tho laud
of Ilia employer.

In lUirotonya tho loweat cloaa arc tho wuja or aorviint^« who
have Ui cultivato thu landa of tho noblw, build thoir huuwa nnd
caniHja, mako nol^i for them, pay thom tribute«, nnd in gonoml
oboy all thoir dcnmnda •).

In tho MartjiuMK hlamU, though tho diflonnit gmd(>it in
aocicty woro n»»t wi diatincly markoil aa in Tahiti, Ihoni
a lowoat chwa, whu had to jwiy trihutoi» txi tho chiafH and might
be doprived by them of whatovcr thoy ownwl«).

In Mangareica, as wo have seen, the whole of the land be-
longed to tho nobility, who often leased their lands to tho third
class, the common people \').

In NctP Zealand, as has been shown in § 5, every free-
man owned land. Accordingly wo find no mention made of a
class of poor or subjected freemen.

Qerland states that tho two principal classes, nobles and com-
»non people, were nowhere in Polynesia less strictly separated
than in Samoa and Now Zealand. This strikingly Hhows that
the appropriation of the land was really tho basis of Polynesian
aHstocracy; for Samoa and Now Zealand, as wc have scon, wero
the only Polynoaian groups in which thoro was still freo land »).

Iloganling tho condition of the common people in Micro-
ne«ia wo havo already mentioned many particulars in § 7 of
the second Chapter of Part I in inquiring whether thoy wero
t« bo regarded on nlarc«, and in § 0 of this Chapter in order
t<> provo that all land had boon appropriatc<l. Wo shall brieily
f\'peat here whot bmra on their condition and tho work im-
poHod upon them, a<ldin^ nuch details a« havo not yot been
"lontionwl.

In Nauru tho lowest cIom (wrongly callod nlavcit hy Kohler)
havn no lande«! pn)|)erly. Thoy till tho lands of their lord«,
nnd deliver to Ihem the fruit»», rmnvlng only their livolihwHl.
Tho landhml had formerly a iiw vitae ae »ircw over hi« hi-
houn»r«.

In Klmn tho common i>o<»plc livo on land alloltwl tti them
hy tho chief who can tak« it from thom at hi« pleasure. Kvery
Wock lh«y h«Yo, each of Ihcm, to provide tho chief with a
fixt-Hl ijuantity of fiHHi.

In MortlorJf, according to Kubary, wKsial ranks donotoxint,
tho i«lo of Kumic tho chicfn havo unlimitwl p«)Wor. Tho
comniim iMM>plo aro obligiMl lo build hou«o« and cancK» for
them nnd till thoir land«; the chicf« may alwayji noiiw tho
8«<h1« and »»mmand the «crviw» of Iho {MMpIo; tho cocoanut«,

wliich are rare, are for the chiefs alone; they receive a cer-
tain proportion of all the fish that is caught\').

In Yap the lowest class (whom Graffo wrongly calls slaves)
are obliged daily to provide the upper classes with agricul-
tural produce, and whenever the chiefs require it to aid in
constructing bouses and canoes. Whatever they possess, even
to their wives and daughters, may at any time bo required by
the upper classes. Yet all labour is not exclusively incumbent
on them. They are only bound to definite taxes, viz. to a
tribute of victuals, and of mats and other materials for house-
building; and their „slave-state" consists rather in a low and
dependent condition than in being taxed with labour.

On tho Marianne Islands there wero three classes: nobles,
semi-nobles, and common people. Tho common people woro
strictly separated from tho nobles and entirely subjected to them.
They were not allowed to navigate or fish or take part in
any other pursuit followed by tho nobles. Thoir princijwl occu-
pations were tilling tho »oil, constructing roads, building canoe-
house«, making nets, carrying ammunition in war, cooking rice,
roots, etc. As thoy were forbidden to use canoe« and fishing
implements, tho only fish they could procure wore eels, which
tho nobles disdained; and oven thoso they might only catch
with tho hand, not by means of nets or fish-hooks

In PcUiu, according to Kubary, thoro are no wKsial cUiMses;
but tho want« of tho chief« are gonemlly provided for by the
work of dependent relotiTc«, who are treatinl lut adoptwl child-
ren and may nt any tlmo lt«ivo thoir employer», Som|M>r,
however, speaka of a deapised working cloi»«.

On tho Kingmill Ifinnih thoro are two subjected cIumm^s.
Ono ia tho claaa of tho le torn , who Hyo na Yomwila on the land«
of the great landholder«; they get a Hmnll piece of land ftir
their own use; they must provido their lortl with men when at
war, and bring him the number of coconnutii he desire«, and what
ho neoda for hia household. Tho lowoat cIam aro tha U M

or kaungo. They have no property, no land to livo upon; thoy
live with the great kndholders by whom they are maintained;
they on their part must work for their lords, i. e. fish, pre-
pare food, etc. The lord, by giving them a piece of land, can
raise thom to tho class of tho ie torre. These two classes have
no voice in government matters; they follow their lord without
grumbling; his will is their will; an offence against tho lord
is considered hy them as a personal offence, and avenged as
such. Generally no one marries outside his claas. In ordinary
life there is no difference between master nnd vassal; they
\'Irink, dance, nnd play together; thoy wear tho same kind
of dre«fl.

liochaa atatea that in New Caledonia tho common people
onjoy ft rather independent position; they have to perform
"<»»ne aervicoa for tho chiefa, which chiefly conaiat in cultivating
•heir Innda; but alwaya own a piece of land thoniaolvea. Thoy
^ro, however, aometimra kilUnl by the upper chiefs for cannl-
purpoaea. Glaumont enumemti^ the billowing claanoa: aor-
worriom, common people, abvca. But ho adda that tho
chief himaelf, however |M»werful, would not dare lo t^ike away
the fiold of taroa or ignamea belonging to the leoat of hia
"«hjocta. AccMftling to Hrainne there are two eUaaoa: numc-
«^»u« chiofa of vttrioua kinda, and acrfa, over whom the former,
®"I>ociftI|y tho aupcrior chiofa, have tho right of lifo and
tlcnth «).

/\'i/V, iicoortUng to Williama, tho lower cloaaea wero for-
»"efly heavily oppreaae^. Tho chiofa looketl upon them aa thoir
properly, and took awny thoir gihala nnd oftim oven their
thia wna conaidcrod ,chiof-iiko." There alao woro pro-
feaawl Imir-ilrwiaeni of tho chiefa. Walorhouao atatea lhal many
l>\'>or men could not pft>cure a wifo; thoy then borrowc«! ono
from ft chief, and ao boaime hfa retainer«. Kiaon, ajKHiking of
the inhttbitanta of ocrtnin vilUgoa, uaya: ,Thoao are of tho

lowest rank, or rather of no rank at all. They are Icaisi, tho
descendants of „children without a father." They are vakatau
ni were (husbandmen), but they are not yeomen like the
taukei. Neither tho lands they cultivatc, nor the town lota
on which they dwell, are their own. They aro not even te-
nants. They are hereditär}\' bondsmen, ndscripti glehacy whoso
business it is to raise food for thoir masters. Their lords may
oppress them, and thoy have no redress. In times of peace they
must work for them, and in war timo thoy must fight for thom
to tho death"\').

Codrington remarks: „In the native view of mankind, almost
everywhere in the islands which are hero under consideration
[fiWowoM fslatuLs, Santa Crue Group, Hanks\' Islands, and New
Hebrides], nothing acenia more fundamcutal than the division
of tho people into two or moro chwac«, which arc cxogamous,
and in which dcaccnt ia countcd through the mother....
Oonemlly speaking, it may bc said that to a .Molanoaian nmn
all women, of hia own generation at leaat, aro oithor aiatora or
wivca, to tho Mclancaian woman all mon aro either brothora
or huabanda"«) Thia aeema to bo aufficiont pn)or that a aub-
joctod nnd dj^apiaed loweat claaa doca not cxiat; olao tho nativoa
would not all bo „brothora" and „aiatora".

of aocial ranka, Hlton ataUra that tho chiofa have littlo {xiwor
Nor havo wo found in any «if tho othor wriU\'ra anything tond-
ing til prove that tho common |>ooplo an* oppn^cd.

Ilogarding the Nrw Hdiridr>, Hagon and I\'inoau, afl<>r aprak-
ing uf tho chiofa, atato tliat thu next cUaa nro tho warriorxt
which rank can he obtained by a iMymont of piga. They mako
no montion of a diwpiao<l or oppn>«M4Hi working claait. Inglia,

t) WlUiiua», pp. 23, fW, ir.7; W«l«.rhou.n. p. 3|1; Ki«an. Und U<nan>
in Fjji, p.m
i) (Uidringtan, Tbo McUuiotiant, pp. 21, 42.
3) Klton, p. 08.

aa wc have scon above, states that in the islo of Aneityum
„there is no large proprietor, no powerful or wealthy chief;
every man sits proprietor of his own cottage, his own garden,
and his own cultivated patches." Turner, speaking of the isle
of Tana, says: „The affairs of this little community are regu-
lated by the chiefs and tho heads of families"; and in Ero-
manga, according to the same writer, the chiefs „were numerous,
but not powerful" \'). From all this wo may safely conclude
that social life in the New Hebrides is democratically or-
ganized.

In New Britain tho chiofs have very little power. All adult
men arc members of the diik-duk (powerful sccrct socioty)
Social ranks do not seem to exist\').

Haddon. speaking »)f the Western Trilxs of Torres Straits,
»«ys: ,Each household is practically self-sufficient So far as
I c»»uld gather there was no division of labour as between man
nnd man, every man mado his garden, fished and fought"»).

Hunt, in his dcHcripticm of tho Murray Islands, makes no
•neniion of social ranks.

Qonorally «peaking, wo may conclude that in Polynesia and
^\'ichinwiia thoro an» lower cIiwhos destitute of land and cnli*
•^iy at tho mercy of tho landholder«, whcrcaji in Melancnia
""ch cloiwcfl do not cxiflt. This agrees with our former con-
•^•uMon, that iu tho two firnt-named giwgraphical district« all
\'nnd ha«, or had been appropriated, which is not tho cju»c in
And if wo connidcr tho single groups of islands,
find that whenever in Polynesia there is still froo land
(^m««, New Zealand), a mon^ or Iwis donjocnitic régime pro- )
nnd when\' in .MelntiMia all land has been appropriated j
(I"\'!!«) there i« a subjected lower clow. There an», (m wc havt»^;
«In-ttiiy n\'mnrkwl, n few cxccplionii lo ihis gonemi rule (IU>-
tuma, PrUu); hut in tho«o cam»« il in quite powiblo Ihnt such
" cla«« ho« formerly oxi«(ed. For a groal depopulation hiw

lliiRrn «114 l»ina.a, |i. 335; Tumor. Sâmo«, pp. 315, Vt»,
^ iWkinMn. Im l»Um*rek-Arohlpol, pp. J».
3) ll,ul.|„n, p. ail

taken place in Oceania, especially in Polynesia and Micronesia \');
and the value of land must have decreased together with the
population. We have seen that in Rotuma all land is still held
as property, but largo tracts aro out of tillage, though there
are everywhere traces of former cultivation. In Pelau too, as
has been said in § 6, the rights of property are still recogni-
zed, though there is but little land actually in cultivation. That
the class of people destitute of land tends to disappear when
population decreases, is strikingly shown by tho following
statement of Ellis\' regarding Tahiti: „Although tbo vKnui/irtnc
[lowest class] havo always included a large number of tho in-
habitants, they havo not in modern times been so numerous
as some other ranks. Sinco tho population has been so greatly
diminished, tho means of subsistcnco so abundant, and such
vast portions of tho country uncultivated, an industrious in-
dividual has seldom experienced much difficulty in securing nl
least tho occupancy of a piece of land"

This depopulation may perhaps also account for the discre-
pancy between Scmper\'s and Kubary 8 accounts of Pelau. Sem-
per Bpoko of a denpised working claas; but Kubary, who wnito
several years after, stat«! that there were no social mnks. It
is quite possible that in the meantimo tho population hail btsui
8o greatly diminished, that every ono c«)uld obtain jKMHtewion
uf a picco of land.

Ellis* abovo-quotcd statement also show« thot thoro in a
fundamental difference between such lower cUmch as wore
found in Tahiti and alavo«. Tho former were not at all for-
bidden to provide for thomsolvos, and indcc<l, when the |M)pu-
hition had decrcaaed, many of them begou to cuhivoto n piuco
of hind for their own pnifit. Hut in farmer time« thoy were
not ablo to do ««, as all land was the projMjrty of the upp<\'r
clause«. Tho lower claiuto« of Oceania wero pndetArlanii who
wanted employment. Tho mean« of Bub«i«tenco wore tho ox-

1) S«« (IqrUnel, Dm AuMt.>rbon dcr X«tur»filk«^, pp. 5, fi; »„,| M»hW«
recently pubU»hiHl ommj, pp. 00, 0(.
i) UlU, PuL Iloi.. Ill p. 00.

cluaivo property of tho upper classes, aud therefore tho poor
were wholly dependent on them. In slavo countries free la-
bourers are not available, aud therefore those who want
labourers havo recourse to slavery; in Oceania the labour
market was overstocked, and therefore tho poor eagerly asked
the landlords for employment even in tho meanest work \'). ^

In Rotuma „Polynesian or Micronesian strangers, fa hdav,
were usually married into different hoag, or adopted with
tbo consent of all tho members of tho hoag, A few Fjjians
and Melanesians havo become fa asoa, or helping men, of
different chiefs; no women would havo anything to do with
Jhem, and no hoag would adopt thom. They remained on tho
island m long as thoy liked, and tmnsferred thoir services as
thoy liked; they were treated a« inferior members of tho/lOa«;,
which thoy gavo thoir service«"In a slave country those
•^lelanosianH, looked upon aa an inferior race and therefore
adopted, would havo been mgerly taken as alavea and
prevontoil from esctiping; but hero it is quite tho rovorao:
they may atny if they liko, but they may alao go away if
they liko; nobody wants them.

What little tella us of the inhobilnnta of /\'om/i/xj ia alao
very remarkable. Whon it ia fojire<i thnt there will be over-
lH)pulfttion, aomo of tho lower onlora with their wivea and
«^hlldriui voluntarily go away in their canwa»). If theae lower
claaaea were alavoa, thoy would »u)l be allowed to enugrate;
tho maatora would value thom oa their property nnd prevent
them from oaaiping. Such ia not tho caao horo; they remove
becttuae thoro ia no rtnim for them.
Wo 800 that common labourera aro littlo wanted in Ocoania.

thai thny ndiivl for m oannlilorablci |>ortion of Ihoir foo<l on Iho fruiU of
Irw* which, when unoo pUnUxl. roquirMl llUlo «u».
Unrdinnr, p. m.
a) Halo, |i. 85.

Mariner states that in Tonga the esteem in which the dif-
ferent trades are held depends on their utility. Most people
pursue the same trade as their fathers did before them, be-
cause they have learned it in their youth. This especially
applies to thoso trades which are considered most difficult and
therefore highly honoured. Thero is no law obliging a son to
follow his father\'s trade; but it is the custom; and tho hope of a
high profit stimuUtes tho energy of those who pursue a difficult
trade. The noblest trades arc those of canoe-builder and under-
taker of funerals. They aro followed by nono but vialaboks
and mooas (2nd and 3r«l classes), tho tooas (4»h class) being
excluded from them. All other trades are followed by mooas
and tooas alike, except three which the consider beneath
their dignity and therefore leave to tho tooas: those of barber,
cook, and agriculturist. Tho latter two, tho most dospimMl
trado«, are hereditary. Neither cooking nor cultivating requires
any particular capacities, over)\'body is capable of following
theso pursuit«, and thoso whoso fathers were engaged in
either of them have no other altemativo but to continuo in
tho same way. Tho esteem, however, in which an individual
is hold, docs not only depend on tho trado ho follows, but
on his ability in it. Ho who distinguishos himself in a lowor
trado enjoys moro consideration than ho who following a
higher trado proves to bo unqualified for it\').

Wo seo that thoso trmlos which ro4|uira no jwirticuUr abilitioa
aro most despisod here, whereas skilled labour is highly
honoured and performed even by tho higher clasiKJs.

In some moro cases is it stated that skilknl workmen aro
bettor paid and more highly valued than unskilled.

In Tiihiti tho lowest cUm included those .who won- d«i»li-
tuto of any land, nnd ignorant of tho rudo arts of carpentering,
building, etc., which wero rosi>ected among them .... Tho
fishermen and artiimns (sometimes ranking with this cUss,

but moro frequently with that immediately above it) may bo
said to have constituted tho connecting link between tho two" \').

Wilkes states that in tho Kingsmill Islands „tho trade of
carpenter is held in great repute." Professed tattooera aro also
highly esteemed and well paid\').

In PqI the carpenters formed a separate caste, called King\'s
carpenters, having chiefs of their own, for whom and their
work thoy showed respect. Among tho social ranks tho 4tli
wero distinguished warriors of low birth, chiefs of tho carp-
enters, and chiefs of tho fishers for turtle, tho 5th ^-oro tho
common peopleWo soo that hero too skilled workmen rank
Hbovo tho bulk of tho people.

Skilled labour is thus highly valued in somo of these island«.^
Tho skilled workmen, so far from being slaves, are held in
high esteem; but those who havo no peculiar accomplishments
ore obliged to perform the rudest and nuwt despised work.
This applies especially to tho agricultural labourers. Theso
ftfo entirely dependent on tho landownem, and there aro moro
"f them than can bo pnifitably cmploye<l. Thoy much rt^nemblo
tho proletarians of modern Euwpean countries.

The great significance of (ho appropriation of the land cliMirly
appear«, when wo consider a phcnonienon frequently wcurring
anxtng «avages: debt-slavery. Among some wivnge Iribe« there
nrt\' rich and p<K)r as well aa in Polyneuia; the jMwr, however, do
"«»I apply U) the rich for employmeni, but aro enslaved by Ihcm.
Thus among tho Tagals and Viwiyas, in the timo of the con-
•iwista, most slaves had become such by being unable to pay
\'lobts thoy had contracted. If, in a time of famine, a |MM>r man
ha<l bocm fe<l for somo days by his rich neighb<iur, ho bvamo
his slave. 8oinetlinos tlu« rich oven placed a quiuUily of rico in
"OHIO conspicuous place and lay on tho tiK)k-out; if then n {xKir
niun camo and ate of (ho rice, ho was seiKcd and enslave<l *)

Such a thing would never have happened in Polynesia, and
the reason why is evident Among the Tagals and Visayas tho
poor w^ere able, in ordinary times, to provide for themselves;
they did not offer their services to tho rich; the latter had to
avail themselves of such an opportunity as a famine, to lay
hands on them and compel them to work for them, not only
during the famine, but afterwards when, if free, they would
havo been ablo to subsist independently of the rich. But in
Polynesia the means of subsistence aro permanently iu the hands
of the rich to the exclusion of the poor; therefore tho rich
need not compel the poor to work for them, for they aro al-
ways at their mercy. Among tho Tagals ond Visayas tho poor,
though destitute of wealth, are not without resources: thoy have
tho free land always at their disposal; and it is only in extra-
ordinary circumstances (e. g. when tho harvest has failed) that
they are temporarily dependent on tho rich. In Polynesia tho
poor aro destitute of land, and therefore permanently dcpcnd-
ont on tho landlords.

Thoir stato would oven bo worse than it actually is, were
it not that they aro useful in another, non-coonomic way: they
strengthen their employers\' forco in warfare.

In Tahiti ,in times of war, all capoblo of bearing arms wero
called upon to join tho forces of tho chieftain to whom thoy
belonged, and tho former«, who held their land« jwirtly by fi u-
dal tenure, were obliged to render military servioo whenever
their hindlord required it. Then^ wero, b(»id«t thom», a num-
ber of men celcbmted for their valour, «trength, or addre«« in
war, who were caUe<l ailo, flghling»men or warrior«. Thi« title,
tho result of achievement« in battlo, wo« highly re«|>eclod, and
proportionably »ought by tho daring and ambitiou«. It wiw not,
like tho chioftainship and other prevailing dUtinction«, cunfl*
ned to any chuw, but open Ui all; and many from tho lower
rank« havo ri«on, a« warrior«, to a high «tation in tho com-
munity" \').

chiefs, together with the priests, fixed the time and phice for
commencing, and the manner of carrying it on. In the mean-
time, the Runaixii (messengers of war) were scut to the dis-
tricts and villages under their authority, to require tho ser-
vices of their tenants, iu numbers proportionate to the mag-
nitude of the expedition"\').

In Sanwa, as wo have seen, those residing on land be-
longing to tho chiof are obliged to stand by him in war and
peace

In Tontja somo of the toons (lowest class) wero warriors and
belonged to tho rotinuo of tho chief).

On tho Kiftgsmill Islands tho tenants must provide their
lord with mon when nt war«).

In Fiji, according to Williams, all men capable of bearing
afnjs, of all clnanea, twk jwrt in military operotionB; and Fison,
a» wo have «oen above, ntnti\'s that the jMxtpIo of tho lowest
•^nk in war time had to fight for their lords to tho dojith

Warfare ia on im|M)rtant factor in aocial lifo among primi-
tive peoples (and not among primitivo peoph» only). Tho nv
luiremonta of war moy perhopa ocoount for auch an anoma-
I\'lUa thing oa the oxiatenco of alovery in Tahiti. Though it ia
"ot explicitly atnted that tho alovea fought ot tho aido of their
|na«t<\'ra, wo moy auppoao it to bo ao, oa »all cii|)ablo of bear-
\'"g nrma wero calloti upon", tho moro ao aa wo hovo aeon
that tho alovoa, nOor {>eaco woa conoludod, often remain»! with
\'heir maateni oa voluntary aervonta\').

liut leoring militiiriam ond other aecondory cauaea out
\'>f ctmaiilemtion, we may conclude thot the faeU obaorvwl-y
•n Oceania fully juatify our theory, that alovery in incon- V^
"iHtont with a atnte of m)«iety in which all land la hold
pf»>porty. —J

The conclusion wo havo arrived at is that tho appropriation
of the soil is a factor of great importance in shaping the social
lifo of agricultural peoples \')• "^^^^en all land is held as pro-
perty, a class of people destitute of the means of subsistence
is likely 80«)n to arise; such people must seek employment and
live on the wages they can earn. But in countries where thero
is still free land, a class of free labourers dependent on wages
does not exist; therefore in such countries tho upper classos,
especially tho landowners, often resort to slavery as a moana_
"of procuring labourers. Generally simking, slavery oji an in-
histrial system can only exist where there is still free land.

If this theor)- is correct, it must hold not only with regnrxl\'
to the simply organized societies of Polynesia and Micronesia,
but also with regard to civilized peoples. Among such peoples
to«> slavory must disappear as soon as all land has been appni-
priated. And as wo know that in Wostorn Kuropo all land is
now held as property and everybody is personally free, whe-
reas in formor tim<»s, when thoso countries wero far loss den-
sely peopled than now, slavery and serfdom existed, it does
not seem unreasonable to suppose that the appropriatitm of thu
soil has ha<l much to do with tho disappearance of servile la-
bour. This opinion is nlso held by Wnkcfiold. ,Tho serfdom
of tho middle-agj\'s wnj» for nil Kurope, whnt it is for Poland

1) Wo havo not upokon of UndiMl prop^Hjr «monif ihn AudralUn huntrr«,
bccauau thero mn rc«Mnii enough tu bo found, a|Mrt frum thn «|i|iropri«lian
of thu Und, why nUvory ninmit nxUlaraung thrm, Wo will uitlj rt>m«rk hfr«\'
that MounK many Auatralian tribe« pro(K<rty in Und i« «UM to rxiti (w«
DarRun, pp. 49, &0). Honiptitnpii oven tho whole uf tho Und ivirni* lo bo
hold a4 projicrtjy ,lt wint ouriouV mj« lla«gj|livnij „to find ai
York and tho I\'rmwi of WaliV I»Und« a rtJOonnUod ditUiun and ownonJtip
of Und, Mclng that nono of II bj cultivation luu been rendered fit far
the jwrinanont «upport of man. AcoordlnR tu (H\'oro. Uu\'m aro Uw* rpjniUllwK
tho owncr«hip of ovory inch of ground on Muralu* and tho ncighbourinff
poMcMion» of tho KowmmgM and I am Iih] Ui boliovo »uch 1« likowiM tho
oaM at Capo York." MacgllUtray at quotod by Haddon, p. 433.

and Russia stilP), a kind of slavery required by the small pro-
portion of people to land; a substitute for hired labour, which
gradually expired with tho increase of population, as it will ex-
pire in Poland and Russia when land shall, in those countries,
become as scarce and dear as it became in England some timo
after the conqacst" *). Wc think Wakefield is quite right here,
and we shall adduce somo facts in corroboration of this view.

But we must first repeat what wc havo already said in tho
Introduction. Wo confine ourselves in this book to an investi-
gation of the facta of savago life. The study of these facta
leads us to conclusions, some of which (and among theso the
conclusion wo aro now dealing with) havo a wider bearing nnd
can further our understanding of the history of civilized nations.
I^ut the scope of the present volume does not allow us to
make any special investigation of this history and inquire
whether the same causes can be seen at work here that havo
h(Hm ftiund to shape tho social life of savage tribes. Action!-
i"gly, wo shall not try to provo that the appropriation of Ihe
s«»il has really bw\'n the main cause of the disappmranee of
slavery and serfdom in Western Europe. Wo only intend toi
"how that the motter can bo viewisl from this side. Wo wish
elaini ntttMiiion for this im|M>rtant factor, (hat Is commonly
«»vorlooked, nnd thus chuir the way for futun» research. This
nnd (he next two paragraphs have (<» be reganliMl asadign««-
"i"n, standing aiM»r( fnim (he main body of our Ixnik.

The chamcler of (luwe paragraphs may justify us in limiling
"nr remarks (o two countries, (he economie history of which
has of late years l>een the subjcc( of thon)Ugh s(udy by eminent
wriU?rs, vi*. Kngland nnd (Jerimuiy, and using only a small
l«»rt of (ho IKerature exisdng on (his matter. We have, however,
taken care lo wmsult none hut lirsl-mte aulhorilies.

Wo have s|M»ken of the disappearance of/i//itvry am/.«rr/J/owi.
In connec(i<m with (his (wo remarks have to be made.

in both England and Germany. In England, shortly after the
Norman Conquest, slaves were still rather numerous. „The
servi or slaves" says Ashley „whose average percentage for
the whole land is 9, and who in some of tho eastern and
midland shires do not appear at all, or fall to a percentage
of 4 or 5, rise in the country on the Welsh border and in
the south-west to 17, 18, 21, and 24 per cent." A century
later, however, absolute slavery had disappearedAnd in
Germany there was also a class of servi, who had to perform
whatever services the lords might require, and even in tho
nth century, though their condition had already much im-
proved, were sometimes sold apart from tho land

Secondly. Tho argument that leads us to concludo that
slavery is inconsistent with a state of society in which all land
is held as property, equally applies to serfdom. For tho serf, as
well as the slovo, was compelled to work. Then« is a great
dilTprenco between «laves and «erf« on one «ide, and modern
bibouren» and tenants on tho other. Tho labourer has t/) work
for his employer, and the tenant has to pay rent; but b<»th
can alwaya declare tho contract off and bo put an end to
their obligation«. And even a« long an tho contract last«, if
they do not discharge their duties, they can only bo condemnwl
to pay damage«; but the labourer cannot be compelled to
work,-, nor the tenant to remain on the farm. Tho «lave« and
«erf« of early time«, however, woro under personal oompul«ion.
Tho «luvo was tho property of hi« nuuiter, whom he wo« not
allowe<l to leave. And the «erf, ns we «o often rood, wo«
»bound to the «oil," ,a«tricted to tho r«tato", die Schoiie
gefeHneW\\ which nu-an« thot he wo« forbidden t<i romovo from
tho spot assigned t<i him. Prof. Cunningham «tote« thot in
Engliind, in thu I Hh century „a very large proportion of tlie
jwpuhition wero «erf« who could not movo to other oHtat««« or
t4» town«"*), and Amim tell« u« that in Oormany, in the

Middle Ages, the villeins {GntndJiörigm) were not iillowed to
remove from the land whieh they cultivated\'). Therefore our
argument holds with regard to serfdom as well as slavery.
For when all land has been appropriated, a landlord can always
find free tenants who are willing to pay him a rent, and free
labourera who are willing to work for him, aud so ho wants
neither serfs nor slaves.

It is of somo interest to emphasize what we havo said con-
cerning the difTerenco between serfs nnd free tenants. A free
tenant, whatever be the conditions of his tenure, can alwaya
remove from the land and cannot bo compelled to cultivate it.
A aerf, whatover bo extent of hia obligations, ia bound to tho
"nil; if ho eaeapea the lord can bring him back and aet him

work again. The right of emigrating (German ^Frcisiigigkcir)
>« the true mark <if freedom. And therefore, aa acwn ns the
"bligntiona which were personal have become territorial, i. e.
na Hoon aa tho aervicea nnd payments which formerly were
oxactetl frcun definite peraona, nro exacted from the cultivatora
•>f definite piecoa of land aa auch, nobody being any longer
obllgud to bccomo or remain the cultivator of any definite
piece of land, — aerfdom haa ccane«! to exiat, even though the
Nervicoa and pnymenta have remained exactly the aarno.

The lino of demarcation betwetm froo and unfroo cultivatora
b\'lH not, however, alwaya been drawn in a atriet, aciontific
nmnner. Aahloy, apeaking of tho Ilih—MHi centuriea, wiya:
»The t<»rm Uherc fnicii/f.\' ia elaatic enough lo covt\'r men in
Very difTuronl jMwitiona.... Hut tho hirgor number of thoae
known by that name were, clearly, virgaU\'-hoMing villeins or
tbo «loaoentlanta of auch, who had oommuteil their mon» onc-
f«»ua labour aorvicea of two or throo daya a week ft»ranuiney
•»r corn paymont, nn«l had been frewl from what were rognr-
\'1<hI aa tho moro aervilo ,incident«" of their poaition. What
theae exactly wore, or, indeed, what waa undoratixKl by frt»e
t<\'nuro, It ia difficult now t«i dotormine, prociaely becauae the
lawyers and knillorda of the limo did not thoniaolvea know.

The most widely spread idea was that inability to give a
daughter in marriage or to sell an ox or a horse without tho
^^ lord\'s consent, for which a fine had to be paid, was tho cer-
tain mark of servile tenure" \').

Now we cannot wonder that tho lawyers and landlords of the
Middle Ages had no very clear ideas about serfdom and free-
dom. But modern writers on economic history should havo the
true distinction always before their minds. Some of them, how-
ever, we think fail in this respect.

In order to demonstrate this wo must speak of a change
which, in the later Middle Ages, took place in the nianorial
economy. Tho land belonging to each landlonl had always been
divided into two parts, viz. „that part cultivated for tho im-
mediate benefit of tho lord, tho ^ncsnc or inland, and that
held of him by tenants, tho land in cillenagc" *). Those tenants
wero not, however, froo tenants, but villeins bound to tho soil
and obliged to work on tho demesne. „Tho wholo of tho land
of the manor, both demesme and villcnago, was cultivato«! on
an elaborate system of joint lalniur. Tho only permanent la-
bourers upon the demesne itself woro a fow slaves; all or
almost all tho lab<»ur thoro necessary was furnished by tho
villeins and cotters, as tho o<»ndition on which thoy hold their
holdingH, and under the supervision of tho lortl\'s ImililT\'. Tho
labour dues of tho villeins oonsistinl of tceck trork, i. o. a man\'s
labour for two or three days a week throughout tho y«»nr,
prccariac, i. o. additional labour nt ploughing and nt hnrv(*st
time, and miscollanoous services \').

But in tho course of timo money payments wero largely
substitute«] for tluwo lalmur durs. Commutation of tho trrrk
toork wont on extensively shortly after tho Norman Conquest,
and commutation of tho whole of tho servlwn occun« occani-
onally an oarly as 1241). „With tho reign of j:dwanl II com-

pleto commutation became general" The cultivators had now
to pay money to the lord instead of working on tho demesne.

Tiiough the change occurred at a time when personal serf-
dom was gradually declining, it is easy to see that this com-
mutation is not identical with the transition from serfdom to
freedom. A free tenant may by contract take upon himself to
perform somo kind of work for tho landlord. This was tho case
in England where „tho rendering of services reappeared in tho
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, not as tho incidents of
villanage, but as a form of agroement which proved more or
less convenient to ono party and perhaps to both"On tho
other hand, it is quite possible that a cultivator who pays
nionoy instead of rendering Borvices, is yet bound to tho soil
nnd devoid of personal freedom. Ashley, speaking of tho 13t«i
century, states that most of tho cultivators ,had continuctl 1«
hold by servilo tenure, as villeins or cust<imary tenants, even
^\'hcn ihey had commulwl all or most of their serviws....
There can bo no doubt that.... they wore bound to tho soil;
in tho sense, at any rate, that tho lonl would demand a heavy
fine before he would give ono of thom permission t«) leiivo
tho manor"»).

Now, though none of our writers on economic history ex-
plicitly say that theso tw«» things, tho commutation of labour
\'luw for money and the transition fnim serfdom to friKnlom,
»fe identical, wo think somo of then» do not sufficiently keep
in viow tho dilTeronoe existing between tho two. Thus only
cnn wo account for the prevalent? of a theory which siHsms
^ bo becoming tho current modo of explaining tho fall of serf-
nnd rise of freedom.

This theory has been inlnHluc4Hl by a German wrilt»r, I\'rof.
Hildebrand. Ho distinguishes throe stages of wonomic deve-
lopment: natural economy, money economy, and credit economy.
In the system of natural economy goods are oxclmngod directly

for goods; when money economy prevails use is made of a
means of exchange, money; and when credit economy has
been developed goods are exchanged for a promise in tho f^uturo
to give back the same or a like value, i. e. on credit. Every
nation begins with natural economy, for the use of money
as a means of exchange supposes an abundance of labour or
products of labour which enables people to procure the precious
metals. As long as natural economy prevails capital does not
exist; tho soil and human labour aro tho only productive
agencies. There aro, therefore, two classes of people only;
labourers and landowners. Sometimes every landowner is at
the same time a labourer; in such cases democracy prevails.
But it often occurs that labourers and landowners form sepa-
rate classcs. Theso are then mutually dependent on each
other; for tho labourer wants a hindlord to givo him employ-
ment and so enable him to earn his subsistence, and tho
landlord wants labourers to cultivate his lands. This inter-
dependence effects that tho relations existing between tho two
classcs assume a durable character. The labour contracts ore
made to last for tho lifo of tho labourer or even become
hereditary. The bbourer is bound to tho noil and forbidden
to leave tho manor. >

As soon aa money economy exists capital arises and takes its
pbico as tho third factor of pnnluction. Tho owning clanseii
oumpriso now both capitalists and landlords. The labourttr has
no longer to apply to the landlord for employment, but can
Icavo him and work for tho oapitalist; ho is thcreforo no
longer nstricted to tho «oil. Tho wage« ho rcceivos fn)m tho
capitalist are paid in the form of money, and «0 tho labourer
1« much freer than before, for thi« money can bo tunuKl to
variou« pur(>o«(*fl. .Moreover, capital (a« opposed to land) can
bo augment«^ to any extent, and this enable« tho labourer to
bccomo a capitalist himself.

Tho po«ition of tho labourers who remain on tho land al«o
undergoc« a change. Tho landlord who bring« tho agricultural
produce to the market can pay wages in money and therefore
hire ablo and dismi«« incompotont labourer«. His bind«, worked

with free labourers who servo for wages, yield him a far
greater income than formerly when thoy were cultivated by
serfs. Moreover, the fixed labour dues of the serfs do not
answer the purposes of an improved economy. It is thus tho
interest of tho landlord to put an end to his fixed and here-
ditary contracts and loosen tho tics with which natural economy
bad bound tho agricultural labourer. Tho dues in kind and
services aro commuted for money payments. Tho labourer,
who was a serf, becomes now either a free peasant or a free
servant and day-wago worker who is no longer astrictcd to
tbo soil, but can Icavo his employer whenovcr ho likes and
8ook such work as most Jigrees with his capacity and in-
oppression clination.

On the other hand, tho employers havo becomo independent
the labourers. In the system of natural economy the land-
lord took caro not to lose his labourers, whom ho wanted to
cultivate his land; but now landlonls and capitalists can
always get as many labourers as thoy liko and dismiss them
as soon as thoy aro no longer of any use. This loads to an
Oppression of tho jKHir by tho rich \').

This is Ilildebrand\'s theory, so far lut tho ctmdition of tho
labouring claMses is ooncornod. Natunil economy, according toi
hiin, loads to serfdom, money economy leads t(t friHulom. * \\

It Would bo niuoh better not to sj^ak of „natural i»cononiy"
"nti »money oot)nomy"; for thoso terms aro likely U) K^d t«» i
\'niHundenitiuiding. Tho moro existence of money is of com-
iMiratively littlo consequence. A circulating n>edium arises as
"oon as it id wantinl; and whero the precious metals aro
unknown something olso will do, »is in .Melanesia and anumg
many Negro tribes, whero shells aro used for nionoy. Tho
«xistonco uf a circulating n»o<lium denotes a development of
commerce; for barter on any extensive scale is hanlly pos-
««bio. Thoreforo wo hud bettor spo<»k of self-suflicing and
Commercial communities. As long as each village is practically |

self-dependent money is not wanted; but as soon as tho inter-
change of commodities takes any considerable dimensions tho
need for a means of exchange becomes pressing. And there
is, indeed, a great difference in social structure between self-
sufficing and commercial communities\'); but if we ascribe
this difference to the existence of gold and silver coins we
arrive at false conclusions. A proof of this is the fact that
Hildebrand thinks capital can only exist when there is money.
Yet we know that the Germans have kept cattle from early
times, long before money economy prevailed; and cattle arc
decidedly to bo called capital; they cannot bo classified under
either of tho only two means of production which, according
to Hildebrand, exist in a system of natural economy: land
and human hibour; and in our Chapter on pastoml tribes wo
have seen that cattle-keepers form strongly marked capitalistic
communities.

But oven if wo speak of self-dependent and commercial com-
munities, we cannot admit that in tho former labour must
necessarily be servile and in tho latter free.

First. How can natural economy, i. e. tho absence of commerce,
lead to serfdom? Hildebrand says: landlords and labourers nro
mutually dependent on each other, and so their relations lutsume
a durable character, and the labourer is ostrictcil to tho soil.
Wo think his meaning is thu following. In sclf-suflicing com-
munities tho Huidity of labour which exints in modem society,
is wanting. In such oountries thoro can bo famine in ono
district, whilst in a contiguous district thoro is plenty of AmmI ;
similarly labour cjin bo scarce in one place whilst it is abund-
ant in a neighbouring place. Thoreforo a landlord cannot affonl
to let his labourers leave thu manor; for ns there is littlo
intercourso between tho different villagos and district« it i«
difficult for him tu procuro othor labourer«. It i« thu« moat

1) AlMolut« feirHnifiioionoy doc« not «ppMr to osUt iinywbora, not «van
lunong ««Yagtj tribe«, m« abovo, p. IVi. Hut thoro oortainly U « ffrmt
diflcrvDOO botwtwn tho»o ouuntriM which got thoir chief nconMAric« dirwUy
bj their own labonr, and Ibote which pn^noo nuUoly fur oxport

convenient for him to hind his lahourera to tho soil and forbid
them to leave him.

This may at first sight seem a reasonable explanation of
tlie origin of serfdom. But on closer scrutiny it wil be seen
tliat this argument does not hold. When there is little inter-
course, each landlord is dependent on tho labourers of his own
district; and there must bo a great stability in tho relations
of tho two classcs. But this need not bring about an astriction
of the labourers to the soil. Tho landlord ainnot easily procure
labourers from other districts; but it is oven moro diflieult
for tho labourers to find employment in foreign imrts; for
such intercourse as there is, in kept by tho ruling, not by
the labouring classes. Therefore it is not necessary to bind
the labourers to tho soil; for thoy aro already naturally de-
pendent on the landlords of their own district. We think
slavery and serfdom can only Im» nccounte<l for by a goneral
scarcity of lalK)ur. When labour is every where scarce a
labourer who leaves his employer cjin evcrywhert^ find em-
ployment, whereas an employer ciinnot easily procure labottr-
it is then tho interest of tho employer to prevent his la-
bourers from leaving him. But tho mere hick of intercourse
limits tho labourer in his choice of employment oven moro
than it limits tho employer in his choice of labourers.

Nor do tho facts agri»o with this theory. We have setM»
that anumg pastoral tribes free labourers aro frequently found,
though labour is by no mwins fluid and tho lab«)urers are
P«id in kind, not in money. Among tho natives of Hawaii, who
lived under a system of natural economy, labour was also
ffee. The |)assago in which Kllis describes tho relation between
landlonls and cultivators hiis already been quoted by us, but

it is remarkable enough to repeat hore. „Sometimes tho iMH)r
people tike a piece of land, on condition of cultivating a
given portion for tho chief, and the wmmlnder for themselves,
making a fresh agreement after every crop. In addition lo
the alx)vo demands, the common people are in general obligetl
to labour, if nvjulretl, part of two days out of seven, in cul-
tivating farms, building houses, etc. for thoir landlord. A timo

is usually appointed for receiving the rent, when the people
repair to the governor\'s with what they have to pay. If the
required amount is furnished, they return, and, as they call
it {homo hou) enter again on their land. But if unable to pay
the required sum, and their kndlords are dissatisfied with the
presents they have received, or think the tenants have neglected
their farm, they are forbidden to return, and the land is
offered to another. When, however, the produce brought is
nearly equal to the required rent, and the chiefs think tho
occupants have exerted themselves to procure it, they remit
the deficiency, and allow them to return"\'). These cultivators
are by no means astrictcd to tho soil. They make a fresh
agreement after every crop. If the produce brought is insuf-
ficient, they are either removed or by way of favour allowed
to return

Our conclusion is that, though in medieval Western Europe
serfdom and natural economy existed nt tho same time, the
former is not a necessary consequence of the latter.

Secondly. Does money economy, i. o. commerce, always load
to freedom P Wo know now that serfdom is not invariably con-
nected with natural economy. Yet it might bo thnt, wherever
both natural economy nnd serfdom exist (as it was tho caao
in tho early Middle Ages) the riao of money economy alwaya
bought serfdom to a close.

The argument by which Ilildebrand attempta to provo thia
ia rather atrango. The development of town lifo and manufac-
turoa, according to him, enable« tho labourera to find omploy-
ment in manufacturch; they are now no longer dependent on
the landlords. Tho manufacturing cnpitaliata pay them monoy-
wagea which they am spend in whatever way thoy like, and
so they bocomo moro fret» thon thoy woro before.

i) Among many liunUini, fi»honi anil hunting !igricalturi»u\'»lav{<ry and
»orrdom «ru ali» wanting, liut among thoM thoro aro no lubpuring ohuM<<«
(m opptwcd to owning oUmm) at all, whether froo or oibrrwiw. Only tbo
K«kiroo« hjiTO frM lerTiuitai.

We think this argument is quite insufficient. Tho labourers
find employment in manufactures, says Hildebrand. But ho had
told us before that they were astricted to the soil. What en-
ables them now to leave tho landlords? Further: why do not
the town labourers become slaves or serfs? Here Hildebrand\'s
reasoning is very strange. They recoivo money-wages which
they can spend in whatever way thoy like. Now one who re-
ceives money with which ho can buy all kinds of commodities
is in a certain sense moro free than one who, under a system
of natural economy, receives bread and meat which he cannot
soil. But this has nothing to do with tho legal status of the
labourer. A slavo who receives p\'Mjket-money from his master
is free to buy with it what ho likes, yet he remains a slave.

But tho condition of thoso of tho labouring classos who re-
»nain on the land also undergoes a change, ncconling to Hilde-
brand. Tho landlord can now stdl tho produce of his land for
money, and this money enables him to hire freo labourers.

We cannot soo why this should bo so, why tho mere pos-
sibility of paying money-wages (all other circumatjincos having
remained the same) should lead to free labour contracts. We
»hould rather think that tho iilllux of labour»>r« to the towns
which Hildebrand speaks would make ngricultuml labour
scarce, and each landlonl would Imj most anxious to retain
thoso labourers that had not yet escaped to tho towns; thoy
^ould now, mon) than ever befon», bo astricted to tho soil.

Hildebrand, however, thinks it will bo tho interest of the
landlord t«» put an end to tho hereditary tenures of his serfs and
)vork his lands with fn\'o labours. And ho adds that tho dues
in kind and services are commutwl for money paynients. Tho
cultivator who was a serf becomes now either a freo landholder
Of a free labourer.

Whether H. mwins to wiy that tho commutation of dues in
l^ind and sprvices for money payments is identical with tho
tfansition from serfdom to frctslom, dw« not clearly appojir.

Wo think that tho regarding of this conunut^Uion ns the
main fact in tho economic hisUjry of tho laU»r .Middio Ages
lies at tho root of tho uvil and has given rise to this theory.

Money economy, according to H., leads to commutation, and
commutation is the same as, or at any rate leads to, the dis-
appearance of serfdom.

What does this commutation mean? Formerly the peasants
had to work on the demesne which was cultivated for the im-
mediate benefit of the lord; in later times they paid money
instead. What was the reason of this change? It must have
been that the demesne was cultivated in somo other way so
that their services were no longer wanted. Sometimes free
labourers were employed. „It is evident" says Ashley „that
tho lord would not have consented, first to partial and then
to complete commutation, had he not been able to hire la-
bourers" \'). But tho main reason was that portions of the
demesne wero let for rents. „If tho lord found it his interest
to let portions of tho demcsno instead of cultivating it through
his bailiff or reeve, his need for tho services of tho villeins
would bo pro tanio diminished, and ho would bo readier to
accept commutation" •). Tho samo was tho caso in Germany,
where between the IQth and 13th centuries the oxtont of the land
which tho landlords kept in their own hands was continually
diminishing, so that there was less and loss uso for the services
of the villeins, and commutation t<Kik placo on a great scale.
Tho landlords, who formerly had taken tho lead of agricul-
tural operations, became now mere receivers of rent").

Now wo must admit that ctnnmutation of labour dues for
money payments was not p<>ssiblo before money was used. Yet
tho fact that commutation of services for payments in kind,
which does not suppose money economy, also occurnMl *), nhows
that the rise of money economy cannot havo been tho solo
causo of this change. Wo may oven go farther and say: if it
hafl been a cause at all, it has not certainly been ono nf tho
principal causcs. Tho commutation of tho labour dues means

that the demesne waa thenceforth either worked with free
labourers or let for rent. The existence of a class of freemen
dependent on wages cannot, however, be accounted for by
money economy. Nor can we see how money economy can
have led to tho letting of tho demesnea which the landlords
had formerly kept in their own hands. Ochenkowski supposes
that in England, after the Norman Conquest, the need of the
landlords for money led to commutationBut there is no
reason why the landlords could not, instead of receiving money
payments, obtain money by selling tho produce of their lands.
As long as thoro was no market for agricultural products tho
landlord, whether he himself had tho lead of agricultural opera-
tions or let the demesne on condition of receiving a payment
in kind, could not obtain money. As soon aa there was a
niarkot he could make money in three ways: by working tho
demeano himaelf and aelling tho produce, by letting itoncon-
«lition of receiving part of tho pnaluco, which ho could bring \\
t« the market •), and by letting it for a rent in money. Money
economy soema to havo had littlo to do with tho connuu-
tation. \'—\'

Hildebrand\'s theory ia: money economy let! to comnnitation
ttnd commutation led to froo<lom. We hovo seen thnt the first
half of this doea not hold. What alxmt the second holfP Can
the commutation hovo hMiaontxl tho tiea which bound the cul-
tivator to the aoilP Wo think not. For if tho landlonl cotihl
\'\'"t let the villein who workwl on the domoano loovo the manor,
becauHo ho woa difficult to replace, ho had exactly the aomo
ffioson for keeping tho villein who paid money oatrictod io tho
"nil. Tho uao of money and the riae of commerce hod not
«»"gmonted tho number of agricultural labtmrera; they hod evon
<lecreaaod, oa many of then» had gone to the U>wna. And it
woa oven more dinicult to n\'ploee tho monoy-poying than tho
Inbouring villein; for tho former had to bo a fit person who

2) Thi» WM Jono on a Urg«« wwla by Iho Oomun UmllonU towanU tho
Ottd of tho Middle Ago., «oo In^nmoitornngg, III IVrl 1 p.

could conduct his business well enough to be able at tho end
of the year to furnish the required sum, whereas any able-bo-
. died man could perform agricultural labour under the super-
vision of the lord\'s bailiff. Our conclusion is that money
economy did not lead to commutation, and that commutation
did not lead to freedom.

Yet money economy, taken in the senso of town life and
commerce, did sometimes affect tho condition of the rural clas-
ses. Such was the case in Italy where, in the 13th century,
tho wealthy commercial cities took an active |)art in tho eman-
cipation of the serfs. Florence especially strongly encouraged
their enfranchisement. In 1257 this city even went so far as
to set free all the serfs in tho surrounding country, indemni-
fying the lords. The city government pretended to act from
Christian and philanthropic motives. „But" adds our informant
„though the city governments of Central Italy wero tho first
to pronounce themselves in favor of tho personal freedom of
the pcasiints, thoy by no means countenanced tho idea of leading
the land to those who had held it for w-nturics. On tho con-
trary, tho citizens endeavour to acquire landed properties, and
when thoy havo got them they put an end to tho hereditary te-
nures and replace thom by tenancies." Many of tho former
serfs had to leave tho lands of their ancestors and augmcnte<l
tho number of proletarians in tho towns. Thoy were replaced
by leaseholders >).

Tho disappcaranco of serfdom was thus accelerated by tho
measures of the Italian cities. How much of sentimont there
was ID theso measures, and how much of self-interest, we do
not know. But at any rate serfdom must already have bium
drawing to an end before tho oitu»s m(><ldlc<I with it. For n firmly
established system that discharges an important economic
function is not uprooted by moro sentiment. And so far as tho
self-interest of the citizens induce<l them to rcplaoo the serfs
by free tenants, the latter system must havo been economically
moro useful than tho former, which was probably only kept

up by the landlords because thoy were accustomed to it. Times
had changed and the old system of cultivation had become
obsolete; and the citizens of tho towns, whom no personal
relation bound to tho serfs, expelled them and let the land to
freo tenants. Before their intervention there must already havo
been at work an internal cause, which effected that cultivation
by serfs was no longer the most profitable mode of managing
landed properties.

Wo do not moan to say that thoro was no internal connec-
tion botween tho transition from serfdom to freedom and tho
-simultaneous riso of town lifo, commorco and manufactures.
Wo think there was such a connection. But wo cannot ogreo
with tho theory that tho disappearance of serftiom was a
- consequence of the commercial development of Western Europe.
It seems to us that the rise of commerce was not the cause
"f tho decline of serfdom, but that both woro ofTects of tho
principal cause, tho relative scarcity of land which made
itself felt towards tho end of tho Middle Ages. As soon as j
people had to shifTt on a limited area tho uso of commerce, !
which enables wich district to produce what it is most fit to,
•^\'\'d so enhances tho pnMluctivone«« of labour, became moro
\'Apparent than it had been nt a time when there was plenty
land \'). Such is our impression; hut wo have not inves-
^ig«»ted the matter, and are not certain that our view in »»rroct.

Hildebrand\'« theory has been nccoptetl by somo writers on
eoonomlo history. Ochcnkow«ki repeatedly asuerts that tho
change in tho condition of tho rural population was the elTiHJt of
\'"\'»ney ec<momy. Inoma-Sternegg, in one |wirtsjigo of hi« excellent
b<><>k on the pe<»nonM0 hintory of Oermony, cxprcsse« tho
\'»pinion that in tho early Middio Age« natural eoonomy, de-
fine<l by him as the abHonco of regular commercial inter.
Course, made astriction of Ihe labourer« to the soil necessary.
1 r*»f. Cunningham, in a recently published littlo book, ascribes

\') Aoooraing ki IniMnii..St4\'rn««f{^ (I p. Jn tlio Mi.l(tlo Arwi Incrtvuw
I\'opuUliun, fiH|ulrlnff an oxU\'iitlon of tho m«»«n« of iuWiUcnoo, 1<m1 to
«no Hm of town« and mitnufiioturM.

the changes which in the history of ancient Greece and Rome
took placc in the status of the labouring classes to the pre-
Talence of natural economy and money economy respectively
But none of these writers give any new argument in favour
of the theory.

r Our conclusion is that the rise of money economy was not the
: cause of the disappearance of serfdom. We shall inquire now
j whether Loria\'s theory, with which wo agree, can further our
_^understanding of the economic history of England and Germany.

Of land tenure in England before tho IPh centur}\' wo do
not know very much \').

The first dctaile<i account of tho economic condition of tho
country is contained in Domesday Book, in which William of
Normandy embodied tho results of an inquiry into tho stato
of the kingdom ho had secured.

„When Domesday Survey was compiled" says Cunningham,
„every yard of English soil was an really, if not as definitely,
subject to proprietary rights as it is now" Wo do not,
however, think that much importance has to bo attiiche<l to
this statement; for thero was still much uncultivattnl land
and, though the king claimoil a right of property over this
land, it was not yet held as pro|M<rty in tho strict senso of
tho word, which means that all except tho owner are oxcludinl

l> Soo Oohonkowtki, pp. 11, 15. 21; Innnm-Sli\'mMjnj, I pp. 230. 237;
Cunninffham, Wi^u-rn r.l»IIIjuition, pp. 73, 74, IV», lOH, IW. A(vorcUn»f to
Miirx (Vol. Ill lUrt II pp. :i32. 333) tho «ub*ii(iitinn of monoy {MiymonU
for duo« in kind nt<cowMirily loud« to froo contrartu botwoon UndlonU nnd
cultivai« ra.

(irupp (//oilachrift fOr Kulturffonobiohto, IV p. 242) aaaorta that tho riM
of tnunoj coonomy oaaao«! tbo traniitian from idaverj to wrfda;n. Wo »halt
not diicuat thia point, aa it it not dirootly oonnwtod with tho «ubjert of
tbii paragraph.

from its use. This appears from what took place in 1305,
under Edward I. „By an adjustment of boundaries considerable
portions of the Crown forest wero given over to certain barons,
who gained personally; but tho position of the tenants was
so much altered for the worse that their case obtained special
attention in tho Ordimnce of the Forest, by which their rights
of pasture and common wero secured"\'). Wo see that theso
Crown forests had been open to tho use of the peasants, so that
practically there was still free land. And in this time of
extensive tillage tho common pasture played a great part in
the rural economy a).

Acconlingly, rent in tho modern senso did not yet exist.
The landlords hud abundance of land; but the land was worth
iittlo if it was not provided with people to cultivate it. ,The
«•ent of tho proprietor now is directly connected with Iho
physical character of his estate, its productiveness and its
situation. The incomo of the lonl of a Domesday Manor
«lependeil on the tolls ho received, and tho payments of his
dependents; and thus was based on tho way in which his
•\'«talcs wero stocked with nieal and men, rather than on the
physical condition of the land. His incomo was a very dif-
forent thing fnmi modern rent""). Even in later centuries ,a
fertile osteite would havo yielded but lilllc annual income,
unless tho necessary labour w«is altached to it" *).

In this time tho whole of Central England was coverwl
with manors, and Ihe mass of tho rural population consistwl
"f two classes: landlords and villeins; Iho latter were not all
"f tho samo condillon, bul none of Ihem onjoye<l entire per-
sonal freedom *). Of those cultivators who aro dMcribed as
freemen and socmcn somo could .sell iheir lands without leave
a«ke<l or given, but others could only do so on obtaining

licence from the lord" \'). Finally there were somo slaves
Every freeman was a landholder, therefore there was no class
of free labourers. „The labourer, as a man who depended on
some employer for the opportunity and means of doing his
work, seems to have been almost unknown in tho eleventh
century"

All this agrees with our theory. All land had not yet
practically been appropriated; therefore people could not be
got to cultivate tho land for the benefit of tho landlords,
unless they were deprived of personal freedom.

During the two following centuries population increased and
land became moro scarce. In the I3tb century somo lords
already began to inclose portions of tho waste, which had
always been used for common pasturage, and „it was necessary
to limit by the statute of Morton, in 1236, the lonPs „right
of approver" or improvement, by the condition that he should
not take away so much as not to leavo enough for tho pur-
pose of pasture"«)- Forests wero often fenced off and tho rigllts
of common pasture restricted *). Wo havo already mentionjnl
an instance in which tho condition of tho peitstints wan much
altered for tho worse by such measures.

Tho changes which, during tho same period, took place in
tho condition of tho rural closses, are grouped by Ashley
under four heads: „1. tho growth of a large class of friHs
tenants; 2. the commutation of tho wmsk work for uu)noy or
corn payments; 3. tho commutation of tho boon*days and
other special services; and 4. the appeuirance of a class of
men deiiendent wholly or in part on the wages thoy rticoivo«!
.for agricultural lalwur"\').

In a pa^sago quoted in tho last paragraph Ashley states that
most of tho „free tenants" woro villeins who had eommutod

1) Cunningbaro, l.o. pp. ir>B, 150.
3) Aabloy, I p. 17-. Cunningham, l.o. p. ICO.

their labour services for a money or corn payment, and had
been freed from tho more servile „incidents" of their position,
such as inability to sell a horse without the lord\'s consent
Hence it follows that personal freedom, i.e. tho right to leave |
the manor, was not regarded as characteristic of free tenure, i
Yet at the end of the ccntury every tenant was already
permitted to sell his lands or parts of them This transition
from personal to territorial obligations was certainly due to
the increase of population and consequent enhanced value of
land. In early times labour was scarco and therefore the
landlord could not let a cultivator leave tho manor. But now
land, or at lea^t some pieces of land, had already acquired so
much value that thoro were always people to bo found ready
to cultivate them on condition of paying ccrtain duos to
the lord.

Tho principal causo of tho commutation of labour dues for
mcmoy was that tho lord let portions of tho domesno instead
of cultivating it through his bailiff or reeve. Ho had now less
noed for the services of tho villeins; for theso servicits had
consisted mainly in working on tho demofno\'). This change
tho mode of cultivation was perhaps duo jwirtly lo political
circumstances (absence of tho lord at court or in war), as
Germany it certainly was. But we think thero were oco-
loniio causes also at work. In early times, when land wa«
abundant, it was necessary for tho lord to keop tho cultivators
lie wanted in personal subjection; ho thoreforo modo then»
Work in his presence and under tho supervision of his baililT.
l^ut now tho villeins had come to attach value t4) thoir hold-
ings, they were no longer inclined to run away, for it would
I\'avo boon difficult for then« to find land to livo upon. Tho
villein claimed an horoditary right to tho land ho cultivate«!,
and tho question as t<i whethor ho had any such right already
licgan to bo discussed by tho lawyers ♦).

At the beginning of the 14th century most of the cultivators
were still bound to the soil but the first germs of a tho-
rough change were already present. There wero freo tenants
who could sell their lands; tenancies at will already occurred,
though not frequently \'); and a class of free labourers arose.
In Qrossteste\'s rules, dating from 1240 or 1241, it is said that
servants and retainers „are to do what they are bid imme-
diately without any grumbling or contradiction; if they show
any such disloyal spirit they must be dismissed, for many can
be had to fill their places"\'). And there were also agricultural
labourers who, though holding small pieces of land, had not
enough land to live upon, and were partially dependent on
wages. Even where the peasants wero still obliged to cultivate
the demesne, they did not usually perform such work them-
selves, but hired labourers to do it; the usual phrase is that
they have to „find" a man for the work\').

Hero again our theory holds. Population had increased, land
became scarce, and the transition from serfdom to freedom
commenced. If tho population of England had continueil in-
creasing, most of tho villeins would probably havo become
freeholders or copyholders, whereas tho lands that tho lonls
had kept in their own hands would havo been lciuio<l. And
poor people who had neither land of their own nor capital
enough to bocomo farmers would have served for wages.

Hut an unexpected event entirely changc<l tho economic con-
dition of England. Tho Black Death, which made its first
appearance in 1349, swept away a largo part of tho population.
Whole villages wero practically annihilat4>d and largo tracts of
land wont out of tillage. The economic conKoquences were such
as wo should expect. „As ono imujodiato result there was
groat difficulty in getting labourers; the difficulty was aggra*
vatod in thoso cases whore tho tenants had died ufT and tho

lords wore Icfi; with largo holdings on their hands and no
means of working them; while they lost the predial services
of these deceased tenants on the home farm. There was con-
sequently an immensely increased demand for hired labourers
at tho very timo when their numbers were so much thinned,
and it seemed as if tho agriculture of tho country was com-
pletely ruined" \'). Land was now again abundant, and so „in-
stead of ousting tenants, lords of land found it hard enough
to retain them even with lightened services" 3). And the natu-
ral conscquenco was that tho landlords attempted to re-attach
tenants and labourers to tho soil. Whether, as Prof. Thorold
Rogers asserts, tho customary tenants, who had commuted their
labour dues for money, wero forced back into the servilo posi-
tion of thoir ancestors, is not certain 3). At any rate „wo may
gwnt that, now that labour had become so costly, the lonls
would insist on tho exact performance of suoh labour dues as
had not yot been commutwl, and on tho punctual payment of
nil money «»nts. Thoro is much reason to believe, moreover,
that they abused their power of imposing „amorcements" on
their tenants in tho manor courts for trivial brvaches of duty" *).
This sovcro and unaccustomed pressure on the villeins, who
Were becoming comfortable copyholders, resulted in Wat Tylor s
fovolt of 1381 »).

Nor wore tho labourors any longer allowed to dispose freely
of their labour power. ,While tho plague was actually niging
parliament could not moot, but a proclamation was at once
issued by tho king with tho advice of certiiiu prelates and
»oblos, of which tho preamble slates thai, „many seeing the
necessity of masters and great scjircily of sertants will not
servo unless thoy get excossivo wages", and that consoquonlly

CHnninglum, I. o. pp. XA, IVtl. On tho bUok IKvith uml iU 1\'ff.^t«
««« ttlw Thorold Uogons Work nnd Wi^p*, pp. &-120, nnd Tho Flconomio
InU.rproUtion of llUtory by Iho muuu sulhor, pp. 24 »q«!.

the land can be scarcely tilled. Everyone, free or villan, who
can work and has no other means of livelihood, is not to
refuse to do so for anyone who offers the accustomed wages;
each lord is to have the preference in hiring the men
on his own estate, but none is to have too many men for
his work; no labourer is to leave his employment before
the specified time; nor to receive more rations or wages
than he did in tho twentieth year of tho king and the com-
mon years before that; nono are to give or take more wages
in town or country"

The depopulation of this time caused a reappearance of freo
land, i. e. of land which had practically no value, and so agri-
cultural labourers were scarcely to bo had. Therefore tho lords
to somo extent reattached the cultivators to tho soil.

These measures, however, wero of littlo avail. It was not
easy to prevent an employer from secretly giving more than
tho statutory wages. Tho penalties for infraction of tho regu-
lation were rendered moro severe, tho fines being replaced by
imprisonment; yet tho whole legislation proved a failure\').

And even if tho statutes of labourers had been everywhere
enforced, „many landowners would havo been left in a position
of groat difficulty; if thero was no ono lo do tho work it did
not much matter what they were to bo paid, and in not a fow
villages scarcely any ono was left to carry on tho ordinary
agricultural operations." Therefore now expedients had to be
devised, of which tho most general appears to have boon the
stock* and land lca.se; „tho new tenant took tho land and tho
stock off tho lord\'s hands and made in return a definite annual
payment." Theso tenants „probabl)\'- sprang from the class of
free labourers, as tho surviving villans who already had their
own holdings, would not bo so eiuily able l4) offer for a portion
of tho domain land which tho lord desired to lot" •).

land. Tho land alono could not fetch a reasonable prico; stock
and land had to be leased together.

As these leaseholders were taken from the labouring class,
this measure, of course, still further diminished the supply of
labour.

All theso palliatives could not, indeed, better the position of
the landlords to any considerable extent. They had to wait for
an increase of population which would render tu the land tho
value that it had before tho Black Death. As, however, tho
plague recurred several times, the population appears to havo
scarcely increased

Tho landlords remained in this difficult position till about
I-ISO\'), when a new and very efficacious remedy wos suggestwl
to them: thoy applied a now mode of working their estiites,
which render^ them tho practical command over tho land.
Without need of a denser population. Tho extension of the wool
trndo nnd the dearth of labour made it far moro profitable to
Keep largo flocks of sheep than to grow corn. Consequently
\'nuch land was laid down in pasture; there was a steady in-
crease of shet\'p farming during the 15H« century and acorn»8-
Ponding decrease of corn gn)wing\').

In our Chapter un pastoral tribes it has been shown that the
c^\'re of flocks and herds does iu)t rt»quiro much labour. Wo
therefore, easily understand that after the rise of sheep
liirniing there wtis far loss need for agricultural labour than
"ofore. There had been scarcity of labour; now there was over-
j^\'pulatiun and nuuiy pooplo wore thwwn out of employment; \\
lor over-population exists, not only when thoro aro nu)re people
than the land am support, but when there aro moro people
yopendont on wages than can be profitably employed by tho
"wnors of land and capital. ^

Sheep farming was introduced in the first place on tho mano-
»lal demesnes, of which tho lords had tho free diHi>osal. Tho

J) Soo Ochonkowiki, p. 37.
*) ThU (Uto U givon hy Anhloy, II p. \'2M.
Cmmingham, l.o. p. 361.

demesne usually formed from one-third to a half of the whole
arable area of a manor. Since the labour services of tho vil-
leins had been commuted the tillage of the demesne had fur-
nished employment to many small tenants and landless cottagers
who, partly or entirely, depended on wages. The substitution
of pasture for tillage on the demesne, therefore, brought many
of them to ruin; for none but a few shepherds could thence-
forth be employed

But far graver evils resulted from tho appropriation by the
lords of the commons and tho land held by villeins or custo-
mary tenants.

The commons, i. e. the common pasture and waste, had
always been used jointly by tho lord and villeins. Whether the
latter had any legal right to them is not ccrtain; probably thoy
had not; but they had always been accustomed to havo tho
frco uso of them. Now tho lords began to inclose large parts
of theso commons for tho formation of sheep runs. Tho con-
sequenco was that many of tho customary tenants, who had
relied on tho commons for pasturing their cattlo, could no longer
keep tho cattlo necessary for tho cultivation of thoir holding.
Their farming became unprofitable, and thoy had to leave thoir
lands, which were instantly occupied by tho lords and laid
down in pasture\').

\' Even when tho cultivator had not loft his tenement, the
lord sometimes appropriated and „inclosod" it.

Tho inclosurcs which took placo, especially in the IGU« ccn-
tury, aro a fact of much importance in tho history of English
agriculture. Tho term „inclosuro" has two different moanings.
In medieval England tho lands of tho villeins, with thoso of
tho lord interspersiHl botwoen thom, lay scattered in a number
of acre or half-acro strips, no two strips held by ono man
being contiguous. This system, dating from a timo of oxton-
sivo tillage, fell short of tho oxigcncics of advanced culturo,
and had to bo removed before any improvement- in tho uknIo

of cultivation could bo made. Therefore inclosurea have often,
especially in the reign of Elizabeth, been made with tho
common consent of all the landholders concerned, the result
being that every tenant, instead of many scattered strips, ob-
tained one or a few fields lying together. „But in the earlier
part of tho same movement, during the period which may be ^
roughly defined as from 1450 to 1550, inclosure meant to a
large extent tho actual dispossession of tho customary tenants
by their manorial lords. This took place either in the form of
the violent ousting of tho sitting tenant, or of a refusal on tho
death of ono tenant to admit the son who in earlier centuries
would have been treated as his natural successor"\' \'). It was
this latter kind of inclosuro that was condemned by several
writers of tho 16th century, for instance by Hales, who by
inclosuro did not mean „where a man doth enclose and hedge
in his own proper grounds whore no man hath commons. For
Btich enclosure is very benificial to tho commonwealth; it is a
cause of great encrcaso of wood ; but it is meant thereby when
nt>y man hath taken away and enclosed any other men\'s com-
\'nens, or hath pulled down houses of husbandry and converted
the lands from tillage to pasture"«).

Ashley, discussing the question as to whether tho lords had
^ right to turn out tho villeins, arrives at tho wmclusion that
»during historical times and until comparatively mo<lern days,
the cultivators of the soil wore always in a condition of de-
pendence, and held their lands at tho arbitrary will of their
i<»nls. For centuries the lord know no other way of getting his
innd cultivated, and had no wish to got rid of a tenant; when-
ever ho did so, it was altogether exceptional. But with tho
tendency to limitation and definition so characteristic of tho
feudal period, custom tende<l to harden into law, and It would
»eem to have been on tho point of becoming law when a change
in the economic situation, — tho increasing advantage of pasture
over tillage, — prompte<l tho lords to fall back on thoir old

i rights. Then followed a struggle between a legal tJieort/ hecom-
wg obsolete, but backed by the influence of tho landowners,
jn and a custom on its way to become law, backed by public sen-
if^timent and by the policy of tho government"\').

This is in perfect keeping with our theory. In former times
land was abundant, and therefore tho lord „had no wish to
get rid of a tenant," for he ,,knew no other way of getting
his land cultivated." But now sheep farming made appropriation
of the whole of tho land possible, and so the lord was no
longer in need of tho villeins; he even went so far as to evict
those whom his ancestors had attached to the soil. And oven
where tho cultivators remained on tho land, they often, and
not always voluntarily, became leaseholders instead of copy-
holders; and „in many cases a lease was but a stepping-stono
to tenure at will" *). Tho lords no longer contented themselves
with the customary payments; instead of villeins they wanted
leaseholders, whose rents they could raise at the end of each
^ term, according as tho value of tho land had increased. „Rents
were raised with great rapidity, m the tenant had to pay a
sum equivalent to tho utility of his holding as part of a largo
posture form."

Thero was also for less nec<I for agricultural labourers than
before. ,Tho decay of tillage and lock of rural employment,
during this contury," says Prof. Cunningham „rest on unim-
peachable evidence"*). In tho 14H» century „the problem of tho
unemployed, aj it now presents itself, Imd not yet arisen."
But the agrarian changes „doprivo<l groat numbers of the agri-
cultural labouring class, — small customary tenants and cot-
tagers, — of tho ujcons of supjwrt in their old places of abmle,
and sent them wandering over the country" *).

to tho rural economy of England a new and essentially modern
character: there were now leaseholders and tenants at will,
labouring poor and unemployed. And the ancient institution of
serfdom could not hold its own in tho presence of such thor-
ough changes. „Tho slow agricultural revolution which ren-
dered their services less useful to the manorial lords, gradually
set tho villans free by removing tho interest thoir masters had in
retaining a hold upon them." „In some instances the exaction
of predial services from villans by manorial lords can be traced
as late as tho timo of Elizabeth; but though no change was
made in tho law, tho lords seem to have found that it was
not worth their while to assert their rights over the persons
of their bondmen"»).

Thero were, howovor, many parts of England in which scar-
cely any inclosurcs took placo «). Hero the villeins remained on
their lands and gradually became copyholders. They wero still
bound to services, which, however, wero generally commuted
for Hmall money payments, to tho conditions of their tenure
Were annoying rather than oppressive. Moreover, thoir obli-
gations woro no longer personal, but territorial; thoy wero not
astrictod to tho soil. And as thoy had an hon»ditary right to
tbcir holdings, they differed but littlo from freeholders. The
»innocuous curiosities of copyhold," survivals of ancicnt serf-
dom, continued U) exist until far into tho present century«).

Our theory can thus bo of much uso in accounting for tho
changes which have t4iken placo in tho rural economy of
1^\'igland. As long as thero was still free land, i. o. land which,
though sometimes claimo<I by an owner, could not fetch any
roanonable price, tho cultivattirs wero astrict^ul to tho soil; but
soon as tho pro|>riotors had got tho practical command ovor
the wholo of tho land, many of the villeins wero ovicttnl and

8) Soo Oonnor, Artiolo „IlauomlK^frolung in GroMbriUnnlon" In Uxi*\'
"andwOrtorbucb, 2«4 odition, I pp. 391, 392.

replaced by leaseholders or tenants at will or became such
themselves; and the remainder became copyholders, i. e. pro-
prietors obliged to some services or payments without being
personally unfree.

We shall inquire now whether in Germany too the appro-
priation of the whole of the land coincided with the transition
from serfdom to freedom.

In the time of the Merovingians the greater part of tho
country was covered with forests and people relied on the
products of tho forests for a considerable portion of their sub-
sistence. Land was abundant, and oven tho cultivated land
had hanlly any exchange voluo\').

Much new land was, however, already being taken into
cultivation. Tho village communities, consisting of froo pea-
sants, as well as separate members of these communities, cleared
considerable portions of tho waste land lying round the vil-
lages. In tho 8th century somo communities already forbade
individuals to rcclaim land; but this was still of rare occur-
ronco; generally speaking tho waste could bo appropriated by
whoever chose to take it into cultivation •).

-The bulk of tho p<»pultttion conststo<l of frw peosants. Thero
wore two unfroo classes: shivos and lilc» (a kind of serfs);
but those wero not numerous\').

Tho froo peasant, though ho had plenty of lond, wos rather
poorly off; ho had no slaves and so could only dispose of
tho labour power of himsolf ond his family; ond in this
time of extensive tilUgo tbo produw» of cnch man\'s labour
was smoll *).

Great proprietors woro still rare. They workod thoir own
lands with shivos. Sometimos, however, thoy govo picco« of

land in uso, generally to slaves; for, says our informant, tho
free peasants did not like to take the land of the nobles
and so mako themselves dependent on them\'). And when
land was given in uso to freo peasants (especially by the
church) this was done on very advantageous terms, often at
a nominal rent\').

Land was thus abundant, slavery existed, and tenant farmers
and free labourers were absent.

In the Carolingian period tho clearing of forests went on con-
tinually. Some land was still reclaimed by freo peasants, but much
nioro by tho great proprietors who controlloti abundant labour
forces\'). Tho lords wero already beginning to cloim much uncul-
tivated land. the reclaiming of which they only allowed on
condition of tho cultivator subjecting himself t<» them. Thero
Was far less unappropriated land than in tho foregoing period, and
»Uch as thero wiw was claimetl by the king ♦). Yet we cannot
"pf^ak of an appropriation of the whole of the land; for we
know that a claim of tho king to large tracts of uninhabited!
\'•^nd is practically of littlo consequence. Acconlingly our in-
formant Stat«»« that land was still abundant. The free peasants
Wero already in a dillicult position, not, however, luvauso
land was scarce, but becauso they could not pn)vido the labour
"Pcessary to convert woods ond marshes into aroblo land»).

In thin period the free pe^uwints began to bo absorbixl by
th« grt,at pn)priot<>rs. Tho latter wnntwl labourers and did
their utmost t« astrict tho common frwmen t« their «»states,
•tony pooplo placo<l lhom«\'lve« under the protection of nobles;
\'»thers, being r(Hluce<I t<» jMiverty (i»s|MH5ially thniugh the insti-
tution of the locrgiM, and tho compulmiry military service
which interfen»«! with the cultivation of the land) fell into
\'0 hands of tho hmU; and somo wero straightway umdo «erfs
\'y riolenco. As tho landlonh had tho right of jurisdiction and

J) HiW., pp. 133. 14V
f \'bid., pp. 207-217.
J) [Wd.. pp. 240, 321, 37^)-3Sl.
\'»»id., pp. 382, 235, 230.

other public rights, they could easily subject the small land-
holders under some pretext or even without any. Former free
peasants, lites, and such slaves as had received a piece of
land in use, though designated by different names, camo to
form practically one class, the labouring as opposed to the
ruling class\'). A manorial organization aroso similar to that
which existed in England. There were some slaves for per-
sonal service and agricultural labour and a great number of
dependent peasants of various kinds, who had to cultivate tho
demesno of the lord and yield him part of the produco of
their own holdings\').

Our informant in several passages speaks of freemen destitute
of land \'). But theso people are not in any way to bo indent-
ified with the poor of modern times who depend on wages.
They wero generally foreigners who had no right« in any
village community; but tho lords woro always ready to rcceivo
them and give them a piece of land in uso on condition of
thoir rendering services nnd iwying tributes. Tho natural
increase of the labouring population and immigration of foreign
kbour did not yet causo any difliculty *).

Most of tho cultivators of this time had not the right of
leaving tho manors to which their holdings belunge<l\').

Wo seo that in this |>eriod thero was still much frco land;
slavery existed and serfdom was on tho incroaso; It^\'holders,
tenants at will and free lalxmrers woro wanting. All this agnnHi
with our theory.

In tho next period colonixation. and reclainitng of waste
land went on on a largo scale. But at tho samo timo tho ]h>-
pubtion increased and tho value of tho land increased with

4) Ibid., pp., 240, 241. 310, 356. Ktcn (n tbo McroTlnifljin period Ibor«
woro »Ircftdjr «uch pc«plo «ocording to him, too pp 122, 124, 103.

it. Lamprccht, speaking, ofthe 13th century, writes: „Colo-
nization and reclaiming of land had entirely changed the con-
dition of tho rural population betwoeu the 10th and the 13th
century. In tho timo of the Carolingians wood and land had
still been regarded as inexhaustible goods of the nation, like
the sun, air and water; but now tho limitations of the geo-
graphical basis of national existence appeared more and more
clearly. There had been an immense range of land to grow
food upon; but now the supply of land became limited, chiefly
nnd first on tho Uhino, in Suabia and Franconia, afterwards
in Saxony, and finally in Bavaria, the Tyrol, nnd Styria;
people had to shift on a limited area. Tho soil became, moro
than bef(»re, an object of economic value; its price kept con-
tinually increasing. In the 12th century, in somo prosperous
districts, land seoms to have attainiMl twelve times the value
it had in tho 0th; nnd even afterwards, down to tho second
half of the 13th century, an increase of about 50 per cent, is
to be observed. Tnking into consideration that land was still
regankHl, especially by the ruling classes, as the only basis
social and political influence (though already other sources
of lorgo incomes wore gradually arising), wo may understand
intense tho struggle for ihe possession of the soil must
hiivo been at this perhHl" \').

The right of the king lo unappropriated land was now
•\'ofiircjHl more strictly than before, ond the lonls began to
\'^\'nlm a right of pr.iprrty over tho commons surwunding the
villagos, which, however, wero ofien still left to Ihe use of
the j)eaHants •).

However, ihen? was no over-population as yet, Tho pn>pn-
did thoir Ix\'st to attract |)eoplo lo Iho vast newly eolo-
n««od dlstricls, cs|>eciaUy lo the eastern parts of (lermany\').

During tho whole of this periml the land lonls went on
■"hjugating the rural population, so that at tho ond of it tho

peasant proprietors, who had onco formed the bulk of the
population, had almost entirely disappeared, and most of the
land was taken up with the estates of the great proprietors

But the increase in the value of land already made itself
felt in the way in which the lords managed their estates. They
less and less frequently worked their own lands; their chiof
aim was no longer the disposal of tho labour of their depen-
dents, but the receiving of rent. Tho labour dues wero often
^commuted for money payments

Labour was not worth so much to the lords as it had been.
They sometimes emancipated their slaves, retaining the land
which they had given them in uso\').

At tho same time a class of free tenants arose. Lamprocht
remarks that while the value of land had considerably increa-
sodj the tributes which tho villeins had to pay had remained
unchanged for several centuries. In an economic sense tho land-
lords had been dispossessed of a large proportion of their pro-
perty in tho land. Therefore it wns not their interest to let
serfdom continue.

„At this time, cspcxjially since tho middle of tho 12th cen-
tury, the villeins and landlords of the most progressive dis-
tricts scttle<i their mutual relations by freo contract. Serfdom
was abolished, sometimes entirely, sometimes for tho greater
part, mimo formalities only subsisting. Tho former villein acqui-
red tho right to emigrate, and remained as a freo t4<nant on
tho land he had till then occupiod. Thus, by leasing his lands
for terms of years, and sometimes f(»r lifo or on hennlitary
tcnancy, the landlord got back the full rent of his property;
and this system, especially tho loano for yoors, nnoble<l him
to raise tho rent at the ond of oach term, according as tho
value of tho gniund had increase«! in tho moontimo"*).
Inama-Sternegg does not quite agreii with this view of

Lamprecht\'s. Even where the rent was higher than the for-
mer customary payment, he says, the leaseholder was free from
the labour dues and additional payments to which the vil-
lein had been bound, so tho transition from fixed payment to
rent did not always mean an enhancement of the obligation
of tho peasant\'). Yet this writer too states that tho leasing of
land became moro and more frequent. Thero wero free contracts
between proprietor and tenant, which did not interfere with the
personal liberty of the latter; even non-fulfilment of his obli-
gations by tho tenant had only pecuniary consequences

Wo cannot but think that tho reason given by Lamprecht
for the transition from servile to frco tenure is truo. For oven
when the original rent was not higher than tho former custo-
mary payment plus tho value of tho labour duos, tho possi-
bility of raising tho rent after each term remained.

We hoar of froo tenants in this periotl, but not yet of free
labourers. This is exactly what our theory teaches us to expect.
I^and, in somo |Nirts of Germany, had already acquired a high
^nluo; such land must have been very ronumorativo, and so
pooplo wero reatly to pay a rent fur its use, oven though thero
still land to be had gratis or at a nominal rent, but far
from the market and therefore less profitable. Hut tho country
Was not yet so densely piH)ple<l that thoro woro men who could
•iot »ocuro tho uso of any piece of land; therefore a class of
|Hx»plo dop<uident on w»»ges did not yet exist. \'

the 13«!« century much now land wass still tjiken intt»
cultivation, in Western as well jw Kastern Germany; but in
tho following centuries very littlo hind was addinl to thu aniblo
•^foa. Tho- wihkis, which had formerly bwMi n<gjinled as inex-
hauHtible, were no longer present in great abundance, and the
fulorH of tho German stales as well as tho landlords exerl45d
thoniHolvi«« to prworvo tho ronmindor and forbade tho peas<ints
^ clear them. From the middle of tho l lih century the««
prohihiiivo mo4isur(M Usjamo gonoml

As the population continued to increase, land became
scarce. In many parts of Southern and "Western Germany
the lords parcelled out their lands in small portions, and
farms of the size which had been customary for centuries
became rare

The rights of the peasants to the use of tho commons, on
which they had always relied for a considomble portion of
their subsistence, were now restricted, and the lords asserted
their claims to the commons moro strictly than before

Auother consequence of tho increase of population was that
cattle-keeping was no longer possible on such a largo scale as
formerly when tho common pasture occupied a great part of
tho land. At tho end of the Middio Ages thero was a scarcity
of meat, and people had to rely, moro than before, on vege-
table food 3).

The need of the landlords for tho services of tho peasants
went on diminishing. Thoy no longer worked thoir own estates;
nearly tho whole of thoir income consisted of the payments
in kind and in money which thoy received from their de-
pendents ♦).

In Lower Saxony and part of Westphalia the lords, as
early as tho 13t\'\' contury, emancipated considerable numbers
of villeins in their own interest. For tho villeins had gradu-
ally acquired somo right to their holdings, and tho landlords,
by setting thom free, got back tho free disposal of the land,
which they thenceforth let out to freo tenants *).

In the 14H« century tho lords began to turn out pejisants
{liaitcrnlegeii) and lease tho land of which they thus reacqui-
red tho freo disposal •).

Free tenancies became now general, ports of tho demesne,
OS well OS lands which hod been held in servile tenure, being

leased. The increased demand for land enabled the lords to le
small allotments at extravagant prices \').

Even where the customary tenures remained, the obligations
of tho peasants, which had boon personal, in many cases be-
came territorial, tho holder of tho land as such being subject
to payments. And tho conditions of this tenure were so little
servile that sometimes nobles and knights received such land
in use and took the obligations on themselves

The difference between farmers and agricultural labourers
now first camo into existence. Tho latter most often held a
small patch of land, but this was not sufficient to livo upon;
they depended on wages. Besides agricultural labourers thoro
were male and female servants for household labour. Tho regu-
lation of wages by law, which occurred especially after the
ravages of tho great plague, proves that in the southern and
western parts of Germany free labour had become general.
Such\'servile work as still remained was often dono by labourers I
hired by tho peasant to whoso duty the work fell, as in tho
case of tho English pwisant who „found" a man»).

All land was now held as property; consequently tho land
was more and mt)ro hold by free tenants and worked with
free labourers dependent on wages, whereas serfdom gradually
died out.

In tho 15th century, however, according to both Lamprccht
nnd Inama-Stornegg, serfdom ami oven slavery reappeared.

lamprccht, after speaking of tho raising of rents by the
hindlords, a<ld8: ,But moro disastwus in its consequences than
nil this was tho manner in which tho landlonls dealt with
the increasing surplus population of tho farms occupicd by
their vllhnns. Fonnerly younger sons of villeins, as well as /
children of free parents, had removed to tho woods for tho
pnriwso of clearing thom; and it wjw with their help that

, IblJ., pp. «Kw-aos, 408 210, 545, STil, 5.V., STiO, 5771 Ijunprecht,
■ o. p. 84.

the landlords had in the course of the 12tli and 13th centuries
extended their landed properties. In later times such younger
sons liad often gone to the towns or the newly colonized
districts of Eastern Germany. Now there was a stagnation
among them as well as among the small remainder of the
free population. There remained no other alternative but to
divide the farms of the villeins. But the interest of the land-
lord waa opposed to this. He had no security of receiving
rent and services from farms parcelled out into small allotments.
Therefore he did not, as a rule, divide the farms into more
than four parts; and those of the servile population who could
not secure the use of such a small holding were regarded as
slaves. This phenomenon, tho origin of which went back to
tho first half of the 12th century, had till then been almost
entirely foreign to the development of Germany. Together
with a rural proletariat destitute of nearly everything, a real
slavery came now for tho first time into oxistonco on German
ground.... And this now slave class went on continually
increasing; in tho first half of tho 15th century they aln>ady
formed a considerable number, about whoso fate patriots wero
very uneasy .... Nor did the ovil atop here. Tho term alnvory,
used first with regard to villeins who occupio<l no farm, was
soon applied to all villeins, in order to tax them moro and
moro heavily and dispute their righb of auccfHaling to the
farms of their parents, which had boon established at least
since tho end of tho 12th century. Finally tho hindlonls camo
to regard oven froo tenants as slaves and slavery as the only
atatus of the rural [nipulation*\' \').

Wo can cosily understand thot the lords dosignato<i theao
prolotariona by the moat oontemptuoua name thoy could dcviae.
Hut wore thoy roally ahivosP A slovo, aa «»pjMwed to o froo
bbourer, is not allowed to leave his moater. Now it is ro-
morkoblo thot Inomo-Stemegg, deacribing tho condition of tho
rural population in tho different atatea of Gornmny, though
be atutos that in tho nowly oolonixod coatcm |)arta of Qcr*

many the peasants, who had been free, were restricted in
their right of leaving their lords, mentions no such parti-
culars of Western GermanyAnd tho chief aim of tho
peasants, in their revolts at tho end of tho 15th century, was |
not to acquire personal freedom, but to retain the use of tho |
commons, which the lords were appropriating^. {■

Tho peasants were, indeed, obliged to more services in tho
15th than in tho 13th and 14th centuries. But wo cannot
regard this as a mark of returning serfdom or slavery; for
Inama-Sternegg explicitly states that the greater oppression
of tho rural classes in tho ISH" ccntury was chiefly duo to
the increase of »the services required by tho rulers of tho
soverol German States. Tho services exacted by tho landlonls
hnd rather diminished\').

Tho same -writer, recapitulating his conclusions as to tho con-
dition of tho rural population at the end of tho Middle Ages,
^ginn by saying that tho cultivator«, who formerly had had
•^n hcnnlitary right to tho land on condition of paying a fixed
"nm, were now far moro heavily taxed and had littlo security
"f remaining on tho land ♦). Wo think that this is what tho
"tatonumtj« of our writers about tho reappearancHJ of slavery
\'ncan. The cultivators wero not slaves, but im|m)verishe«l and
doepiHwl tenants nt will and agricultural labourers.

any rate, if thoro wns slavery, it was of short duration;
for in tho inih century eviction of jMuisanU, which is tho
•^verm, of astriction to tho soil, bocamo of frequent occurence.
Ashley, who has consullwl s<mio of tho best litemturo, states
,tho Bavarian code t»f 1518 laid down that tho piwuint
nnd no here<litnry right to his holding, and not oven a lifo
•ntorwit unlesN ho oould show somo documentary ovidenco. In
•"ccklenburg a decree of 1000 declared that the peasants wero
"ot ^nphjlniUu but cWoNf, whon» their lonis e<»uld com|>el to
up tho lands allolttnl U) them, and who could claim no

right of inheritance even when their ancestors had held the
land from time immemorial. In Holstein, again, a great num-
ber of tho peasants were expelled from their holdings, and
such as remained became tenants at will"

Serfdom, in Southern and Western Germany, thus died out
towards the end of tho lliddlo Ages, at a time when popu-
hition had become numerous and land scarce.

The eastern parts of Germany had quite another agrarian
history. Hero serfdom was not common before tho IG\'li cen-
tury. From this time, however, and especially after tho Thirty
Years\' War, it became moro and more general. As this is quite
a separate history we shall not speak of it any further

Wo think the above remarks on England and the older parts
of Germany may sufficc to show that our theory can throw
somo light on tho ograrian history of Western Europe.

We are fully aware that tho condition of tho rural classes
must have been determined by many more circumstances of
greater aud lesser importance. But it seems to us that the

2) On the history of tho mml rUokn in FIttJitcm (icrronnj wo Knnpp,
Die Kauernbcfrciunf^.

It may bo of some interest t»> point out tho (frrnt rt»i»onibI»n«>o lM«lwpon
th\'j riso of Iloman eolonatut iin«l tho ri»« of ««rfilom in K*jili\'rn (Innnanj.
In both rountrioa mont of tho ix^oAnts wero originally frtnt (Welwr, l(flmi»ohi<
Apmrgwichichte, p. ; Knapp, I p. The UmlhmU, who formerly hml
pmuMxi most of their time aut«iilo their prop<\'rllo«, when thoy lo»t thoir
military function took thn cultivation of thnlr mitnom lnt4i thoir own hand«
(WtbtT, l.o. pp. 2W, \'214; Knnpp, I p. 37). Thuy twrn ««julrol rlghU of
juriiMllotion oTcr th« poaJuinU (Woljcr, l.o. p. 200; Knapp, I p. IG), and
lM>gan to compel thinii to work on tho domm»no (\\Vc|)or, 1.0. p. 214; Knapp,
I p. 40). Thn cultivaton lotit thu right of «•mlgmtliig (Wol>cr, I. o. pp.
2riC-2S8; Knapp, I p. 42) Kn-n tho /\'«iMrrn/fj^rn, 1.u. thu Joining of h
Itowuint\'« holding to tho deropune, ocrurrod In Home lu well m In liutorn
Ucrnuiny (Wcln-r, l.o. p. 247; Knap, I fP\' W). And It U niwtt romark-
ablo tlmt In both oountrlM thu rl«o of iK\'rfdom took pUr«^ nt an ndvanf^M
|icriod of their hUtory.

This proTon onoo moro Hint tho in!«titution« of difTi-nrnt oountrim nuiy
cIoMiIy rirn\'mblo iw.h other, uven In many deloll«, without thu onu oountry
having derived ItN Inntitutlon« from thu other. For oven thn Influonoo of
Human Uw cannot wrvu m an uxpUtution uf thi« n<w!DibUnoi>, m lUimau
law titkoN littlo notiou of coloimitu (NS\'obor, I.e. p. 259).

general cause of which wo havo spoken in these paragraphs
is second to no other in its operation

We havo said that among agricultural peoples slavery, as an^
industrial system, only exists where there is still free land; it
disappears as soon as all land has been appropriate«!. Wo havo
also seen that slavery does not prevail to any considerablo
extent where subsistence is dependent on capital Wo may
now combine theso two conclusions into this general rule:
slavery, as an ituiustrial system, is not likely to exist where
subsistence depauls on mtUerial resources which arc prcsciU in
limited quantity.

t) Wo tnntt aiimit that tho fsoU of Ilom«n sgnirian hinlory itocm to
«Usagnxi with our theory. In lUimo «Invory prorailml to n Inrgo extent at
« timo when the rcUtiro lUwrcUy of laml garo riuo to (ho ilifflouUio«about
tho yrr ptJtlicuM.

^\'o Mhall not attempt I«» wWo this question. Wo will only mnnlion our
|tnpmwion, on rwiding Wnbor\'s llSmisctu AgrtirnMhichtf, rl«. tlmt, ovon
tho timo of tho Kmplro, though iwrao Ian<l fo(«hc«l n high prioc, all «11»-
P\'^ihlo Unil hail not yet Ihh»« spproprlalwl, anil thorcforfi the want of
•crtllo Uhour rcmalnpd. At Uui beginning of tho Kmplro fr*» Ulwurfm
*oni Tory »oaroo, and oould only Iw got U» help tho landlonU In «owing
•nd nt har*,^t tiro« on condition of mcolvlng n protty connlderablo |>*rlof
the harTpni (Wobor, l.o. pp. O-\'W-SW). Under Augustus nnd Tlln\'rius Iho
Pfotnirlng of fnmi nbro««! Inxwrno very diflloult. nnd this I.hI U» kid-

»^I\'plng of mm by llin Undlonln (Ibid, p. 442). In thoNmndnry protlnw««,
®*"n In Utvr conturiiM, linrliarinn« wen« IroiwrUHl nnd Inxwrno colimi at-
U, Iho wil (Ibid., pp. 900).

proiH-r dwlinwl from tho beginning of tho Kmpiru (Moycr, Al-
»"rtum, p. 71). j,ui ih« exthni. who originally noom lo h«*o In^\'n froo t^mantis
Krailually n,„ ^j^hl of rorooTlng from tho manor they inhnbit^Hl (Wobor,

Tho roftdor will ffmomlior that Ihoro nro IrllK»* among whloh Und Is
•"«ndant, but mibwly run H*«» upon land and huronn Ubowr only: tho powio«-
" "f "iplUl U nnOf^Mary, and thodo dc^Ulutrtof mplul hatotoapply to tho
"wwcni for «.mployroont. Tho W InsUnoo UfumUhwl by Iho jwntonil tribo*.

««» bavn purpom.|y avoldml »picking of countri« in which all l.ind I»««
^pm nppnjprUUMl nntl «iplul nI«o play« a grout pnri, il 1« tho m*o In
«»«nurnotttring ruunlrloi of w.Hlom Kun»|w. Horo tho »truotur« of
U Yory oumplioalo.! «nd .llflloull U» dlnonUnglo. W« think, how-
that her« »Im Iho mmI IwporUnt fart 1« Iho apprtjprlaHon of Iho noil.

A tribe or nation cannot subsist without labour (though the
amount of labour required is sometimes small); but, besides
this, material resources are always necessary. The resources
which man uses to procure his subsistence are of two kinds:
gifts of nature, and products of human labour. The latter are
commonly termed capital; their supply is always limited. Most
of the former (air, water, the heat of the sun, etc.) exist in
unlimited quantity, i. e. there is so much of them that nobody
wants to appropriate them. Land is also a gift of nature,
and in some very thinly peopled countries, where there is
much more fertile ground than can be cultivated, it has not
any moro value than air and water. But as all land has not
the same properties, it soon comes to pass that the most fertile
and most favourably situated land is appropriated by some
men to the exclusion of others. This is tho origin of rent.
Finally, when the less valuable grounds have also been appro-
priated, free land no longer exists; there is no piece of land
but lias its defmito owner This last stato of things has social
consequences very simihir to those which exist where subsist-
ence depends on capihil. In both cases indispensable means uf
production aro in the hands of defmito persons; therefore a man
destitute either of land or of capital (according tis subsistence
depends on the former or the latter), cannot subsist independently
of the owners, but has to apply to them for employment. Mom-
over, in both cases moro than a limited quantity of labour am-
not bo profitiibly employed: the owner of capit^U, or of a limited
space of land, cannot derive any profit from employing more
than a certain number of labourers. Therefore in either

1) „Tho oarth, as wo Imvo alrcody soon, is not tho only ngont of nalurt«
which has a firoductiro |K»wcr; hut it is tho only ono, or noarly so, (hat
onn «nt of mon toko to thomw;Ivi>s, to Iho oxnlusion of othors; ami of whioh,
nons(M|U(>ntly, thoy can a|>pro|)riato tho lM<nclits. Tho wators of rirors, nn<l
of tho sea, hy tho jiowor which thoy ha*o of (fiving mo»cm«nt t<» our
mac\'.hiniM, mrrying our ImniIs, nourishing our fisli, havo also a priHluctivo
|Kiwor; tho wind which turns our mills, nnd own tho lioat of (ho ^un,
work for us; hut happily no ono has yet boon ahle to My, tho wind nnd
tho sun aro mino, and tho sorvioo which thoy render must Ih) imid for."
J. U. Say, Ivounomio Politique, as quoted by Uioardo, p. 35.

Theso considerations lead us to an important conclusion. All
tho peoples of the earth, whether they subsist by hunting, fish-
ing, cattle-breeding, agriculture, trado or manufactures, may j 0

category the means of subsistcnco are open to all; every ono
who is able-bodied and not defective in mind can provido for
himself independently of any capitalist or landlord. Among
somo of thoso peoples capital is of somo use, and somo valu«
able lands aro already held »is property; but those who are
destitute of such advantages can perfectly well do without them,
for there aro still abundant natural supplies open to them.
Among the peoples of tho othor category subsistence depends ^
on resources of which tho supply is limited, and therefore
people destitute of theso resources are dependent on tho owners.
Wo aro not aware that this distinction has boon made before;
therefore we will sjiggest technical names for thoso two cate-
gories. We shall speak of f>coplcs icith open resources and
peoples with dose rcsourccs. Wo think tho meaning of theso
terms is clear, and they may bo convenient for use. The dis-
tinction is an important one. Wo suppose wo havo sufficiently
proved that tho relations between tho social classes differ
largely, according as resources aro open or close: only among
peoples with open resources can slavery and serfdom exist,
whereas freo labourers dependent on wages aro only found
among peoples with close resources\'). Our distinction may prove
valuable in othor respects also, o. g. ovor-population and lock of
employment aro unknown among peoples with open resources;
war, which, when resources ore open, has sometitne« rathor tho
ehomoter of a sport, becomes more serious when resources
hove bocomo close, for then its object is to extend the supply

1) ThU U tho {{><noml nilo. Wo nro fully nwnro tlwt thoro nro oxooption«
•Imo to wKHjndary onunoii, intornni nnd pxtcmnl. .Moroovor, ojwn n^wniroo«
•lo not noo<»(wnrily Ipacl to dUrory or wrWom : thoro nro mnny «implo wwiotio«
«n which thoro nm no Ulwuring, n« oppomsl to ruling olniwt»«, t\\yvry\\m\\j,
or ncnrly oTorylxMly, working for hiii own wnntu (o. g. nmong mnny huntor»,
fl«hcr», and hunting ngriculturiitu).

of land or capital at tlio cost of tho enemy; pessimism is
more likely to prevail among peoples with close than among
peoples with open resources, etc.\'). We shall not, however,
enlarge upon these points any further.

Most savage tribes have open resources. All hunters havo
(with the exception, perhaps, of some Australians): neither the
game nor the hunting territories are held as property. Further,
most fishers: fishing is carried on in a simple manner and docs not
yet require capital. And finally, most agricultural tribes; among
them superest ager, as Tacitus says of tho ancicnt Germans.

Savage tribes with close resources are: 1° possibly some
Australian hunters, if it is true that among them every inch
of ground is held as property, tho Eskimos (fishers), who
cannot get on without a boat, or a sledge and dogs, 3° all
pastoral tribes, 4° tho agricultural tribes inhabiting most of
tho Polynesian and Microncsian islands, tho Fijians and per-
haps a few agricultural tribes outside Occania.

Wo shall not inquire whether tho civilized nations of ancicnt
and modern times have, or had, open or closo resources. Wo
will only remark that in Western Europe resources, from open,
havo becomo closc. Yet they aro not altogether close, as long as
thoro aro still thinly peopled countries open for emigration. The
timo is not, probably, far off whon all countries fit for coloni-
zation by white races will havo been occupiwl. Then tho close-
ness of resources will mako itself keenly felt, and severe
calamities aro likely to ensue.

In the following paragraphs we shall speak of tho effect of
secondary causes among agricultural tribes. Wo shall not, how-
ever, enter into many details. Tho difficulty, in our branch of
scicnce, is always, that we havo no works of predecessors to
rely upon. For instance, wo shall speak of tho inHuenco of
trade among agricultuml tribes. Now, if nny accurate re-
searches had been mado into the general effects of trade, wo

should bo able to conclude that trade having been proved to
havo such general effects, it must have such an influence on
slavery. But as such is not the case, wo should be obliged, if
we were thoroughly to investigate the subject, to inquire what
aro the general effects of trade. An equally close study of
militarism, of the condition of women, etc. would be required.
And as in this way our book would never come to an end, we
shall content ourselves with giving a few outlines, which we
hope may turn tho attention of other ethnologists to the im-
portant problems which the ensuing paragraphs will contain.

As we havo remarked before, tho position held by tho women
of a tribo determines to some extent whether or not slaves
are wanted. Whore all the drudgery is performed, and win bo
performed, by tho women, and the men do not wnnt to relievo
them of it, thero is no great uso for slave labour. But where
women enjoy high consideration, tho men are more likely to
procure slavos who are to assist tho women in their work.

We shall speak first of tho latter fact, of slaves performing
female labour. It ia very often stated that slaves are employed
for <lomeatio labour. And as, in countries where slavery doea
tU)t exist, domestic labour ia nearly olways incumbent on the
women, slaves who perform such work alleviate the women\'s
task. Whero slavery prevails to a great extent it even occurs
that aliivo-ownera, fenuilo as well as male, havo scarcely any-
thing to do, all work falling to the share of tho slaves. The
slave-ownera, in such awe, from tho aristocracy; the slave«,
and tho poor freemen unable to purehaao slaves, are tho la-
bouring olasaea. Wo may remind the reader of ancient Home,
whore tho domestic alavoa, tho familut urlntm, porfornml all
•lomestio aervicea required by the rich, and of tho women of
the upper classes in .Mohammedan countries, who spend thoir
time in idleneas in tho harema.

Wo have aeon that among some {nwtoral tribea domestic la-
bour ia tho chief occupation of the slavoa. Wo do not recol-

lect having found any instance of a similar state of things
among any agricultural tribe, and cannot think that such will
anywhere be the case. A rich cattle-keeper can easily support,
by the produce of his cattle, some domestic slaves who per-
form no productive labour. But among agricultural tribes it is
otherwise: subsistence here depends almost entirely on labour;
therefore slaves performing unproductive labour can only be
kept if there are other slaves who till the soil and procure
food for the family. It is not probable that the master will
himself undertake the cultivation required to feed the slaves
who assist his wifo in her work; nor would the wife be glad to
receive slaves from her husband, if she had to provide for them
by working on tho field. The Romans would not have kept a
familia urbana, if there had not also been a familia rtistica.

Ilitherto wo have spoken of unproductive female labour.
But women, in primitive agricultural societies, often perform
productive labour also: in many cases the tilling of the soil is
incumbent on them. Wc may suppose that the introduction of
slaves has often served to free tho womon from this task. We shall
not, however, proceed to a closer examination of this point; for
this would require a digression on tho division of labour between
tho sexes, which falls beyond tho scope of tho present volume.

On the other hand, tho place of slaves is often supplied by
wives. Wo havo seen that among tho Australian hunters poly-
gamy widely prevails and serves economic purposes. Tho samo
is tho case among somo agricultural tribes.

In § 8 the non-existence of slavery in most of tho Molano-
sian islands has been left unoxplained. Wo «hall see now that
in several of theso islands a „slavery of women" prevails which
bears much resemblance to \'slavery proper. Purchase of wives
is in vogue; and most of tho women aro bought by tho rich,
many of whom possess a largo number of wives. And the womon
must work hard to increase tho incomo of thoir owners\').

Ouppy, in his description of tho Solomon hlamh, states:
„Tho powerful chiofs of tho islands of Bougainville Straits

usually possess a large number of wives of whom only tho
fow that retain their youth and comeliness enjoy much of tho
society of their lord. The majority, having been supplanted in
tho esteem of their common husband, have sunk into a con-
dition of drudgery, finding their employment and their liveli-
hood in toiling for the master whose affections they onco pos-
sessed. I learned from Gorai, tho Shortland chief, who has
between eighty and a hundred wives, that the main objec-
tion he has against missionaries settling on his islands is,
that they would insist on his giving up nearly all his wivos,
thereby depriving him of those by whose labour his planta-
tions aro cultivated and his household supplied with food. A
great chief, he remarked, required a largo staff of workers to
cultivate his extensive lands, or, in other words, numerous
women to work in his plantations and to bring tho pro-
duce homo"

This statement is very remarkable. In the second Chapter
of Part I wo havo seen that in theso same islands of Bougain-
ville Straits boys are captured from tho neighbouring islands.
Guppy calls them slaves, but at tho same time tells us that they
,enjoy most of tho rights of a native of tho common class" *).
There is thus no dif^culty in obtaining slaves; yet the cap-
turo<l men are not treate<l like slaves, nor is any drudgery
imposed upon them, for tho simple reason that polygamy per-
fectly serves tho purposes of slavery.

In the New Hchnikg polygamy also prevails. Tho price paid
for a wife varies from 10 tot 20 pigs, „acconling to her capa-
bilities jw a worker in tho yam-patch." „Tlioy |tho women]
learn in their girlhoixl all thot fits them to bo man\'s slave and
toiler in tho fields". „Women nro degrodwl to tho level of
brute beasts, doing oil tho hard field work, and being mode
to carry loads whioh appear quite disproportionate to their
ugly.shap(Ml bwlies and thin legs"\') Ifogen and Pineau givo

a similar account of female labour, and add that a man\'s
wealth depends on the number of his wives

Do Vaux, speaking of the women oi New Caledonia, says : „All
the drudgery is incumbent on thom. They perform the clearing
and digging of tho soil, carry on their backs crushing loads
of ignames and taros to tho village, and, if a chief has pro-
mised you assistance in some fatiguing work that you want to
havo quickly done, ho will send you a gang of these miser-
able beings who may scarcely bo called women." And Rochas
tells us that tho New Caledonians keop no servants, but have
many wives instead; rich men have as many wives as thoy
want for the cultivation of their fields

In New Britain, according to Parkinson, „every man who
can afford it buys many wives. For a wifo is a capital that
yields a fair interest; she works from an early ago.till her
strength is spent; and when, from age or by boing overtaxed
with labour, she grows sickly and decrepit, sho perishes un-
heeded by anybody. The wifo is nothing but tho beast of bur-
den of her husband; she performs all labour, tills tho soil,
cleans tho dwelling, prepares tho food, and carries tho reaped
produce in heavy baskets far away to tho market. Tho husband
therefore regards his wife as a valuable property." „The hus-
band continually urges his wives to work, that they may earn
much ikivarra [shell-money] for him; for tho moro dewarra
he owns tho greater is the consideration and infiuonco ho en-
joys. But tho lot of tho wives is not bettered by an increaao
in tho wealth of tho husband. Tho wives of a man who owns
thousands of coils of dewarra havo no better lifo and aro no
loss overworked than the wife of a very poor man wh«) has no
property except his only wife." And Danks stjites that „a man
may havo as many wives as ho can afford to purchase. If he
cannot afford to purchaso one, and hia credit is low, ho may
havo to remain single. Tho headmen aro generally rich men,

1) Hngcn and I\'inunu, p. ; »00 bIw Meiniokc, Nono llcbridon, p. 340.
Q) Do Vaux, p. 330; Hochau, p. 22*.); itov nlso Urainno, p. 24«.

We see that these Melanesian wives supply the placo of
slaves. They are bought like slaves; they havo to work for
their owners like slaves; and their labour, like that of slaves^
increases tho wealth of their lords. Another point of resem-
blance is this. In slave countries it is generally the rich only
who are able to procure slaves: poor freemen have to work
for themselves. Hero it is the rich who appropriate the women;
and many of the poor have to remain single. Here, as in all
countries where polygamy is practised, it is only the minority
of the men who can livo in polygamy; for everywhere the
number of women is nearly equal to that of men. And as in
Melanesia the rich, who otherwise would want slaves, have
many wives to work for them, slaves aro not required.

Wo cannot explain hero why in Melanesia wonumkind is so
much at a discount, where^is amongj<ome othor savage tribes
(e.g. on the North Pacific Coast of North America) the sex
commands such respect\'). Hut we clearly seo wluit is the effect
of this stato of things. Jfuch labour ia wanted; otherwise the
women would not have to work so hard, and the rich wcmld
not keep so many femalo labourers. Yet slaves are not kept,
because the women supply tho placo of slaves.

Ono might object, thnt possibly tho women are held in such
a slaveliko state because male slaves aro impossible or very
diflioult to procure, or because the coercive power of theso
tribes is not strong enough to admit of the keeping of slaves,
or beaiuso male captives, whero they are introduced into the

1) I\'flrkinMm, Im IlUmHrok-ArohipoI, pp. 98, 09, 101; DnnkH, p. a04;
»«o aim) MplchitiR, pp. 44.

2) Till! ooniUlion of vrorarn ifi not, however, (Hjuiilly hml In nil .MolnnoKian
Ulniiik Among iho Wintorn TrilK\'n of Tornti .\'Nlrail« „tho women iip|H\'«r
to hnvo hail a good deal to aay on most «luwlionn, and woro hy no mwum
down-trodden or ill-uiM»d" (Hnddon, p. .157; wjo nlm> Meinicke, Dio Torre«-
Htraw.1, p. nr.). ,\\nd .•Mimnrvillo, »|)ooking of New Oeorgia in tho .\'^lomon
•«Undii, Niyii: „In tho oaiil««rn pnrt iho tn-atmonl of women in notahly
g\'H.d. 1 hnvo hut rnrely n-m ihcm nt work\'\' (.Somervillo, Now (Iwrgin,
pp. 40r., 400).

tribe (as in the islands of Bougaiaville Straits), are wanted for
warriors. Shortly expressed the objection is, that slavery is not
wanting because there exists a „slavery of women," but „sla-
very of women" exists because slavery proper is wanting. Wo
must own that this is quite possible. But, whatever be the
cause of this „slavery of women," as soon as it exists it
renders slavery less necessary than it would otherwise be. War
is frequent in iCelanesia\'), so there is no physical impossibility
of procuring captives. And though it may bo difficult to keep
male slaves subjected, — if the men were unable to impose
all work on the women and obliged to perform their duo
share of it themselves, they would decidedly take more pains
,— to procure slaves and set them to work. A low condition of
women, though only a secundary factor, certainly is a factor
which tends to make slavery proper superfluous.

In § 1 of this Chapter wo havo found tho following num-
bers of positive and negative oises among commercial agri-
cultural tribes:

Wo uso tho term „coinmornial tribes" in a wido sense, jis
including not only those tribes among which many people
subsist by trading, but those that oxchango a considerablo
part of thoir produce for foreign merchandise. For instance,
a tribo that grows corn for export is a commercial tribo in
tho senso wo attach to tho wonl.

agricultural tribes keep slaves. This proves that among agri-
cultural tribes the dovelopment of trade greatly furthers the
growth of slavery.

"NYo havo not much to say in explanation of this fact.
When speaking of tho slave-keeping tribes of tho Pacific
Coast, we havo already remarked that tho dovelopment of
trado tends to further slavery in various ways. Commercial
tribes are likely to carry on a trado in slaves, and this makes
tho keeping of slaves very easy. Where tho freemen take to
commercial pursuits, thoy want others to perform tho common
drudgery for every-day subsistence. Tho tmdo itself may also
require menial work: tho articles of commerce havo to bo
prepared and transported, trading vessels have to be rowed, etc.
And, finally, commorco oilon leads to a development of wciUth
and luxury; a man can now, by the labour of his slave?,
aajuiro not only tho necessaries, but tho refinements of lifo\').

The last point is an importiint one. In self-dependent agri-
cultural countries tho main use of slave labour consists in
providing tho miuter with food. If, then, a nuin keeps a
large number of slaves who work for him, ho is ablo to
entertain his friends, or to kcop a retinue of unpriKluctive
slaves or servants, whoso wants aro provided for by the work
of tho soil-tilling slaves. But whore this is tho solo profit ono
ejiu derive from one\'s slaves, an owner who keeps a consider-
able number of them does not want to mako them work very
hanl; ho often contents himself with receiving a tribute, and
HO tho slaves become serfs. In this way the slave-owner gets
less out of his slaves than would othorwiso bo tho case; but
ho does not want more, and ho nee<l not now continually

1) (Junninglmtn (Knglinh Imluntry, I p. 77) jiwtl)- n^mnrkn: „Wliilo then»
in no opportunity for cxchnng.«, it In not no woll worth whilo for nnyono
t«i protM-rvo It nurplun; n very ahuntlnnt httr*i«t«t i« mon> llkoly to Ih> pro-
•liffiilly u*<hI within tho year, nn.l m with all othor Hupplicn; hut thooxi»t-
onoo of opjmrtunitiort for tnulo ronkw it well worth while to Kathor a «tore
that far oxoooiU any pron|»«vtl»o himmI and t«» Htow in warohoui«* for iwlo
all tluit nw>d not Im» umhI liy tho pnMluoom to natiufy thoir imnuMlint«\'
wnnU; tho condition* «ro pn>t»onl which itill ftirthor favour the necumu-
liitiun of wiNtllh."

Where commercial relations with foreign parts are main-
tained, it is otherwise. A slave-owner who receives large
quantities of agricultural produce from his slaves can now
exchange them for foreign merchandise. Retaining for himself
as much food as he wants, he exchanges the rest for such
objects as are either useful and agreeable in themselves, or
give him distinction among his countrymen. Tho use of
slave labour becomes thus practically unlimited.

We must further tako into consideration that slavery on a
very large scale is only possible, whore industrial crops are
raised. „Tobacco and cotton" says Cairnes, „fulfil that condition
which wo saw was essential to the economical employment of
slaves — the possibility of working largo numbers within a
\'limited space; while wheat and Indian corn, in tho cultivation
of which the labourers are dispersed over a wide surface, fail
in this respect"And cotton and similar crops aro only
cultivated in largo quantity whero thoy aro exported.

Of such „wholesale slavery", as Bagehot terms it, wo find
a few instimccs among savago tribes.

Kolor tolls us that in Bonny the great majority of tho
inhabitiuits aro slaves. Tho keeping of slaves is very expens-
ive, as agriculture and industry scarcely exist; all food has
to bo imported. Tho freemen are tnidors in palm-oil, and
want large numbers of slaves to row tho canoes in which this
oil is transported

Among tho Ewe of tho Slavo Coast slavery is jiractised on
a very largo scale. Somo mon keep 200 300 slaves, who
form their capiUiI. The slaves aro gonorally employed in
carrying oil from tho inland to tho c<Mist for sale to liluropeanB.
Tho maintaining of order aniong such great numbers of slaves

I) CiUrnotf, p fiO. In nnolcnt Hume, at tlio end uf the liupuitlio, plnnUi-
tionii of uUvoii and vinos wero worked with shtvi^s, whcrtuu oorml crop«
wero niiiKid on land« loasod to eoloni\', «00 WcUt, Artiolo „Apmrgwichichlo"
in lioxitt\' llandwortorhuch, 2<«> edition, vol I p. hI.
i) KGlor, pp. 84, 154.

requires great severity. Slavery marks all their institutions.
It is a common saying with them that „the large water-tub
does not go to the spring", whereby they mean that freemen
must not do such work as is only fit for slaves and boys \').

Among the Garos, where cotton is the principal culture,
two-fifths of the population are slaves. „The distinction [between
freemen and slaves] is jealously preserved.... It is from the
possession of a large number of them [slaves] that a man obtains
influence amongst his tribe"

It is clear that among these tribes slavery would not
prevail to such great extent, if the preparing and transport-
ing of the articles of export did not require so much labour.

In these cases trade is the cause of „wholesale slavery",
not necessarily of slavery in general. „Retail slavery" may
have existed among these tribes before they became so largely
commercial. But, seeing that among them the extension of.
commercial relations has so greatly increased the use of slave
labour, we may safely suppose that in several cases the deve-
lopment of trade has given rise to slavery among tribes which
did not practise it before. This is also made probable by tho
list given at tho beginning of this imragraph.

Wo shall not proceed to a closer investigation of this subject.
Wo havo already remarked that as yet we know very little
about tho general effects of trade aud the place it occupies
in social life among savages. And we must know moro of
this, before wo am arrive at any accurate conclusion with
regard to the influence of trade un the rise and growth of
slavery.

When speaking of hunters and fishers we havo found tliat
the influence of tnide is moro considerable whero nuinufactured
go(Mls, than where raw products are exported. This will pro-
bably also apply to agricultural tribes, \\\\t. if wo take the
term „manufactured gwKls" in a wiile sense, as including agri-
cultural produce. Haw products in our sense moans articles which

can be exported without any labour being previously applied
to them, e. g. various kinds of stone and earth exchanged by
Eskimos and Australians. The articles exported by commercial
agricultural tribes are nearly always manufactured goods in
this wider sense.

It might be interesting to divide the commercial tribes (in
the wider senso) into three categories, according as they export
agricultural produce, manufactured goods in the common, res-
tricted sense, or articles purchased abroad (articles of transit
trade), the last category comprising the commercial tribes in the
restricted sense, and inquire what are the social effects of com-
merce in each case. But such a subject wants separate treat-
ment; we cannot deal with it hero. We will only express our
opinion, that the significance of trade and industry among sa-
vages is commonly underrated. Whether we aro right here will
appear when these points havo been more closely studied than
they aro now.

In another paragraph wo shall havo to speak of a peculiar
branch of trade, the trado in slaves.

In several cases it is stated that slaves aro employed in
warfare. l.,caving out of rogard tho cattle-breeding agricultural
tribes, of which we havo already spoken in Chapter III, wo
find tho following instanc<n4.

Thomson tells us that in New Zealaml slaves accompaniwl
their masters on fishing and fighting oxpeditlons; and In another
place ho states that women and slaves accompanied tho war-
riors to carry burdens»). According to Polack slaves, if thoy
fought bravely, were sometimes made chiefs *).

Dalton, speaking of tho slaves kept by tho Oaros, says:
„It is from tho possession of a largo number of them that a
man obtains intluonco amongst his tribe. Kach groat chief can

In Nias slaves are often compelled to go to war with
their masters; except when war is mado upon the native
village of the slaves. The slaves fight bravely, and in war
bear arms like tho freemen, but aro never set at liberty for
their bravery

Among the Tagds and Visayas, in the timo of the con-
quista, generally freemen and vassals only took part in military
operations; but sometimes slaves too, especially in naval wars:
the slaves were then employed for rowing tho boats

The forces sent out by Luiula chiefs on marauding expe-
ditions consist of freemen and slaves

B6ronger-F6raud tolls us that among tho Wdofs tho slaves
of tho king aro soldiers and form his body*guard; thoy also
collect taxes for him

Among tho Barca ami Kunaina tho booty taken in war by
a native-born slavo belongs to his master •). Hence it appears
that theso slaves aro eniployed in warfare.

Theso aro tho only instances wo have noticed, of purely
agricultural tribes among which slaves perform a military func-
tion. There may bo somo moro cases. Our ethnographers do
not always enter into many details; therefore, when thoy aro
silent on the subject, this does not always provo that slaves
aro not allowed to fight. Yot, considering tho very small num-

IllumontrlU, ConquUt«. p. (>&.
5) I\'o^, MunU Jiunwo, p. 232.
0) Korr, II p. 129.
7) ll«\'rong«r-FinimI, p. &9.
S) Mun«ingt>r, OnUfr. 8tml., p.

ber of instances we have been able to collect, we may safely
conclude that among most agricultural tribes slaves do not share
in military operations.

This is what we expected. Slaves aro not allowed to follow
the noble military art, which is the privilege of freemen \').
A slave is not a warrior for the same reason that he is not a
hunter. Moreover, it were too dangerous to trust him with
weapons; he might be inclined to rise against his oppressors.
And finally, when slaves are procured by capture in war or
kidnapping, they would often havo to fight against their own
tribe, and would be very likely to go over to the enemies of
their masters.

It is further remarkable that the tribes we have enumerated
in this paragraph are all in the higher stages of agriculture,
as may be seen from Chapter I. We have not found a single
instance of hunting agriculturists employing their slaves in
warfare. There are oven hunting agriculturists of the lowest
type, of whom it is explicitly stated that they do not allow
their slaves to fight. Martius tells us that several wild tribes
of Brazil keep slaves. The slaves aro differently treated by tho
different tribes; but it is a general characteristic of slavery,
that slaves are not allowed to bear arms *). And Azara states
that in his time the Mbayas subsisted on hunting and fishing,
and ou the produce of the soil that was tilled to a small extent
by their shives and by a neighbouring tribe, tho Quanas.
Here too warfare was the business of freemen to tho exclusion
of slaves s).

This may, at first sight, seem strange. If it is true, as Powell
asserts, (and it does not seem to us improbable) that slavery
originated from the adoption of captives ♦), wo should expect to
find an intermediate stage, in which tho captives, though al-

1) Among tho ancicnt Ucrmans tho bonring of arm« wa« n iiign of Trcodom
(Amira, p. 120).

ready enslaved instead of adopted, still shared in military
operations, the differentiation of tho „regulative part of society"
from the „operative part" (to borrow Spencer\'s words) not yet
being complete. Tho existence of slavery, mainly for military
purposes, among the hunting Abipones aud somo pastoral
tribes, seems to indicate such a stage. But among agricultural
tribes wo find no trace of it. Some agricultural tribes (of which
tho Iroquois aro tho classical instance) adopt their captives;
then thero aro many which keep slaves who aro not allowed
to fight; and, finally, in tho higher stages of agriculture, wo
find a fow tribes among which slaves share in military ope-
rations.

Yet the cause of this seeming incongruity is not difficult to
detect. Pastoral tribes aro always stronger, from a military
point of view, than primitivo agricultural tribes. In Chapter
III we have seen that tho former often keep thoir agrioultu-
nil neighbours in a state of subjection. Therefore it is much
easier for thom to employ their slaves in warfare than for
hunting agriculturists; tho latter, if thoy aro to keep slaves
at all, must take caro to disarm thom and so prevent them
from doing harm.

Among agriculturists in the higher stages it is otherwise.
Thoro is often an elaborate division of labour; tho governing
classes aro difforontiatod from tho labouring classos, nnd the
army is regularly constituted. Now it is not at all dangerous
to enlist tho slaves into tho inferior ranks of the army, under
the lead of tho governing classes. Tho slaves, generally brought
by traders from a far distjince, havo no longer to fight against
their native tribe, but angainst strangers. And where slavery
prevails to a great extent, tho owners of numerous slaves, who
form the aristocracy, will often bo inclined to rely on their
slaves for tho maintenance of thoir power over tho common
freemen; wheri»as tho slaves, who nro no longer on tho same
footing of familiarity with tho freemen as in primitivo slavery,
but doHpistHl and hat^nl for boing tho t<M)ls of the aristocracy,
fegartl their miwtor tis thoir natunil protector and aro willing
to stjind by him.

Such was the course af eyolution in ancient Rome. In tho
old times the slaves were not allowed to fight. „For entering
the military service or taking on him any state office, a slave
was punished with death"But later on a change took place.
Speaking of the last days of the republic Ingram remarks:
„In the subsequent civil conflicts the aid of slaves was sought
by both parties, even by Marius himself, and afterwards by
Catiline, though he finally rejected their services. Clodius and
Milo employed bands of gladiators in their city riots, and this
action on the part of the latter was approved by Cicero. In
tho First Civil "War they were to be found in both camps,
and tho murderers of Caesar, those soi-disant vindicators of
liberty, were escorted to the Capitol by gladiators. Antony,
Octavius, and Sextus Pompeius employed them in the Second
Civil War" But the slaves soon began to take arms against
those who had taught them to fight. „It is recorded by Au-
gustus on the Monumentum Ancyranum that he gave back
to their masters for punishment about 30,000 slaves who had
absconded and borne arms against tho state. Under Tiberius,
at tho death of Caligula, and in tho reign of Nero, thoro
wore threatening movements of tho slaves. Nor did tho danger
of servile insurrection disappear in the later stages of tho
Empire. The armies of the invading Qoths wore swelled by
thoir countrymen who had been captured or bought by Romans.
Tho slaves of Gaul almost en masse took part in tho revolt
of tho Bagaudao, and forty thousand slaves joined Alaric at
tho siego of Rome"\').

Tho last passage shows that oven in a stato where tho
power of tho government and tho military art aro highly
developed it is not safe\'to employ slaves in warfare. They
may actually bo tho ready tools of tho aristocracy; but in
tho long run thoy will come to form a dangorous clement in
tho state. Yet, as it may bo momentarily convenient to an

ambitious statesman to employ them, it will sometimes be
done; whereas among hunting agriculturists tho danger is so
obvious that it is not oven attempted

As only among a few agricultural tribes, and these in tho
higher stages, do slaves perform a military function, we cannot
think that this has been an important factor in the rise of
slavery; and it has probably been nowhere the only motive
for making slaves.

Sometimes we aro told that it is considered an honour to
possess many slaves. Wo shall give a fow instances.

Among the Tagals and Visayas, in tho timoof tho conquista,
a man\'s influonco, power and reputation depended on tho
number of his slaves\').

Among tho Ininga and Qalloa it is tho ambition of a
freeman to havo as many slaves.as possible*).

Compi6gno states that a Mpongwo asked him to givo him
a portion of his wages in advance, in ordor to buy a slave,
»lie will work for mo and my wifo" said tho man, „and I
shall bo a person of rank" *).

Wo havo only taken a fow instances at random. It cannot
bo interesting to tho reader to know how often the samo fact
has been noticed by ethnographers. For we nmy suppose that
wherever slavery exists, tho possession of a great number of
slaves is a mark of distinction. Tho possession of slaves, liko
other property, is indicative of wealth; and whero slaves aro

1) Soraothlnff ftn-ilogoiu to tho omploymont of rUyos in wftrfiiro it their
holding high offlowi of «t«to. This oocuri in wmo dospotioally gorcrnod
Afriott« oountriw. In impori*! llomo freodmon won) Ap|)ointo<l to high
«•nioo«; MO Ingram, pp. r>8, RO.

acquired by capture in war it shows the bravery of the
captor. And where (as is generally the case among agricultural
tribes) the labour of the slaves augments the revenue of their
owner, the keeping of slaves is not only a sign but a source
•^of wealth; and so the slave-owner is looked upon as one who
has at his disposal a means of acquiring wealth. Martius, speaking
of tho wild tribes of Brazil, remarks that a chief who keeps
many slaves can take more land into cultivation than other
people. He has therefore always an abundant supply of food,
which tends to increase the esteem in which he is held\').

Where industry and art are littlo developed, slaves, besides
wives and domestic animals, are almost the only luxury that
is to be had. The reader will remember Levchine\'s statement
about a rich Kazak Kirghiz, whose numerous horses gave him
no profit, but great renown In the lower stages of culture
a rich man cannot build a palace, or keep a motor-car, or
buy pictures; he can only show his wealth to tho public by
keeping a largo number of men or domestic animals continu-
ally running about him. Leroy-Bcaulieu justly remarks: „The
luxury of primitivo times is very simple; it consists mainly
in the grouping about the rich man (who most often is at
the same time a man of high birth) of a large body of serv-
ants maintained by him, and in practising hospitality on a
large scale. Among patriarchal peoples thoro is almost perfect
equality of material life between men of different stations.
Food, clothing, furniture even, differs but little" \').

But, though a rich man may display his wealth by keeping
a great number of slaves, we do not mean to say that among
any agricultural tribo all slaves aro kept as a moro luxury. This
seems improbable. Among pastoml tribes, as wo havo seen be-
fore, it sometimes occurs. Tho owner of numerous herds may
support a large body of slaves, who have scarcely anything to
do. But among agricultural tribes it is quite otherwiso. Subsist-

cnco hero is largely dependent on labour; much labour is
required to provide for tho slaves, aud the master will not
choose to work for them himself. The slaves, therefore, must
perform at least as much productive labour as is required to
provide for thoir own wants; aud thero is no reason why tho
master should not make them work somewhat more, to receive
a surplus; the moro so, as ho is thus enabled to display his
wealth in tho othor manner mentioned by Leroy-Beaulieu,
viz. by practising hospitality on a large scale.

It is, of course, perfectly possible, und indeed it often occurs,
that some slaves aro kopt as a more luxury, either doing nothing
at all, or performing personal services. But then there must bo
other slaves who, by performing productive labour, provido for
thoir master, their fellow-slaves, and themselves. Thoro cannot
bo a class of unproductive labourers, without there being a class
of productive labourers too. Wo can only imagine one case,
in which all slaves might bo kopt ns a moro luxury. It might
be, that thoro woro a class of productive labourers consisting
of freemen, who provided for the slavo-ownors and their un-
productive slaves. There might, for instance, be an aristocracy,
levying taxes on tho common pooplo and keeping slaves as a
luxury. Such is indeed tho wise among tho pastoral Boni
Amer. It might also accur among agricultural tribes; but wo
havo not found any instance of it.

Coquilhat tells us that on tho Upper Congo tho keeping of
slaves does not increase tho master\'s incomo; for agriculture
is insignificant, and theso tribes nro not commercial. But ho
also states thnt tho soil is tilled by old women and nuilo
slaves, so slaves do not hchjui to bo kopt as a moro luxury \').

Among tho Fanti, according to Finsch, slaves aro articles
of luxury; thoy aro as lar-y as thoir nuwters. Thoy aro ac-
quired aa prisoners of war or by purchase. Every noble Fanti
owns numerous slaves; for it is a mark of distinction to kcop

many of them. Some slaveg carry parasols or fans; others by
trumpeting announce the arrival of the patrician. Most of
them do nothing at all. But the same writer states that tho
condition of the pawns (who, as has been shown in the first
Chapter of Part I, are a kind of slaves) is much worse than
that of the slaves in the restricted senseWe may therefore
suppose that these pawns are the productive labourers.

We have never found it explicitly stated that among any
agricultural tribe slaves are not employed in agriculture.

Our conclusion is that luxury has not probably been among
any agricultural tribe the only motive for keeping slaves.
Yet many slaves are kept as a mere luxury, and consequently
among somo tribes slaves are far more numerous than thoy
would bo if all of thom were engaged in productive pursuits.

Wo havo seen that among tho tribos of tho Pacific Coast
the growth of slavery is furthered by thoir preserving foml for
tho timo of scarcity, whereas hunters who livo from hand to
mouth havo less uso for slave labour.

Hunting agriculturists much rosomblo true hunters:subsist-
ence depends largely on tho vicissitudes of tho chase. But
where a tribo lives principally on tho pnxluco of tho soil, it
is necessary to preserve the reaped fruits until the following
harvest.

This leads to tho same conclusion wo hml alnvidy arrived
at, that slavery is moro likely to exist among agriculturists
of tho higher stages than among hunting agriculturists\').
Wo do not think that anything moro need bo said on this
subject.

2) Among hunting .igrioulturiitbi wo Imvo fouml 31 po«IUvo and 30
nogatiro omcj; among ngrioulturist« of tho higher sl«go« 102 p0«itiT0 and
50 ncgatiro cam«.

jcction of tribes as sucli sometimes serves as a substitute for
slavery, making slavery proper superfluous. Tho samo proved
to be the case among agriculturists who depend on cattle for
a large portion of thoir subsistence. Something analogous to
this is tho levying of tributes on conquered districts that so
often occurs in Oceania, as we have found in § 8. Outside
Oceania we have found only ono instance among agriculturists
who do not depend on cattle, and even this is a doubtful
one. Morgan states that among the Iroquois tho council „re-
gulated tho affairs of subjugated tribes" \'); but ho does not
enter into more details, so wo cannot exactly know what he
means.

It is easy to understand, why subjection of tribes so seldom
occurs among agriculturists. Hunting agriculturists, liko truo
hunters, generally livo in small groups and therefore cannot keop
other tribes in a stato of subjection. And among agricultural
tribes of tho higher stages men as well as women are continu-
ally engaged in agricultural labour; thoy aro attached to tho
spot on which they live and, unlike nomadic cattle-keepers\'),
cannot easily control a neighbouring tribe. The vanquished
tribe, by retreating a littlo, can place itself out of reach of the
conquering tribe. Only where, as on tho small Polynesian
islands, escape is not practicable, can a vanquished district bo
kept in a stato of subjection. Tho Iroquois wore an exceptional
caso. They wore hunting agriculturists in this sense, that agri-
cultural labour was performed by the women only; but at
tho samo timo thoy had a strong militjiry organi/^ition: tho
five nations formed a |>owi<rful union.

In tho higher stages of culturo tho growth of militarisnj
enables strong agricultural peoples to subject their weaker
neighbours; and tho growth of population prevents tho latter
fn)m recoiling. Hut among agricultural savages subjugation of
tribes is raroly found.

i) 8oo SiUioIi\'* nrtiolo on tho Urugglo« bjlwoon putar.il unil «jfrioultunil
pooploa.

In the second and third Chapters we have spoken of exter-
nal causes. Wo have seen that for slavery to exist it is not
sufficient that there should bo somo use for slavo labour; it
must also bo possible to keep slaves; the freemen of the tribo
must have a coercive power strong enough to keep the slaves
subjected and prevent them from escaping. It has been shown
that this coercive power is most strongly developed, where men
have fixed habitations, live in largo groups, and preserve food;
and further, that the slave-trade greatly facilitates tho keeping
of slaves.

As for the first three points, it is easy to see that agricul-
tural tribes of the higher stages are moro settled, live in larger
groups, and aro more likely to preserve food than hunting
agriculturists\'), so here again wo find a reason why slavery
is so much moro frequent among tho former than among tho
latter.

The slave-trade is of moro interest to us bore. It has been
shown that among tho tribes of tho Pacific Coast a brisk trade
in slaves was carried on, which must havo greatly accelerated
the growth of slavery; for it made the keeping of slaves much
easier than it would have been, if each of these tribes had had
to procuro its slaves by capturo in war. It has also been re-
marked that among pastoral tribes slavery exists in thoso parts
only, where a trado in slaves with civilized or semi-civilized
peoples is or was carried on, viz. in Arabia, the Caucasus,
North-east and North-west Africa; whereas tho pastoral tribes
that live in outlying regions (Siberia, South Africa) do not
kcop slaves. We shall inquire now whether tho same is tho
case with agricultural tribes, whether among thom too slavery
Ja of rare occurrence in thoso parts where tho slavo-tnulo luw
never been carried on.
In North America, at tho time of its discovery, slavery did

not exist among any agricultural tribe. Negro slavery, prac-
tised by a few of them in later times, was derived from the
whites.

In South America we have found only a few slave-keeping
agricultural tribes; and the slave-trade formerly carried on by
the whites may go far to explain the existence of shivery in
theso few cases. „The Brazilian native" says JIartius „some-
times sells his childrcn to people of white races, much oftener
than to those of his own colour." The principal object of war-
fare among the natives, in JIartius\' time, was to capture slaves,
whom they sold either to other tribes or to colonists of Por-
tugese extraction. Tho custom of soiling prisoners to whito
colonists has strongly influenced native character. It was already
practised very shortly after tho discovery of America. Many
Indians wero transported to Spain and Portugal. The Mamo-
lucos, living in San Paolo, made long and bloody wars upon
the Indians. They are said during 130 years to have killed
and enslaved more than two millions of Indians. Pedro do
Avila, governor of Buenos Ayres, complained that tho Paulistas
carried on this tmde in public and from 1628 to 1030 had
brought 60,000 Indians to the market at Rio Janeiro. Tho
whites continually availed themselves of the quarrels of tho
several Indian tribes, to procure such Indians as had been
mado prisoners. Even in Martins\' time this trade went on,
CHpccially in thinly peopled, outlying districts, whero tho Bra-
zilian government could not prevent it. The wars of the Indians
wero simply marauding expeditions; their object was to pro-
cure prisoners for sale to Brazilian whites \').

In (kainia slavery, at the time of tho discovery of these
countries, existed in Tahiti and Now Zealand, where, as we havo
soon in § 1, it was of little economic use, and further in tho
western part of Now Guinea, whore it probably still exists.
Here foreign influence clearly appears. In tho ojujtern part of
the island, that till quite recently had not been visite<l by
foreigners (British and German Now Guinea), slavery is un-

known; and the western part (Dutch New Guinea), where slavery
exists, was for a long time under the rule of the sultan of
TidoreThe tribute which the inhabitants of New Guinea had
to pay to the sultan consisted partly of slaves; moreover, many
Papuas were captured as slaves in the hoiigi raids This, how-
ever, is not sufficient to account for the keeping of slaves by
the Papuas themselves. But we may consider, first that several
districts on the coast aro inhabited by a mongrel race of Papuas
and Malays (e. g. on the Gulf of Macluer), and secondly that
the trade with Tidore, Serang, and other Malay countries must
have thoroughly changed the natives\' mode of life. Thus wo
are told that tho Doroy people havo become somewhat civilized
by their intercourse with traders from tho Moluccas\'). Wo
may notice here that all districts where slavery is carried on
lie on the coast, and are therefore easiest of access to foreigners.
And those districts of Dutch Now Guinea of which it is
stated that there are no slaves, Humboldt Bay and JIattam,
have never been visited by hongi fleets *).

In tho Malay Archipelago Mohammedanism already pro-
vailed to a great extent before tho conquista, and had oven
advanced as far as tho Philippines •). Wherever slavery exists
in tho Archipelago, wo aro not certain that wo havo to deal
with a phenomenon of unadulterated savago life. Tho influ-
ence of semi-civilize<l Mohammedans spreads ovor nearly tho
whole of tho Archipelago.

In India tho slavo-trado with semi-civilized countries is, or
was, also carried on by tho natives. Cooper states that tho
Meshmeos sell slaves to Tibet\'). According to Colquhoun tho
Karen-nee sell many slaves to tho Shans of Zimm6 and those
again to tho Siamese 7). And Ilousselet tells us that among tho

Kafirs „slavery exists within certain limits, but this criminal
commerce would cease altogether if there were not such a ready
sale for slaves at Djalalabad, Kounar, Asmar and Tchitral" \').

From the Caucasus, as we havo already seen, slaves are
exported to Turkey on a largo scale

Africa is the classical country of the slave-trade. Egypt and
Ethiopia furnished a certain number of slaves to ancient
Greece, and at Rome thero was a regular importation of
slaves, somo of whom were brought from AfricaHerodotus
speaks of slaves sent to ancient Egypt as tribute from Ethiopia *).
That in later times tho African slave-trade, carried on by
Arabs in East Africa and by Europeans in West Africa,
assumed enormous proportions, need scarcely be said. In tho
later half of this century the Mohammedan East has still received
a largo supply of slaves from Africa, and even now tho slave-
trade has not entirely ceased. Ingram remarks: „The prin-
cipal centres from which in recent times tho supply has been
furnished to Egypt, Morocco, Turkey, Arabia, and Persia,
are three in number. 1. Tho Soudan, south of tho Great
Sahara, appears to bo ono vast hunting-ground. Captives are
brought thenco to tho slave-market of Kuka in Rornu ....
Negroes are also brought to ^lorocco from tho Western Soudan,
and from Timbuktu.... 2. Tho basin of tho Nile, extending
to tho great lakes, is another region infested by tho slave-
trade .... 3. There has long been a slave-trade from the East
African coast. Tho stream of supply cjuno maiidy froni tho
simthorn Nyassa districts by thrco or f()ur routes to Ibo, Mozam-
bique, Angocho, and Kilimanc. Madagascar and tho Comoro Is-
lands obtaine«! nmst of thoir slaves from tho .Mozainbiquo coast....
Thoro aro othor minor branches of tho trado olsowhoro in
Africa. Thus from Hanir in SomAliland aimvans are sent to
Herberah on tho cojist, whoro thoro is a great annual fair.
Tho slaves are collected from tho inland Galla countries, from

Guragwe, and from Abyssinia, the Abyssinians being the
■"most highly esteemed"

We see that in most parts of the world where agricultural
savages live slaves are, or were, purchased or captured by
civilized or serai-civilized peoples; whereas in those parts
where the slave-trade has always been unknown, slavery has
never prevailed to any considerable extent.

We shall try to account for this fact. But we must first
reply to a question which tho reader may perhaps have asked,
viz. why we have not at the beginning of this second Part
discussed the question as to whether slavery is over a
phenomenon of genuine savage life, or has always been duo
to intercourse with higher races. We havo not done so, be-
cause it seems to us that this question is one of secondary
interest. When wo see that among some savage tribe slavery
is an institution playing a great part in native life aud slavo
labour is of much use, we must come to the conclusion that
slavery is perfectly consistent with the economic and social
state in which this tribe lives, whether intercourse with superior
races gavo rise to it or it already oxistecl before any such inter-
course had taken place. And tho conclusions wo havo arrived
at in this and the foregoing Chapters, as to the various cir-
cumstances which further or prevent slavery, remain the samo
in both cases. Moreover, thero aro some savage tribes which
at tho time of thoir discovery kept slaves without, so far as
we know, having had any intercourse with superior races:
Now Zealandors, Tahitians, and tho fishing tribes of Kamt-
r schatka and tho North Pacific Coast of North America.

Yet, as wo have already said, those parts of the world whero
wo have found most of our-positive cases aro exactly those
whero tho slavo-trado has been carried on by civilized and
; semi-civilized peoples. Going on to account for this fact, wo
may remark first that it need nut have been tho slavo-trado
only that furthered tho growth of slavery. Tho general inter-
course with superior races may go far to account for the rise

of slavery, irrespectively of the slave-trade. We have seen
that commercial tribes are more likely to keep slaves than
others; and a savage tribe can engage in commerce with
superior peoples, who buy large quantities of native produce
and introduce foreign manufactures, to a far greater extent
than with neighbouring savages who have not much to ex-
change, as their own and their neighbours\' mode of lifo and
industrial development are nearly tho same. It has already
been remarked that iu New Zealand, when durable relations
between tho natives and the English had been established,
tho slaves kept by the former became much more profitable
Something similar to this may often havo taken place.

Probably, however, the slave-trade has also had consider-
able infiuence. Tho moro fact that foreigners purchase or
capturo slaves from savago tribes cannot, of courso, account
for the existence of slavery among these savages; it may even
result in tho disjippoaranco of slavery among them, if they find
it more profitable to sell their slaves than rotain thom. Hut tho
slave-trade will often augment tho opportunities of acquiring
slaves. Slave-traders generally trado in other articles besides
slaves; therefore thoy will often oxchango somo of tho slaves
thoy may havo procured for something else. If somo slaves aro
too weak to perform tho journey to the coast, it is moro pro-
fitable to sell them in tho interior than to leave them behind.
Moreover, tho slavo-tnulers often induce savages to nmko raids
upon thoir neighbours and sell the cjiptives they nuiy secure;
and if a wivage chief hiw onco learned in this way to kidnap
slaves, ho will perhaps continue tu do so though there bo not
always a ready salo for thom. In a word, tho procuring of
slaves becomes much easier.

Now we must bear in mind that an institution does not
always oxist in all countries whero it would bo economically
Useful. Not only is an institution which would further tho
public welfare often wanting, because tho immediato intorests
of individuals are not concerned, but tho individuals aro not

always aware even of their own immediate interests. Such
may also be the case with slavery. It may be that, if slavery
were introduced among some savage tribe, the tribe, or at
least some members of the tribe, would profit by it, and that
yet no slaves are made because there are not sufficiently
strong motives for doing so, or because there are stronger
motives working in the opposite direction. Tribes which havo
never kept slaves and are unacquainted with slave-keeping
tribes, do not know the use of slavery; therefore they have
to come to it gradually. Taking for granted that tho first
source of slavery, as seems very likely, was captivity in war,
and that the captives, at first adopted, wero afterwards dif-
ferentiated from the main body of citizens, we can understand
why slavery does not oxist in all countries where tho keeping
of slaves would bo profitable. It may bo that it is the custom
to eat the prisoners, or to sacrifice them, or to restore them
when peace is concluded. It may also bo that tho adopted
prisoners havo from times immemorial been regarded as tho
equals of the tribesmen. In all theso cases tho new motive,
tho want of slaves, must bo strong if it is to break through
tho established custom. The vis incrliae plays a great part in
tho history of mankind.

lleturning to the slavo-trado, wo may remark that this en-
tirely overturns tho existing stato of things. It enables tho tribo
to procure slaves who aro not captives, and regarding whom
therefore no custom has been established. Moreover, tho tribo
becomes acquainted with tho institution of slavery, which it
had not soon practised before. Now there is no longer any
reason why tho members of such a tribo should not purchase
tho slaves oflered to them and sot them to work. An external
cause has sufficed to disturb tho former equilibrium.

Wo havo remarked before that tho slavo-trado faciliUites tho
keeping of slaves, becauso purchased slaves aro less likely to
cscapo than captives\'). Hero too wo have to deal with tho

1) In snciont Wiilo« „tho prioo of a ulnvo wm ono pound, but of ono
brought noroM thu avo, » {Miund and n half. Tho idjivo who won brought

vis inertiae rather than with an impossibility in tho strict sense
of keeping slaves. It will not, probably, often be the case that
agricultural savages would be quite unable to retain their slaves,
if they wero really very desirous of keeping them; but it may
often occur that they are not yet fully aware of the use of
slaves, and therefore do not want to take the pains of super-
vising them, though, if slavery were thoroughly established, it
would provo very profitable; in such case the objective want
exists, but the subjective want is not yet felt. In this caso, too,
the slave-trade, by rendering escape of the slaves more diffi-
cult, will tend to establish tho custom of keeping slaves.

Our conclusion is that slavery existed among some savages
who had never had any intercourse with superior races, but
that this intercourse, especially where tho slave-trade was
carried on, has often greatly furthered tho growth of slavery.

In our Chapter on pastoral tribes we havo remarked that a
tribe living in tho vicinity of inferior races is moro likely to
keep slaves than ono surrounded by tribes of tho same or a
higher level of culturo. Enslavement of lower races also fre-
quently occurs among agriculturists; but tho agriculturists of
the higher races (e. g. Malays in the restricted sense, inhabi-
tants of North Africa, etc.) aro to bo allied barbarians rather
than savages and havo thercforo been excludod from the sur-
vey of slavery given in our first Part.

Briefly recapitulating tho conclusions wo havo arrivo<l at
with regard to agricultural tribes, wo havo to remark that tho
general character of their economic and social lifo is favourablo
to tho existence of slavery : subsistence is easy to procure, and
independent of capital, oxcopt whero cattlo are kept.

This applies especially to truo agriculturists (agriculturists of
the higher stages) as opposed to hunting agriculturists. Tho

frum a ilUtanoo wm munh Inw likoly to iNtonpo, or ovon to ntt4inipt it, nnd
thorororo n mora vnluablo pro|>orty; tlii* principlo itill liolil* ko«mI
among «lavc-owncr».\'\' Cunnlnglmni, Knglinh Imluitry, I p. 117 noto <1.

latter bear much resemblance to true hunters, who hardly ever
keep slaves; accordingly slavery is not so frequent among them
as among true agriculturists.

Our general rule, however, requires an important qualifica-
tion. "Where all land has been appropriated, a class of free
labourers commonly exists, and slaves are not wanted.

We have not entered into a thorough investigation of the
infiuence of secondary or additional causes. A closer study of
this matter will perhaps yield important results. What we
havo found with regard to these secondary causes is the fol-
lowing.

Slaves often perform femalo labour; on tho other hand female
labour sometimes serves as a substitute for slave labour.

Commercial agricultural tribes aro far more likely to keep
slaves than agricultural tribes among which commerce holds a
very subordinate place.

Slaves aro sometimes kept for military purposes, or as a
mere luxury. These two circumstances, however, though thoy
often lead to the keeping of a larger number of slaves than
would otherwiso bo required, havo not probably over given
rise to slavery.

Subjection of tribes as such, which among somo pastoral
tribes serves as a substitute for slavery, hardly over occurs
among agricultural tribes, except in Ocoania, whero slavery is
already absent for the general causo mentioned abovo, tho non-
oxistcnco of freo land.

Some external causes wo had found before: fixed habitations,
living in large groups, preserving of food, and the neighbour-
hood of inferior races, call for no special notice hero.

Intorcourso with superior races, especially where those carry
on the slave-trade, proves to be a foctor greatly furthering tho
growth of skvory.

Wo shall not give hero a list of tho causes found up to tho
present. Wo think it more convenient to place such a list at
tho end of our general conclusion.

Tho causcs which lead to tho keeping of slaves, and thoso
which prevent it, have boon divided by us into internal and
external causcs. These terms do not perhaps quite answer the
purpose, but wo cannot find other terms whioh would express
our moaning bettor, without requiring a prolix circumlocution.
We think, however, that it is clear what wo mean by theso
terms. Slavery cannot oxist, where thoro aro no internal cjiuses
requiring it, i. e. whero thero is no uso, economic or non-eoo-
mic, for slave labour. A tribo will not keep slaves, even though
its coorcivo power would enable it to do so, if thoro is no
employment for thom; in such case positive internal causes fail.
Tho same obtains, whore negative intornal causes are found,
i* 0. whore thoro arc definito circumstances which mako slave
labour useless. Tho positive intornal couses may also bo called
niotivo-forcofl. Slaves will not bo kept, oven whero tho best
opportunities of procuring thom oxist, if thero is no motive*
force which requires tho keeping of slaves, i. o. if thoy are
lot wantoil.

Hut though, where motives for keeping slaves fail, no ex-
ternal causes will givo rise to slavery, — even when thero
are such motives, slavery will not oxist, if there are no ox-
tornal causes rendering it jwasiblo, i. o. if there is no opjwr-
tuuity of procuring and rutaining hIuvus. Where uoither capturo

or purchaso of aliens, nor enslavement of members of the tribe
is practicable, or where the slaves can very easily escape, slaves
cannot be kept, though there might be much use for them \').

The principal internal cause which prevents tho rise of
slavery, or where slavery exists, tends to make it disappear,
is the dependence of subsistence upon close resources. Tho
most important result of our investigation is the division,
not only of all savage tribes, but of j^lpeoples of the earth,
into peoples with ojyen, and with ictosg resources. Among the
former labour is the principal factor of production, and a
man who does not possess anything but his own strength and
skill, is able to provide for himself independently of any capi-
talist or landlord. There may be capital which enhances tho
productiveness of labour, and particularly fertile or favourably
situated grounds tho ownership of which gives great advan-
tage; but a man can perfectly well do without these advantages.
Among peoples with close resources it is otherwise. Here sub-
sistence is dependent upon material resources of which there
is only a limited supply, and which accordingly havo all been
appropriated. Theso resources can consist in capital, tho sup-
ply of which is always limited; then those who own no capital
aro dependent on tho capitalists. Thoy can also consist in land.
Such is tho case when all land has been appropriated; then
people destitute of land are dopcndcnt on tho landowners.

Where subsistence depends on dope resources, slaves may
occasionally bo kept, but slaver)\' as an industrial system is not
likely to exist. Thoro aro generally poor people who volun-
tarily offer themselves as labourers; thoreforo slavery, i. e. a
system of compulsory labour, is not wanted. And oven whore
there aro no poor men, bccautio all share in tho close resources,
tho uso of slaves cannot be great. Whore there aro prac-
tically unlimited resources, a man can, by increasing tho num-
ber of his slaves, increaso his incomo to any extent; but a
man who owns a limited capital, or a limite<l quantity of land,

1) Our „oxtflmal cau«»" oortMpond with wlmt hiw »omolimo* boon oallcMl
condiciontM, ox oppodod to cnu$ae propor.

can only employ a limited number of labourers. Moreover, as
soon as in a country with close resources slaves are kept, they
form a class destitute of capital, or land, as the case may be;
therefore, even when they are set free, they will remain in
the service of tho rich, as they are unable to provide for them-
selves 1). Tho rich have no interest to keep the labourers in a
slave-like state. It may even be their interest to set them free,
either in order to deprive them of such rights over tho land
as thoy may have acquired in the course of time, or to bring
about a determination of the wages of labour by the law of
supply and demand, instead of by custom. They will thus,
without any compulsion except that exercized by the automatic
working of the social system, secure a larger share in the pro-
duce of labour than thoy got before by compulsion.

Among peoples with open resources everybody is able to
provide for himself; therefore freo labourers do not offer them-
selves, at least not for employment in the common drudgery,
the rudest and most despised work. Thero may be, and indee<l
there often aro, skilletl labourers whoso work is highly valued
nnd well paid; such people think it more profihiblo to earn
their livolihootl by means of their peculiar talents, than in the
common way. A striking instance of this is tho priest, whom
>^\'0 may call a skilled labourer performing non-economic la-
hour; his renumeration, both in material goods and in influ-
ence and consideration, is greater than tho income of a common
agriculturist. Hut there aro no labourers in tho modern sense
of proletarians, destitute of everything and obliged to seek em-
ployment in whatover work thoy am find. If therefore a nuin
wants others to perform tho necessary drudgery for him, and
cannot impose it upon his wife, or wives, or other female de-
pendents (either because women hold a high position, or be-
cause there is more mean work to be ilono than the women
am possibly nuinago), he must compel other mon to serve him;
nnd this compulsion will often assume tho form of slavery.

In the first Part we have said that a slave is a man who is
the property of another. "We can now see the practical meaning
of this definition. In slave countries labourers arc held as pro-
perty, and valued as such. If an employer loses a labourer, his
income is lessened by it ; if his labourer runs away, ho eagerly
tries to recover him. In countries with closo resources it is
quite the reverse \'). The labourers are not held as property,
because they are not valued. If a labourer leaves his service,
the employer knows that there arc many others ready to tako
his place. Here it is not the employer who prevents his labourers
from escaping, but tho employed who, by means of strikes and
trades-unions, try to prevent the employer from dismissing
his workmen. We aro, of course, aware that labour is always
an indispensable factor of production; yet in many countries,
0. g. in modern Western Europe, an employer does not caro
to keop a particular labourer in his service. Tho distinction wo
aro making is familiar to all students of political economy. A
kind of goods may bo very useful, and ovon indispensable to
man ; and yet the supply of theso goods may bo so largo, that
a certain quantity of them has no value in an economic sense.
Thus water is indispensable for man to livo; but it is overy-
where, or almost everywhere, found in such largo quantity
that it is not paid for. Equally, in thinly peoploil countries,
whoro fertile land is abundant, land has no value, though tho
men living in such countries cannot subsist without it. Tho
same applies to labour. Pro<luction is impossible without it;
but in modern Europe there aro moro labourers to bo had than
can bo profitably employo<l; therefore an employer does not
caro to retain his labourers; if they leave him, ho can always
procure others who aro ready to tako thoir placo and work at
tho lowest possible wages. Wo must bear in mind that this
rule, in its strictest sense, applies only to unskilled labour.

1) Vi«. goncniUy speaking. Peculiar circumitanow (e.g. a rapltl cIoto-
lopmont of industry) may bring about a tomiwrary, maroity of lalwun^rs.
But tho growth of population in most oases will soon bring this stato of
things to an end.

Qualified labourera aro often highly valued and able to secure
great advantage, because their number is limited. It is there-
fore that the helpless state of pooplo destitute of material re-
sources appears more clearly in agricultural than in manu-
facturing countries.

This difference between countries with open and with close
resources goes far to explain why slavery (and serfdom which
is also a form of compulsory labour) has gradually disap-
peared in civilized Europe, whereas in thinly peopled countries
it maintained itself much longer, and even now is sometimes
introduced under somo disguise (.labour trado", convict labour,
and similar expedients used in the tr^gics). In Western Europe
unskilled labourera can always bo had without compulsion,
whereas tho qualities required in skilled labourera auinot
develop under a compulsory régime.

Always and everywhere have men been inclined to burden
thoir fellow-men with heavy and disagreeable work ratlior than
perform it thomselvos; and tho strong havo succeeded in im-
posing this work on tho weak. Among some savage tribes it
is the weaker sex who perform tho drudgery; but in the
courae of progress tho work that has to bo dono soon becomes
too much for tho women to manage. Then subjection of males
arises, which presents itself in various forms, as subjugation
of conquered tribes, or of tho common people by the king and
nobility, but often also as slavery or serfdom. Finally, when
indisponsablo resources have boon appropriated, tho meanest
labour is imposctl ujwn thoso who aro destitute of land and
«ipitiil. Tficrc M mw m Imgtr a jH-rsonnl, hut an imf>crsoml
f-omputmon.

It may at firat sight seem strange, but it is true, that
generally labour is much moro at a disiulvantage in countries
where slavery does not exist, than in slavo countries. In slave
countries labourera are naturally independent; thoreforo ho
wlio wants to make another work for him, must enahivo
him and resort to all possible nuvins of retaining him in his
service. Hence tho strange compound of severity and indul-
gence that has so often boon obsorvod among slavo-ownons. In

countries with close resources the landlord or capitalist has a
natural advantage over his labourers; he need neither use
severity nor indulgence to maintain his position. It is a ge-
neral rule, that a man who takes express measures for main-
taining his power over his inferiors has no natural ascendency
over them. The sergeant who alternately rages at his recruits,
and allows them more liberty than he ought to do, is cer-
tainly not he who is morally their superior.

It must not, however, be supposed that we agree with
those who hold that mankind has lived up to the present
under an unsound social system, which enables some men
mercilessly to „exploit" their fellow-men, but is destined
soon to disappear and give pkce to a sound system, under
which all men will combine to exploit tho forces of nature,
without exploiting one another. Tho socialists decidedly under-
rate tho social function of tho ruling classcs. It is not through
mere chance that somo men govern and enjoy tho profits
inherent to their high position, whereas others aro governed
and havo to content themselves with a smaller portion of
earthly goods. Tho military classes of a nation may keep tho
labouring classes in a stato of subjection ; but then tho military
classcs aro indispensable; if thoy did not defend tho country,
tho labourers would get nothing at all. A great manufacturer
may gain millions at tho expense (as tho socialists say) of
his workmen; but then ho organizes thoir labour so that it
will be most effectivo, and finds tho best markets for what
thoy produce; but for him there would not be any employ-
ment for thom \'). Wo may bo certain that, if the profits of
employers wore curtailed to any considerablo extent, tho
productive forces of tho nation would cease to bo utilize<l In
such an effcctivo manner as tbey aro now, and tho labourers
would not gain by it. Tho most conclusive ovidonco as to
tho reasonableness of tho present system is its long-continucd

1) Sco al«o Itmnin-SUsmogg (I pp. 297, 208, :H7, 348, 381, II pp.
401—165) on tho groat jwirt taken by tho medieval landlord* in developing
tho agricultural roeouroo« of Germany.

oxiatenco. If it were by mere chance or rascality that some
men go ahead of the others, the great number would be per-
fectly able to rise against the few and overturn the system.
But the few leading men maintain their position, which proves
that they are indispensable.

We do not, of course, defend tho excesses. Many institu-
tions which in their own time were useful, have remained
too long and become prejudicial to the welfare of society,
thus justifying Goethe\'s saying about reason growing nonsense
and benefits growing plagues. But even in combating the
abuses, we defend tho system; for when we eradicate the
abuses w^o strengthen the system, which seems to us far better
than overturning it because of the abuses. In a socialist society
there would be ruling classes as well as now; the ignorant
multitude would be ruled by unscrupulous politicians, and wo
seriously doubt whether tho common people would bo better
off. Moreover, thero would be an enormous waste of human
energy and spirit of enterpriae, such aa nmy already bo ob-
served to somo extent in certain bureaucratically governed
countries; thero would bo stagnation an»l probably retrogreasion.
We cannot, liko somo writers of to-day, regard socialism as a
beautiful ideal, the realization of which would be very desir-
able, if it wore only practicable. Wo think it is an ugly
system, which would sacrifice tho ultimate welfare of the
ljuman race to a questionable increaao of present conifort.

Wo have aeon that alavery win not exiat to any conaidorahlo
extent among peoples with cloao resources. Hut oven among
peoples with open resources it ia not alwaya found. Slavos
perform the drudgery for their masters; therefore they aro
not wanted where little drudgery has to be done, or in other
terms, slavery ia not likely to exiat whero snbsixtencc is dif-
ficult to acquirc. Whero nuMi subsist by highly skilled labour,
tbero can bo littlo uao for slavea; for tho slaves cannot bo
made to perform such labour; and tho littlo unskilled labour
tbat ia wante<l is not profitable enough to admit of the keep-
ing of alavort, who would havo to bo fed by tho produce of

their masters\' work. This is the principal reason why slavery
hardly ever occurs among hunters, and one of tho reasons
why the Eskimos do not keep slaves.

We find thus that, generally speaking, the keeping of
slaves is economically profitable to peoples with open resources
among which subsistence is easily acquired, and to such
^ j peoples only. But thero are several secondary causes, internal
and external, which bring about that slaves arc sometimes
kept by peoples with closo resources, or by peoples among
which subsistence is difficult to procure, and that on the
other hand slavery is sometimes absent where resources arc
open and subsistence is easy to acquire.

Among tho secondary intenwl causes wo have noted in the
first place tho condition of women. There is no uso for slaves,
where all disagreeable work can be, and is performed by tho
weaker sex; Australian and ilelancsian women supply the
place of slaves. On tho other hand, whero the women hold n
high position, and tho men aro desirous of relieving them of
a part of their task, slavery is likely to arise sooner than
otherwise would bo the case.

Commerce probably exists among all savages. Even tho Au-
stralian tribes mutually oxchango raro kinds of earth for
painting their bodies, and similar objects. But commerce has
only a social importance, whoro tho articles exchanged aro
manufactured goods in tho widest sense, including e. g. fish
and agricultural products, in a word all articles tho production
of which requires a considorablo amount of labour. Then tho
freemen who devote thomsolvoH to commorcial pursuits want
others to perform the common labour for ovory-day subsistenoo;
moreover tho preparing of tho articles of trade requires nmro
labour than would otherwise be wanted. And last, but not
least, commerce leads to the dovolopnient of wealth and
luxury; slave labour is now wanted to provide tho owner not
only with tho necessaries, but with tho comforts of life. Com-
morcial tribes in the widest sense, -- including 1° tribes
which oxchango native produco for foreign manufactures,
2\' tribes which themselves produco and export mauufactured

goods in tho common, rostrictcd sense, 3° tribes which carry
on a transit-trade, — are therefore far more likely to keep
slaves than self-sufficing tribes.

Wo have seen that subjection of women is sometimes a sub-
stitute for slavery. Another substitute is subjection of tribes aa
such. This subjection occurs only, so far as savages are con-
cerned, whero peculiar circumstances render it possible: among
pastoral tribes, which subject their neighbours to whom thoy
are superior in military qualities, and in Oceania, whero tho
limited area prevents tho conquered from receding. Where a
tribe subjected as such pays a tribute to tho conquerors and
performs services for thom, thero is not so much need for en-
slavement of individuals belonging to tho vanquished tribe.

People w^ho live from hand to mouth have less uso for slaves
than thoso who preserve food for tho time of scarcity. Tho pre-
paring of this food may require much labour which is very
fit to bo performed by slaves. Wo have seen that such is espe-
cially the case on tho North Pacific Coast of North America.

Warfare plays a great part in savage lifo, and we have
found that tho roquircmonta of warfare sometimes prevent, but
i\'> othor cases further tho riso of slavery. Many savago tribes
increase thoir population by introduction of foreign elements.
This may bo dono for two reasons: men aro wanted either for
labourers or for warriors \'). In tho former case tho introduc-
tion of aliens leads to slavery in its nmst gonewl form of
oxtratribal slavery. When warriors are wanto<l, slavery is not
tl>o most appropriate form; adoption of foreigners, such as was
f»r inshinco practised by tho Iroquois, answers tho purpose bettor,
because a man who enjoys tho common privileges of a niom-
ber of the tribo is moro reliable in war than a slave. In such
cAso militarism nuiy prevent tho riso of slavery, becjiuse all
available men are wantod in war and have theroforo to bo

placed on a level with the trihesmen. But where superior mili-
tary qualities of a tribe render the employment of slaves in
warfare (most often in the lower ranks of tho army) possible,
slaves are sometimes kept mainly for military purposes, espe-
cially where prejudices of race or colour prevent the tribe from
adopting tho foreigners. Then militarism furthers tho growth
of slavery; for slaves would not be wanted, if they did not
servo as warriors.

Slaves may also be kept as a mere luxury. Tho possession
of many slaves, like other property, everywhere tends to give
the owner influence and reputation. Yet ho most often also
derives material profit from his slaves, namely from the total
number of them, even where some of them do not perform
productive labour. Only in a few cases does the solo uso of
slaves appear to consist iu augmenting their owners\' influenco
and reputation. This occurs among some pastoral tribes, where
the rich are able to support a largo number of unproductive
labourers. But hero tho military use of slaves has perhaps
co-operated in establishing slavery.

It is quite possible that a tribe does not keep slaves, though
thoy would be very useful. Tho non-existence of slavery in
such cases is duo to external circumstances. It may bo that
tho coorcivo power of the tribo is not sufTiciently dovelopo<l
to admit of tho keeping of slaves. It may also bo that slavery
docs not exist, because it has not yet been invcntotl: people
havo always been accustomed to dojil otherwise with thoir pri-
soners than by enslaving them, and tho idea of making slaves
Jiuifljjcvcr entered their minds. The coercive power is stningest

where men livo in fixed ImhitcUions (though several tribes of
pastoral nomads also keep slaves), and in large groups, and
aro accustomed t<» prrserrc food. Tho slave-trade, has con-
siderablo influence. It increases tho coorcivo power by mak-
ing escapo of slaves moro difficult; and by making a tribe
acquainted with tho institution of slavery and providing it
with an easy means of acquiring slaves it often overcomes

tbe vis inertiae. The slave-trade may go far to account for the
very frequent occurence of slavery among savages who have
long maintained relations with superior races, though duo
allowance must be made for the influence of tho general inter-
course with such races, especially in.furthering commercial
development. Another external cause is tho neighbourhood of
inferior races, the influence of which, as we have seen, clearly
appears among pastoral tribes. It is easier for Ilamitic and
Semitic peoples to keep Negroes in a stato of subjection than
people of their own race.

The reverse of each positive cause is, of course, a negative
cause. Thus, if living in fixed habitations is a positive cause,
nomadism is a negative cause. "We have, however, noted most
causes once only, as positive or negative causes, according as
their influence in a positive or negative sense is most con-
spicuous. Among the general causes wo have noted both the
positive cause and its reverse, because these causes have an
extraordinary importance. The position of women has also
been noted in both senses; but here the positive and negative
causes are not exactly the reverse of each other: an intermediate
stato of things is conceivable, in which women are neither so
much overworked that they may be said to supply tho placo
of slaves, nor hold such a high position that slaves aro wanted
to help them in their work.

Preserving of food and militarism occur twice, because thoy
work in diflerent directions.

Wo havo arranged the separate causes within each group
in tho order in which wo havo found them. If wo had ar-
ranged them according to thoir relative importance, thoy would
havo been enumerated in another order. Thus among tho ex-
ternal causes the slave-trade comes last, though its influence is
greater than that of tho other external causes.

Wo have viewed slavery as an industrial system, and in-
quired under what economic and social conditions thia system
can exist. This investigation wo beliovo has led to valuable
conclusions. Hut slavery (even if wo confine ourselves to
shivery among savages) may bo viowtMl under many moro
aspects. Wo have not made any further study of tho subject;
but having collected many ethnographical materials, wo have
become acquainted with a groat nunibor of details which nuiy
afford subjects of further investigation. Wo shall give here an
enumeration of various points connected with slavery, thougli
wo do not claim that it is in any way complete: it would

probably appear on closer scrutiny that many additions could
be made to it Wo shall mention the various points in short
sentences, often in tho form of inquiries.

In connection with tho former point it may bo inquired
what is in each case tho status of ohildren born of two slaves,
of a male slavo and a freo woman, of a female slave and
a free man, and especially of a female slave and her master.
This inquiry will enable us to find, whether and to what
oxtont slaves are merged in tho general population.

Tho manners in which free-born people bccomo slaves may
bo distinguished according as slaves oro acquired from without
Of within tho limits of tho tribe. This reminds us of tho
distinction wo have made between oxtmtribul and intratribal
slavery. Wo may inquire then which of theso two forms of
slavery appears first. If we should find that oxtmtribal is
older than intratribal slavery (which does not seom unlikely)
wo might examine tho economic and social conditions under
which intratribal slavery con exist.

Capturo in war or kidnapping. Iloro a wide field of
foseorch ojwns itself. Captivos, when thoy nro not ouslaved,
•^fo killed (eaten, sacrificed), or exchongod after peace hos
been conclude«!, or ransomed by their countrynjon, or adopted
into the tribo of tho captors. It may bo inquired whether any
of theso njodes of treatment cjin hove gniduolly led to on-
»lavement of tho aiptivos (e.g. cjiptives oro first odopttnl, and
gradually difforontiatod from tho born members of the tribo;
or thoy ore first oaten, thou preserved to bo eaten later on
and in tho meantime set to work, and finally employe«! as slovort
and no longer (uiten). Soveml of theso modes of tmitmont
coexist with shivery (o. g. sumo captives aro sacrificod and

the rest kept as slaves; or slaves are occasionally sacrificed);
does this only occur in the early stages of slavery, and indi-
cate that shivery has not yet fully developed ? When is slavery
an object, and when is it only an incident of warfare? A
remarkable phenomenon, worth a close investigation, is the
occurrence of extratrihal slavery or adoption of aliens together
with a preventive check on population (infanticide, abortion)\').
When captives are enslaved, it is worth inquiring in what
manner they are distributed among the captors; this will havo
a strong influence on the division of wealth.

2** Purchase. The prices paid for different classes of slaves
show what slaves are most desired (men or women, people of
different ages or nationalities). The slaves sold havo often
been captured by the sellers; but it also occurs that people
aro sold by their countrymen, especially criminals. Hero wo
may notice the influence of the slave-trade on penal law:
people aro probably often sold abroad, who otherwise would
havo been killed or expelled from tho community.

For non-payment of a debt. Hero tho general treatment
of debtors and the extent to which tho rights of creditors
aro acknowledged by the community arc worth examining.
Debtor-slaves havo often, but not always, a right to become
free by paying off\' tho debt *). In somo eases tho creditor
does not keep the debtor as a slave, but recovers his money
by selling him abroad\').

1) To give ono inittanoc, Ouppy iiliitoii tlmt in Ugi, in tho Solomon UUniU,
„inrnntioiilo U tho provailing cu.itbm. Wlum n man nootU luwintanoo in hi«
(Icolining ymrn, bin prop« nm not hi« own mina but youth« obtainiMi by
puroliaao from tho St. Chriatoval nativo«, who, aa thny attain lo nuinhoo<l,
aoquiro a virtual in(]o|H>nil«noi<, paiulng almtmt beyond tho control of their
original owner. It ia from thU oauM tlut but n amall pro|tortion uf tho
Ugi native* Itavo boon born on tho UUnd, thrce-fourtha of thom having
boon brought as youth« to «upply tho plaoo of offspring killini In Infanoy"

IT 2" As a punishment, either directly, or when the wergild
^ J is not paid. This subject might be treated in connection with
^ Dr. Stoinmetz\'s investigations of early penal law. Criminals
often .become slaves of the chief or king; a study of this matter
would lead to an inquiry into political institutions at large.

By marrying a male or female slave. Hero we may
inquire whero and to what extent connuhium between free
people and slaves exists.

By offering themselves as slaves, or selling themselves.
In the former case it has always carefully to be inquired
whether such persons become slaves or voluntary servants; the
latter is quite possible, and the terminology of our informants
not always reliable, as wo have seen when speaking of Oceania.
When they really become slaves, thero are probably open
resources. It is then worth inquiring what can bo tho reason
wliy, while resources are open and so everybody is able to
provide for himself, thero aro people who throw themselves
upon the mercy of mon of power.

1° Ilodemption. Hero tho question presents itself, whero
slaves, or certain categories of slaves, havo a right to be
redeemed.

2® Emancipation. Where, and under what social conditions,
does this custom prevail, and whero is it of frequent occur-
rence P What aro tho motives that induce tho master to set
l>is slave free? Emancipation as a substitute for sacrifice*).

3° Adoption. Connooto<l with this is tho fact, that in somo
Countries slaves sometimes succeed to thoir masters\' goods.

1) AmoHK Iho TlinkiU, nt the roiut hchl in commoniomtion of tho (loccflAoii,
tho man who gnro tho fonut unoil to |mrt with twmo of hi« «hivo«, whether
hy luuirlfloinjf or onmnoiiwting then» won h\'ft t«» tho iIoc.i«ion of tho prii-at.
Krnwn, p. 382.

Here we may ask whether or not such adoption and right of
inheritance are only found in early stages and have to be
regarded as survivals of adoption of aliens.

4® Marriage of a slavo with a free person, especially of a
female slave with her master.

5° Dedication to a god. Slaves can sometimes become free
by devoting themselves to some deity\'). Further details;
power of the priesthood; compare the influence of the church
in the Middle Ages.

In whatever way slaves becomo free, tho position of the
liberti deserves a separate consideration. Aro they on a level
with free-born men, or do thoy form a separate class? Do
their descendants gradually become merged in the general
popuktion ?

10 Is tho general treatment stated to bo good or bad?
Where the former and where tho latter?

Slaves are often stated to bo looked upon and treated
as members of tho master\'s family. What does this mean?
Whero does it occur?

30 Difference between freomon and slaves in food, clothing,
otc. Slaves forbidden to wear tho samo dress and ornaments
as freemen.

lo Is tho master\'s powor ovor his slavo unlimited? Very
often it is not. Connection with tho development of tho power
of government

1) Among tlio Kwiv-ttpoaklng pooplo« of tho .SInVo Coiwt „nroonling to
cuHtom, liny hIsto who tiikun rci^ugo in n t4*mplo am! (lmlioAt4«« himM\'lf to
thci Horvioo of tho go<l, cannot b<* rcclnimtnl hy hi« owner; hut n«by (Niying
a foo lo tho prient Iho owner can oIoho tho «lo<ir« of all tho lomplc« In Iho
noighlHiurhood tii hi« fugiiivn «lavo«, thi« proviHion of an oayluni for nn
ill-trcatcsi «lavo 1« moro njiparcnt than real." Kill«, Kwo-«pt<aking poopli*»,

2o Rights of the slaves with regard to marriage and family.
Conntihium with freemen: see above. Are slave-marriages
legally acknowledged, or do they entirely depend on tho
master\'s pleasure? Do the masters apply aoy principles of
selection in mating tho slaves? When the parents aro slaves
belonging to diiferent masters, to which master do the children
belong? Has tho master full rights over his female slaves iu
a sexual respect?

3" Right of property. Aro the rights of slaves to their
earnings (pcctdium) recognized? When tho slave dies, who
succeeds to tho pcculitim ?

Protection of slaves by ponal law. When a slave has
been killed, is a wergild paid as for a freeman, or is only tho
price of tho slave restored to tho master? Similarly with
regard to lesser injuries. Aro thoso who commit any offence
against tho slave punished by tho government? H so, is any
exception made for tho master? Is tho master responsible for
any damages causcd by his slave ?

8° It may olso bo that tho slave, if ill-treatod by his master,
bas a right to bo sold. In somo cases tho slavo can change
his master by causing somo slight datiiago to tho now master
or his goods. This formality has probably originated from tho
delivering up of tho slave to tho injured person for some
real damage^).

Aro slaves doBpised? Dohiils. Do tho slaves receive a
regular burial, or are thoir corpsos thrown away?

2° External signs of slavery (mutilations, dress different
from that of freemen)\'). Are these signs only intended clearly
to show the difference of status, or to make fugitive slaves
easy to recognize?

4° Is there any instance among savages of slavery being
considered a status contra naturam?

2° tho manner in which they havo become slaves (differ-
ence between extratrihal and in^tribal slaves, between native-
born and newly-acquired slaves)

3° the work imposed upon them (outdoor and indoor slaves,
familia rustira and familia urhana).

1° tho same work as freemen,
or ^ tho samo as freo women,
or 3" tho samo as the lower classes.

4" If somo kind of work is performed by slaves only, what
is its character? (Drudgery as opposed to noble work).

8° Amount of work. Aro tho slaves over-worked? Aro thoy
supervised? Aro they kept at work by any compulsory means
(flogging, etc.)?

1) Among tho anciont Ocmian« «Iato« woro obliged to wear thoir hair
short (Amira, p. 130).

2) On tho favourable position of nativo-born Hlavos in North-wwtom Afrioa
SCO above, pp. 2C.\'>, 207.

3) In Dahomey „agriculturo Is dospisod, booauso shives aro «mployi»d in
it" Burton, II p. 248.

Does it over exist among savages? Aro there instances of
tho coexistence of slavery and serfdom? In what manner do
people become serfs?

1° "What is, in cach case, the number of the slaves, and
their proportion to the general population?

2° "What is, in each case, the numerical proportion of tho
sexes among tho slaves?

50 In some cases only cortain classes (e. g. the nobility)
are entitled to koop slaves \').

Is it considered a groat ovil for one\'s self or one\'s friends
to fall into slavery? Instances of suicide to escape from slav-
ery »). In many aiscs it is not slavery ns such, but salo lo
distant regions that is felt as a great cjilantity. Wo may
mention horo tho curious phenomenon of people captured and
enslaved by tho enemy or sold abroad, boing on thoir roturn
despised or ovon ropollod by thoir forih^sr countrymen

1) Among tho UntUh« vf Mnnilhcling and I\'ortlbio only tho nohlon nro
ulluwud to keop slavoit. Tho higher nohliMi nmy kovip hh many lilavoti ax
thoy liko, tho lower only two or three vWillor, p. W).

2) Tho Athka Aleut« «onielinie»^ prefer suloido to captivity in war or
»lavery (I\'etroir, p. ir»8).

3) „In tho distriet of Alia« [in Sumatra] a custom prevail«, by which, if a
mi»n,ha« boon »old to tho hill pooplo, however unfairly, ho i« restricted on
his roturn from associating with hi« countrymen a« their equal, unle«« ho
brings with him a sum of monoy, nnd pay« a fino for his ro-enfninchi«o-
ment to his kalipjmh or chief. This regulation ha« taken iU riso fnmi an
idea of oontamination among tho people, and from art and avarico among
the ohiefs." .Marsden, p. 255.

1" Influence of slavery on the development and division of
wealth. Slave-owners producing for export.

2" Influence of slavery on the development of the military
principle. The ruling classes, having learned to command their
slaves, are more capable of commanding the people.

3" Influence of slavery on the formation of social ranks.
The existence of slavery is a handicap to those who cannot
purchase any slaves; slavery furthers the divergence of tho
rich and tho poor, of the nobles and tho common people.

4° Influence of shivery on the laws and customs regulating
marriage, and on sexual morality at largo. Female slaves
serving as concubines.

5" Influence of slavery on tho condition of freo women.
When there are many domestic slaves, free women aro no
longer overtaxed with work.

Influence of slavery on warfare. As soon as captives aro
regularly enslaved, tho cruel modes of treating captives which
may havo formerly existed disappear. On tho other hand,
when tho procuring of slaves becomes an object of warfare,
war bocomcs much moro frequent than before.

7*\' Influence of slavery on tho development of political power.
Sbve-owners aro moro likely to roach great oflicienoy in
governing and warfare than pcoplo who have to work for
their own subsistence \')•

8° Influence of slavery on morality at large. Tho habit of
absolute rule corrupts tho masters. Slavery often engenders
cruelty, or at least harshness. Tho slavos aro demoralised,
because their education is neglected and thoy do nut livo in
normal family relations. Slavery moreover prevents „the

i) Hogohot rcmarloi that slaTcry nCrcaUM a set of pontons l>om to work
that others may not work, and not to tlitnk in onlcr tliat others may
think." Thoroforo „slavo-owning nations, Imring tirao to think, nro likoly
to bo moro shrewd in polioj, and moro crafty in strategy." Hagohot, p. 73 ;
800 also Ingram, pp. 5, 6.

development of the senso of human dignity which lies at the
foundation of morals"

10" Selectory influence of slavery. Ferrero\'s theory: slavery
has greatly furthered the survival of tho industrious type of
man. High death-rate among slaves.

Though wc havo not systematically investigated this subject,
our studies havo brought us into closer connection with this
than with any of tho points mentioned above. Wo shall thore-
foro briefly stato our impressions on the dovelopment of slavery,
without, of course, claiming for tho following remarks tho
value of a theory. -

Slavery very probably first appears in tho form of oxtra-|
tribal slavery, and originates from tho adoption of captivesj
especially captive children. This is also Powell\'s opinion. Ac-
cording to him captive children wero originally adopted and
treated by the captors entirely as their own children. „This
is not yet slavery. If tho captive belongs to a tribo of here-
ditary enemies who havo from timo immemorial been desig-
nated by somo opprobrious term, as cannibals, liars, snakes,
etc. — then it may be that tho captive is doomed to perpe-
tual younger brotherhood, and can never exorcise authority
ovor any person within tho tribe, though such person may
beborn after tho now birth of tho captive. This is tho first
form of slavery. Usually, though not invariably, tho captives
adoptetl aro children" \'). Whether tho first slaves woro really
cjiptives belonging to a tribo of hereditary enemies, wo do not
know; but Powell expresses himself very appropriately, when
ho says that tho slaves aro „doomed to perpetual younger
brotherhood". In tho early stages of culture slaves are on tho
whole leniently treated, and there is little dilforonco between

1) Soo Ingram, pp. »ni ^n thu appHo« much Ion« Uy early Marory
than to slavery in its moro «dvanood stages.

young slaves and free children. But the slave always remains
a „younger brother". He never becomes the head of a family;
and when the master who educated him dies, he becomes the
subject of the master\'s child, the companion of his childhood.
Tho slavo does not count among the full-grown men of tho
tribe; ho is not allowed to bear arms, ho has no voice in
government matters; though a member, ho is an inferior
member of the household in which ho lives.

The slaves aro children captured in wartheir number
is small. The slave, who is nearly on a level with the child-
ren, is wanted for much tho same reason that children
are so eagerly desired among most agricultural savago tribes:
the larger the family, tho more food can bo produced; for
land is still abundant. Slaves and freemen perform tho
same kind of work, with tho exception perhaps of somo
domestic occupations, which aro more nnd moro left to the
slaves.

Gradually the number of slaves increases. Tho slave-trade
greatly furthers tho growth of slavery. The keeping of slaves
is moro and more confincd to tho chiofs and principal men.
Whero slaves are captured in war it is the leading men who
secure most of tho booty; and where slaves aro purchased it
is only the rich who can givo a goo<l price for them. Tho
ruling classos aro tho great slavo-ownors, and theso people
are naturally inclined to leave all the common work to thoir
slaves, reserving for themselves only tho noble pursuits of
warfare and government. Tho difforenco between tho slaves and
their owners becomes thus\'greater than it was before. The
common people come to distrust and hate tho slaves, whom
thoy regard as the tools of tho aristocracy. And tho differ-
entiating process we havo describe<l hero is always going on:

1) Adult maloti aro not d«>«iro«l for rUvoi, Ikhmum llioy aro very diflicult
to manage. Thii i« tho oa«a oren among tho wrai-flivllixed Mohammedan«
f of Ihighirmi; soo N\'aohtigal, II p. G15.

tho more slaves a man owns, the greater his wealth; and tho
greater a man\'s wealth the better will he be able to procure
slaves. Tho common people are continually sinking in the
social scale, and in the course of timo many of them are rcduced
to slavery for non-payment of monoy thoy have borrowed
from tho rich

In somo countries, whero oil, cotton, and similar products
aro exported, slavery assumes enormous proportions. The largo
plantations can best bo worked with slaves; and as manufac-
tures are imported, slave labour serves not only to feed the
master, but to provide him with tho luxuries of lifo; the
wants of the slave-owners, and accordingly the possible extent
of slavery, becomo practically unlimited. This slave system,
as we have seen, exists in some parts of tho West Coast of
Africa, and bears a closo resemblance to that which till far
into the present century was carried on in tho Southern States
of North America.

Where cereals aro grown and agricultuml produce is not
exported on a very large scale, the course of things is different.
An increase of slaves above a cortain number is of littlo uso
to tho owner. When he has slaves enough to provide him
with a large quantity of food and other necessaries for tho
use of himself and his family and personal servants, ho does
not want moro slaves. The agricultuml pn)duco they could
furnish would not bo worth tho pains of supervising thom.
The slaves (oxcopt a fow who aro kept for domostic services)
are soon allowed to livo mthor indopondently, bound only to
provide fixed quantities of agricultuml produco an<l perform
occasional services. And when tho use of monoy bccomos geneml,
these slaves often contract with thoir masters to pay a yearly
tribute in monoy instead of tho services and payments in kind.
The slaves become serfs. And gmdually the wholo of the

I) Sco I.oriii\'8 splon.Iiil ox|w«tion of tlio function of politiwil institution«
as II moans, for tho rioh, of mainUining thoir oconomio asoondonoy.

lower orders are merged in this servile class. Ancient slaves,
members of subjected communities, helpless persons who seek
the protection of a powerful chief, all become the subjects
and dependents of the ruling nobles. Such was the social
system of the early Middle Ages, that in the course of time
was entirely overturned through the progress of manufactures
and commerce and the gradual appropriation of the whole
of the land i).

1) SIatm liATo also Bomotinii>s boon otnployod in ninnufactures. .Such,
according to Cunningham, was tho oaso in anoiont Tyro. BIsvm also „worked
as artisans in tho factories of Athens". Cunninghani, WMtorn CiviliMtion,
pp. 00, 110. Hut wo think suoh an omploymont of shtTos is rather an
oxcoption.

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Agrioultural triboH, doflnition of torm,
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299 ««iq.; gonorally Imvo opon ro-
HOurooH, 390.

Agriculturo. among pastoral tribo«, 203;
HtogoM of, according to OroMO, 174;
aooording to Habn, 175; our throe
Htagcs, 175; 0. proper, 175, 299.

l»«gehot Walter, XXVII; on thouni-
Tomllty of slavery, 108; on Iclsuro
JHJing the groat nood of early aooio-
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and „retail" Hlavory, 3a5;ontheu*o
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Ihwtian, Prof. A., gives no definition
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all Ulwrty, 3; on „slaves of tho
ohior, 2<.».

Cairnes, J. K., XXVII; on slave lalmur,
190; on slaves nnd peasant proprie-
tors, 302—304; on abundanoo of lanti
ns a requisite for the existence of
slavery, 300, 307; on tho cultivation
ol cotton nnd similar crops, 398.

Capital, among tho Vikimos, 263;
among pastoral tribes, 209 sqq.;
among agricultural tribos, 299; sub-
sistonoo depondont on o., 2.55 sqq.,
509 sqq., 290, 387 sqq., 420; 0. want-
ing in a system of natural eoonomy,
aooording to Hildobrand, 354, .350.

Captives, troAlment of, 410, 427, 4:M,
4^19; ndopte«l sm Adoption; roHlwl
by their former oountrymen, 212,
437.

Chiefs, as slare-owners, 29—31, 437,
442; their wants provided for by
their subjects, 190, 191; appropria-
tion of land by o., 331.

Children, Australian parents fond of
their, 23; treatment of, among sa-
vages, 24 sqq.; adopted, 27; oh. of
slaves, and of free people and sbves,
status of, 434, 430.

Commercial tribes, moaning of term,
390; most often keep slave«, 390,
420; a ooun tries, S-Vi.

Cunningham, Prof. W, on primitivo
agriculture, 207 note i; on Wake-
field and his system of colonization.
311 noto 1; on the influence of com-
merce, 307 noto 1; on slaves brought
from a distance fetching a higher
prico than others, 416 noto 1; on
slavo labour in ancient Tyro ond
Greece, 442 noto 1; on medieval
England, 350, 353,364 sqq.; on natu-
ral eoonomy and money economy, 363.

Dargun, Dr. L., XXVII; on the nature
of property, 37; on tho development
of economic life, 173; on employ-
ment of women in primitivo agri-
culture. 170; on individual property
among pastoral tribes, 273 noto 5;
on tribal property in land, 312; on
land tenure among tho Australians,
348 noto 1.

Darwin, Ch., on tho condition of wo-
men among savages, 22; on deriva-
tion of institutions, 4i noto 1 ; on
tho Kueginns, 84 noto 1.

Evictions of the 15th and 16tli centu-
ries, in Engknd, 372 sqq.; in Ger-
many, 385.

Female labour, in Australia, 13; among
hunters, 197; among 6amm/cr, 200;
on the N. PaciQo Coast ofN. AmericA,
215 sqq.; in Ckintral N. America,
240 sqq.; among tho I\'^kimos, 251;
among pastoral tribes, 283; among
hunting agriculturists, 297; per-
formed by men, 198; performed by
slaves, 214, 215, 283, 391,392; mak-
ing shivo labour superfluous, 258,
392 sqq.

KiHhing, on the N. Paeifio Coast ofN.
Ameriw^ 200,202; in Australia, 227;
in Central N. Amerioa, 235; among
tlio Kskimo«, »245; not so unfavour-
able to tho growth of slavery as
hunting, 199, \'r.4.

Flügel, Dr. 0., on tho abtouoo of shi-
very among hunters, 170; on tho
character of early slavery, 305 note 2.

Grosse, Dr. E., on tho Australians, 86
note 7; on stages of agriculture, 174;
on the condition of women among
„higher hunters", 220 sqq.

Groups, living in small, unfavourable
to tho growth of slavery, 192, 2.\'\'>4,
259, 428; size of g., among hunters,
192; among tho tribos of the Pacific
Coast, 203; in Australia, 227 ; in Con-
trol N. America,235; among tho 1-^ki-
njos, 245; among pastoral tribes, 284;
among agricultural tribes, 409, 410.

Hildebrand, Prof. B., on natural, money
and credit eoonomy, 353 sqq.; criti-
cism of H.\'s theory, 3558(|q.

Hildebrand, Dr. H., on employment of
women in primitivo agriculture, 170
note 1.

Hunting, psychical oharaotor of, 193;
not nt to bo performod by slave«,
193sqq.; roquiros tho utmost appli-
cation, 193.

Hunting .igriculturists, 175 note 2,226,
297; male nnd female laliour among,
297; aro often nomadic, 297; why
most of tliem do not keep slaves,
297, 408. 410; they do not employ
sUvcs In warfare, 402.

Ilunting tribes, definition of term, 174 ;
generally have open resources, 390;
hardly ever keep slaves, 189, 200.

Inama-Sternegg, Prof. K. Th. von, on
natural eoonomy and serfdom, 364
noto 1; on medieval Germany, 350,
360, 361, 363, 376 sqq.

Industry, 176 note 2; on tho N. Paci-
fic Coast of N. America, SOHsqq.;
in Australia, 229, 230; in Central
N. America, 237, 238; among tho
Eskimos, 24)8, 249; among pastoral
tribos, 283; effects of, 2.58.

Ingram, Prof. J. K., XXYl; on tho uso
of tho terms „slave" and „slavery", 2;
definition of slavery, 5; on lower
castos, 32; on tho oharaoter of serf,
doni, 30; on slavery among hunting,
pastoral and agricultural tribos, 109;
on tho uso of slnvery, 301; on em-
ploymont of slaves in wurfaro by tho
itomans, 404; on liherli holding
high ollloos, 405 note 1 ; on tho
African slavo-traile, 413sqq.; on tho
moral effects of slavery, 4iiw.

Intoroourso, between nelghliouring
tribes, 211, 2.59, 291 ; with suiwrior
raoos, 414, 42<.».

Jhering, Prof. It von, definition of sla-
very, 5; on slavery In early litimo,
3(Ki noto 2.

Kohler, Prof. J., on the ilarshall Is-
landers, 103, 324; on tho Duallos,
149 note 8.

Labour, demand for, 388, 422; among
pastoral tribes, 273; in Oceania,
343sqq.; among agricultural tribes,
300 sqq.

Labourers, free, 32, 256; among pas-
toral tribes, 269 sqq.; among cattlo-
brceding agriculturists, 272; in Ocea-
nia, 334 sqq.; in medieval Enghind,
366, 368-371, 374; in medieval Ger-
many, 378, 381, 383 sqq.; in ancicnt
Rome, 387 noto 1 ; slaves preferred
to f. I., 288; productive and unpro-
ductive I., 407, 403; condition of I.
in agricultural and in manufacturing
countries, 423; free I. only found in
countries with money eoonomy, ao-
oording to Ilildebrand, 354 mjq.

I>aniprccht, Prof. K., on slavery among
imstoral tribes, 170; on medieval
Germany, 379 sqq.

I.<nnd, conquest and confiscation of,
331; freemen dostituto of, 311, 323,
325, 3.10, 332, 378; I. and iwpula-
tion,XXII, XXIII, 305sqq.,387,420;
I. tenure in Polynesia, 310si|q.; In
Mioronosia, 3£)s(|q.; in MolanMia,
320s<|q.; in Australia, 348 noto 1;
in moilieval Kngland, 3(H sqq.; In
medieval Germany, 370 sqq.

letourneau. Ch., XXVI; dofinition of
slavery, 5; on onplivospnNK\'rvoil for
cannlltal pur|»otM<», 7; on slavery in
wly nto^ of sooUI life, o"
woman\'s position in Austmlia and
among savago* gi\'nemlly, 8, 0; on
tho olwracU^r of sorfdom, 37; on tho
Tehuolchos, 83; on tho AustnUlans,

86 noto 7, 87 noto 4; on tho Maori,
98 noto 1; on tho ilarqucsas Island-
ers, 101; on the Padam Ahors, 1\'25
noto 2; on tho Turkomans, 130; on
the Tuareg, 16-2, 261, 268, 282,290;
oa the Kabyls, 163; on tho Tlinkits
and neighbouring tribes, 213 note 5.

Lippert, Dr. J., definition of slavery,
5; on wives and slaves, 23 noto 2;
on ohildron and slaves, 27 noto 2;
on shivery among pastoral tribes, 170.

Loria, A., XXVII; on tho producti-
veness of slave and free labour, 302
noto 1; on tho appropriation of tho
soil nnd its social offocts, 307 sqq.;
on tho eoonomio function of iKilitioal
institutions, 441 noto 1.

Male labour, in Australia, 19 siiq.;among
hunters, 193, 198; among Sammler,
200; among pastoral tribes, 273 sqq.

Mnrx, K., on Innd nnd i>opulation, 311
noto 1; on commutation nnd froo
tenaneios, 3(H note I.

Method, of ascertaining tho oxistenoe
or non-existence of slavery, 40 sqq.;
of investigating tho causes of sla-
very, 166 sqq.

Morgan, L. II., on tho Iroquois, 56,
409; on stages of culture, 166; on
the depcndenoo of slavery uiwn eco-
nomio factors, 169.

Ochenkowski, Dr. W. von, on mwlio-
vnl Knglnnd, 361,3(^5 it<p|.; on money
eoonomy and tho condition of the
rural ohissiw, 36:1.

Pastoral trilK»«, definition of term. 174;
have littlo uso for slave labour, 207;
often employ freo lalMurors, 2ft9 sqq.;
subject other tribes, 277 sipi.; havo
close rosouroos, 390.

Peschel, O., on migratory tribes, 167
note 3; on slavery among fishers,
etc., 171.

Post, Dr. A. II., on „slaves of tho
king", 29 noto 1; on tho Ovaherero,
146, 275 noto 2; on debtor-slaves,
432 noto 2, ibid, noto 3; on tho
legal status of slaves, 434 noto 2;
on slaves changing their masters,
435 noto 2.

Property, development of, on tho
Paciflo Coast of N. Amorioo, 208;
in Austndia, 230, 348 noto 1 ; in
Central N. America, 238 ; among tho
I-^kimos, 249; p. in Und, 313iw|q.,
323, 326, .-OOs-pi.

Puchta, Dr. G. F., on tho function of
slavery, 7; on patria poletla$, 26;
on eoloni, 35; on antichre^U, 39.

Ratzel, Prof., 177 noto 1; on tho con-
dition of women among tho Austra-
lians, 9.

Scliurtz, Dr. II., on tho condition of
womon among tho Australians, 9;
on Eskimos in tho wider sense, 49
noto 8; on slavery in Polynesia and
Mioronosia, 108; on tho natives of
Madagascar, 115; on tho Betchua-
nas, 144; on tho absonoo of slavery
among hunters, 170; his geographi-
cal grou|>s, 40.

.Serfdom, 32 iM|q., 4.37 ; in (iprrottny,33,
IViO, 370 sqq.; in Kninoo, 34; in
Rome, 35, .W. noto 2, :i87 noto I;
in England, 3r>0, :i65«(iq.; in Il^ily,
302; abwnt in modem W. Kurojiti,
XXII; itscluu^ctor, ns di«tingui«hi>d
from slaver)-, 3.*) sq(| ; ns distinguished
from freedom,Ik\'iO; Itsdeclino, XXIII.

SlaTcry, among hunters and fishers,
187, 200; on tho N. Pacific Coast
of N. America, 201 ; among pastoral
tribes, 201 ; among agricultural
tribes, 294; in Oceania, 315; among
commercial agricultural tribes, 396;
in medioTal England, 350, 366; in
medieTal Germany, 350, 376, 377,
383sqq.; in Rome, 387 noto 1 ; ab-
sent in modem W. Europe, XXI,
XXII; it« effects, 210,438; its deve-
lopmont, 439.

Slave labour, 4:16; on tho N. "NV. Coast
of N. Amorion, 211 sqq.; among the
Tehuclchcs, 224; among the Kanit-
sohadnlos, 224; among pastoral tribes.
203 »qq.; among cattle-bro<Mling agri-
oulturisU, 265; in ancient Tyro and
Oreeoe, 442 note 1 ; in Rome, 398
"oto 1 ; uso of s. 1. in self-dopen-
dent find in exporting oountrios,
307. \'

Slave trade, 45, 207, 21l,259,289s<|q.,
*»Os<iq., 432; iU effects, 291, 414,
i28, 440.

Slaves, extratriUl and intratrilml, 191;
employed in warfan-, 212, 259, 234.
*00 iKjq.^ 4.27; i(u|,t M n luxury ute
liUxury; vf.iyi in which iMwplo Im3-
s., 43l8<iq.; ways In which
|K.>oplo oooso to Ih) •., 4^13; tr«vitmont
»r, 434; lo^l ,utus of, 434; attitude
of I\'ubllo opinion towards, 4.35; dif-
foront kinds of, 4:W; numlwr of, 437 ;
happine« or unhapplniws of, 4117.

»«hm, Dr. U., definition of Mavery, 5 t
pnttita» </o/Hi«ic«i, 7; on ptttria
potcta», 20.

Spencer, 11., „Descriptive sociology\'\',
XXIII; definition of slavery-, 4; on
captives preserved for cannibal pur-
poses, 7 ; on tho chamctcr of serfdom,
36; on tho frequent occurrcnce of
slaver)-, 168; on slavery in early
stages, 171; on the abscnce of slavery
among hunters, 190.

Status, social, on tho N. Pacific Coast
of N. America, dependent on wealth,
210; in Australia, dopcndcnt on per-
sonal qualities, 230; in Central N.
America, dependent on bravery, etc.,
240; among tho Eskimos, dependent
on personal qualities, 249.

Steinmetz, Dr. 8. H.. on Australian
womon, 21; on parental love of tho
Australians, 2:) noto 2; on primitive
education, 24 sqq.; on derivation of
institutions, 44 note 1 ; on Thouar\'s
untrustworthiness, 77 noto 3; on "W.
Powell\'s untrustworthiness, 94 noto
7; on tho method of sociology, 107
noto 5; on tho absenco of woalth
among the Australians, 194 noto 11;
on women spared in warfare, 198
noto 1 ; on tnide in Australia, 230;
on tribal government In Australia,
230 sqq.; on Australian warfare, 2il3
noto 5; on early pönal law, 43;j;on
slaves punlshod by their masters,
435; his schedules, XXIII; his„sb>
tistioal" method, XXV.

SulMistence, dependent on capital or
not, 255 mpj., 269, 299; easy ordiHl-
cult lo procuri», 2.55 s<iq., 300, 425.

Suthorlond, A., on slavery in early
stages, 172 noto 5; on the sixo of
savago tribos, II>2; on tho ahiu>noo
of slavory among hunt^irs, IW nolo
2; his „olassifioation of mankind",
108 noto 2.

Tenants, free, in Oceania, 334sqq.;
in medieral England, 351, 3^,
366 sqq.; in medicTal Germany,
380 sqq.; meaning of term, 351;
distinguished from serfs, 350; custo-
mary t. or Tillcins, 353.

Trade, 176; on tho N. W. Coast of
N. America. 205; in Australia, 229;
in Central N. America, 237; among
the Eskimos, 246; among pastoral
tribes, 283; among savages generally,
208 noto 1, 230; articles of t. ma-
nufactured by women, 215 sqq., 225,
283; effects of L, 207, 258. 397 sqq.,
426.

Tylor, Pro^ E. 13., on {Mxiples without
religion, 42; on slaver)- in e.irly
stages, 171 ; has introduced somo
now terms, 1; his „statistical" me-
thod, XXV.

Wagner, Prof. A., on tho function of
slavery, 0 not4i 1, 7 noto I; on sla-
very among fishers, etc., l7l ; on
shivo lahiiur, 190 not4> 4; on tho
transition from sUvcry to serfdom, !
197 noto 1. !

Wakefield, E. G., XXVII; on tho ap-
propriation of the soil and its social
effects, 309 sqq.; on tho disappearance
of serfdom in W. Europe, 348; on
the happiness of colonists, 390 noto 1.

Warfare, among hunters, 197; on tho
N. W. Coast of N. America, 208;
in Australia, 233; in Central N.
Amcrica, 243; among the Eskimos,
251 ; among pastoral tribes, 277,
284 sqq.; influence of slavery on w.,
438; character of w. among peoples
with open and with close resources,
389; slaves employed in w. see
Slaves.

Wealth, on tho N. W. Const of N.
America, \'.^08; in Australia, 194 noto
11, 230; in Central N. Amcrica, 238;
among tho Eskimos, 249; among
pastoral tribes, 269; slavos a« an
ingredient of w., 437; development
of w. furthcrc<l by slavery, 210,
438.

Wcstormarck, on marriage by sorvioo,
191 noto 3; on primitive |K>oplo
living in small groui>«,>i\'.»8.

Women, condition of, 42<1; among
Mvagctt, R; In Australia. 9 sqq., 213;
on tho X. W. Const of N. Amoricn,
217; on tho Dutch islo of Amchind,
219 nolo 4; in C«mtral N. Amorion,
\'itO; among tho Kukimos, 2ri0; in
Mi\'Ianosia, sqq.; women ron-
sultiMl in malti\'rs of trade, 210.

Üo ovorgnng, tcgon hot eindo dor Middeleeuwen, van grond-
hoerigheid tot vrijo wicht- en arbeidscontracten was m do
eerste plaats een gevolg van het schaarsch en dus duur wor-
den van den gn,nd (Proefschrift, pp. 348-387).

Tor beantwoording der vraag, of een «t^k gn.nd v^e « ^
7 11 dor wet vïn 27 Sop. 1892, S. 223, l>ouwter^.n • ,
do bestonuuing, door don eigenaar aan dien grond go
geven, niot in luinmerking.

^rt. 151 Qw. sluit niot uit onteigening door eeno geineento
«"et het onkel d.H>l do to vorwachton styging dor w.uinle va
den U) ontoigonen grond .uui do gemeente ten goede to
komen.

Er moet ernstig gestreefd worden naar eene regeling, waar-
door do stijging der grondwaarde, veroorzaakt door uitbreiding
en commercieele ontwikkeling eener gemeente, aan do gemeente
ten goedo komt.

Het is onjuist in do economie to sproken van bekwaamhe-
den als immaterieelen rijkdom.

Uit ethnologisch onderzoek blijkt, dat Individueel grondbezit
ouder is dan communaal.

Eeno actie tot ontruiming tegenover eon huurder-niet-bowoncr
is niet ontvankelijk.

Ecne gedeeltelijk uitgevoerdo overeenkomst kan d(m)r den
rechter worden ontbonden voorzoover zo nog niet is uitgovocnl»

Er bestaat geeno geldige koopovereenkomst, wanneer (lo
verk«H)pcr zich verbindt genoegen to nomen met den prijs dien
do koopcr hom toekent.

Do vordering tot betaling, door den houder tegen den accep-
tant van een wissel ingesteld, is niet afliankclijk van een
voorafgaand protest.

Bestuurders van ccn spoorwegdienst kunnen zich, om to
ontkomen «an hun aansprakelijkheid tegenover dertien bij
^oschbrand, niet beroepen op het feit, dat hct Rijkstoezicht
niet heeft voorgeschreven maatregelen als bedoeld in art. 33 a
der wet vnn O April 1875, S. 07, ingevoegd bij do wet van
10 Mei 1882, 8. Ö6.

»ü de liquidatie eener vennootschap onder firma behoeven
do vereffenaars niet go/Jimenlijk to handelen.

Wanneer van het vonnis dor rechtbank, wat
"«f«pronkel,jko 7.aak, geen hoogor beroep is toegolaton, dan s
^^»\'et vonniH vcH.mmer het beslist op de vonlonng in vj
accessoire van do hoofd«uik, niet voor h(K,gcr
boroop vatbaar.

Do actie tot nietigverklaring dor gijwling» in art. Jl^ ^
\'wn den schuldeniuir gegeven, is niet b<»staanoaj
donaar zich niot moor in g[jïoling bevindt.

Het is wensehelijk ons Strafwetboek aan to vullen met eeno
bepaling, waarbij wederrechtelijke onttrekking van electrischen
stroom wordt strafbaar gesteld.

Eene bekentenis, voor den rcohter-commissaris in do instructie\'
of de voorloopige informatiën afgelegd, wordt door art. 403
Sv. als bowijsmiddel toegchiten.

Pos.	Ncg. Poi.	Nog. Pos.	Ncg.	Pos.	Ncg.
North America	6				G
South America 6	10			6	10
Melanesia 1	7	3	1	4	8
Malay Archipel-
ago 12	3	1		13	3
Indo-Chinese
Peninsula	1	•			1
India 2	3		1	2	4
Bantu tribes 2\\	1	2	1	4	2
Soudan Negroes 1		2 1		2	2
24	31 0	2 7 >	3	31	3G
1) In this paragraph wo	shall uso tho samo abbreviations i	0 IS in	Part 11,

N. America		11				11
S. America	1	2			1	2
Melanesia		5				5
Polynesia	2	5			2	5
Micronesia		5				5
Malay Arch.	20	1	3	6	2 31	1
Indo-Chin. Pen-	)
ins.	5				5
India	4	4	1		5	4
Bantu tribes	11	4	2	3 8 •	21	7
Soudan Negroes	5	4	2	3 5	1 13	7
Hamitic peoples	2	1	2		4	1
-	50	42	10	0 19 0	3 0 82	48
	Third agriciUtnnd group.
	ai		aJ	0 a\' -t-1	a» -f 0 t ToUil.
	Poa. Nog.	P08.	Nog. Poa. Nog.	Poa. Nog. Poa.	Nog.
N. America				1		1
Malay Arch.	11				>11
Caucasus			1		1
Bantu tribes	1			1 2	3	1
Soudan Negroes	1			1	1 3
Hamitic peoples			i)		2