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The object of the present treatise is to offer a contribution to the
investigation into the trade and the traders of ancient Greece. To
this end I have collected data from Greek authors from Homer to
Aristotle, From this it is evident what period is covered by this
investigation, and also that it is intentionally one-sided, being
restricted to the data suppHed by literature. Not until all the rest of
the material for study that can throw a light on the trade of ancient
Greece will have been collected and duly arranged it may become
possible to give a complete description of the history of trade in
ancient Greece. Yet the Uterary data are in themselves sufficient
to answer various questions. To mention some, this treatise tries
to fix with some certainty the meaning of the principal words
relating to trade, the difference in meaning between the terms in
which the Greek traders were referred to, their lives and business,
the opinion on trade and traders formed by the authors themselves
or handed down by them; and in general to ascertain the nature
and the extent of trade as well as the circumstances under which
it was carried on, while some attention has been paid to the financial
system. A consequence of the fact that the data have been borrowed
from literature is that many of them bear on the trade of Athens
and Attica exclusively.

I have treated the authors in chronological order; however, for
the sake of coherence in the treatment of the subject-matter it
seemed advisable to treat certain questions to the full when I was
discussmg those authors that offered the best opportunity for it;
so that there I also stated the data, bearing on the question, found
in other authors, likewise as much as was possible in chronological
order. This makes the treatise not easy to survey; to make up for
this deficiency an index of the subjects discussed has been added.

If we use Homer to collect data for our purpose, we must, in
order to estimate these at their exact value, take the following factors
into account.

Homer does not describe Greek society in all its ranks, but his
epos principally treats of the Greek nobility, while it is almost
exclusively in the "similes" that we hear some incidental remarks
on the rest of the population. Moreover it was the poet\'s object to
ignore sober reality as much as he could and to give a poetical
colouring to all things, a fact which especially appears in the descrip-
tion of the island of Scheria.

Barter The entire absence of trade and traffic, assumed by Thucydides
at the beginning of the development of peoples, belongs to the past
at the time of the Homeric epos.

The trade that the Homeric poems speak of is however principally
barter, which exchanges the remainder of products and super-
fluous possessions of one person for those of the other. Thus, in
order to obtain copper, people take iron with them as a medium
of exchange

In the expression ineiyeie d\'d)vov ddalcov 3) the word d}vog (of the
verb (bvda&ai which at a later time means "to buy") has still the
meaning of "bartering". — In this way we can also explain why,
while the verbs of "buying" and "selling" in later Greek are con-
strued with a genitive,in Homer the verb tiQiao\'&ai is construed with
an ablativus sc. instrumentalis *).
How the bar- In what way this barter takes place is best demonstrated by a tale
"^iSoiT^\' Eumaeus He relates that he is a native of the island of Syria,
which abounded in cattle, sheep, wine, and wheat. One day the

Phoenicians come there, carrying a large amount of knick-knacks
imQfiaxa) in their black ship. They come to a secret understanding
with a Phoenician slave-girl of the house of the father of Eumaeus
the ruler of the country, promising her to take her back with them
to Phoenicia. The slave urges them to make haste with the bartering
of the goods and to send word to her as soon as their ship will be
loaded with a fresh cargo (^tdroto). The Phoenicians stay in the
island for a whole year taking into their ship a large cargo and then
send word to the Phoenician slave in the following cunning way A
Phoenician goes to the house of Eumaeus\' father with a gold neckkce
set with smaU pieces of amber m>crgo^ocr). Eumaeus\' mother and
the maid-servants look at it and finger it and in their delight they
do not notice that, while bargaining with them over the price, the
Phoenician makes a sign to the slave-girl. As soon as the Phoenician
hasreturned to his ship the slave takes Eumaeus, then still a young
boy, by the hand, takes some stolen objects of great value with her
and, favoured by the darkness, she runs to the harbour where the
i^hoenician ship hes, which puts to sea directly after this. The wind
blows the ship to Ithaca, where the young Eumaeus is sold to Laertes.

4 II. ^111, 745; Cf at the silent trade pp. 26 and 27.
5) U. however Herodotus I, i, who relatfj nf tu^ nu • •
that chey had sold nearly everyU^iig in «* Argos

Of the combination of trade with piracy we will speak later on.
Standard of The most usual standard of value (not the medium of exchange
value though, for all sorts of goods were given in payment, as will be
discussed further on) was the cow. This appears from words ex-
pressing value like ^o6g a^iog xeaaaQa^oiog^), ivvea^oiog
SvwdExd^oiog *), hixooa^oiog exaiofi^oiog

One paid with those things one happened to have in store. The
Lemnians for instance get copper, iron, hides, cattle and slaves in
payment for their wine \').

For all this, trade is no longer exclusively barter in Homer. The
use of small pieces of metal (here especially gold) having a fixed
weight is well known at that time. Homer speaks of zdXavrov ®), and
even of fifuxaXavtov

The besto- The bestowal of gifts, so usual a thing in Homer, may also be
wal of gifts considered as barter in a very primitive form^o). For though in the
Homeric poems it is the host only that offers gifts (with the excep-
tion of II. VI, 318) and exchange of gifts only takes place when
friends meet somewhere else "), yet the gift received by the guest
tacitly obliges him to offer a gift of about the same value in case
the host should pay him a return visit. The gifts exchanged in
this way may be considered as money in the form of articles of
daily use.

That the offering of gifts was considered as an exchange rather
than a present is very evident from the following..

It is a disappointment if the guest one has entertained dies before
one has received gifts in return at his house The poet calls Glaucus

8) II. IX, 122, 264; XVIII, 507; XXIII, 269, 614; Od. IV, 129; VIII,
393; IX, 202.

out of his senses" because he makes such an unprofitable exchange i).
A gift one has received is afterwards unscrupulously given away to
somebody else Gifts that one has no use for may be refused %
Odysseus on taking leave of the Phaeacians, openly acknowledges
that the object he has had in view was to get an escort and gifts
1 he latter are so numerous that Poseidon complains of Odysseus\'
gettmg more in the form of gifts than he could have won out of
Troywhile at another place it appears that he can support ten
generations with it «). Gifts are often called «possessions" fca)\')
and Odysseus counts his gifts as if they were merchandiseT orde
to verify whether the boatmen have not stolen anything «)

Accordmg to Thucydides «) this custom of offering and receiving
g^s was practised even in later times among the Thracian peoples
and especially among the Odrusians, where even the kings asked
for gifts. Traces of this custom are to be found in Euripides. Thus
he makes Odysseus urgently request the Cyclops: "Give us presents

Tenants, are not given in expectance of reciprocitv but to ^^^m mer-
permission for free trade Sn it i. n« m f® g^t chants to

Barter in paid for in money, this barter was still practised among less civilized
^rf^ti^s^" ^^^ peoples. Thus a fragment from Menander^) where a

Thracian is called ngog dXag TjyoQaa/iivog shows that the mer-
chants got from the Thracians slaves in exchange for sah 2). Thucy-
dides, treating of the Spartans who live in the interior speaks
of exchange of the products of their country for those that the
continent is provided with by the sea.

With regard to Athens some traces of barter in later times are to
be found in the Acharnenses of Aristophanes; we must take into
consideration however that the poet takes us to a period of war.
Here Dicaeopolis buys the supposed pigs from the Megarensian
for garlic and salt and he asks the Boeotian who has come to the
market with fish, fowl and game: you also accept other goods
in payment of these?" "Certainly", answers the Boeotian, "all
things available in Attica and not in Boeotia", at which Dicaeopolis
offers him anchovy and earthenware Elsewhere Aristophanes
makes a silver cup serve as a means of payment.

Also in the attempted trading transaction between Odysseus and
Silenus, that take place in Euripides\' Cyclops\') Odysseus offers
to pay with wine. We are not certain however in how far we may
draw conclusions from this for real trade at Euripides\' time, es-
pecially because mythical times are depicted in the Cyclops.

It is remarkable that Aristoteles makes a clear distinction between
primitive barter as spoken of above (fietaphjnxtj) and trade {xani^XiHi\'i)
in his Pohtics ®). He does not disapprove of barter, which at his
time still took place among many uncivilized tribes ®) who only exchan-
ged goods meant for use, such as wine for corn, and only in quan-
tities necessary for use. His sharp disapproval is directed against
trade which has the object to acquire gold and riches

and to find out in what way the largest profit may be got out of the
object of trade i).

A special word denoting "trader" is not used by Homer. The The tern,,
word l^oeo! generaUy used for this purpose in later Greek authors
means m Homer ») "passenger on another\'s ship". When Odysseus
IS suspected of being a merchant =) he is spoken of as a leader of
In another place however\') the word ne^^^g appears
to have the general meanrng of "performer". It seems tharod^eus
has been called "leader of ,he place mentioned abo«

to d,stmgu,sh him from "captain of a pirates\' ship"; so here Z
erm^SW, has been chosen to denote people coming with a
fixed purpose viz. for purchasing or selling goods. This dtral^
;s very evident in another place») where the\'newjome\'s\'"d
\'have you come ^ „ .ord

here but "affair", appears from the answer where Telet^c^
speaks of nQ^^K titn oi %io5»). "^macnus

h^l \'f the nobihty despise trade, so as to enhance the poetical
fcryhke colourmg. So, for instance, Homerus\' hero Odysseust

Peoples and While trade iti Greece itself is mostly passive in the Homeric
£g on ttaS" ^^^ moreover the poet\'s object to give a poetical

colouring to all things, hardly a trace of commercial towns is to be
found in Homer\'s Greece. In the shipping-catalogue Aegina is
called only a part of the Argivian territory 2). The fact that Corinth,
which according to some people is identical with Ephyre is called
^*rich" by the old poets makes Thucydides draw the conclusion
that as early as that time this town had acquired riches by trading.

Greece is principally visited for trading purposes by merchants
coming from the islands and especially by the Phoenicians. Among
the islanders it is in the first place the Taphians that are mentioned
who inhabit the islands near the coast of Acarnania. In Homer they
especially deal in slaves \') whom they have captured or bought. The
fact that Athena pretends to Telemachus to be a Taphian and to go
to Temesa (in the South of Italy; according to others Tamasos in
Cyprus) in order to exchange iron for copper ®) proves that such a
thing was nothing unusuaP).

Cretan traders too were certainly known in Greece. Odysseus
by preference pretends to be a Cretan when he wants to remain un-
known^®). He also pretends to have undertaken a predatory expe-
dition with nine ships against Egypt as a Cretan ").

The islands of Lumnos Imbrus and Samus i^) are mentioned
in the Iliad as selling-places of slaves, perhaps in consequence of

und Handel in der Homerischen Zeit, Rheinisches Museum N. F. i6, 1861,
p. 83 sqq. The conclusions however which Pierson draws in his chapter
"Handelsobjecte, Waaren", are in my opinion often not well founded.

the situation of Troy. Wine, too, is furnished from Lemnus^)
as well as from Thracia 2) and from Pramna (a mountain in the is-
land of Icaria or near Smyrna in Asia minor) 3).

In the Odyssey^) Thesprotans (in the South of Epirus) sail to
Dulichium, well known for its wheat, so probably with the object
of getting wheat.

Sicilians are mentioned as slave-dealers®).
A few times mention is made of people sailing to Egypt«), where
the town of Thebes was apparently known to be very rich\').

The Phoenicians however are preeminently the best traders. The Phoenicians
poet gives them the epitheton xQcbxxm because of their cunning®) traders

es^az^om^). Mention has been made above of Phoenician mer-
chants m the island of Syria i«) and of the silver mixing-bowl that
had been placed in the harbour of Lemnus and had afterwards been
given to kirg Ihcss").

The Taphians too who have been mentioned above as traders,
ca^n^o^e same practises "). Nor do the Greek nobility scruple

to enrich themselves by predatory expeditions, according to the
Homeric poems; on the contrary, they glory in them. This is quite
in keeping with the mood of the epic, which tries to replace the sober
reality of life by a world of heroes that has a very romantical colour.
Odysseus who indignantly rejects the supposition that he should be
a merchant afterwards boasts of having nine times led bands
of pirates in order to win spoils, and thus, he brags, deivos x aldoiog re
/imi Kq^teooi texvy[jit]v. To make up for the damage done by
Penelope\'s suitors Odysseus intends to go and win spoils Nestor
tells Telemachus that Menelaus on returning from Troy undertook
predatory expeditions and Menelaus himself openly declares to
Telemachus that in this way he has amassed great riches Piracy
was in general a usual means of providing for necessaries

What Thucydidestells us of piracy is entirely in accordance
with this. According to him all Greeks and non-Greeks living by the
sea and in the islands were originally pirates. The leaders of such
undertakings were rich people, who had their own profit in view
as well as sustenance for the poor. That one did not incur any
disgrace by this sort of business is proved by Thucydides from the
circumstance that even in his time there are some peoples on the
continent (by whom he means the Ozolian Locrians, Aetolians and
Acarnanians, mentioned by him further on®) where it reflects
honour upon a person to perform such a thing skilfully. A further
proof of this is found by him in the old poets where the sailors are
asked merely by way of inquiry if they happen to be pirates »). It is
from fear of pirates, he thinks that the old towns were built at
some distance from the coast.

By the side of the figures of Odysseus and Menelaus who appear
to lis as piratical heroes in Homer, we may also consider Nauphus,

as a type of common occurrence among the oldest inhabitants of
those countries i).

It was king Minos of Crete who according to Thucydides 2) made
a first attempt at clearing the Aegean Sea of pirates. In accordance
with this information the fact that the towns in Crete that have been
excavated are not walled in proves that at that time no fear of
pirates w^ felt in Crete. A further proof of this is that there were
relations between Crete and Egypt, as appears from the excavations %

Wanderhandel, Markthandel and Stehender Handel, by which he Sr
characterize the stages of development in trade, we may denote
the trade Homer speaks of as Wanderhandel. For Homer does not
speak of fixed market places. The word ayog^ means everywhere
gathering place , nowhere "market". As an advantage of the iron
disc (06X0,) given by Achilles as a prize, he mentions that it will
provide the winner with iron for five years and then he says

Means of go along a Mrjv odov Mention is even made of a afia^itog sc.
tio^y\'lS®^^^ Troy 2). Telemachus drives with Pisistratus from Pylos
to Sparta during two days on dyviai and in the Iliad a ZaoqpdQos
odog is mentioned on which pedestrians and carriages move.

Safety of The fear of Zevg $emog and the sacredness of the right of hospi-
traffic tality will probably have been conducive to the safety of traffic.

soon as the stranger has come to a house and has been admitted to
it he is certain of protection. Even a beggar may not be offended in
one\'s house not until one has been admitted to the house, one\'s
name is asked\'). In the Odyssey we can see for instance in the way
Odysseus is received in Scheria, how a good host does not restrict
himself to a hospitable reception of the stranger and an offering
of gifts but also gives him the opportunity of continuing his journey
or returning homewards.

In Hesiod\'s "Works and Days" mention is made of people who
in order to support themselves sail the seas during some part of the
year on ships loaded with merchandise. Hesiod is the first author
in whom we find ifmoQlt] in the sense of "trade" i). Here the trader
is a poor peasant who during a short time of the year takes the
products of the soil with him on his ship to trade with them. During
the whole of the winter no sailingis done and the ship is entirely
unrigged 2). When storms make sailing dangerous people go and
till the soil f f b

It appears however that Hesiod is not very much in favour of The author\'s
this trading, primarily because of the dangers attached to it and opinion on
further because the failure of their father frightens him^). The
words ei\' di... tfiegog algsi already, which are the begin-
ning of a series of verses speaking of trade 6) express Hesiod\'s
not very highstrained expectation of supporting himself in this
way. He only mentions it as a means of escaping poverty and
supposes that it will be more in the line of his adventurous,
less laborious brother Perses. He further advises the latter to take

absTnf fr!!^\'"\'"\'\'? " is mentioned as something unusual to be The time of
absent from ones house for more than a month we see in later V^ar usual
-----for sailing

For Hesiod the usual season of navigation is from the beginning
of August to the end of September. One began is lekcg imvtog
mqeog and one ought not to wait for ohov xe vkov xal ojkoqivov
ofx^Qov 2). People also sail in spring at his time, but Hesiod advises
his brother Perses not to do so and says that the elaQivbg nX6os
is only practised by those who have devoted heart and soul to
moneymaking

This sailing in spring, considered so dangerous by Hesiod, did
not deter the merchants of later times. For the ordinary season of
navigation at the time of Demosthenes begins at about the middle
of April and ends at about the middle of September, as according
to Demosthenes«) it is between the months of Bot]dQo/Mwv and
Movvvxi&v (so from about the middle of September to the middle
of April) that the commercial law-suits took place in Athens, because
then of course most of the merchants used to be at Athens. Yet it
sometimes happened that merchants sailed out when it was not the
season for navigation. Thus a certain contract about an agreement
on bottomry s) takes into account the possibility of sailing from
the Pontus even after the rising of the ""AQicxovQog in the month
of B0T]dQ0fM<bv

It appears from Thucydides\') that at that time the traffic between
Greece and Sicily is entirely at a standstill during the four most
violent months of winter (by which is probably meant from about
the middle of November to the middle of March). Plato too«) in-
dicates that it was only in summer that people sailed from Sicily
to Greece.

In winter the navigation from and to Egypt seems to have been
most frequent. Thus Pindarus ®) speaks of an inhabitant of Agrigen-

turn who is supposed to have sailed to the Phasis in summer and
to the banks of the Nile in winter. Xenophon tells of king Agesilaus
^at he sailed from Egypt to Sparta in the middle of winter and
Demosthenes 2) mentions as something remarkable that the naviga-
tion between Egypt and Rhodus need not even be stopped in winter.

The terms While in Homer the word sfuiogog is still used to indicate a
\'\'teade^\'^\'^and "passenger on another\'s ship", and though Hesiod already uses
"market" ifircoQir] in the sense of "trade", it is not until the above mentioned
Greek authors that efinogog is found in the meaning of "trader" i).
The term ndjirjXog is not to be found in the lyrical poets; we do
find however the verb xanrjhveiv 2). Contrary to Homer the word
dyogd here frequently occurs in the meaning of "market".

\'EfinoQOf v/ith Aeschrio®) speaks of efinoQoi crowding the narrow passage of
^^rence ttf^" ^^^ Hellespont like ants, by which he undoubtedly means merchants
corn-dealer who conveyed especially corn from the district of the Pontus, which
was so rich in corn. For as e/MioQog specially indicates a travelling
trader and as it was principally corn that was imported in Athens,
it is especially for a corn-dealer that ejjjioQog is used. This is very
evident in Xenophon\'s Economicus, where Socrates says to Ischo-
machus: "You assert that your father naturally is as fond of landed
property, as the efinogoi are of corn" (q>tXooixoi) Thus in a
dissertation "On the good and the bad" belonging to the dioaoi
X6yoi we find as an example that a good harvest is a blessing for
the yecoQyoi, but a calamity for the I\'/jjioqoi.

Aegina It is certainly not by accident that, in an encomium on an in-
habitant of Aegina, Pindarus praises the latter\'s family as idia
vavctokiovreg inix6fiia\'), so with an allusion to the trading prac-
tise of this Aeginian house. Thus meaning to say of a certain Aegi-

nian that he obtained all that was possible, he uses the following
metaphor: "He could not possibly go further on the unknown sea
than the pillars of Hercules whom the divine hero erected as re-
nowned testimonies of the boundary of navigation" i). While
according to Aristophanes 2) the island of Aegina facilitated
smuggling in the Peloponnesian war, Aristotle mentions that in his
time a large part of the inhabitants of the island practised sea-trade.

In the last verses of the first Ode Pindarus addresses in the follow- The burying
ing words those who scoff at the large expenses that Herodotus, treasures
sung by the poet, makes for the match: "but if someone secretly
possesses riches in his house (evdov) and attacks others with mockery,
he does not bear in mind that he will have to render his gloryless life
to Hades".

Here Pindarus mentions a custom frequently practised among
the ancients viz. to hide, and especially to bury (xatoQirxeiv) one\'s
money. Thus it appears from Herodotus that the inhabitants of
Delphi buried their treasures in the ground and Euripides makes
Polymnestor say: "The money you, Ilecabe, have given to bring
with you IS kept in my tent"and a little further Hecabe pretends
that some money Hes buried in the temple of Athena under a black
stone. Of the Pre-Socratic philosophers it is the Anonymus Jam-
bhchi who complains: "people hide their money out of distrust
and want of social feeling and will not let others partake in the
enjoyment of it; thus the money becomes scarce, even if there is
much of it" 6). Among the fragments of the sophist Antiphon too\')
there is a tale of a man who sees another man digging up a large
sum of money and then asks him if he may borrow it at interest,
the man refuses this and after his burying the money again it is
stolen, to his great sorrow; he expresses his regret to the man whom
he had refused to lend the money to; the latter gives him the advice
to imagine that the money is still there, which must be the same thing
t^im, as he did not use it at all. From these last quotations it also

appears that some people disapproved of the method of burying
money and so withdrawing it from circulation.

This custom appears very clearly in Xenophon i) there where,
m glorification of silver he alleges that nobody yet has got so much
of It that he does not wish to have more, and he goes on: ^\'but if a
few people possess a very great quantity, they bury what is super-
fluous and this gives them as much pleasure as using it would do".

Plato too speaks of this custom which he calls ^ yfi ^aga^xij 2).
It appears from the same author that people did not only use
their own piece of ground for this purpose, but that they hid their
fortunes everywhere in the town, even in the market-place!

In later times the authors also mention boxes where the money
was kept 4). Plato even speaks of private treasuries and safes s).

In the fourth century, when the means of making one\'s money
productive, especially by means of a recms^izr],, were better
toown, people yet often kept large amounts unproductive in their
houses. This money is indicated as rd e^dov ndfisva in distinction
to the capital that ^ lent out, this being named td efco «).

money with a rea^eCn,, often proved to be unsafe. Moreover
his custom was a natural reaction against the boundless liberty of

In this author we nu^t take into account that, especiaUy in his
first books, Herodotus describes various peoples and in doing this
goes a long way back in time. Therefore these tales, which often
g.ve us more data than the later books treating of the Persian wars
" chronologically fixed in order to pre™«

In connection with trade Herodotus a few times mentions the Th. d. •
Phoenjcians. He mentions them as exporters cf f.om TraW ^ VaL"\'""

makes use of S.donian and Tyrian admirals«). The Sidonian ships
a considered the best of Xerxes\' fleetand at a mock-fight by
sea watched by Xerxes the Sidonians carry the prize«). Xerxi

trader, r" "" u" Phoenicians as traders par excellence. As
f er Lr^r T \' \'he autho^

and therefore mtist be duly appreciated, he expresses this by com-
paring it to Phoenician merchandise It is a Phoenician trading-
ship too that Ischomachus holds up to his young wife as an example
of orderliness and tidiness in Xenophon\'s Economicus Perhaps
we may even conclude from the expression r 6 [xtya tiIoXov to
^omxov that it was a large Phoenician ship that regularly visited
Athens.

The fact that the Phoenicians were so ready to support the
Persian king against Greece may be explained by the Phoenician
merchants\' envy of the rising Greek traders. In Libya the Phoe-
nicians form, by the side of the Greeks, the non-autochthonic part
of the population But in most cases the Greeks have ousted the
Phoenicians, as in the rich corn-districts of Sicily^) and by the
Pontus Euxinus where the Greeks have established their factories
Greeks the In Herodotus it is not the Phoenicians but the Greeks that are
^Slem? preeminently called the traders in foreign countries. The Egyptians
that receive merchants in their towns are indicated by: xal "EkXrivig
aqjL ccoot imd^/xioi e\'fiTioQoi; those who are not visited by mer-
chants are briefly indicated: roToi de av /nrj naQscooi "EXkijveg\'\').
It is exclusively "jEAAj/re? that are mentioned as foreigners whom
the Taurians immolate to their goddess®). Herodotus thinks that
it goes without speaking (wg olxdg) that when Cambyses king of
Persia went to Egypt some Greeks went with him to trade («at\'

Greeks from In Herodotus the Greeks living in the islands and on the coast
a^^the^o^t Minor have the lion\'s share of trade. For Croesus king of

3) For connections between this country and Athens cf. Thuc. 11,48, i;
between the same and Sparta cf. Thuc. IV, 53, 3.

9) III, 139\' On traders in the armies see pp. 39, 59, 60, 65 and 66.
10) I, 27.

dotus were the first Greeks to make far voyages and to saü to
the South of Spain and to Italy. The commercial spirit of the Pho-
caeans appears from the attempts they made at buying from the
inhabitants of Chius the Oenussae islands that lay near Phocaea. «
The attempts of the Phocaeans were frustrated however by the
Chians who feared that it would be detrimental to their own trade
if these Onussae islands became trading stations of the Phocaeans

Among the important works carried out in the island of Samus
Herodotus mentions a dam round the harbour which was 37

ot I hrasybulus, at that time lord of Milete, makes us suppose that
mere were commercial connections between Corinth and Milete\').

aegree than all other Greeks that contempt for manual labour which
tne Greeks are so often reproached with.

had begun to organise its fleet after the manner usual at the time
of Thucydides that triremes so often used in later times were
built here for the first time he mentions the use of oXxoi (wind-
lasses) by means of which the ships were ^^drawn over" 3) and
declares that Corinth has become a commercial town in consequence
of the situation of the town. As in antiquity there was more
communication among the Greeks by land than by sea, the town of
Corinth, situated on the Isthmus, formed the connecting-point
between the Greeks in the Peloponnesus and those living outside
it, and thus soon developed into a trade-town. And when afterwards
people turned to navigation it was the Corinthians who took action
against the pirates and made of their town a place of commerce
by land as well as by sea
Sparta As regards Sparta however Herodotus relates that in antiquity
there was no communication neither with foreigners nor among the
Spartans themselves. Their want of gold and silver appears from
the fact that they sent an iron cup to king Croesus as a present
In later times too their contempt of manual labour\') and the whole
form of their constitution were an impediment to trade. For accord-
ing to Xenophon ®) an old law forbade a free man to exercise any
branch of pf^j^juana/id?. But in the same way as it proved prac-
tically impossible in Sparta to enforce the prohibition of going
abroad®), so the respect for the above mentioned law was not
always sufficiently strong with the Spartans to suppress the desire
for as appears from the following tale about king

Agesilaus. Once when king Agesilaus had won great spoils in the
interior of Asia and therefore everything was sold at a ridiculously
low price (dninQoixa), he advised his friends to buy and said that
he would soon break up camp and go to the coast where they could
sell the spoils. And he ordered the XaipvQOJitbXai to note down for

what amount they sold to everybody, and to give them the goods
on credit for the present

The Xa<pvQon(bXai mentioned in the above cited communication AatpvQon&Xiu
of Agesilaus are Spartan officials whom the Government sent with
the expeditions, though they were no military men 2). When a Spar-
tan soldier had won spoils he was obliged to hand them over to the
Thus in Agesilaus\' army«) and elsewhere at a
Spartan expedition s) XacpvQonwXai are mentioned who have to look
after the selling of the spoils. Xenophon also calls XacpvQonibXai the
men whom the rest of the "ten thousand", returning to their country
with Xenophon for their leader, appointed to sell spoils").

Thucydides \') mentions the island of Cythera as the Spartans\'
landing-place for the trading-ships coming from Egypt and Libya;
the same island also served as a place of defence against pirates. The
same author relates») that the Spartans, when they want wood for
besieging Pylus, fetch it from Asine on the coast of Argolis.

By \'tfmoQog 9) he denotes the foreign trader, by x6nnXog i") the
mland trader ii).

When Herodotus speaks of xdjiriXoi it appears that these were Opinions on
not highly esteemed. In Egypt where before the time of king Amasis
(570—526) manual labour was considered dishonourable, they
formed the fifth class out of seven"). At an invasion into Egypt
king Sethos (ca. 700) is only supported by the lower ranks of the
population, viz, by the x&mjXoi, x^iQdivaxieg and dyoQaioi Siv&Qcojiot 1»).

Among the Lydians these ayoQdXoi dv&QWTioi are not mentioned
in the company of xdnriXoi but of prostitutes The title xanrjXog
too which the Persians gave Darius because he tried to get pecuniary
profit out of all things is of course not to be looked upon as a
title of honour.

Herodotus mentions as the first HdJitjXoi the people of the
Lydians It is probably in this connection that he mentions that
Cyrus the elder made the Lydians familiar with trade, at the advice
of Croesus, in order to enfeeble them^).

A greater appreciation of labour in general underlies the law of
the above mentioned king Amasis of Egypt, who decreed that every
one of his subjects was to state his means of subsistence
Staple-right During the reign of king Amasis many Greek traders settled in
atNaucratis ^^^ Greek colony of Naucratis situated in the Nile-delta where the
staple-right was in force, while the Phoenicians of old had a settle-
ment near Memphis\'). Naucratis was, says Herodotus»), the only
staple-place. And when someone put into port at another Nile-
mouth than the Canobian by which Naucratis lay, he had to swear
this had not happened on purpose and after this oath he had to
correct his mistake and to put into the Canobian Nile-mouth. If
this was impossible because of the unfavourable wind, he had to
carry his goods round the Delta in little boats and so take it to
Naucratis. Such an exceptional position was occupied by Naucratis.

Piracy Herodotus repeatedly speaks of piracy. Especially defeated ad-
mirals applied themselves to piracy. Thus, after the Ionian rebellion.

l) 1,93: of dyogaroj av^gcojtoi ;iat of ^[«tetovaxre? «0« at htgyal^ontvai nai8iaxai.

4) According to How and Wells this is right in so far that the Lydians were
proverbially known as a people of shopkeepers.

6) II, 177; According to Herodotus Solon had borrowed this law from
Egypt. How and Wells l.c. however point out on chronological grounds that
Solon cannot have borrowed this law from Amasis and consider this decree
of Amasis itself as "a great exaggeration of the Egyptian custom of taking a
sort of census".

Dionysius of Phocaea turns pirate off the coast of Phoenicia and
later on in the neighbourhood of Sicily, on which occasion he
captures Carthaginian and Etrurian ships, but spares Greek ships i).
Histiaeus of Milete too at a later time plunders in the neighbourhood
of Byzantium 2) and after the battle of Salamis Themistocles\' behaviour
differs not much from that of a piratical hero 3). That the Phocaeans
on their trading expeditions to far-off countries used jievr7]?{6vteQoi
in stead of atQoyyikai may probably be explained by their tactics,
known from Homer, of suddenly changing from a trader into a
pirate

In general people now followed the method of sparing their
friends or allies and of trying to injure their enemies. Herodotus
relates of Polycrates of Samus however s) that contrary to this
method he plundered friends and enemies indiscriminately

Herodotus gives also some proofs of the unsafety of the country- Unsafely of
roads. He relates\') that Xerxes\' army was at night attacked by t^® country-
lions in Chalcidice. These animals infested the country from Mace-
donia to Acarnania s). The inhabitants of Chius who come at night
to the country of Ephesus with peaceful intentions are killed be-
cause they are suspected of being robbers »).

How greatly the market-system had developed in Greece at the The market
time of Cyrus the elder may appear from the latter\'s words i») that
the Persians are not afraid of the Greeks who keep markets and cheat
each other on oath. Herodotus relates that a few Egyptian towns
too have markets, but here it is not the men but the women who
stand in the market and do the trading; the men on the contrary stay
at home and weave, which Herodotus considers an abnormal thing").

was in later times a great deal more frequented by men than is usual with us.
l^i. Anstoph. Lys. 557 sqq.

For Herodotus the market-system is such an ordinary thing
that he uses the times when the market is much frequented (äyoQijg
and when it is closed (d^o^^c ^tdAvot?) to indicate the

Profits The profit made at the commercial undertakings is hardly ever
mentioned. Herodotus, however, relatesthat the Samian ship
which some lucky chance took to Tartessus made a profit of sixty
talents, as appeared from the offering at Hera\'s sanctuary. Lysias
tells us of a man who sailed out to the Adriatic sea on a ship loaded
with merchandise to a value of two talents, and made a profit of
a hundred percent. It must be borne in mind, however, that both
cases are mentioned as something exceptional.
The religious That the fear of punishment by the deity and the rehgious feeling
feeHng as a general had the same correcting influence with the ancients that
corrective ^^^ regulations have with us, appears from the follow-

One day when there was want of money in Egypt and therefore
much credit had to be given, the creditor got as a security the dis-
posal of the corpse of the debtor. If the debtor died without having
paid his debt the creditor could prevent his burial So the sacred-
ness of the corpse acted as a corrective in this case.

As a second example we may take the tale of the Milesian who
had deposited money with a Spartan When in course of time the
children of the Milesian come to the Spartan to prove their identity
(äjioSei>cvi}vz£S to ov/ißo^a) and to claim the money, the Spartan
refuses to give it them. It is the deity who then, according to Hero-
dotus, heavily punishes the Spartan.

"Silent As in Homerwe met with the exchange of presents as a primi-
tive form of barter, so we find in Herodotus s) an example of "silent
trade" a form of trade used in very old times between the Cartha-

genians and the inhabitants of a Libyan country farther off than
the pillars of Hercules.

The Carthagenians put down their goods on the beach, went
back to their ships and sent up smoke. When the natives saw the
smoke they went to the beach, put down gold in front of the
goods and went away. Then the Carthagenians went ashore again
and if they were satisfied with the gold they took it and sailed
home. If however they were not satisfied they went on board
again and waited calmly. Then the Libyans appeared again
and added to the gold, until the Carthagenians were satisfied. They
did not cheat, for the Carthagenians did not touch the gold before
they were satisfied with the payment, and the Libyans did not take
possession of the merchandise before the Carthagenians had taken
away the money.

It is not improbable that we have here an example of trade on
neutral ground!), where the trader need not have any fear of hostile
treatment and was protected by the sacredness of the place. Thus
Demosthenes 2) cites the term AyoQa i(p6Qia from an old law,
meanmg by this term, as appears from further explanation 3), a
market m the borderland between the various towns, which was by
re^on of its neutral position a very suitable marketplace. Thucy-
dides 4) tells us of a market set up near the town of Rhegium on the
holy ground consecrated to the goddess Artemis. This too is a
reminiscence of the time when market was held on neutral and
sacred ground.

Gelon of Syracuse offers the Greeks to supply the Greek
army with corn during the whole time of war"). — Corn-shim
sailfromthe Pontus to Aegina and the Peloponnesus
even m war-time«). - The Greeks get amber (rjXexrQov) and tin

Trade on
neutral
ground

{xaaaitEQog) from the North o f E u r o p e i). — They export
jars of wine to E g y p t 2). — Mention has been made of the
Phoenicians as exporters of arvga^ from Arabia to
Hellas

As all data drawn from real life are wanting in these authors we
have to turn to observations and remarks, which have the same value
for our research, as they are an image of real life.

In Euripides\' Cyclops for instance there are negotiations about
a trading transaction between Silenus and Odysseus who wants to
buy food for his crew. Odysseus says then to Silenus: \'\'Produce
your goods; merchandise must be well visible" i). "How much
money will you give for it" asks Silenus and Odysseus answers
that he will not pay with money but with wine. Upon this Silenus
asks whether this wine is still in the ship or whether he has it with
him 2). When Odysseus further asks if he shall let Silenus taste
the wine, Silenus answers: "Of course! For tasting induces buying"^).

So from this we can reconstruct the image of a trader who takes Submitting
samples of his merchandise with him and leaves the rest in his ship, samples
We also find indications of this in Isocrates«) who speaks of xwv
xaQ7iS)v i^evsYHEiv ixAatov deiyfia and in Plato in the expression ohv
idynaxa i^EVEyxdvxa 5).

In Euripides\' Cyclops as well as in Sophocles\' Philoctetes the The submis-
submissive attitude of the trader appears from his tone. In Euripides sive^^attitude
this appears most clearly in the words ei\' xe xig MXei ^oqAv Sdijaai trade?
vavxiXoiq xEXQtifiivoig «); in Sophocles in the request of the would-
be merchant to Neoptolemus: "Don\'t slander me to the army of the
Greeks, for they have rendered me many services in return for my
services (m so far as a poor man can render services)"\').

Use of So though in both passages quoted mention is made of merchants,
^jiTJJ^ usually indicated as e/xnogoi, the poets avoid using this name. For,
xojiTiXos, in keeping with the epical language, the word ifmogos as well as
its compound awsfmoQog are repeatedly used by the tragedians
to indicate resp, "traveller" and "fellow-traveller". The terms
zdjiTjXog and xanrjXevEiv too, do not occur in these authors in the
real meaning. Aeschylus does use the words: eoixev ov xanriXevoEiv
fidxrjv, where the scholiast explains xanrjXsvoEiv by xpEvaEa&ai and
jtQodcboEiv^), In this way he speaks in another place 2) of xdni-jXa
xExvrifxaxa, where xoji^Xog has the meaning of "dishonest". In the
same way a comedian uses xdmjXov (pgdrrj/xa In this way also
Euripides and Aristophanes use the expression ayogaTog vovg*);
and Aristophanes speaks of axibfifxaxa dyogaia in the sense of
„trivial"^;

The above mentioned use of y.dai]Xog and xcuirjXEVEiv in my
opinion prove very little with regard to the disparagement of trade.
No more can we draw such a conclusion from the use of du/moXdv
with the meaning of "to bargain away" in Sophocles ®). But the
judgment on money, which he puts into Creon\'s mouth, and which
opens with the words "there is no more pernicious institution than
money", is withering\').

The choir in Euripides\' Iphigenia in Tauris disapproves of those
<^who convey the burden of wealth, wandering over the sea, passing
through foreign towns" He makes king Theseus, the tribal hero
of the Athenians, state as the purpose of navigation: that there may
be a mutual exchange of things of which there is a surplus or a
deficiency So here we have not a single word which points to the

3) Adespota, fr. 867, Kock III p. 559; Cf. Phrynichus in Bekker Anecd.
p. 49, 9 : HanrjXov (pQ6yr]fia nallfipoXov xai ovx vyi^i, ij fujaqjoga Ano xtHtf
xoji^Xcoy xwv ftfj m3iQaaH6vxci)v ilkixQivf) xai inigcua xa &yia\', Cf. Suidas s.v.
xdsirjloe,

Opinion on
trade and
trader

exchange of spiritual values that may be promoted by this navi-
gation. Yet we see ghmpses of another opinion as early as in the
Odyssey, though here it is not emphasized either. When the poet
has described the country of the Cyclops as backward in cukure i)
he adds by way of explanation: o{> yag KvxXcbntoai vkg Tidga
fuXton&Qnoi 2). While however some of the Greek authors treated
by me speak unreservedly of the moral dangers attached to naviga-
tion and trade 3), not a single author clearly mentions the advantages
to culture they offer.

In these authors navigation and trade are often mentioned in Metaphorical
similes, and many expressions adopted from this sphere of language "^e of cx-
are used metaphorically by them. So for instance the Cyclops says a/opted from
that he is as satiated as a goods-ship that is loaded up to the thwarts *). navigation
In order to save many treasures one has to throw the ballast over-
board 6). When need grows too urgent one throws the too great
riches into sea«). Deianeira says: "In the same way as a skipper
takes cargo into his ship, I took a young girl into my house, as
ignominious merchandise in exchange for my love"\'). Curious is
the expression: rd nXeXota djaeivova ifmoXav^) in the sense of „to
be generally lucky".

A similar metaphorical use of expressions adopted from naviga-
tion also occurs in Plato. People who are tossed to and fro by anger
are compared by him») to ships that are bobbing up and down
because they sail without any cargo and are not made heavier by
ballast either (dveQfxdnaza nXola). In another passage ^o) he speaks
ot d dEvzEQog jiXovg in the sense of: the method that is left, if the
best method can no longer be applied.

Metaphorical from the dangers of the sea. In Aeschylus we find the following
adopSdftom examples of this. Eteocles asks the praying women "Does a

^^^^ the stern to the prow (where namely the
® images of the genii are) find by this act a way to rescue, when the
ship is fighting against the furious waves". Further on 2) a messenger
relates: "The storm is over and though the town has been battered
by many waves, it has not swallowed any seawater". Aeschylus calls
a great number of calam. "s "a wave of calamities" (xkvSwv yMxcbv) .
Sophocles makes Jocaste say with regard to Oedipus : "He stands
bewildered like a steersman of the ship". "A dissolute town, says
Menelaus will one day sink into the deep, sailing with all sails set".

Euripides makes the nurse say to Phaedra®) "You are more
turbulent than the sea". In another passage\') he speaks of "a sea
of calamities" (naxd>v jiilayog) and, in the same way as Aeschylus,
of "a wave of calami-^ies" ®). Hecabe compares herself in her need
to sailors who work hard as long as there is any hope; when however
the storm becomes too violent, they wait passively "If you obey
me, the herald of Creon calls to Theseus^®), you will govern a town
that is free from storms". "Now a favourable wind blows for us
after calamities", Creusa says to lo"). In the same way "harbour"
is spoken of in the sense of "deliverer of calamities" Very remark-
able in this connection is the use Euripides makes of avfinXeiv^^)
in the sense of "take part in the suffering", "suffer to-
gether", and the frequent metaphorical use of aaXevEiv in the sense
of "to fluctuate", "to be unlucky".

of the dangers of the sea was always deeply felt and that they did Fear of the
not consider the sea as a trusted and rehable element, as did for dangers of
instance the Dutch.In as early an author as Homer one of the Phaeaci- ^^^
ans, familiar though all of these people were with the sea, declares i):
ov. ..XI... yaxdixeQov aXXo ^aXaaoriq, Sophocles Antigone says 2) that
Oedipus has been taken awayneither by Aresnot by the sea; so here
she places the dangers of the sea by the side of those of war. Euripides
makes it seem not improbable that a certa^«^i«hip will be lost 3), and
elsewhere in this author that man is called lucky\\vho has eluded the
waves and has reached a safe harbour«). The sea that has subsided
after a storm is compared by him^) to the appearance of a good friend
when the need has become very urgent. As one of the aphorisms of
Pittacus is mentioned: maxbv yij, daitaxov MXaooa^). Aristophanes
mentions the custom of sacrificing when one has returned safe from
the sea\'). Xenophon relates that king Cyaxares when he wants to
admonish Cyrus to moderation, reminds the latter of the fact that
many people who were lucky in navigation would not stop until
they had found their death in the waves s). Sea-farers are mentioned
among those who fear dangers»); it is to these Cyrus compares
Himself when he knows that he is surrounded by enemies Anti-
phanes declares that he prefers toiling on land to sailing the sea in
riches ).He calls that man unhappy who passes his life at sea 12)\'
and says that the merchandise of which a trader is so proud, will
be one day taken away from him by the winds of the sea In
Demosthenes a certain Parmenon says: "For a long time I occupied
myself with sea-trade and went through dangers""), as in another

place an ^fmoQos speaks of his former dangers at sea So that
Plato declares that those who navigate only do this to grow rich.
For otherwise, he asks, who would choose to navigate, to brave
dangers and to bring difficulties upon himself^).

The sea pre- Therefore the sea is considered as a place preeminently chosen by
eminentl^y jj^g QqJ^ ^q punish offenders. In this way Aeschylus makes the
S^wi^ed unrighteous find their graves in the waves 3). And therefore Ando-
cides advances in his defence that the Gods, if he really should have
sinned against them, would certainly have caught hold of him at
sea So it stands to reason that Lysias considers it as a proof of
foolhardiness to venture on the sea, after having sinned against
the Gods

This notion that the sea was a dangerous place for guilty people
naturally led to the opinion that it was dangerous to be in the same
ship with people of that kind, as the ship, which by the will of the
Gods will be lost, will also bring ruin upon the others. In this way
Aeschylus threateningly puts death in prospect of him who, in the
company of impious skippers, goes into a ship ®); and Xenophon
relates that Cyrus considered the piety of those about him as some-
thing fortunate for himself, in the same way as sea-farers had rather
not sail with people who are suspected of having done wrong\').
After what precedes it is clear that the ioyful greeting of the sea
by Xenophon\'s "ten thousand"®), and the Thurian\'s hope that
there would be an end to the calamities now that the sea had been
reached, are to be considered in connection with the great dangers
to which they had always been exposed in the interior»).

2) Plato Gorg. 467 D; The Adriatic was considered to be extremely
dangerous, cf. Lys XXXII, 25 and fr. i = Ath. 13 p 612 D.

9) Cf. however Zimmern, the Greek Commonwealth" p. 317 note i,who
has an extremely high opinion of the Greeks\'familiarity with the sea, and sees a
proof of this among other things in these words of the rest of the "ten thousand".

there was also navigation during the night. The blind Tiresias com- Na^^gation
pares the assistance his daughter renders him to that which the \'^"[Jj^ht^^
stars render to the skippers In another place it also appears that
the skippers calculate their course by the stars 2). In the same way
Thucydides measures the extent of the empire of the Odrusians
by the number of days and nights in which a trading-ship can sail
round it But navigation at night is always considered dangerous
and is mentioned as something extraordinary. Homer already
relates that in urgent cases people sailed on during the night and
in the Tragedians the fact that Medea sailed with Jason at sea in
the night is counted as a deed of courage and Danaus declares
that the night often brings difficulties even to experienced sailors «).

At that time, when tidings were still very difficult to get, the Merchants as
coming of the merchants must have been often greeted with joy by
those who lived isolated and for whom the trader not only brought ^ news^ °
merchandise but also poHtical news and personal tidings or letters.
In this way the choir of Greek women in the Iphigenia in Tauris
expresses the hope that a skipper from Greece has come\') and
Iphigenia wants to give a letter to her brother Pylades whom she
has not yet recognized, to take with him to Argos®). Whether
Menelaus is still alive or has died may be heard from skippers »).
Orestes, who passes himself off as a trader or a traveller to Clytaem-
nestra, pretends that Strophius, king of Phocis, has asked him to
inform Clytaemnestra of the death of Orestes"). When Phaedra
apparently has sorrow the choir supposes that a skipper may have
brought her sad tidings from her relatives in Greta It goes without
saying that the merchants made use of the fresh tidings to their

5) Eur. Med. 211; I here follow the version of the M.S.S. d! 5Xa virior.
Wecklein however reads Si Sla nvxiov.

own profit and spared no trouble to be beforehand with other
people in getting information that might influence the price of the
merchandise. So in Lysias the otxoTicoXai are reproached with
trying to be beforehand with other people in getting information
about the calamities of the town of Athens that influenced the corn-
supply 1). In other passages too 2) it appears that they always found
the means to get such information as they thought necessary, either
by means of agents 3) or in another way. Further on we will see
that the Egyptian governor Cleomenes worked the custom of using
agents into a system

Objects of With regard to the objects of trade we find the following data
in the Tragedians:

Syrian balm — Etrurian trumpet — purple from
the far sea\')—ndvtixog f£t»\'o?®),by which is meant a sword
imported from the Pontus.

the electron from S a r d e s and Indian gold as very pre-
cious things »). — Oedipus asks the messenger if he has bought
him as a slave when he was young ^o).

б) TvQat]vtx{] adXmy^, Eum. 568 == Eur. Phoin. 1377 and Her. 830; cf.
Soph. Ajax 17.

10) Oed. Rex 1025.The difference in position between the bought slave and
one that has been born in the house is evident from the following answer: I
am a slave, only not such a one as has been bought, but one born in the house;
ibid. 1123.

11) Ale. 980; Cf. schol.: XcAvfieg i&voa zov Ildvxov, sv&a aidtjQa fihaXXa iaur,

fears that she will be sold as a slave — Pentheus threatens that
he will sell the women caught in the act of worshipping Bacchus —
Silenus pretends that Odysseus had wanted to throw the Cyclops
into his ship in order to sell him 3). — Creiisa asks the young priest
lo if he has been bought by the Delphians «). — Etrurian
robbers are mentioned as slave-dealers — The L y d i a n s and
Phrygians furnish much slave-material6).

6) Ale. 675. Orestes depreciatingly calls the latter „superintendants of
mirrors and balms", Orest. h12.

Trading phi- a fragment on the life of Thales we hear incidentally that the
losophers Phoenicians owe their accurate knowledge of numbers to traffic,
and Thales himself is there said to have occupied himself with
spmoQla, in the same way as the astrologer Hippocrates; Plato too
is supposed to have got travelling-money by selling olive oil in
Egypt 1). Of Democritus on the contrary we hear that by his
astrological knowledge he foresaw that there would be a scarcity
of olive oil and that therefore he bought up all the olive oil in the
neighbourhood, but that later, when the scarcity had really set in,
he gave it back to the original owners without any profit

Aristotle gives us more ample information about Thales of Milete
than that above; he relates namely in his Politica that one time
Thales\' astrological knowledge made him see that the olive trees
would yield a rich harvest. During the winter he rented all olive
presses in Milete and Chius at a low price, as nobody outbade him.
When however harvest-time had come there suddenly was a great
demand for olive presses, which Thales now leased at a high price;
in this way he got much money and showed thereby, says Aristotle,
that for philosophers it is an easy thing to grow rich if only they
want to; but that riches are not what they strive after In the same
way Aristotle mentions briefly that Solon went to Egypt xar
ifmoQiav xat OecoQiav
Manyoccasi- From the preceding remarks, even if they are not historical, it
onal IfufOQoi appears how every one, if he wanted to, could occupy himself with
trade on a certain occasion, especially with foreign trade (ifmoQla)
and so by that act could temporarily become an tfuioQog. When for

instance in Aristophanes a sycophant is asked if he happens to be
an efjmoQog, he answers: "well, I occasionally pretend to be one"
and a young man who wants to shirk a task that is disagreeable to
him says: "I shall pretend to be an efinogog" When Thucydi-
des relates how much money and goods have been withdrawn
from Athens as a result of the Sicilian expedition, he mentions
among other things oaa eni /isza^oJifj tig r\\ axQaticbtrig tfinoQog excov
»lAet, so all goods which soldiers or ifotoQoi took with them with
the object of trading with them 3). So here trading soldiers who
practise ifmoQia are mentioned side by side with the proper e^oQoi
The distinction aTQaruoxTjg and efutoQog is here only made to in-
dicate that the former at the same time performed military service.
In Isocrates a certain Sopaeus,who occupies an influential post with
Satyrus a Bosporian prince, sends his son to Athens with two ships
loaded with corn. As the motive is given here, in the same way as
in the above mentioned remark on Solon in Aristotle, yai ifinoQlav
«at xaxd ^eoiQiav. In Demosthenes\' orations even people who only
borrow a sum of money for sea-trade are called SfinoQoi

After what precedes we can understand that, differently from
vavxkrjQog«) the term SfmoQog is not used as an indication of a
profession by the side of a proper name, as the addition of the word
e/moQog would not have identified an individual more exactly.

I will speak below\') of the reasons why it might be profitable
to call oneself an ^finoQog,

The fact that the above mentioned philosophers occupied them- Opinions on
selves with trade proves little with regard to the appreciation of ^\'»dc
trade in those times, as these remarks are meant as exceptions. In
a few of these authors one may probably draw this conclusion with
greater certainty from their opinion on the acquisition of money.
So for instance the Anonymus Jamblichi disapproves of the various

incentives to xQVI^ox^ofiog Democritus calls the acquisition of
money not useless; but if it takes place in a dishonest way, he calls
it a very great evil

Few data re- In a fragment of the sophist Critias there is an enumeration of
^"de^ eighteen traders, all compounded with ncohjg^). While in these
authors there is hardly any further mention of trading the sophist
Antiphon still uses the verb ifizioQEveadai in the sense of "to travel"
(not "to trade") «). Heraclitus also speaks metaphorically of yjvx^g
ojvELadat „to pay with one\'s life" ®); in the same way Epicharmus
gives the beautiful aphorism: rcbv7i6vwv7iwXovaiv^fuvjidvrataya&\'

Uncertainty The great uncertainty of possession and the difficulty of protecting
o possession fortune appear from various expressions. So for instance an
admonitionof Pittacusruns:";iaeaxarai?7/xai- dji6dog**\'\')and an utter-
ance of Pittacus: that he who gives back the pawn does not deserve
praise, but that he who does not give it back deserves scorn and
Fear of gi-punishment »). A symptom of this uncertainty is the great fear of
Ving security g-^^g security. Epicharmus speaks warningly: "Surety is the
daughter of blindness; the daughter of surety is loss!" ®), and we
hear as a short cry of distress: \'\'lyyva ndga d\'dral" ").
A Pythago- The following story gives a good example of the way in which
"■^^paid®^^ a debt of a Pythagorean could be got in at that time.

A poor, sick Pythagorean, travelling in a long and lonely road
puts up at a Tiav^oxcrov where the Trav^oxeuff gives him all he wants.
When the Pythagorean is about to die he writes down u ovp.^olov
on a ntva^ and he instructs the inn-keeper to hang this niva^ in front
of his jiavdoxeiov by the roadside, as soon as he (the Pythagorean) is
dead, expecting that one of the passers-by will read the avfipoXov
and will pay the inn-keeper for his kindness. When the Pythagorean

has died and the yrtVaf has been himg the latter is indeed noticed
by a Pythagorean and the rraiv^oxn\'s gets his reward.

As regards the objects of trade, an elegy by Critias praises i): Objccts of
the very beautiful and valuable o^os ZixeXixog — the luxu-
nous OeaaaXixog dgovoi — the beautiful evvaiovXixo? of Mi 1 ete
snd C h i u s — the <piaXrj and nag ;taAx65 mig xoa/xEi

^ofxov ev Tivi xQeiq. of E t r u r i a — the aQfxaxdetg dicpQog of T h e b e s
the goods-ships of the Carians — the earthenware of
Athens.

This ohgarchic pamphlet, probably dating from the beginning of
the Peloponnesian war and directed against the policy of Pericles,
furnishes us some data regarding trade, especially as far as Athens
is concerned.

The author\'s In the same way as Plato acknowledged, as we shall see below i),
°^\'trade ^^at even in his ideal state trade could not entirely be eliminated,
the author of this booklet declares that not a single town can do
without import or export; but in this respect too he agrees with
Plato that he considers this fact rather a calamity than an advantage
to the town. When for instance he speaks of the sea-trade of Athens
he asserts 3) that hearing various languages has made the Athenians
adopt something from every one of these languages and in this way,
he continues, while the Greeks prefer their own language, their own
way of living and of dressing, the Athenians use a mixture of that
of all Greeks and non-Greeks. This assertion, exaggerated though it
certainly is is probably meant more seriously by the author
than his observations on the advantages of naval forces. The latter
are however more in accordance with truth. He remarks for instance
that land-forces may be greatly inconvenienced by a disease of the
fruits of the earth, in contrast with naval forces which always get
^tradc"^ the products of a prosperous district. In another place he observes«)
that, differently from voyaging by sea, travelling by land can only
be done slowly, and that it is impossible for a pedestrian to take
food with him for a long time. This is one of the very few places
where overland trade is mentioned. We also have Hesiod\'s advice

Among the advantages of the naval forces of Athens the author Athens as a
of this pamphlet mentions, of course mockingly 3), that they give tradc-centre
the Athenians an opportunity of feasting. All the dainties (iJ^tJ), he
declares, from Sicily, Italy, Cyprus, Egypt, Lydia, the Pontus, the
Peloponnesus or elsewhere, have flown together to one place, as a
result of the sovereignty of the seas,

ne above mentioned observation cannot but impress us with
t e importance of Athens as a trade-centre, and the more so when
we read of the measures connected with trade, which Athens, ac-
cording to the author of this pamphlet, made free to take against
^s alhes. After adducing the fact that the towns on the continent
ant Athens for their import and export as the cause of their sub-
nn-ssxveness«) he furtherexplains this more in detail.

of Athens, because here the selling prospects are most favourable.
The author further relates that the Athenians do not even allow
them to take their goods elsewhere, and that they exclude those
who are recalcitrant from sea-trade.

So by its exceptionally favourable position as a selling-place, and
by the coercive measures which it made free to take with regard
to the materials for ship-building Athens was a trade-centre, where
the various goods had come together, differently from other towns,
the district of which could only furnish one of these products at a
time 2). In this way Pericles too says in the famotis funeral oration,
put into his mouth by Thucydides: "The largeness of our town
catises a continual supply of various goods from all parts of the world
and we do not enjoy the products (viz. of mind and matter) of our
own country more intensely than those of foreigners"\'). In his
booklet "De Vectigalibus" Xenophon discusses at length the extra-
ordinary advantages offered by Athens as a trading place *). In the
first place he points to the ship-houses (vnodoxaC) where the ships
are sheltered from storm. Moreover, says he, in most towns the
EfinoQOL are bound to take return-cargo with them, because the coins
of these towns are not accepted elsewhere. In Athens on the con-
trary, he adds with some pride, they can take with them nearly
everything they want as return-cargo. If they do not wish to do so
they export good merchandise when exporting money. For wherever
they sell it they get more than they paid for it.

In another place in this same booklet he gives a long list of
people who in time of peace want Athens as a trade-centre. By the
side of (fijioQoi and vavxXriQoi he mentions 61 TioXvonoi, jzoXvoivoi,
fjdvoivoi, noXviXaioi and noXvnQd^atot,; further ot xal agyv-

meant ®) and finally all those who want to quickly buy or sell
some merchandise. At a later time too Isocrates, when singing the
praise of Greece in his Panegyricus, speaks of Athens in about the

following words "As some of the towns of Greece produce more,
other towns less than is necessary for their own use the Piraeus has
been placed as ifmdQiov in the centre of Greece in behalf of import
as well as of export. Here in the Piraeus all merchandise is concen-
trated in one place, to meet the convenience of both sellers and
buyers".

In this comedian we find some important data, especially with
. regard to the xojirjXoi. Though on the one side we must be careful
lest we too readily believe everything which Aristophanes criticises
in Athenian conditions for the sake of a certain effect he has in view;
yet on the other side we may assume that, if he makes a certain
group of individuals the butt of his mockeries wherever he has an
opportunity to do so, his feelings towards that group probably
were shared by many of his contemporaries, though the influence
of personal antipathy may be obvious^). So Aristophanes gives us
a more complete picture of the xdmjXoi than of the ejmogoi whom
he mentions only incidentally and never chooses as the object of
his mockery

KdnfjJLoi with The frequent use of xdnrjXo; for wine-dealer and xanriUq for
special refe-fgmale wine-dealer in Aristophanes is very striking. When for
wineSealer instance Lysistrata asks a man whether he thinks that women have
no gall, the latter answers "Certainly, a great quantity of it,,
especially when a xanrjXog is near them", in other words, when they
are irritated by wine In this way women who are fond of wine
are called a blessing to x6jit]Xoi

In another passage we hear of a xdjirjXog or xcmtjXlg who does
not quite fill the decilitre (vdfiiafia), of which fact a xajir^Xlg is also
accused in another comedy of Aristophanes In this way he also
uses xanijXEiay in the sense of "ale-house" In the other comic

8) Eccl.154.Cf. the scholiast ad Plut. 1120 which explains the word xantiMf
by rj tov ohoy nwi-ovaa\', in this connection I may also point to the amusing
etymological explanation of xcw^jAfc mentioned in the schol. ad Plut. 42?-
tTQr]Tat xoTirfXtt .la^a to xaxvvtiy i6y fitjXdr. jitjXoi; (?« <5 oJVof.

writers too xdjtrjko; is repeatedly used in this sense i). Plato too
speaks of a xaitrjXog to indicate a wine-dealer 2). #

So, when using the words k\'fmoQog (which, as we saw above was "Efmoem and
e^ecially used to indicate "corn dealer") and xdjtrjXog by which
often "wine-dealer" was indicated, people especially thought of dSle\'rs ia
dealers in victuals, meat and drink. So in Plato ^fXTiCQOi and xdjirjXoi \'victuals
are mentioned among those who take care of the human body«);
an gfxnoQog asserts that he sees to the feeding of his fellow-men 5);

is used for the selling of meat and drink \'), and efmcQog
xdnijXoi are mentioned in one breath with jiavdoxevg^). An
eating- and drinking-place", "refreshment-room" is called xWctov
t»y Isocrates s).

In the comedies of Aristophanes there are many allusions, ex- Dishonesty
P ained by the scholia, in which the xaTii^Xci are criticised as people onthepartof
Who are notorious for their jobbery and their chcnting ^o). At a match
aZoI Euripides, who have both recited a verse,

more. Of the lamp-dealer Hyperboltis Aristophanes asserts that
he has made much money 5id jtovtjQiav, which is explained by the
scholia in the following way: o-S yag ralxw fiovov kxQvro jtQog t}]v
■z&v Xvxvcov xataoxev^v, dAAd xal fxdkv^dov evexi&ei, Xva noXi) ^dgcg
^Xovxeg nXeiovog a^ioc wai. xal oSrco? v^dta tohg TiQia/xevovS. So
this lamp-dealer was supposed to have fraudulently filled brass
lamps with lead, while they seemed to be heavy with solid brass.
Of an old woman who has trimmed herself up in order to seem
young he says: "She acts like the x&TiiqXoC\' {xantjXixwg exei) 2),
the scholiast adding: xanriXixwg exei. &vxl rov Ttavovgyixu)? tiel ol
yA^r]Xoi xQle^v «ai dvajioieTv rd Ifidxia elcbdaai xal xdv olvov dk dv^-
Xevovai avfi/xiyvvvreg amq> aoTtgov.. So the xdntjXot apparently
did not scruple to gloss, ro alter or to dye clothes, or to mix
wine. A simular grievance on the mixing of wine, here with water,
is uttered by a woman in the Ecclesiazusae when she says^):^\'! shall
not tolerate that water-ponds are made in the ale-houses". Bird-
dealers apparently render themselves guilty of blowing up thrushes,
of course in the hope of increasing the value by increasing the size
of the birds The sausage-dealer. Demos\' latest favourite, accuses
his rival Cleon the tanner of having often sold leather made of a

A very usual jobbery was also the cheating with weights and
measures. So in the Plutus «) the question is put: "Is not that the
female wine-dealer of this neighbourhood who always cheats with
the measure («otvAai)Strepsiades complains\') of having been
cheated for two ;i:om\'xcff by a flour-dealer (dlgpira/ici/Jds). When
singing the praise of quiet rural life the poet mentions as one of the
advantages that there at least one does not get fish that is three
days old, very expensive and maltreated by the law-violating hands
of the fishmonger s). Therefore the above mentioned sausage-dealer
declares that among the latest oracular apothegms that have become

known there is one that bears upon those who measure corn unfairly
in the marketAlexis, another comic writer, also gives an example
of a trader\'s cheating 2). He says namely that a fig-dealer puts the
shrivelled and the bad figs at the bottom of the baskets and the
fine and ripe ones on the top, to cheat the buyers in this way. The
scholiast to Pindarus too, notes down by the words dQyvQw&eTaai
^Qoacona^y.aQyvQw&Eiaai rji i nQoaconov. xextofiijfievai xal Xa/LmQvv&Eiaai
<og td dtvia vnb xG>v no)X vvrcov excafzcvvro

with their noisiness, their quarrelsome disposition and their ousting quajjfiso^e

reproach is probably connected with the conservative character of citizens
Aristophanes The phenomenon as such may be explained as a
result of the shifting of riches and power which accompanies every
great revolution or war.

The reproach of noisiness and quarrelsome disposition is especially
irected against the women-traders. In this way Dionysus says to
Aeschylus«): "Don\'t call Euripides names; it is unseemly that
poets should scold like female bread-sellers (uproTrdiJlt^e?)". Penia
IS taken for a navb.xtvxQia (explained by the schoha as x(mr]Xlo) or a
XexiUnoiXig (peasepudding-seller) by Clepsidemus and Chre-
mylus, because she had cried to them without any reason\'). There-
tore Lysistrata calls in the help of 07isQ/zayoQaioX$xt{^oX(ixciyon(6Xidsc
and axcQod.„avd^xevxQtaQxojxc6XidE5 to assist her in her attempts at
compelling the men to make peace »). Also in the following amu-
smg n^et-scene°) Aristophanes marks the qualities he dis-

8) Lys.457 and 458; perhaps these words, untranslatable as they are point to
the customof tradmg m various goods at thesame time,cf.fr.569,S\\ p «6

approves of. If somebody buys expensive sea-fish in the market and
does not want cheap sardines, the nearest sardine-dealer says at
once: "That man buys fish as if he were absolute monarch of the
town". If somebody asks garlic for anchovy-sauce the greengroceress
looks at him askance and says: "Look here, you ask for garlic, maybe
you want to become absolute monarch in Athens, or do you think
Athens has to provide you with its herbs by way of tribute?" The
well-known sausage-dealer of the Equités is not only called tiùvîjqoç
xal ii àyoQÔç but also ÛQaovç
Aristopha- Aristophanes* irritation at the increasing influence they have,
^^^ording to him, on the government of the state, and at their
n6jif\\Ui ousting of the old citizens appears most clearly in the Equités. 1»
this play he lays the entire fault of the breakdown of the state oO
four merchants who consecutively govern the town. In the first
place a rope-dealer (otvnTtEiGTiéXrjç) by whom, according to the
scholia, Eucrates is meant; then a dealer in goats and sheep (tiqc pato\'
TiœXijç^), by whomCallias orLysicles are indicated in the third
place the Paphlagonian leather-dealer (^vqocjkôXi]?)^), as the dema-
gogue Cleon is called; at last Aristophanes makes a scoundrelly
sausage-dealer {àXXmtojicôkrjç) appear on the stage, who in the
course of the play makes the tanner fall into disfavour with the old/
ailing Demos, in order to sway the sceptre himself. In various
passages the poet here betrays his disgust.

When Demosthenes, one of the slaves of Demos, urges the sau-
sage-dealer to hold his own against the leather-dealer, he asks?
"But how can I, an àUavzcnœlT^ç, become a real man (dvjJe)?", to
which the other answers: "The very reason why you will become
great is that you are Tiovrigbg xal ef àyoQÛg xal êgaavç\'* \'). "Yoii
possess, says Demosthenes, all the antecedents necessary for ^
demagogue, namely cpœvî] fiiagd, yéyovaç xaxcôg, âycgaïcg el

When, in their race for the favour of Demos, Cleon says: "Look
straight into my eyes, if you dare", the sausage-dealer answers:
"Why not; I, too, have grown up in the market" i). To Demos him-
self the sausage-dealer says 2): "You do not mix with noble, civilized
citizens, but you do debase yourself to mix with lamp-dealers,
i^vxvoTitbXai) cobblers {vsvQOQQacpoi) «), tanners (axvxcro/xoi)
and leather-dealers {ßvQoon&Xai)", To persuade Demos of the per-
nicious influence of Cleon the ßvQOoncüXtjg, the dXXavTojtcüXtjg
warns : "You see by how large a retinue of young ßvqaon&Xai this
ßvQaojid>Xrjg is surrounded. These are surrounded in their turn by
honey-dealers (fxeXiton&Xai) and cheese-dealers (ivgcnwXai), who
are all hand in glove. And if you should want to punish the leather-
dealer they would occupy the entrances to the cheese-market in
the night".

It IS obvious that such utterances rather point to great dislike
on the part of the poet than to a really pernicious influence the «ojijyAot
had on the government of the state in those days. It is the same
prepossession which makes him stamp Socrates as a sophist, and

Aristophanes makes hardly any difference between xdjitjXoi and Hardly any
petty artisans. In this way he mentions the Xvxvoji&Xai, vevgoggdwoi, di«ercncc
and ßvgaonä>Xa. side by side as people who form a .a^.^Tnd
rast with noble citizens \'). In the communist state of women P®tty arti-
the fullers {xvacprjg), so artisans, will furnish a fur coat to all who
want one «), but dealers in flour {dXcpixafioißol) will furnish corn »).

used in the sense of "workshop" i). In Lysias we hear that it is the
custom to frequent a ixvqctiwXeXov, xcvqeïov or ouvrorofiéicv^).
Details The famous sausage-dealer of the Equités has for instrumen-
some^xdw^^Aw barium an èXeôv which the scholia explain as fiayeigix^ tgdnECa,
so a table used especially by cooks to carve meat So his work
consisted in: washing the guts (nXvvEiv tag xctXiag) cutting the
meat, filling the cleaned guts, then selling the sausages.

Very curious is what Aristophanes tells about the hawking of
lamps in troughs ®), the selling of amulets \'), and the selling of
birds, which, gathered to a\'string, are sold on a board, the seller of
which is therefore called mvaxojtœXrjg

In this connection it is remarkable that Antiphanes tells of an
iX^oncoXrjg that he went round the country hawking («ç tàv àyqbv
?lXêEv) to sell fish Diphilus mentions the case of a man who prefers
hawking in the street (xard xr]v ôàbv nœXÉiv jzEQiTtarœv) with roses,
radishes etc. to being a mçvc/îca^d,\'
The work How wearisome and unremunerative the work of the hôtitjXoi
°wwrisome\'\' ^^^ appears clearly from Aristophanes. People who owned a shop
and un- had to open it early in the morning, lest they should miss some
remunerative profitai). An old saleswoman is injured hy a tpvXaexoc Another
hero intimidates a female fig-dealer and after this eats her figs
Ten breads of a female bread-seller are struck away, and moreover

2) Lys. XXIV, 20. It stands to reason that, as appears further in this paS\'
sage, the nearer such a workshop was to the market, the greater was the numbef
of customers. Therefore a sensible man had his shop or workshop near tb®
market. Cf. Lys. fr. i ed. Cobet; Xenophon Mem. IV, 2, i.

four that had to serve as extra\'s Though it is true that they were
protected by the law 2) we may assume that it was only hard neces-
sity which compelled many of them to carry on this trade. So for
instance the poor widow who, after the death of her husband, has
great trouble to support herself and her five children by making
Wreaths So we can very well understand the statement made
in Demosthenes by a young man who, together with his mother,
sold ribbons in the market, that such an existence was very far
from their ideal

The above mentioned poor widow leaves the feast of the Women offe-
Thesmophoriazusae to make twenty wreaths for the market, which dJftions^S\'
had been ordered s); so she makes these wreaths and then sells their"own
them personally in the market. In this way female slaves, too, took i^oS^for
what they had woven to the market and there sold it for the benefit sale
of their lord Aeschines, too, speaks of a female slave who takes
h^ own exquisite product to the market\').

The part of the market where one particular kind of merchandise was The market
so d is often indicated by Aristophanes by the merchandise itself,

^ in the plural; so for instance d Ix^eg means the fishmarket
nen Aristophanes uses the name KvxX\' ») the scholiast
notes: d dk x^xX-g \'AOi^vyjaiv iau .... h^a d}} nutQdaxerat

would indicate the market where various goods were sold, especially
meat and fish i").

That every kind of merchandise usually had its special place
appears also from the Economicus of Xenophon, where Ischoma-
out thii phenomenon to his young wife as an example

of orderliness and regularity i). Menander speaks of the dyogd
Yvvameia 2), a market where especially necessaries for women were
sold, and where the sellers were mostly women 3).
Selling at the Those who pitched their booths (oy.rjvcd) in the market were
in more favourable circumstances than the traders who stood inl tcug
jtvXaig, by which is probably meant the gateway to the Piraeus.
When Cleon asks the sausage-dealer®): "Do you sell your
sausages h dyog^ or M taTg nvkaig the latter answers "Near
the gateway where the cheap salt-fish is sold"®). So a few traders
with secondrate goods stood by the gateway. So when the sausage-
dealer has supplanted Cleon he punishes him by decreeing that
henceforth Cleon is to take over his trade and is to sell alone

sausages near the gateway\').
Ijoia A peculiar selling-place in Athens was the atoid dktpitoTtcoXig,
al<pn6:icoh; ^^^^^^ according to Praxagora«), in the communist state people
whose name begins with the letter K will go to, in order to get food.
By this oroid dXipitorrcoXtg is meant, according to the scholiast, a
warehouse in the Piraeus, where among other things the corn
bought by the government was sold. For the expression aroias
ovvtxovarig which occurs in another place in Aristophanes^) is
explained by the scholiast as follows: tjJc Xeyoinhrjg dX(piron(6Xidog,
^y (^xoddfirjae Il£Qixlr]g, onov xd aitog dnixeixo trjg ndXeayg. ijv dt
jceqI xbv IleiQaid

Market-days Probably market was held every day, at any rate as far as vic-
tuals are concerned. But the first day of every month {vovfxi]via)

7) 111 raff dHayzo:icoX^oeL fi6voi, Eq. 1398; In this connecuon
can also understand the words of IsaeusVI, 30: naqa t»;v nvXlia, ov 6 olvoc wrio--

this way we can also conclude from Lysias that on the first day of
every month cheese market was held at Athens; on this day the
peasants of the neighbourhood of Plateae sold their products in the
market i).

As has been observed at the beginning of this chapter, Aris- Why Aristo-
tophanes occupies himself only incidentally with the ejjjioqoi. For fy ^"pLk^of
to a specifically Athenian comedy writer like him the efinoQoi S/mogoi
who are principally foreigners and whose trade is carried on
largely out of Athens, afford no apportunity of directing his mocke-
ries against them.

scholia ad Plutum 531, apparently influenced by the etymology of e^^ively
. , 1 , . p „ , "maritime

icaeopolis lucky because, in consequence of the peace he had made
imself,hewasabletoget ifmoQixd xQ^f^ono, by which are meant the
merchandise of a Megarensian and a Boeotian peasant«). So on
account of the geographical situation of Megara and Boeotia with
regard to Athens E/moQixd z^^/iora can not mean here "merchan-
dise conveyed by sea", but "merchandise conveyed from else-
where". Even Xenophon, in his booklet "De Vectigalibus", says
emphatically that Athens gets many goods overland

6) Xen.DeVect.1,7; that, however, the ship was considered as the means
of conveyance par excellence appears, as far as Aristophanes irconcerned
i.a. from the astonishment of the daughters of Trygaeus, who ask th^^ fZt.\'
when the latter ascends into heaven: "but what Jl ^ou^e fir fsWp
will not carry you on this way", Pax X24. Cf. also fr. 142, Kock I, p 426, wS
«i-iocriefv IS used in the sense of: to ride away. wnere

•Ef^oßla con- The choir in the comedy of the Birds advises to consult the
Sidered of ^f ^^e birds before beginning to do Efxncqia, lookmg for a

means of living in general or resolving to marry i). So here the first
place is given to IfmcQia. In another place too % where the birds
are mentioned as advisers in important matters, we also hear of
ifmcQiaxEQdaJiia, How important iftncgia was in general appears
clearly from the fact that Aristophanes regards the Megären-
sian edict which excluded the Megarensians from all the harbours
and markets of the Attic alliance, as one of the causes of the Pelo-
ponnesian war 3). In the same way the Megarensians mention this
edict as one of their principal grievances
Thessalia Thessalia is mentioned as the country where most slave-dealers
live 5), who often pay for their dangerous trade with their lives
Egypt Remarkable is the use of Alyvmioi as porters\'). In this connection
we may also point to the use of AlyvnudCeiv in the sense of "being
cunning" ®).

In the Ranae a passage deserves attention from which appears
Aristophanes\' insight into a phenomenon which in its consequences
is known as the "law of Gresham" 9); according to this law the bad
coins always oust the good ones in every country where two kinds
of lawful coins are current. "It often seemed to us, says the choir,
that the public behaved towards our good citizens in the same
way as towards the old gold coin and the new one. For those old
coins which are of good alloy {ov xexi^dtjXevfihoig), the finest
ones, the only ones that are well minted, and are known for theif
good sound (xeHiodoivia/xivoig) among the Greeks as well as else-
where, these coins are not used by us; but we use the bad brass

coins minted only lately with a very ugly stamp {xaaiaxw xd^fiaxi)\'*.
By these inferior coins possibly the brass coins are meant minted
under the archonship of Kallias, which however after a short time
were suddenly proclaimed invahd by the herald i). It is however
also possible that hereby the weak gold coins, mixed with a great
deal of copper, are meant, which were made out of gold Mxj^-
images 2).

While we find some traces of Hermes being regarded as the God Hermes as
of trade in as early an author as Homer 3), this deity is mentioned
a few times by Aristophanes too as the protector of trade. He is " ^
invoked by the Megarensian peasant as \'EQ^iic: eixnolaXog by the
sausage-dealer as \'EQfifj? ayoQaXog s), by the choir in the Pax i.a. as
When Plutus has got his eye-sight, Hermes
offers his services as eyuTtoAato?, but Carion declines and says: "We
are rich; Why should we keep a \'EQfiri<; TxaUynanriloq\'?**\') By this
designation Carion undoubtedly meant to emphasize the inferiority of
this trade s). In his old quality of protector of tricks he is still invoked
^f\'E(>fi{jg 66kog^). In this way Hermes boasts to Carion: "Every
inie you wanted to steal some object from your lord, it was I who
^i^ought about its remaining concealed 1°).

With regard to the objects of trade the following appears from Objects of
Aristophanes: trade

2) -Scholia ad Ran. 720; Cf. Gardner, History of ancient coinage p. aoi-
Wochensc. i f khss. Philolol. 1918 p. 210. It is very striking that, wWe ?he
economists think almost with certainty that they can find in these Trses an

From Boeotia fish, game and fowl are supplied ®). Especially
iyx^hig KfOTiaideg (sometimes exclusively indicated as Kconatdeg e.g.
Pax 1005) are very famous\'), so that, if Boetoia should be ruined, one
would only wish to keep the eel The expression xom Bokox&v xavxa
avvxvQovfxeva indicates that Boeotia also furnished cheese for the
market, as the schoHast explains 0x1 iragd Boicoxdcg noUg xvQdg.

Shoes are called Aay.(ovixal^^),-\'A thick cloak is called IleQaig ").
The poet speaks of ^a/ifia ZaQdiavixov — axQcbfiaxa
MiX^aia^^). — maMiXrjaia^^). --xvQog Hixslixog^^), —fivQov
Pddivov\'^^). — oivog nQd/nviog ").— oivog Odaiog 1®).— oTvog
Xiog and IIsnaQT^\'&iog

Cleon is represented as a slave coming from Paphlagonia^o)
In another place ^i) we hear of a slave from C a r i a. To express
large wealth Aristophanes speaks of to Baxxov dlcpiov i.e. the
silphium of C y r e n e founded by Battos, because this article
brought great wealth into the country.

1) Ach. 901; Av. 76; fr. 507, Kock I, p. 522; Cf. Eq. 645; Athenaeus p. 135 A
en 244 C; Eubulus fr. 75, Kock II, p. 190: igv&k y.al \'I\'aXtjQixt) xdQtj.

5) Ach. 521 and 761; cf. Pax 246, where the scholiast notes: 17 yaQ Msyagixtj
yij axoQoSo(p6nog.

From this author we can get some information on efmoQoi; on
xoTttjXoi he is silent, which fits in with the nature of his work.

The f/jutoQoi who formed the aristocratic element in Corcyra, The gfuioQoi
a town preeminently fitted for trade by its situation i), live near or jfygJ\'^^g^j.
in the market and in the neighbourhood of the harbour 2). It stands the harbour
to reason that the fjunoQoi generally lived near the harbour, in
Athens for instance in the Piraeus-quarter. In Lysias the merchants
are even indicated as ot ev tea UuQam^); at the same time this
author relates that the widow of Diodoti«, who had gained much
money am s/jjioQiav, continues to live in the Piraeus for another
year«). The Cephalus, Lysias\' father, also lives in the

Thucydides relates ®) that among the soldiers who went with the Trading sol-
Athenian expedition to Sicily there were some who at the same
time occupied themselves with trading On these soldiers Nicias
expresses himself in his letter to the Athenians in words to this
effect®): "Some of them who had been enticed by the high pay
(the Acarnanians among them and rather expected to earn money
than to fight, now felt disappointed; a few of these put slaves in
their places to perform their mihtary duties in the ships, while they
occupied themselves with trading {avtol e/moQev6fiEvoiy\\ Thuci-
dydes distinguishes this group of soldiers who at the same time
do some trading (oTQaucbitjs) from those who follow the army

exclusively for trading purposes {EymoQog) i). The latter group
will be discussed below. In my opinion it is uncertain whether the
Greeks who, according to Herodotus went with Cambyses to
Egypt, must be counted among the first or the second category,
«wildnaviga- When Themistocles, on his flight from Athens, has come to
tion" of tra- py^na, he there finds a trading-ship {olaag) ready to set sail for
ding-s ips jQjj-^3)^Xhemistoclesgoes into this ship, which by the storm is
driven into the direction of Naxus, where the Athenian fleet lies.
Then, says Thucydides, Themistocles makes himself known to
the vavxkriQog and succeeds in moving the latter to keep him out
of the reach of the Athenians and to take him to Ephesus. This
relation may serve as an example of the so called "wild navigation"
of trading-ships. In another place there is an even clearer example
of this. A certain man who wants to betray the approaching of the
Athenian fleet to the Lesbians crosses from Athens to Geraestus
and there finds a trading-ship that is on the point of putting to sea
[avayouhr]?). Apparently the ship has no fixed destination, but
for him it now sails to Mytilene, which it reaches in three days.
When Alcibiades wants to cross from Thurii to the Peloponnesus
he at once finds a trading-ship (nloXov (pcQ-trjyixov) which takes
him to Cylene in Elis, according to his wish. From other authors
too it appears that people used to sail to the place where they
thought the constellation was for the present most favourable for
buying or selling, or often for both®); sometimes too it was the
winds that fixed the course\').
The size of On the size of the trading-ships at that time Thucydides gives
the trading- information that is worth attention. At the armistice which
^^^^^ the Athenians make with the Peloponnesians in the spring of 423
it is decreed ») that the Peloponnesians are not allowed to sail the
sea adjoining the territory of the Athenians and their allies/laxp? vt](,

but only in a ship moved by rowers (xconrjQEi jiXcico); the carrying
capacity of this ship was not to exceed 500 talents (4\' Jievraxoaia
xdXavra ayovu fxttga). So here small ships are meant with a car-
rying capacity of 131000 kilogrammes or 13,1 tons; such ships were
used for traffic in the island district, and even in our time they are
still used in the eastern part of the Mediterranean for inland na-
vigation 1). The ship indicated as vavg nvQiocpdQog, which the
Athenians used in the harbour of Syracuse as a floating fortress
against the forrications of the Syracusians, has a quite different
size and serves another purpose 2). This was apparently a large tra-
ding-ship with a carrying capacity of 10.000 talents or 261,9 tons,
which was the type of the large trading-ships in antiquity

The ships that convey various victuals and persons at the expe- \'oXxaStg
dition against Syracuse, are called oXxadeg oaayoiyol^). VtohshXy oixaymyol
these words indicate "trading-ships" in general

That the difference between money as a means of payment and Money
gold and silver objects was not strongly felt appears among other ^^"Jyables
things from the encouraging communication Pericles makes to the
Athenians that the town of Athens, besides possessing the treasure
of 6000 talents of coined silver, also had, among other things, a large
amount of uncoined gold and silver in sacred objects etc. When
the inhabitants of Egesta want to give a favourable impression of
their wealth to the Athenian ambassadors, who have come to in-
quire into the pecuniary resources of the town, they show them the
sacred objects in the temple of Aphrodite\'). In order to streng-
then this impression a few inhabitants of the town give them a
dinner-party, at which they make them wonder at the amount of
gold and silver objects. Not suspecting that these objects have been
collected from the whole town and the Phoenician and Greek towns
in the neighbourhood, the ambassadors, on the ground of their

I) Cf. A. Köster, Das antike Seewesen 1923, p. 161. Cf. also Herod. I,
194 and II, 96.

5) Cf. olvaymyov .T/lorov Cratinus ft. 370, Kock I, p. 117; oA*d3ff mvaywyoi
Pherecrat. fr. 143, Kock I, p. 187.

experience, in Athens manifest their delight at the weahh of Egesta
(diedQd^oav). In the same way, when Thucydides relates i) that the
Athenians decide to send out ambassadors to inquire mto the
pecuniary resources which, according to the inhabitants of Egesta,
are also to be found h tocg iegolg, we may assume that valuable
objects are in part meant by this. Herodotus too relates that at
Plateae the Persians took with them silver cups, besides a large
amount of coined and uncoined gold, to bribe the Greeks, if possible ).
In Xenophon money and valuable objects are mentioned side by
side as equivalents 3). In Demosthenes the context is often am-
biguous because the term may denote money as well as ob-
jects of value.

Money con- As money was often considered more as merchandise ttian as a
Sidered^ Standard of value, as we have seen in what precedes, it stands to
merchand.se ^^^^^^ ^hat Greek authors, too, speak of "buying" and "seHing" of
money as if it were merchandise. So Xenophon says of the Athenian
coins that the traders can sell them with profit (noilibai) everywhere
out of Athens and in another place the same author speaks of
dQYVQup y^Qrinaxi^Eo^ai (deal in money)
Money con- We can however also find some citations where money is con-
sidered as a sidered as a standard of value and a means of exchange, so not as
\'"^"Se"^ merchandise. So for instance an aphorism of Heraclitus runs as
follows«): "Exchange of the Universe for the Fire and of the Fire
for the Universe takes place in the same way as exchange of gold
for merchandise and of merchandise for gold". Aristotle in his
Politica speaks of money exclusively considered as a standard of
value and a link in the exchange trade. The great distance over
which trade extended is taken by him as the reason why coins came
to be made \'). He explains in another place that the object of
coins must be that they can serve as a general standard of value

As appears from the quotation above on the wealth of the Temples safe
inhabitants of Egesta, the temples make safe depositories of money \'^of
and objects of value. So says for instance Nicias of the Sicilians
that they have pecuniary resources individually as well as in their
temples 2). The Athenians keep their treasures of state in the Acro-
polis 3). At the conference at Sparta the Corinthians give the advice
to take money out of the sanctuaries of Delphi and Olympia, which,
according to the Greek idea, is considered as money borrowed
from the deity*). In the same way Herodotus relates that money
is kept in the temple of the Branchides

In the last part of the Peloponnesian war Euboea was of consi- Euboea
derable importance for Athens, as a result of the occupation of
Decelea and of the enmity against Syracuse; it was specially im-
portant with regard to the import of corn ®). Then the Athenians see
to a good communication road with Euboea being made along cape
Sunium, though this was more expensive than the former route
Athens-Decelea-Oropus-Euboea; the result of this was a scarcity
of all articles of import (c.-raxru) in the town \'). Therefore the
Athenians fortify Sunium after the catastrophe in Sicily, that the
corn supply at least should not be endangered ®). Expressions like
"Euboea meant every thing to them (sc. the Athenians), as Attica
Was obstructed"®) and "from which country (meaning Euboea)
they drew more profit than from Attica itself" give a clear im-
pression cf the importance of Euboea for Athens at that time.

Thucydides tells of the Macedonian coast ") that Potidaea is The Mace-
ijîîPort^or the exploitation of Thracia. He says ") that only a

small number of Athenians lived in Amphipolis, for the greater
part it was a mixture of various tribes; so in this regard it had the
character of a trading town i). To all probability it supplied the
Athenians especially with wood from Macedonia, as Thucydides,
speaking of the dejection of the Athenians at the loss of Amphipolis,
gives as the reason for it the supply of wood which the Athenians
used to get from there 2). So in Xenophon ambassadors from
Acanthus and Apollonia relate at Sparta about Olynthus, which hes
in the same district, that this country is rich in wood, suitable for
building ships; that ample profit is yielded by the harbours and
commercial navigation, and that corn is abundant in the country 3).
The same author makes a Thessalian relate at Sparta that the
Athenians get their wood from Macedonia According to the same
Thessalian Thessalia has such an abundance of corn that it is even
exported. So when the Thebians are in want of corn, they send two
triremes with ten talents to the Thessalian harbour Pagasae, in order
to buy corn

Corcyra From Thucydides it appears that the ordinary way from Greece
to Italy went past Corcyra which owed an exceptional power and
weahh to this circumstance, and at the same time a violent envy
from the metropolis CorinthIn a curious observation of Aristotle
we hear of KeQxvQaixovg uficpoQEtg
Italy When the Peloponnesian war breaks out, a certain number of
ships from Italy and Sicily are in the Greek harbours»). The latter
were probably loaded with corn those from Italy with wood of
which, according to the story of Alcibiades with the Spartans, there
were large quantities in Italy"),where the Athenians,among others,
supplied themselves with wood

If we want to establish the meaning of the word efinogog it is of Sutlers
some importance to know that Xenophon several times calls e/wtoeot
the merchants who supply the army with victuals. So for instance
he relates that in one of his campaigns Cyrus allows the efmogoi who
wanted to follow the army, to sell the victuals at the end of a fixed
term i). In the Hellenica Xenophon relates how the Spartan com-
mander Eteonicus orders the ^fuioQoi to take their goods to their
ships in silence and to sail elsewhere»); and as one of the charitable
deeds of the Spartan commander Agesilaus he mentions the latter\'s
care of the litrie children of prisoners of war left by the fpro^ot at
the breaking up of the army\'). When Xenophon has reached the
sea with his "ten thousand" and has come to the neighbourhood of
Sinope, some f/ciopoi from Heraclea and Sinope join the army,
of course with the intention to trade *).

Those who practise this trade are in other places mentioned by
Xenophon in terras that make the meaning of the word clearer.
In the story of the battle between the inhabitants of Corcyra and the
Spartans, Xenophon relates how once the inhabitants of Corcyra
Would have entirely pushed back the Spartans, if they had not taken
(r/rna\'or ox^.or and the servants who were with the army, for
combatants In another place this sort of people are indicated
o? rfjv dyoQar .TaQeaxfvaxurtc: ®), or ol rx rijc iyoQag \'). In
the Cyropaedia the salesmen in the (Syofja in the camp are called

In the same way Thucydides calls ifinoQoi the merchants who
accompany the Athenian army to Syracuse i). The Greeks, who
according to Herodotus, march with Cambyses king of Persia to
Egypt, perhaps merely as traders without taking part in the battle,

also do this xar\' E/moQir]v
Should So here the e/mogoi are sutlers, traders who often march with the
ifmoeos be ggjj^g necessaries, especially victuals, to the soldiers and

sometimes buying spoils from them. These people are elsewhere,
sale dealer"? ^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ indicated in terms that do not in the least pomt to
an extensive trade. We may draw the same conclusion from the
observation of Xenophon that the peasants, when agriculture
appears to yield very little profit, betake themselves among other
things to ifiJioQia^). In the same way Aristophanes indicates by
Ifxjtdgixa the few goods procured by Megarensian and

Boeotian peasantsThucydides uses the term ifi.ioQtviaOai for
the trading of soldiers that have enlisted from a desire of pay and
of gain^). Isocrates relates that in former times wealthy citizens
enabled poor people to make profit xar IpnogLav*), and that
children of poor parents were trained for agriculture and IpnoQia\'\').
In the same way Aristotle suggests that the state might distribute
the remainder of the Ttgdaodoi among the ujivQOt; by preference so
much that the latter will be able to buy a small piece of ground with
it ielg ytjdhv xtijaiv) or if it is not sufficient for that purpose, that
then it may serve as capital for ^futoQla and yeaigyla«). From
Demosthenes it appears that law-suits of ^fuiogoi, the so-called

Schneider Oxonii i8ia preference is given to the version of group X with this
argumentaUon: "Nec ullus «\'/«(Jgoic locus esse in castris vidctur, sed solis

2) Herod. Ill, 139; perhaps wc may find an indication of the presence 01
lemale sutlers in the army in the words of the choir in the Vespae of Aristopn.
line 238: "When wc were besieging Byzantium wc secretly took away a troug
from the dgrd-Twiif".

ffinoQixai dixai^) are for instance about amoimts of twenty,
thirty and forty minae 2). Androcles who has lent thirty minae to
Artemon of Phaselis calls himself ifmogos 3), though he could not
provide the money to him without financial participation of a friend
from CarystusAll I^oqoi want the assistance and cooperation
of a xQOTiE^iTijS for their commercial enterprises, who does espe-
cially small business

It appears from what precedes, that the trade of the "ffmogos was
not extensive, sometimes even small. That the merchandise of the
^finoQoi was usually not sold wholesale appears from the Econo-
^icus that is ascribed to Aristotle. Here it is said ®) that the autho-
rities of Heraclea buy up the corn of the ffmoQot. He emphatically
adds \') that the Ef moQoi now had the advantage of not having to sell
retail (xotvXtCeiv) but that now adgoa rd <poQzia were sold.
In general the e/mogoi also give the impression of people who
personally perform every detail of the commercial enterprise and
often have a hard existence. So Hasebroek has pointed out that they
|isually accompany their merchandise in person 8). Even the ^fmoQot
^n Corcyra, who there formed the aristocratic element and so were
richer than most of the rfviogoi elsewhere, use their own dwelling-
o^es at the same time as store-houses for their merchandise ®).
.. ^hat precedes may have proved sufficiently that the translation
^Wholesale dealer", usually given for is not right. As by

^"ropoj IS indicated the "foreign trader" or the „merchant trading
^ «h foreign countries"^»), it is very likely that in most cases he
urally traded with greater turnover than ihe\'xu.iiyJlo«; this how-
also^ suffident reason for calling him a wholesale dealer. This
„.^^^J^^es it easier to understand why, as has been pointed out

7 J^-J?«\'"- 1347 ba.
8) \\lEcon. ,347 b8.
^»hrh „^®brock, Die Bctriebsformen des griechischen Handels im IVtcn
• «ermes 1933 p. ^^ ^qq; Cf. also Xen. Econ. XX, 37 and a8.

above i), so many people called themselves efmoQot and could take
part in ifinogia

Xenophon\'s In his booklet "De Vectigalibus", Xenophon enumerates a few
proposals to desiderata he has with regard to the attitude of the Athenian state
towards the traders; the object he has in view is: increase of public
revenue. He advises to fit up inns (xatayoiyta) for the traders; for
the vavxXrjQoi these inns must be near the harbours, and for the
^fjmoQoc in those places that are suitable for trade s). Further he
proposes to promise prises to the members of the ägxij rov ifutogiov
(by which probably vavrodimi are meant), to those who could
settle the differences between the traders in the justest and quickest
way, so that the latter would suffer the least possible delay in their
business The author even deems it proper that Efinogoi and
vaMtjgoi will be honoured with ngoedgia and even in certain
cases will be fed in the Prytaneum at the expense of the state, if
they have been of service to the state with large trading-ships or with
important merchandise. Then the traders will be stimulated not
only by the desire of gain but also by ambition s), "and, he coritinues,
the larger is the number of people settling in our town or visiting us
(meaning the efinogoi who either do or do not settle in Athens), the
more will undoubtedly be imported and exported, be bought and
sold and, besides, the more will be received in rent-money and
taxes ®)." He also wants to increase the number of the ^homot (to
which category most of the; e^jioqoi could be considered to belong\')
in Athens») and to act as much as was possible in good wül towards
them in order to increase public revenue»), by which he principally
means increased harbour-dues and market-dues. Kind treatment of
fxkoiiioi and S/xTioQot, says he, can only benefit the exchequer.

2) See further H. Bolkestein, Het economisch leven m Gnekenlands
bloeitijd p. 165 sqq. who points out that the first condition for actual
wholesale trade was wanting, namely the general want of articles of consumpüon
that were much in demand.

The great importance Xenophon attaches to the presence of the Opinion on
traders with regard to the flourishing of Athens appears from what "^j^adc?^
precedes; even though he is entirely silent on the advantages that
traffic offers for cuhure^). This may perhaps be explained from the
fact that in this booklet Xenophon occupies himself with the question,
in what way public revenue may be increased. At any rate the wisdom
of Socrates has led in Xenophon to a view on trade and traders
widely differing from the depreciatory judgment which Plato,
Socrates\' great disciple, has pronounced on this same subject 2).

The great appreciation Xenophon has for traders is clearly visible
there where he says that Athens can only flourish in time of peace,
and he adds : "for if she follows a policy of peace, who can do
without her, to mention first the vavHltjgoi and e/^vioqoi?\'* The
presence of vavxXrjQoi and UfxnoQoi and the others he then mentions
as traders, is for Xenophon an important argument in favour of
peace-policy. But the contrast with Plato is very striking there
where he advises the government to get trading ships (6>lxd5e?),
which may be leased to private persons, so that the state will get a
new source of revenues out of trade For Plato thinks trade a
necessary evil, which has to be reduced to the smallest possible
proportions

Appreciation of IfmoQia and of the ^finoQog also appears from
the other works of Xenophon. In the Hipparchicus he mentions
^fmoQoi as people who are preeminently fit to be sent to hostile
territory for reconnoitring, as all towns receive as friends those
people who import things\'). Hiero of Syracuse mentions, among
other things, harbours as desirable possessions of a ruler®) and
from Simonides he gets the advice to assemble still more ifmoQOi
in the town, if i/nnogta may yield profit to it; for this purpose one
should honour those people who practise trading most of all»). Also,

according to Simonides, a town that is provided, among other things,
with markets and harbours, reflects honour upon the ruler i). The
fact that Lydia is washed by the sea, in consequence of which a great
deal of merchandise reaches the country, is mentioned as a particular
advantage 2). In the same way the sea is in another place considered
as the cause of the fortune of most of the Athenians.

The efjutoQOL in the armies are apparently treated kindly, though
of course they have to comply with the orders of the commander.
In this way Cyrus promises presents and honours to the ennoQoq
who will have sold most to the soldiers; he even offers to provide
the EfinoQo, with the money necessary for them to buy their goods,
on condition that he may be certain that they will follow his army«).

Yet we see here and there expressions, testifying of a less great
appreciation of the ^[moQOi, so for instance there where ability to
collect money is considered a quality pecuhar to the ^/ijroeotS);
or there where Socrates, in order to deliver Charmides from his
fear of addressing the assembly of the people, asks him mockingly
if he should be afraid of addressing people like for instance \'ifmoQoi,
or people who trade in the market {fiexa^alkonivov;) or people
who reflect on how to sell dear what they bought cheap .

These last utterances are more in the nature of the reflection
developed in the Economicus; for here not only a withering judgment
is pronounced on all (iavavaimi te^vat, but moreover only agri-
culture and warfare are mentioned as occupations befitting a citizen\').

In his work there is also hardly ever question of contempt of the
x&JirjXoi. To his proposal to fit up *axay<byia for the vavHlriQoi and
^tfmoQOi in the Piraeus, he joins the advice«) to build houses
(o?x^o«?) as well as small shops {Tiwlrjt^Qia) for the dyo^a\'ot m
the Piraeus and in the town. Depreciatory expressions too, they share
with the ln^xoQoi in other passages. The only place where especially
this group of traders (here called dyoQatot) is spoken of with con-

tempt occurs in the Cyropaedia Here the Persians are said to
possess an ihv&sQa dyogd, where stood the royal and public
buildings and out of which they kept merchandise and merchants
with their cries and their meanness (ai roi&rcov (pcoval %al
dTietQOTtaXiat), lest the noise of these people should mingle with
the "£vxoa//«a of the civilised citizens»). We must however not
forget that this measure and its argumentation are only mentioned
by Xenophon as something peculiar to the Persians.

One of the results of the Peloponnesian war and the destruction Piracy;
of the Athenian naval forces was a revival of piracy\'). In this con- jn\'^oJ
nection we may point to the equipment of the large Phoenician ship
which raised the admiration of Ischomachus. The latter relates «)
that the tradingship was fitted out against hostile vessels by various
kinds of equipment (fjt)]xavrj/xaaiy) and that it carried a great number
of arms for the crew. Xenophon relates«) that at Trapezus he himself
suggested to ask the inhabitants for battle-ships, in order to "run in"
{»azdyEtv) the passing ships. He does consider the possibility of
paying wages (vauAov) to the crew of the captured ships for their
passage ®); but this would naturally have hindered the merchants
in their Hberty of action\'). Demosthenes relates that this running
in of ships was especially a favourite business of the inhabitants
of Byzantium 8), Calchedon and Cyzicus ^o). In this way the
Rhodians, too, are said by Lycurgus to have run in the ships that
Were bound for Athens. Also in the Economicus ascribed to Aristotle
We are told that the above mentioned inhabitants of Byzantium ran
in the cornships coming from the Pontus, when they were in want of
corn 12). At the same time however we hear that the traders got their
price for the corn.

. deal That the import of foreign corn mto Athens had to be well
ti S 1-3een o by good demagogues appears from the mockmg remark
n?h\'eir°malbysLratestoGlaucon,thewouldbe demagogue, that^

the 1 tt had made himself well acquainted with the question of how
much corn grew in Attica and how much had to be imported from
abroad. According to Aristotle a discussion .t^pl oixov is on the
paper of the assembly of the people in every prytany % It is gene-
rally known that Athens wants foreign corn; a Thessahan declares
at Soarta that the Athenians would not have sufficient corn if they
did L buy it elsewhereand Demosthenes declares: "We use most
imported corn of all people

produce everything save olive oil i). Perhaps we may conclude from
a passage in the Memorabilia that breast-plates were exported
from Athens.

We cannot fix the origin of the xXlvai, xt^wua and /?t/5Aot that
were often washed ashore in the neighbourhood of Salmydessus,
as remains of shipwrecks

About the Chalybes we hear that the greater part of the
inhabitants make their living by the winning and working of iron

Xenophon speaks ofaBoeotian helmet {xgdrog ^oiwxiovQyk) ;
The flax from Phasis, as well as that from Carthage, is
recommanded for the making of nets

That the f>jiooot attracted much attention in the IVth and the
Illd century may appear from the circumstance that th\'ree fabulae
bear the title of tunoQog i).
Markets at It is certain that at the old festive gatherings markets were held
theoldfestive ^^ ^j^g g^jne tinie^ where the feasters bought various necessaries,
gat enngs pointing to this fact are however very scarce in the authors

We cannot find an opinion on tunonoi in these authors; we do
find it on foreigners who formed part of the t^Trooot though in
such an opinion national feelings too have their say. In this way the
Lydians are called TiovtjQoi, then the Aegyptians and as the most
depraved of all the Carians are mentioned A certain Phoenician
is said to have taken back with one hand what he has given with the
other®). Antiphanes\') calls the Scythian people juiagwraror; he has
almost as low an opinion on the Ix&vonoiXai\', most depraved however
are in his opinion the TQanf^Tui.

As regards the objects of trade we get extensive information
from a fragment of Hermippuswho enumerates a list of articles
which a certain vavxhjQog Dionysus takes with him in his ship from
various places.

i) Diphiius fr.32, Kock II, p. 549? Epicrates fr. 6, Kock II, p. 384; Phile-
mon, Kock II, p. 484-
3) Fr. 481, Kock III, p. 138.

3) Cf. further Horn. Hymn on Apollo 146 sqq.; Schol. ad Theocr. XV, 16:
»V Tal< :tavriyvQtaiv (jxtjvcti inolovr oi :rfolovrre(i cf. Pausanias X, 33, 15*

Opinion on
foreigners

from the Hellespont axoii^Qog (tunny fish) and various
kinds of salt-fish = Antiphanes, too, speaks of fivg UovtixoI^),
and somewhere else 2) of Bv^avria (fvpi\'lg; Cratirms^) speaks of
TaqifptUavTixoiandNicostratus«)ofBv^avTibr Tffiaxo;;Di\'philus®)
calls Byzantium "rich in fish" ®). — From Thessalia\')
XorSQog (corn) and jthvQu ^6ua = Antiphanes, too®), mentions
XovdQog from Thessalia, by the side of that from Megara®),
—From Syracuse pork and cheese = From S i c i 1 y are further
mentioned; cheese talc (ffr/ap)^!), couches and pillows earthen-
ware, by the side of that from Cnidus and Megan\'s"),—
From Egypt xoi/xaaTu larla and ^v^Xoi — Other people mention
the Egyptian nvQoy and Eubulus 1®) speaks of Egyptian
^aySag. That in general Egypt produced a great amount of mer-
chandise appears from a fragment of Aristophanes 1®). — From
Syria incense — from Greta cypress wood; — from Libya
ivory; — from Rhodus raisins and figs; — from Euboea
pears and apples; — from P h r y g i a slaves (drdpcinoSa); — from
Pagasae (harbour of Thessalia) slaves (dorXm, (JTt/ftaTcai); —
from Paphlagonia acorns and almonds; — from Phoe-

6) Pollux VI 48 begins his enumeration of Tog/^,; with tanixt; I/oyuxd,
Cf. also Archestratus ed.Brandt XXIV,5; XXXIV,5; XXXV, n; XXXVII,2;
XXXVIII, 3 and 8; XL, i; cf. Demosth. XXXV, 32 and 34.

^4) PJato fr. 69, Kock I, p. 620; Antiphanes fr. 106, Kock II, p. 53; Ephip-
fr. 8, Kock II, p. 255.

n id a dates and affiiSaXig (fine wheaten flour) — from Car-
thage carpets (Sdrndtg) and pillows.

In a fragment of Antiphanes 2) various kinds of fish are enumer-
ated: from B o e o t i a lyyf^^ng — from the Pontus ^vg *); —
from M e g a r i s &vvvoi; — from Carystus ftamdtg; — from
E r e t r i a qxi/goi; — from S c y r u s ■/.ana^oi.

In another place Antiphanes mentions li&vtg from S i c y o n
= Philemon, too ®), speaks of yoyyqo? from S i c y o n; rdoiiog from
G a d e s\'). Eupolis, too mentions xaQifog from G a d e s,
by the side of that from P h r y g i a »). Philemon i») mentions *ixnQ6g
from Argos

from Cyprus vunv (mustard) and (sxafim\'iag 6ji6g (sap of a
plant); — from M i 1 e t e xagdafim\' (hellebore); — from S a m o-
t brace xooftuvov (onion); — from Carthage xawAoj (stalk,
especially silphium);—from Ten edus oo^/ai\'t^f (sharp tasting plant).

from Argos kettles (Af(3»;?); — from Corinth carpets
(cTQcofiara); — from Athens oil invQov) 1*).

It would lead us too far to enumerate all places that, according
to these authors, produced wine.

11) On fish from the Pe lo po n n e s us, see further Archestratus ed.
Brandt IV, 14; LVI, 4; from Italy and Sicily, Archcstratus VIII, i;
XI, i; XII, 3; XVI; XXIV, 5; XLV, 10; sqq.; LI.

14) Cf. Amphis fr. 40, Kock II, p. 248 where flaio,- from T h u r i i is
mentioned.

In the fourth century, when the contributions of the alh\'es have
ceased and Athens has become economically weaker, the question
of the corn supply becomes more urgent every day. A result of this
is a greater appreciation of those who contribute to providing
Athens with corn; among whom may be principally counted the
princes of the Pontus region, who promote the corn supply to
Athens, and the V/t.-ro^oi and vnvxlTjQoi who see to the transport of
the corn.

The so-called dynasty of the Spartocides who reigned by the The Pontus
Bosporus always saw to the corn supply for Athens, according to
Isocrates even if they let other ships depart without corn. There is a corn supply
regular navigation between Athens and the Pontus regionHow Athens
intimate the relations were appears from the fact that Athenian
parents sent their children there in turbulent times Bosporian
parents on the other hand may often have sent their children to
Athens, in order to widen their horizon. In this way Sopaeus, who
occupies an influential post with Satyrus, a Bosporian prince,
sends his son to Athens with two ships loaded with corn, with the
object of selling this corn as well as of becoming acquainted with
Athens Perhaps we may even conclude from Lysias that private
persons had every year a shipment of corn imported for their own
^e (here from the Thracian Chersonnesus ®).

6) That corn, in contrast with our time, was frequently stored by private
persons, appears from the arrangement of the house of Ischomachus (Xenophon
^notnicus IX, 3) where the corn is kept in dry rooms and the wine in cool
ones.

very great importance usually ascribed to the Pontus region with
regard to the corn supply of Athens must be principally limited to
the fourth century. Especially the observation of Herodotus i) that-
during the Persian war cornships from the Pontus were on their
way to Aegina and the Peloponnesus (so not to Athens) is m favour
of this opinion»). In the fifth century the people\'s attenUon is
entirely taken up by Sicily, but the Pontus they do not think of.
As a reaction to this Pericles then directs his policy towards the
Pontus region Not until after the unfortunate endmg of thePelo-
ponnesian war the Pontus has to supply the corn which before
that time was supplied not only by this region, but especially by
Sicily and Euboea. Gernet however points outthat even then the
thought of the Pontus did not occupy the Athenian people to the
same degree as Sicily did the age before. The passages from Lysias
and Isocrates cited above prove however that, apart from Demos-
thenes\' conduct, the relations with this region were very intimate.
It is Demosthenes however who purposely directs his whole Ime
of policy towards the North. The veneration manifested by him )
for the princes of this region is very striking. According to Demos-
thenes, Leucon, who reigned by the Cimmerian Bosporus from
393 to 353 b.C., granted the Athenians various privileges to improve
the cornsupply of Athens; which Isocrates also tells us of Satyrus«).
He gave freedom of export-duties to all people who conveyed corn
to Athens\'), which meant for Athens, according to Demosthenes
calculation 8), a profit of lo.ooo medimni a year, as at that time
400.000 medimni a year were imported from the Pontus and ^
Leucon used to get a thirtieth part of the corn in export-duties. The
Athenians also derived great advantage from the latter\'s decree that
cornships bound for Athens were to have priority in loadmg ). "

also had a new harbour made for the Athenians in Theodosia
which, according to Strabo^), could contain three hundred ships and
offered shelter from storms.

After the battle of Chaeronea the flourishing trade between Athens
and the Pontus comes to an end. It is true that Paerisades, the son
of Leucon, accidentally reestablished one of the privileges granted
by his father by giving freedom of export-duties to cornships that
Were bound for Athens but Egypt and Sicily now again occupied,
by the side of the Pontus, an important place in the corn trade of
Athens

Among the t{ijio(>oi mentioned by the orators are a great number Foreigners
of foreigners who either did or did not settle in Athens. There are, among the

for instance, in Athens corn traders from the Pontus region A
merchant from Pherae in Thessalia regularly sails the route Athens —
the Pontus®). In Isaeus mention is made of a certain Egyptian
Melas, who gives advice to an Athenian, probably with regard to
fitiances \'); and of a Cretensian ®) who in a time of need gave the
town more than three minae; both are probably merchants, The
Cretensian is mentioned by the pleader in order to throw a clear
hght on the less great open-handedness of an Athenian. In thesame
Way Lysias speaks of an Athenian vui\'xXTjdo^ Andocides who had
not the courage to put to sea in a time of scarcity of corn in order to
Set corn, while fihomoi and foreigners risked their lives. Not only
foreigners but also many Athenians undoubtedly occupied themsel-
^^ with lunoQiot, in the same way as did this Andoddcs Yet the
îjumber of foreigners among the tftno^oi must liave been very great,
^his appears most clearly from an oration of Aeschines "), where
he speaks of Tà>r IfmoQur »/ rdip &).Xu}r ^htop. Also the above men-

tioncd advice of Xenophon i) to build inns {xavuydyyiu) in Athens
for the yaixlrjQoi and f>7roootpoints to the same fact. In Demos-
thenes\' orations concerning questions of trade we often hear
of foreign ^Jiooot. He speaks of merchants from Massiha^),
Byzantium*) and Cyrene^). The fV-tooot from Phaselis are men-
tioned as notorious for their chicanery«). It further appears from
Demosthenes that some of them only stay at Athens for a very
short time\'). That many m^Vo.xo. occupied themselves with

among the ^^^^^^ also from an observation in the Respubhca Atheniensium
(the oHgarchic pamphlet) that Athens wants the /.ir^xo« among
other things; for their navigation«). Also when m his booklet "De
Vectigalibus"Xenophon projects means of adding to public revenue
by increasing the proceeds of harbour- and marketdues ») he advis^
to increase the number of the /.ao.xot and to act in good will towards
them and in another place he advises to treat both f^ero^not and
UnoQot kindly in behalf of the exchequer ").

Opinions on \' As we saw above i^) Isaeus contrasts the great open-handedness ot

and ^ cretensian with the attitude of an Athenian, and Lysias praises
the courage and willingness to sacrifice of /i^\'to.xo. and foreigners
in comparison with the cowardice of a certain Athenian
Andocides. This shows a greater appreciation of foreign 1[inoQoi. The
^finonoc mentioned in the 22d oration of Lysias are probably also
foreigners. In this oration appreciation has turned into an almost

7) Dem. LII, 3; of some toreigncrs, such as Antipatros of Ciuum Ku
XXXV, 3a) it is very difficult to decide whether they are to be called

ii) Xen. De Vect. IV, 40; cf. also Hesychius I/inoooi: /«»oikck.
number of foreigners among the rntcre^frat see p. 89.

servile respect i). We must not forget however that in law-suits we
often see a representation of things that is one-sided and grossly
exaggerated, and that especially the 22d oration may have been
delivered by Lysias with the money of the ffwoQoi 2), But still the
appreciation, or at least the outward appreciation of the innoqoi, who
"Were mostly foreigners, must have increased by the greater dependen-
ce of the Athenians. As is ever the case with foreign elements how-
ever they ran the risk of being taken into the country in times of
expansion to be caught as scape-goats after an unsuccessful war

Lysias also shows his admiration for the work of the energetic
by holding up these people, who cross so many seas in order
to increase their fortune, as an example to young men who have
opportunities of increasing their knowledge without having to
travel far for it, and who often let these opportunities slip through
their fingers He also says in praise of king Euagoras that the latter
provided with hu^y and ifrndQtoy a town which lacked these things
^nd he reproaches the "thirty" not only with the selling of the tem-
^es but also with the pulling down of the ship-building yards\').
1 hough in a certain passage Lysias makes his client bring greed
a level with dissipations, it is greed in its immoral sense which
^ meant in this connection.

Isocrates, too, gives evidence ofseeing the importance of i/inop/a.
^ a thing which his own time lacks he mentions\') that in earlier
J ^es wealthy citizens enabled poor people to make profit xar*
hfioQlaty and that at that time children of poor parents were trained
^or agriculture and IfmoQia 1°). And he mentions as one of thead-
tages of peace that now the Athenians need no longer have any
^^ of sailing the seas

charged with having bought up more than fifty ^oi 2) of corn in
consequence of their boundless greed and want of patriotism ).
They had stored the corn in depots^), referring to the advice of an
archont who, when corn was dear in winter, had advised them not
to try and outbid each other, but to buy cooperatively from the
lunoQoc % The accuser strongly disapproves of their making the price
of a medimnus vary about a drachme a day- This
and want of a uniform price is also disapproved of m another passage
in LysiasFrom Demosthenes it appears that the price of the corn
may vary in a short time from 5 to 16 drachmes per medi^tnnus

that the seller who has once stated the priceof his goods shall keep
to this price for the whole day If he does not succeed in fmdmg
buyers at that price he is to take his goods off the market, accordmg
to Plato, and to try his luck another time with lower demands or

j) Cf Lys XXII, 21. Generally the traders who arc indicated by compounds
with ncbXrii belong to the group of the Lyfi^f jd. Cobet fr. i = Ath.

I. o 611 D, where we hear of a xanrjlc who has worked himself up toa /n-oo^ci^
mt^; probably be explained in this way. that formerly the man used to sell a
ks^profitable article than ointments. So the "working up" mut not be sought

2) On the meaning of this see v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, op. cit. p. 375
note 2; Boeckh, op. cit. I p. 116; Gernet, op. at. p. 329.

S:;: S 9%\'c;cf. ed. England l.c. where from Athenaeus p. a
a comedy by Alexis is dted in which the eminent legislator Anstomcus decrees
that a fishmonger who has once stated a price and afterwards lowers it a htu
has to be put in prison. By this Aristonicus he may mean Plato, the son
Ariston.

look-out for the calamities or coming calamities of the state and taking
an undue advantage of theseThey are said to make every possible
attempt at being beforehand with the others in hearing of the calamities
of the town that have influence on the corn supply; or when there
were no calamities they are said to have feigned them. As this kind
of calamities Lysias then 2) mentions: cornships from the Bosporus
being shipwrecked, ships being captured by the Spartans, blockade
of the harbours or termination of the armistice. The anojiajXai
(whose spokesman is a ukoixog have, according to Lysias, great
influence in Athens based on the population\'s economical de-
pendence on these people, especially when corn was scarce In
this lashing criticism of the airoTiiSXai we must however not forget
that in order to flatter the i^Jiopot Lysias represents the trirojKSAa» in
a most unfavourable light So the great bitterness of this oration
probably does not represent the disposition of the Athenian people
but of the f/ijio()oi. The fact that the f fijtoQot probably greatly in-
fluenced this oration when it was being made, and the circumstance
that at that time the corn supply happened to go through a critical
period\') explain the fact that nothing like hatred of the oiTon&Xoci
appears in any other Greek author.

In the 17th oration of Isocrates and in other places especially in ^
the earlier and later orators we repeatedly hear of a rpcL-zi^hT/g, This »tow.f/r»)«
Word is usually rendered by "banker", though a banker\'s business
does not entirely correspond to that of a zQaTieCnrjg, as will be pointed
out below 8),

The original task of the TpamC/riytf was the exchange of the various p^^j passive
species; the agio (xaraXXayi\']) then made the profit of the T^a.-rcC\'r//?. transaction:
That this agio was not inconsiderable may appear from the circum- ^ ^

8) In the whole of tlus discussion I have made a grateful use of an extensive
article by J. Hascbroek, Zum griechischen Bankwesen der klassischen Zeit,
brines 1920 p. 113 sqq., where some literature on this subject is also mentioned.

stance that a man who regularly keeps accounts also notes down the
rate of the agio Later on, when this branch of business had fallen
into the background, the changing of coins was probably done by
beginning T^ajreCrrat or by private persons. In this way the Bos-
porian young man who is the plaintiff in the 17th oration of Isocra-
tes and is a client of the TQomi^ixTjg Pasion has a sum of money
changed at somebody else\'s As in this case relations and trust-
worthiness were not of much account, probably people who charged
less agio-profit were usually chosen for changing money.

As there was generally not much stability in the value of the
coins and as the coins of the various towns, with the favourable
exception of Athens, usually only had their face-value in those towns
themselves it was only the incmtlixrig who could fix the value of
the various coins. So in payments he could act as an expert who
could appear in court as a witness in case of differences
Second It was an important step forwards when later on the Tnani^lrTjg was
traS;ti\'on: ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ intermediary in payments between two individuals,
mediation in An example of such a mediation in payments ®) is to be found in
payments jj^g oration of Demosthenes. Here Lycon a merchant of Hera-
clea deposits a certain sum of money at the Pasion\'s and
orders this sum to be kept at the disposal of Cephisiades of Scyrus,
and to be remitted to him as soon as he had returned from his busi-
ness journey\'). Lycon had also charged Archebiades and Phrasias
with introducing Cephisiades to Pasion, on the former\'s return to

3) Arist. Ran. 720 sqq.; Eccl. 815 sqq.; Dem. XXIV, 214; [Ar.] Econ.
1347 a 4 sqq; 1348 b 22 sqq.; 1349 a 32 sqq.; 1349 b 27 sqq.

6) Here I cannot agree with Hasebroek; in my opinion we cannot speak 0
a clcaringtransaction (Giroverfahren) here. The conclusion drawn byB.Lau"^\'
Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift 1922, p.p. 427—431, with regard to thiS
question seems to me quite right; this conclusion runs as follows: "Girokonten»
auch einseitige, lut die Bank des Pasion nicht gekannt; da sie die bedeutendste
und entwickeltste im Athen des 4 Jahrh. ist, darf man den Schlusz auf a»®
athenischen Banken der Zeit ausdehnen; und was für Athen gilt, gilt für
Griechenland der Zeit." See also Edgar Salin, Schmollcrs Jahrb. xga^ P\'
492 sqq.

Athens From the whole connection it appears that Cephisiades
would not claim his money with a written order, as it was the custom
at that time to do business orally and personally. In this way we also
see in another passage in Demosthenes that a creditor is referred
to the xQOJzECirTjg of the debtor without any written order; another
time the creditor and the debtor apparently go together to the
TQajteCiri]? to settle up

In this connection I may also point to the 17th oration of Isocrates. Was a letter
The Bosporian young man, the son of Sopaeus, who when he is in
Athens likes to get money from the Pontus without the risk of an
oversea-transport, moves Stratocles, who happens to be going to the
Pontus, to leave 300 gold staters in Athens, which the latter is to
get back afterwards from his father Sopaeus in the Pontus For
this purpose he gives Stratocles a letter which juridically may
certainly be considered as a letter of credit; economically however it
can not pass as such, as the giving of such a written order is to be
considered as an exceptional case. For the fact that Stratocles gets
3 guaranty in case Sopaeus should refuse to accept the letter of credit
is a proof of the unusualness of a written order for payment, and
moreover we have here the unusual thing that it is a letter of credit
^rom a son to his father.

How unusual a letter of credit must have been may also appear
from the circumstance that even people who had been mentioned
by name before could not get the money without some further
Pfoof 0), and that the refirrff/r);? noted down in his books who was
be the recipient of the sum of money\'). In my opinion it also
appears convincingly from the tacit supposition that, when at
Athens a debt has been squared, the payment must have been in
ready money and that slaves must have conveyed the money
So while a written order for payment was yet unusual, it also Was some
happened only sporadically that a certain object was
Dem. LII, 4, cf. IDcm.] XLIX, a6. of identity?

shown as a proof of identity (av/n^oXov), a thing very usual in later
times. We can find a trace of this in as early an author as Herodotus
who relates that the children of the Milesian who had deposited
money with a Spartan claim this money on showing proofs of their
identity (djioSeixvvvTeg ta avfx^oXa)^). The gold bowl however which
Lysias says to have come from the Persian king and which is also
called avfx^oXov, can not have been meant as a proof of identity; it
was given by the Persian king as an exceptional proof of friendship
The We may suppose that the mediation in payments of the xQcmeCkijg
S^^^S/rJc generally did not go further than the town. The unsafety of traffic,
in Symems the independence of each state as regards jurisprudence and monetary
system, and in Athens especially the interdict on lending out Athe-
nian capital for trading purposes out of Athens s) made interurban
mediation in payments almost impossible. Therefore we always hear
of money being conveyed personnally from one place to the other ®).

I The Bosporian young man, too, asserts that Pasion did not scruple
to be dishonest towards him, because he was a stranger and be-
cause Pasion thought that this Bosporian would soon leave Athens\');
so in this case Pasion had thought (and this shows the local character
of Pasion\'s business) that his business would not suffer by his
dishonesty.

It stands to reason that local transactions took place among the
"banks" in Athens itself. When for instance Pasion is for the present
not able to furnish security for one of his clients he turns to the
tgajreCi\'nig Archestratus and when the pleader of the 33d oration
of Demosthenes cannot lend money to his client he furnishes
security for him with the rQaneCni]^ Heraclides

2) Cf. also Diels 286 where a sick Pythagorean writes « ovufioXov on a .Tft-af.

4) Cf. Lipsius Attisches Recht p. 720 note 155; L.Goldschmidt, Zeitschrift
d. Savign. Stift. 1889 p. 384 shows an inclination to consider this tpialri as a proof
of identity, with which I do not agree.

6) Isocr. XVII, 4; Lys. XIX, 24; Dem. V, 8; L, 18; Aeschines ep. 6; or. I,
95; Plato ep. 346 C and 309 C.

Except for bringing about payments this depositing without in-
tererprobably happened principaUy in safe-keepmg ob.ects o The.a^

on\'he latter\'s going abroad \'). From another passage tt appears that
agreements were deposited with the reaatfTra. -).

the money deposited with him for \'Ws P-pose ^t~
third function of the .eojiEC\'tls existed m acceptmg mterrat bearmg ^
^e^L rwhich principally fornted the working ^ ^ank „,„

We can find an example of such an interest-bearmg deposit m the
Tove m^ttLd i7th oration of Isocrates. That here we really have

a rseXTerest-bearing deposit appears from the words ou ro«
a case ot mter ^^^^ circumstance that

the Bosporian «). The amount of the
posited with Pasion by the Bosponan young man ^nnot be fixed
with certainty. But that it must have been a considerable sum appears

S^Lthing very curious is declared by the pleader m this oration,
viz That trLactions of always take place without wa-

nes\'). We may take it that this happened with a view to t^
depositor\'s wish to keep his fortune a secret as far as this was

Z a^rr^rd ru^tt^TSt a higher interest. For thi. .-ived as
Sfaherthem from occasional money-lenders who traded with

their own capital In this way Demosthenes relates that the
xQCiJieCa of Pasion brought in a hundred minae, while his manufac-
tory of shields only brought in sixty minae. Still Demosthenes
approves of the choice of Apollodorus, one of the two sons of Pasion,
who, when the inheritance is divided, chooses the manufactory of
shields (dam^oTij^yaov) because there is less risk attached to it, while
the zgdjiE^a yields less certain profits as one is always dependent
on other people\'s money. The rganeCixai who trade with their own
money run too many risks and must necessarily go bankrupt

As regards the standard of interest Billeter has pointed out that
in the fourth century the interest for loans on great security was
usually 12 %. For loans on a less great security, such as commercial
credit which was usually furnished by xQCbieClxai the standard of
interest was higher. It seems to have varied between 162/3 % and
18 %, while the interest of 16 2/3% was considered as normal in this
case«). The interest in bottomry will be discussed below\').

As an example of productive commercial credit we may for in-
stance point to the xQasieCixrjg Blepaeus furnishing 20 minae for the
purchase of mines ®). There was no maximum of interest fixed by
the law in Athens; a law of Solon had left people free in this respect \')
and this freedom could be abused especially in consumptive credit.
In this way Lysias^") speaks of a sum of money offered by Sosinomus
and Aristogiton at 36 %.
Sccondactive By the side of transactions of credit the xganeCitV^ also does
transaction: pawnbroker\'s business, in which capacity the xQaneCiTtjs shows a
paÄlker\'s greater resemblance to a pawnbroker than to a modern banker. It
business ^ ^^ ^^^ (gj^gs copper ") and at another time cups and a gold

4) G. Billeter, Geschichte des Zinsfusses im Griechisch—Römischen Alter-
tum bis auf Justinian, Leipzig 1898, p. 18 sqq.

wreath as a guaranty for a loan. When Alcetas, king of the Mo-
lossians and Jason prince of Pherae pay a visit to Timotheus the
Athenian strategist, the latter sends to the rgav-ieCit»?? Pasion for atQd)-
fiaxa and iftdxia and two silver bowls 2).

When money was lent out on a mortgage of ground 3) there was Third active
this difficulty that if the xQOJteCiztjg was not an Athenian citizen he Sng SJt
could not take possession of the piece of ground in case of non-pay- money on
ment. And the fact was that most of the xQajieCirat were foreigners
who when they had earned sufficient merit and had influence, as
for instance Pasion *) and Phormio % got the freedom of the city.

There is not a single passage from which it appears that a rgarrcC\'r»?? Foreigners
was a born Athenian, from which fact we must of course not con-
elude that there were no born Athenians among the xQajiilTitai, Tetwefrtat
But the authors give numerous examples of xgrme^ixai and coopera-
tors of these who were foreigners. Besides the above mentioned
Pasion and Phormio it appears that the very honest xQamCixTjg
mentioned by Isaeus «) was not a born Athenian. A servant of Pasion
comes from Milete \') and the man who brought the son of Sopaeus
into relation with Pasion is a PhoenicianDemosthenes mentions
xeajieCTrai coming from Cyprus ») and Phoenicia In the introduc-
tion to a fragment of Isaeus we hear of juhotxog xtg xcov xQane^ixrvSv-
xcov\'A&tjvtjoiv, and in the same way elsewhere fiixotxoL are mentioned

xQcuxtCtraL than of honest ones. Still we may assume that the rco^-rcCtr.;?
usually made an attempt at acquiring a reputation of honesty, as
in these petty relations the greatest capital of the xQcmEClr^s is the

confidence he enjoys, as Demosthenes says and virtue is more
profitable for him than riches 2). It is true that the pleader of the
same oration says that it is a great wonder if ir ifinoQico xal
XQi]fiaaiv EQya^o/isvoi have the reputation of being active as well as
honest, but we must take these words "cum grano salis", as they are
meant to emphasize the contrast with Phormio. Probably Pasion was
not condemned in the action brought against him by the Bosporian
young man *), as we can otherwise not account for the flourishing
of his business after this action In Isaeus we also hear of a very
trustworthy xQOTieCizrjg, who at the rumour of his chent\'s death at
once looks up the amount of the client\'s deposit in his books, shows
it to the latter\'s relatives and very correctly pays out everything.
The econo- In the 36th oration of Demosthenes, delivered in behalf of the
^rtance"of \'^Q^^Ciryjg Phormio, the economical importance of the rQcuiE^mjg is
thergantCiivi estimated very highly\'). In my opinion it should not be overesti-
mated in a town like Athens where so many occasional money lenders
lived ®). A few of them, such as for instance Pasion, undoubtedly had
a very great influence. This Pasion originally was a slave and a
servant of the xQcuiEl^ixai Antisthenes and Archestratus ®). He was
set at liberty and started a business of his own, into which he received
the slave Phormio ^o) who, set at liberty in his turn, began to do
business at his own risk, and afterwards married the wife of Pasion,
TQcutt^xai ^^^ Stipulated in the latter\'s testament. Such marriages
who occu- between the wife of the deceased xQonel^ixrjg and the latter\'s liberated
selws^ith ^^^^^ successor seem to have occurred frequently for the sake
industrial of the continuation of the name of the firm ").
^al\'^u^Sr-" ^^^ xQOTiE^xai also occupied themselves with other industrial

stance that a manufactory of shields {domdomjyeTov) was attached
to the TQajieCa of Pasion i). At the time when Phormio was still a
commissioner of Pasion\'s he apparently also was xoivcorog of the
merchant Timosthenes; as a TQajisl^Uijg Phormio apparently also
possesses ships of his own 2).

Conversely probably almost all e/tiTcoQoi in Athens were occa- Occasional
sional moneylenders. In this way a certain Nicobulus, in combina- ^^^^^^^
tion with Euergus, lends a sum of money to a lessee of a silver mine
in Laurium. Immediately after this he himself goes to the Pontus
for business\'). We may assume that the aim of all e/wroi^ot was to
get a capital sufficiently large to enable them to leave navigation
to other people; so that in Athens they themselves could use their
routine and capital for loans to less well to do e^jjioqoi. So Parmenon
says *): "for a long time I occupied myself with sea trade and went
through many dangers. It is not quite seven years since I ceased
navigating and as I have gained a small capital I try to make it
productive by lending the money out for sea trade." The above
mentioned Nicobulus too speaks first of his former dangers at sea
and of his thriftness, and then he states as a reason for his present
money lending: "that the money may not imperceptably melt
away" The object of these observations of Parmenon and Nico-
bulus probably was to improve the judges\' opinion of them. They
take a great deal of trouble to distinguish themselves from the pro-
fessional men (of ^^ ^Qo-yfia jtenon\'ifjEroi) "who know no com-
passion and for whom nothing counts except making money" ®).
They try to bring the hatred which, according to Nicobulus, the Athe-
nians felt towards the davEiCorng generally, on the heads of the
professional moneylenders, i.e. rQajiECitni, exclusively. In reality
however the only difference between these two groups no doubt
consisted in the circumstance that the rQansChi]? lends out other
people\'s money, whereas the occasional money lender lends out his
own money, usually in combination with others.

"Foenus In the orations of Demosthenes we often hear of a certain kind of
nauticum" sea-?oan, which at that time entirely dominated sea-trade and which
was called rnvrixor davEia^a by the Greeks, "foenus nauticum" or
"trajecticia pecunia" by the Romans 2).

This sea-loan, which is usually, though not quite correctly, ren-
dered by "bottomry" and which has much resemblance to the
commenda of the middle ages was contracted in Greece between
t//.Topot and vavy.AriQOi on the one hand, and xQanrJTirai and occasional
moneylenders on the other, the latter lending a certain sum of
money to the former, usually on a mortgage of ship, cargo or both
It was stipulated that the money was only to be repaid if the ship
with the cargo safely reached the harbour. So it is a loan combined
with assurance, the lender bearing the whole risk of the passage. It
stands to reason that an yfmoQog or a vavxXr]Qog, who had to pay cash
for their goods or for the wages and victuals for the crew of the ship,

1) Though some orations and contracts inserted into some orations ascribed
to Demosthenes are certainly not by Demosthenes, yet they afford equally im-
portant material for an invcsdgation into the indications of trnde, because in
that case they are mostly by contemporaries of Demosthenes and so render
equally well the aspect of trade at that time.

2) On this institution, usually indicated as foenus nauticum, compare
Boeckh, Die Staatshaushaltung der Athencr I»,p. 166 sqq. and H. Sieveking,
Das Seedarlehen des Altertums, Leipz. diss. 1893. Sieveking has very succinctly
considered the principal points from a juridical standpoint. For details on this
subject I may refer to this dissertation and the literature mentioned in it. With
a view to the importance of this sea-loan as well as for the sake of completeness
I could not entirely omit discussing it, while on the other hand a profound
discussion of it was impossible within the scope of this study.

3) The difference lies principally in the fact that in bottomry the borrower
is only liable with his security, while in raurixdv Sdyna/ta the borrower is liable
with the whole of his fortune.

4) An important difference is here that in the commenda the lender and the
borrower do business in common and share profit and loss proportionally, while
in antiquity the relation between lender and borrower is that of creditor and
debtor.

made a frequent use of this institution, while on the other hand the
citizens looked upon it as an opportunity of getting a high interest
on their money, with the advantage of a quick adjudication of dif-
ferences that might arise As bills of exchange did not exist in anti-
quity, it also served to do overseas payments; in this case the debtor
probably lent money to an SfinoQog or vavxX^Qog, who was saihng to
the place of residence of the creditor, with the instruction to hand
the money with the interest to his creditor. To persons who made a
sea-voyage, too, it afforded an opportunity of making their money
productive during this voyage. The great risk attached to it for the
lenders was lessened by them by participation of the capital. Ac-
cording to Chrysippus, who however was a moneylender himself
and so did not judge quite objectively, this institution of sea-loans
was so important that he declares: ovxe raw oiire ravxhiQov om
hii(idxrjv Eox dmxi>fjrai, x6 xd)v dareiCovxcov fiigog dr dcpaiQijxe").

When such a loan was contracted a contract [avyyQacpt]) was drawn
up, which was of great value to the lender, as it was impossible to
find a true bill for the case, if there was no contract

In such loans mortgage was usually given on cargo, ship or both;
this mortgaging was however not necessary*).

A sea-loan could be contracted for a single or for a return voy-
age ®). In Athens however loans were usually contracted for return
voyages, which was greatly to the advantage of the lenders, as it was
too late] for them to make the money productive if they got it back
in the middle of the season of navigation. For now they lend it out
at the opening of the season, when all the ships of the Piraeus are
putting to sea, and they get it back at the end of the season, when the
ships with their cargoes are putting in. In this way a certain pleader\')
asserts that money lenders in Egypt who have lent out money for a

depends on the opinion one has on the meaning of the words U yavl^ in
the 35th oration § 3a; cf. Boeckh, op. cit. I, p. 166; Sievcking, op. cit. p. ao.

voyage to Egypt will have no objection to get their money back in
Rhodus, even with a partial restitution of the interest fixed. They
can easily make their money productive there by lending it out for
a voyage to Egypt, as this navigation was not even interrupted in
winter i). In Athens one had to await the following season for navi-
gation in such a case.

Those who had lent out money for a single journey sometimes
sailed with the ship 2) and then got the money back at the end of
the journey. Probably it also occurred that they sent a representative
with the sh p, or that they had the money paid at a friend\'s or
xoivcovds in the other harbour. When money was lent out for a return
journey a representative was usually sent with the ship in combina-
tion with others 3); this representative was to act in the interest of
the money lenders if attempts at fraud should take placeThe
money was then refunded at a certain time after the ship\'s return
to the harbour of Athens; for instance a term of twenty days is
mentioned

Not only the time of the voyage was fixed in the contract because
the extent of the danger mainly depended on it, for which reason the
interest for instance was fixed accordingly ®), but also the terminal-
point of the journey was indicated\'), and sometimes even the route

If the loan had been contracted on lien of the cargo it sometimes
happened that the goods with which the ship was to be loaded were
indicated »), but probably always the value of the cargo ^o), which
in the two cases mentioned amounted to twice the sum of the loan.
The fact that so much overvalue was demanded for the goods can
easily be accounted for by taking into consideration the fluctuation
of the price of corn, which in most cases formed the cargo of the ship

that returned to Athens Therefore we see that in loans on lien
of the ship, the value of which was more or less stable, the value
of the ship is secured without any overvalue 2).

As it often happened that fraud was practised by not taking the
due cargo into the ship the bona-fide traders called many persons
to witness, when they were loading on their ship the goods that
were meant for return freight

A stipulation that was often trespassed against, as appears from
the law-suits is the interdict on twice mortgaging a thing ®).

In the contract inserted into the 35th oration it was also stipulated
that, if an accident should happen on the journey but part of the
goods should be saved, this part was the common property of the
lenders \'). If the ship reached the harbour safely this contract only
allowed a discount to the borrower in two cases, viz. in case of
ix^oXt], so when by common consent part of the cargo had been
tnrown overboard to lighten the ship, and when they had been
obliged to pay money to the enemy

If the ship returned safe and well to Athens and no difficulties
had to be solved, the refunding of the capital with the interest took
place in the presence of many witnesses \'). This interest varied for
sea-loans between 20 % and 31 73% for a return voyage, for instance
for half a year; if the money was lent out for a single voyage, so for
instance for three months, half of the interest was usually charged").
Here we can clearly see the difference from the commenda of the
middle ages, as in this loan no interest was fixed for the lender, who

interest was not paid, the lender could lay hold on the security
For the sake of greater safety the security could be watched by the
orders of the lender in order to prevent withdrawal. Withdrawal
made a man liable to death-penalty

No law or regulation could be adduced against such a contract
It is obvious however that, without referring to regulation or law,
many merchants tried to escape repaying what they had borrowed
by fraudulent means, such as ^\'scuttling" ships or making leaks
into them s). The orations XXXII to XXXVI owe their existence
to conflicts that had arisen from this kind of sea-loan.

The difference In Demosthenes e^ogoi and vavxXtjQoi are repeatedly mentioned
thfTe^ side by side. The difference between these terms has been examined
ifiZgol^d by Hasebroek\'), in so far as data from the 4th century are concerned.
ravxlTjQos j^g came to the following conclusions: there where ^finogog is used
by the side of vavxXrjQog we must understand by ^^moQog a trader
without a ship of his own, who sails with a vavxXijgog in the latter\'s
ship. By the side of the use in this limited sense t/xnogog occurs, in
contrast with xdjit^Xog, as the bearer of interurban and international
trade. "In diesem weiteren Sinne, Hasebroek adds, ist folglich auch
der ravxXriQog ein efijiogog". So Hasebroek does not answer the
question when a trader with a ship of his own was called vavxXijQog
and when EfiTiogog.

Now when we examine the various data, not only in the orators
but also in other authors, it appears that also a trader with a ship
of his own was usually called Sfijiogog, and that, if such a trader was
called vavxXtjQog, he was more looked upon as the owner of a ship
than as a trader, and that especially the ship was emphasized. So in
one of the pre-Socratic philosophers 8) the fact that a ship is wrecked
is called a calamity for vavxXtjQoi, In Aristophanes Euelpides says

7) J. Hasebroek, Die Betriebsformen des griechischen Handels im 4en
Jahrhundert, Hermes 1933 p. 393 sqq.

that he will at once get a ship and then, he adds, vavxXijQoj i). The
trader, who, as the crane leaves for warmer regions, hangs his rudder
in the smoke, is indicated as vavxXi]Qog 2). Thucydides calls vavxXijgog
(not e/iJioQog) the trader who is persuaded by Themistocles to take
him out of the reach of the Athenians, because Themistocles makes
use of this man in the capacity of ship-owner, not of trader 3). The
Phoenician whose ship is so greatly admired by Ischomachus is
called vavxXr]Qog by Xenophon, because he wants to emphasize the
ship For the same reason Plato indicates by vavxXrjQog the trader
who would not dare to take him away with him from the castle which
Dionysius had assigned to him, unless the tyrant ordered him to
do so; in the same way as he calls e/bLiogog the trader who would
find him in Sicily, if he should escape, and would take him back
to Dionysius; for in this case the ship would not come in at all

That in most cases a trader with a ship of his own was also called
IfmoQog may further appear from the fact that in places where at
first, for the sake of completeness, vavxXrjQoi and ^/iJtoQoi were both
mentioned, the two groups were later on sometimes only indicated
as ep.-toQoi. In his advice to entice traders to come to Athens Xeno-
phon first speaks of vavxXrjQoi and ifinogoi ®); but when he summarizes
his plans he only mentions tfuioQoi\'\'); in the same way he makes
Simonides who gives a similar advice to Hiero, the tyrant of Syra-
cuse, only speak of ^^oqoi s). While in the same way vavxXtjQot and
ifmoQoi arc both mentioned in a law cited by Demosthenes, he in-
dicates them only as t/nnoQog when discussing the law

If however by vavxXrjQog is meant a trader in the possession of a
ship of his own, the question arises whether his chief work consisted dispatsch
in conveying goods of his own or of others. In my opinion Hase-
broek lays too much stress on the fact tliat at this time the goods

were usuaUy accompanied by the trader, for which reason there
could be no question of goods-dispatch in modern sense. We may
certainly assume that, on account of the difficulty of findmg an outlet,
the dispatch of goods usually took place under the supervision of the
owner of the goods conveyed; but in my opmion this does not
imply that the conveying of goods of others did not occupy a
more important place in the business of the vaiylnQo^ than Hase-
broek supposes. Because the number of those who occasionally
occupied themselves with IfXTtoqla was so great, the conveyance of
other people\'s goods by the rMnQog must have been an important
part of the latter\'s business. To this we may add that on account of
the dangers of a sea-voyage, which compelled people to participation
of the capital, it was probably an exception when a ship was freighted

Shipsleaving We may assume that it frequently happened that a ravy.Xm^ left
Athens with-Athens without any cargo, and got his cargo on his way. bo we
out any cargo ^^^^ of wine that was conveyed from Periparethus, Cos, Thasos
and Mende to the Pontus-district i). In another place wme is taken
from Mende or Scione to the Pontus In Athens the ship was
then probably made heavier by ballast The chief aim of

\' the trading expeditions was usually the conveying of corn to Athens,-
and the voyage to the corn districts was then used to convey large
and small cargoes in passing. Such an incidental cargo are for in-
stance the 80 jars of wine (in a ship that could hold 3000 jars and
some salt-fish that are conveyed for a peasant from Panticapaeum

Sicily The Pontus region, for which many ships are bound in Demos-
thenes, has been discussed above\'). Among the other corn districts
Sicily occupies an important place. Even Herodotus relates that
Gelon of Syracuse wants to defend the Greek factories in the Persian

!l cfA^sch! Agam. 1007; Arist. Av. 1492; Plato Theaet. 144A, where
pefple^Lt are Led to an^ri by anger are compared to ships without ballast:

war and that he offers them to supply the Greek army with corn
during the whole time of the war Also at the time of the Pelo-
ponnesian war Sicily appears to have been important as a corn coun-
try. Thucydides relates for instance that the Athenians rendered
assistance to the inhabitants of Leontini, at their request, in order
to prevent the shipment of corn from those districts to the Pelopon-
nesus 2). At the congress of the Sicihans Hermocrates declares
openly that the Athenians come to Sicily in order to enjoy the
advantages of the country; and when Nicias wants to make the
Athenians realize the dangers of the Sicilian expedition he points
out to them that the Sicilians possess horses and have corn of their
own, which has not been imported When the Peloponnesian war
breaks out there are in the Greek harbours i.a. a certain number of
ships from Sicily Xenophon says of the e/htioqoi who are tpddairoi
that they sail i.a. on the Sicilian sea At a later time Demosthenes
relates that the return of ships that had gone to Sicily to get corn
made the price of the corn fall in Athens and thereby the calculations
of the corn speculators fail\').

By the side of the Pontus and Sicily, Egypt was an important Egypt
corn-district. In such an early author as Bacchylides we hear of
ships that convey corn {m^QixpoQoi) from Egypt. Thucydides relates
that during the Peloponnesian war Peloponnesian ships kept watch
near the promontory of Triopium (near Cnidus) against the trading-
ships coming from Egypt by which probably cornships are meant.
From the 56th oration of Demosthenes it appears that the corn-
supply from Egypt was for a certain time entirely in the hands of
Cleomenes, governor of Egypt in the years 331 to 323. This man did
a great deal of harm to Athens, but especially to the rest of the

7) LVI, 9; the expression 6 Itxckixi{ xaxMovt makes us suppose that there
^as a regular corn supply from Sicily to Athens, cf. XXXII, 4.

Greeks,by monopolizing the retail trade and the quotation of pricesi).
It seems probable to me that from the statement that the harm was
greater for the other Greeks we may conclude that the other Greek
towns were dependant on Egypt for their corn, while at the time of
Demosthenes Athens got the greater part of its corn from the Pontus,
because of the good relations it entertained with the potentates of
that district^). Cleomenes and the corn trust will be discussed
below 3).

Rhodus The way from Egypt to Athens often went via Rhodus which,
according to the pleader of the 56th oration of Demosthenes
treated the traders that brought corn very obligingly. A great ad-
vantage of Rhodus was that the navigation from Egypt to Rhodus
had not to be suspended during the wintermonths as was the case
with the route to Athens\'). According to Lycurgus^), the merchants
of Rhodus sail all over the world 61 EQyaoiav and corn is conveyed
from Rhodus to Athens ®). However, as Gernet rightly remarks i"),
we nowhere find any indication of corn-export by ]^odus itself.
On the contrary, it appears from the obhging treatment of the mer-
chants who shipped corn to Rhodus, and besides from the circum-
stance that, according to Demosthenes "), Egyptian corn was sold
there, that Rhodus did not export corn, but only served as a transit-
port.

boasts of having frustrated the plans of people who had attempted
to obstruct cornships that were sailing from Cyprus to Athens; and

3) See p. 125. On the large cargo of corn which the Egyptian prince is sup-
posed to have sent to Athens in the year 445/4 see Philochorus fr. 90 = Schol.
ad Aristoph. Vesp. 718; Plut. Pericl. 37.

that by his doing fourteen ships loaded with corn sailed from Cyprus
to Athens i).

At the time after the Kings\' peace the pirates had a period of great Piracy
power, as Sparta did not take sufficiently strong measures against
them. At this time Isocrates complains xaTajiovriaral rrjv {^aXazzav
xazexovai From Demosthenes it appears that it could happen at
that time that a little town on the Thracian Chersonnesus was
entirely occupied by pirates 3). We therefore always hear complaints
on the dangers of a sea-voyage where one had not only to be
in fear of shipwreck but also of pirates. Even near the continent,
in the bay of Argos, a merchant who had embarked at Athens was
attacked by pirates\' ships. He himself was mortally wounded and
his goods were taken to Argos And yet Athens apparently took
strong measures against the pirates at that time. The inhabitants
of Melus were fined lo talents because they had admitted pirates
into their town It appears that there was at least a possibility for
Athens of managing the pirates by itself, as Demosthenes dissuades
the Athenians from taking measures against the pirates with the
help of Philippus of Macedonia; for then it would seem as if Athens
was not capable of doing this by herself). Demosthenes\' policy
of isolation was undoubtedly detrimental to trade, and so was his
unfavourable advice to Philippus\' proposal of concluding a avfi^okov
in which i.a. the commercial differences between citizens of the
Athenian state and subjects of the Macedonian king would be solved
by common concert ®).

In Plato we must make a distinction between the data bearing on
trade in the ideal state outhned by Plato in his Republic and Leges,
and the rest of the data. Yet the data in the Repubhc and the Leges
are not only of theoretical importance, as many conditions and in-
stitutions mentioned in the Republic and the Leges have been
drawn from existing frames of government
Trade and The ideal state imagined by Plato in the Leges has to be founded
PlÄ\' ideal at a distance of at least 80 stadia from the coast 2). It is true that it
state of the may have a good harbour 3), but the district of the town is to supply
the citizens with nearly all necessaries so that only very httle has
to be imported. For, says Plato if the town was situated by the sea,
possessed a good harbour and lay in a district that did not provide
all necessaries, it would be a superhuman task to prevent bad morals
from sneaking into the town. For though it might seem to be an
advantage to a town to be situated by the sea, in reality it has to pay
for this advantage with the loss of honesty and sincerity of the citi-
zens, as cunning and unreliableness are bound to become inherent
in those who occupy themselves with trade and with the acquisition
of money With a view to this fact he stipulates emphatically that
no citizen, head of one of the 5040 families, is allowed to be an
tfutoQogor zxani^Xo;\'\'). As the second argument why the citizens
of his ideal state, nor their slaves, are allowed to occupy themselves
with trade he alleges that the citizens are to work exclusively for the

7) Leges 919 D; cf.Rep. 371 C, where Plato declares that in a well regulated
stateshould be in the hands of weaklings and of those who are not fit
to do anything else.

state and that their slaves must till the soil for their masters, as landed
property is the only source of income allowed to the citizens i). For
everybody (and this principle Plato tries to follow out very rigorous-
ly) is only allowed to perform one single task, because only then
this task may be well performed 2). Tresspassers against the above
mentioned interdict on trading are liable to one year\'s imprisonment\')
and in case of repetition of the offence the imprisonment will
ever be doubled *).

The few f/nnogoc that were wanted would entirely consist of
foreigners®), while non-citizens, whether they lived in the town
ifiExoLxoi) or not {Hvot), were allowed to occupy themselves with
x(vxt]Xevm> ®). In order to repress also the pernicious influence of the
contingent riches of these people on the morals of the citizens he
fixes a limit to their fortune and their stay in his town

In order to reduce export he decrees that the district of the town
must not produce much more than the citizens want for their own
tise On that which is to be exported no export duties will be paid,
and in the same way the goods imported, too, will be free of import
duties ®). And in the same way as only those things which are ab-
solutely necessary for the citizens may be imported"), so only those
goods may leave the town, the citizens\' want of which has been
entirely satisfied so here we have the phenomenon, paradoxal
in our eyes, of abolition of customs joined to restriction of import, as
tisually customs are abolished in order to promote import").Espe-
cially the import of perfume, such as incense, used in sacrificing to

7) Leges 915 A and B; cf.Rep. 370 E, where Plato gives as his ideal a town
that does not want any import from elsewhere, but at the same time sees the
Practical impossibility of this ideal.

As goods the import of which is allowed, he mentions arms and
materials like wood and metals, which are necessary for making war
material for the town cannot do without these. These objects and
raw materials must however not be furnished to the citizens by im-
porters, but the buying and selling of them will be entirely in the
hands of the ZnjiaQxoi and atQaztjyoi, two municipal colleges of
magistrates

The merchants who import these goods are foreigners and belong
to a group which in another place Plato compares to birds of pas-
sage, because in summer, the season for navigation they fly from
one country to the other, to trade with their goods. These foreign
traders are not allowed to enter the town itself, but the magistrates
will assign them a place in a harbour, a market or a pubhc building
outside the town ®). What Plato would like best would be to deny
these and similar foreigners all admittance to the district of the town\'),
but Plato sees the impossibility of this and moreover he fears that this
would bring the town projected by him into discredit with the other
states 8). So he does not advise to keep out and expel foreigners, a
thing which happened from time to time in Sparta®).

Plato does not object to selling that which is no longer absolutely
necessary for citizens, probably in order to pay the above mentioned
importers. For as there is no town in the neighbourhood and as
hardly any wood suitable for ship-building grows there i^), it is
practically impossible for the citizens themselves to export these
goods, apart from the above mentioned interdict on trade. So the

1) Leges 847 C; as regards victuals he advises in the Republic to practise
frugality in meals, so that foreign dainties need not be imported (Rep. 559 A
andB).

citizens are free to have these superfluous goods sold in the town-
markets 1) or to exchange them with the aforesaid foreign traders for
the things they want of these foreigners. The magistrates however
would pay arms and war material with current Greek coins 2). Cur-
rent Greek coins of gold and silver must not be in the possession of
the citizens; for the possession of precious metals is not allowed to
them 3). Gold and silver coins are only to be found in the pubhc
treasury and are only used by the magistrates, when the town or its
citizens enter into relations with foreign countries. Besides being
used by the government as a means of paying the foreign dealers in
war material, these Greek coins are further used for purposes of state
in military or peaceful expeditions For daily use, to pay farmers
and labourers, Plato supposes the citizens to be in the possession of
coins that will only be current in his town in order to be relieved
cf the necessity of having to eliminate all means of exchange®).

When a citizen wants to make a journey abroad and has got leave
for it from the magistrates of the town, he on this occasion can get
Greek coins out of the public treasury \'), probably in exchange for
coins of the town. On ending the journey such a man has to change
in the public treasury the Greek coins he has left and the foreign coins
he may have received on his journey, for coins of the town «). If he
detains the money, it is confiscated; a man who knows that a citizen
has not changed his Greek money, and omits to inform the magistra-
tes of it, is fined the amount of the sum detained which fine has
of course to be paid in money cf the town.

So in the above mentioned way the state is provided with the
few things it wants from elsewhere. As regards the victuals produced
by the district cf the town and the cattle which is not used for

6) Cf. Rep. 371 C, where he considers the eliminating of all means of ex-
change an impossibility.

agriculture, they will be distributed every month One third part
of it will be distributed among the citizens for their own use, another
for their slaves, and the rest will be taken to a market by means of
foreigners or slaves appointed for that purpose in order to be sold
there to foreigners living in the town The town is divided into
twelve quarters and each quarter has its market, which stands under
the supervision of the dyoQavofxoi These ayoQavofioi, who will be
chosen to the number of ten s), will be charged with the supervision
of the temples of the market, will see to the good order in the selHng
of the goods, and further have to see to only one third of the victuals
being sold If their orders are not obeyed they may chastise slaves
and foreigners and fine citizens

No citizen is allowed to buy or sell in the above mentioned market.
On the first day of every month the non-citizens living in the town
buy there their stock of corn for the whole month, on the tenth day
liquids (probably wine and oil are principally meant hereby), on the
twentieth day cattle, hides and objects made of these ®). On the last
mentioned market-day the sellers are, according to Plato, peasants
of the environs of the town. I think we may assume that here, too,
he thought of the mediation of slaves or foreigners.

Besides these three market-days every month, two markets will
be regularly held, viz. the dyogd rdiv ^ivcov ®) and the xom) dyogd

In the first mentioned market, where both buyers and sellers are
foreigners, victuals are sold by retail. So here in the first place those
victuals will be found that have been sold in large quantities on one
of the above mentioned market-days, and further victuals that have
been imported

out of the market, of course with a view to the difficulties in the
transport of it and the large extent of market-ground that would be
necessary for the selling of it. Here, too, the sellers are not the citizens
themselves but peope especially designated for that purpose
(^wrpoTtot) who are only allowed to sell to non-citizens

The so-called y.om) dyogd will serve for all merchandise other than
victuals and wood; in this market the dyoQaro/aoi together with the
datvvofioi assign a special part of the market-ground to every kind
of merchandise 2). If, a bargain having been struck in another place
than the part of the market-ground destined for it, afterwards a
judicial decision should be asked, the state would not find a true
bill for the case Perhaps the citizens, too, may sell (or make some-
body else sell for them) in this market what they no longer want
themselves Plato emphatically states here that no market-dues
will be claimed®).

The object of these regulations no doubt is to stamp market-
traffic (since market-holding proves to be an indispensable thing ®)
to a trade that is dishonourable for citizens, by which the state must
in no way profit, and in which the state has only to intervene to
prevent too great moral damage being done to its inhabitants\').

This tendency appears most clearly in the stipulation that not a
single form of credit will be acknowledged and protected by the
state ®). This stipulation makes a trading transaction of any impor-
tance impossible, which is in accordance with the legislator\'s inten-
tion Platp emphatically forbids money or goods to be handed over
unless an equivalent is at once got for it"). If this stipulation is tres-
passed against, all further risk is for the seller ").

at interest points in the same direction i). If a sum of money is lent
out at interest, Plato gives the borrower leave to keep the capital as
well as the interest 2). Friends are allowed to lend money to each
other without interest, but in this case, too, the state will not find a
true bill if afterwards difficulties should arise When speaking of
these loans Plato exclusively thinks of those that have an improduc-
tive object, viz. of helping a man who is short of money. But neither
would he have approved of loans with a productive object, which
enable traders to do business on a larger scale, partly with foreign
capital.

Curiously in contrast with this aloofness of the state in questions
of lending out money is the stipulation concerning the furnishing of
security. In the same way as Plato demands that, but for exceptional
circumstances, all kinds of obligations are strictly carried out, and
allows action to be taken if they are not carried out so he also
gives the following stipulations on the furnishing of security. If a
man furnishes security for another he must fully explain the con-
ditions under which he engages himself by mutual consent; in the
presence of at least three witnesses if the sum for which he gives
security is less than a thousand drachms; of at least five witnesses if
this sum exceeds a thousand drachms

If there has been cash payment, and in the part of the market-
ground destined for it, the buyer can invoke the protection of the
law, if it should appear afterwards that he has been duped. With
a view to this fact a stipulation is made that everybody who, in a
transaction acknowledged by the state, has sold a thing to the value
of at least fifty drachms, is to stay in the town for ten days ®), and
that in general the buyer is to be acquainted with the place of resi-
dence of the seller \'). A broker (.-rgo.KoXiTjr) will be liable to the same
extent as the seller himself, if fraud is practised; so for instance if
after all the man by whose instructions, according to the broker, the

selling transaction has taken place appears to be not the real owner
or if the latter cannot furnish the thing sold i).

Plato explicitly discusses the cases in which the bargain may be,
annulled and so restoration of property (drayajytj) may take place. In
this way he discusses the selling of a slave who suffers from con-
sumption, calculus in the bladder, defective urination, epilepsy, or
who has another physical or psychic deviation of long duration and
difficult to cure, the symptoms of which are unknown to laymen.
Such a transaction will be declared vahd if the buyer is a physician
or a gymnastic-teacher, so an expert, or if the seller had truthfully
informed the buyer of the state of health of the slave -). If the seller
is an expert and the buyer a layman in this case, the buyer may
demand annulling of the bargain within six months after the trans-
action. In case of epilepsy this request may even be made within
a year. As experts the judges will appoint physidans, chosen by
mutual consent. He who is condemned by the judges pays his op-
ponent twice the purchase price If both buyer and seller are
laymen, the person condemned will only have to pay the purchase
price In case a man sells a slave who has committed a murder
nullification will not take place if this fact was known to both buyer
and seller If the buyer was unacquainted with the murder, the
bargain may be annulled. If at the same time the seller is proved to
have been acquainted with the fact, he has to pay the seller three
times the purchase price, apart from the cleaning of the buyer\'s
house, which in that case has to take place at his expense «).

By various laws Plato tries to repress extravagances of the sellers
m the market. It is however impossible to conclude with any cer-
tainty from his words whether he meant to fix maximum prices for
the various goods\'). He does demand however that the seller who
has once fixed the price of his wares, will keep to this price for the
^[holeday 8). The stipulation that the college of ro/ioqwXaxeg shall

fix the margin of profit for the various goods, after having been
enhghtened on this subject by experts, also points in the dhection
of fixing maximum prices (though it is not to be identified with it)

A simular enhghtenment by experts is demanded by Plato for the
ayoqavofioi and oixocpvXaxEg so that they may be able to decide what
has to be considered as y.i^di^XEvnaSindxaxovQyia of the sellers. When
they have been sufficiently enlightened on this subject, regulations
are drawn up on the ground of their decision, which are posted up
on a pillar in front of the office of the dyoQavo^^ioi 2).

By ai^drjlEvixa {xi^drjlEia) Plato understands especially the taking
to market of adulterated goods. If a non-citizen who is able to judge
of the goods delates such an adulteration to the magistrates, he is
allowed to take possession of the goods by way of recompense. A
citizen who detects adulterated goods has to make mention of it, if
he wants to be taken for a worthy citizen, and has to consecrate the
goods to the Gods under whose protection the market has been put.
He who is condemned will not only be punished by seizure of the
merchandise, but will also get as many lashes as the merchandise is
worth drachms, while in the market a herald cries out at the top of his
voice the reason for this lashing 3).

In this connection Plato not only disapproves of varying market-
prices, but also of the recommending of the goods and adjurations
by the Gods which were to enforce the words of the sellers. Plato
gives a citizen who is over thirty the right of chastising a trader whom
he hears sinning against this regulation

It seems however that Plato did not want to deny to foreigners
mutually the use of such means of enforcing their words, not even
in trading transactions; because he considered these people\'s stay
in the town too short to corrupt the morals of the citizens

For this is his leading motive in his laws and regulations concerning
trade: in what way can I see to trade, which cannot be entirely
abolished, exercising a minimum of demoralizing influence on the

All human endeavour is divided by Plato into three parts, viz. that ^^^\'\'money"

According to Plato this insatiability is very obvious in xcumjXEia Plato\'s opi-

(hy which he also meansr^-ionta in this connection^\'). For,says he, "»onon trade

if one considers the real nature of xamjXeia, it should be a blessing
to the town, as it everywhere brings the stock of goods in good and
equal proportion to the wants of the individuals The traders
however have become notorious because they lose their simple
habits as soon as they have an opportunity of getting much money;
because they make immense profit, while they might be satisfied
with moderate gain 2). If only all good people would y.uTcijXeveir
and TiavdoxsvEiv, these professions, says Plato would soon be
esteemed and liked.

As Plato considers landed property as the only respectable basis for
a man\'s income his disapproval is directed against all yomt<inor(u,
so also indiscriminately against all traders. We call those people
slaves, says Plato s), whom we have bought and who are our property.
There are however also free men who voluntarily count themselves
among the group of menials and who mutually transport and ex-
change the products of agriculture and the results of other profes-
sions. Some of these establish themselves in the market, others go
from one town to the other, exchanging money for merchandise, or
one kind of merchandise for the other; these people are called by us
aQyvQafioi^oi, tfinogoi, vavy.XriQoi and xdnijXoi. In the Republic,
too, ffjjioQoi are called menials (dtdxuvoi) ®). Thirst for money, says
Plato in another placechanges peaceful and kind people into
tfmoQoi, vavy.XijQoi and dinxoyoi and those who are of a more tur-
bulent nature i.a. into robbers, burglars and plunderers of temples.
The trade of a seller of salt-fish is represented as ignominious, as
well as that of a cobbler and a prostitute®). The traders do not know
whether the goods they deal in are good for the body or harmful to
it; they recommend everything they have for sale®). And all this
from love of gain, for which all kinds of faults are committed And

the worst of it is, says Plato i), that the people approve of the excesses
of greed. The adulteration of merchandise for instance is not dis-
approved of by the people,if only it is done in the right time 2). In
the beginning peace reigned and quarrels were unknown because the
people were at that time dxQvooi and àvàQyvQoi 3). For the real pur-
pose of money, viz. supplying the wants of mankind, especially
taking care of mind and body is often overlooked. Therefore gold
and silver coins are the greatest calamity for the town s), for in his
striving after riches man has no time for other occupations

So we see that Plato^speaks disparagingly of all kinds of trade and
of earning money. Only in a few passages he sounds a less rigorous
moral. We must teach people, says he\'), that, with a view to their own
happiness, they should only try to grow rich ôixaîwç and aaxpQÔvcDç.
In another place he also approves of the acquisition of gold and
silver, if it is attended with virtue ®). His appreciation of a man who
by his own exertions has acquired riches is evident from words
like: "He has a sensible rich father, who has grown rich by his own
exertions; the money has not been given to him, but he has acquired
his wealth by his own good sense and attention

So in general Plato strongly objects to trade, because he dis-
approves of the incentive to it, and moreover because he is afraid of
the new ideas that might steal in as a result of it. Here, too, we have
a sign of the absence of wholesale trade\'"), as Plato would undoub-
tedly have had a milder opinion of those who practised this kind
of trade.

of the words ^unonog and xànnXoç. Plato devides in his Sophist ") " between
u • J • / , , , / , /the terms

buying and selling transactions (rd àyoQaaxixôv or xtxvi] dyoQaaxtxt)) IfutoQot and

into avTOTicoliTci^, when a man sells the things he has made himself,,
and fiexa^Xrjxix^, when other people\'s products are sold. This
/jtEza^krjzixi^ is again divided into xanrihxr) and ijjTioQix?]. Plato
defines xanrjXixri fj.. xatd ndXiv aXXayij, so selling in the town
itself,, while IfjmoQixri is called to .. ef aXXrjg eig aXXrjv ndXtv
diaXXazxofievov wvfj xal nQ&aet i.e. the conveying of goods from one
town to the other with the purpose of selling them. Plato adds to-
this that xanr]Xixri is practised about as frequently as e/x7ioqix7].

Similarly Plato says in another place i), when he wants to distin-
guish xdjxTjXoi and ifjuioQoi, that the former stay in the market to
buy or to sell TiQog <hvrjv ze xal TiQdaiv^diaxovovvzag idgv/iievovg h*
dyoga), while the ejjjioqoi go from one town to another (jiXar^xag ejti
xdg TcSXeig).

Meaning of This meaning of the word ejujiogog, mentioned by Plato, is entirely
in accordance with the original use of ^^ogog for "traveller" and
EfxnoQEvea&ai for "travelling". Entirely in accordance with this fact
is the conclusion I have come to in my investigation into the meaning
of EfinoQog. There where eftnogog, in the authors discussed by me, is
not used in the sense of "traveller", it always means "travelling
trader", so "foreign trader", or "trader to foreign parts". This
meaning is not equally clear in all places, but I have nowhere met
EjxjioQog in a connection where there could be no question of "foreign
trader" or "trader to foreign parts" The foreign trader naturally
conveyed his goods nearly always by sea; this is however something
accidental, not inherent in the meaning of the word\'). But, as has

2) See pp. 30, 40; according to Boisacq, Diet. Etym. de la langue Grecquc
there is also an etymological connection between ifMoQoe and the words wrfgoc-
"road" and noQtvtaOai "to take the road"; Zimmern, the Greek Commonwealth*
p. 317, on the ground of the etymology supposed by him, wrongly translates
ifijioQos by "cross-channel man" as, apart from the questionable etymological
explanation, IfutcQoe docs not especially mean "overseas trader"; sec p. 55.

3) With a View to the town-state in these times we may speak of "foreign"
i.e. in a foreign country, though to prevent misunderstanding, we had better
substitute "town" for "country"; the word "trader" must here be taken in a
very wide sense because, as has been pointed out before (sec p. 38), every body
who in some way or other, for instance by borrowing money, takes part in
foreign trade may be called ifuioQOi.

4) With regard to other words derived from the same root I have pointed
out (see p. 55) that also overland-trade may be indicated by these.

been pointed out above in many places the translation "wholesale
trader" for êfuioQog appears to be impossible

The trade of the êfuiogog, the èftJioQla is called by Aristotle\') the Meaning^of
principal part of the ficia^krjxixt] xixvrj and he goes on: xal xaixrig
HÉQTj xQia,vavHXt]Qia (poQxrjyla jiaQâaxaoïg\' ôiacpéQEt ôs xovxcovèxeQa érégcov
Tôi xà fiEV àa(paXéaxEQa elvai,xà Ô£ Mœ jioqîCeiv tj^v tiixaQnlav.
The various explanations given to these words are discussed by
Hasebroek®); he himself comes to the conclusion that Aristotle
devides ÈfuioQla into the following three parts: trading while
using a ship of one\'s own {yavxXriQla), 2°. trading while convey-
ing the goods in another man\'s ship {(foQXTjyia), 3°. selling the
goods on the spot {naQâoxaaig), The meaning of the last mentioned
words of Aristotle is probably that the risk incurred by the vaixXrjQog
is greater than that of an ëfmoQog without a ship because not only
the goods but also the ship of the former may incur danger; on the
other hand the mixXtjQog has more opportunity of making profit
because he has no transport-cost and even receives transport-cost
from the ^fmogoi that are sailing with him. When the goods are sold
on the spot the risk is of course slight, but at the same time there is
hardly any opportunity of making profit. This opinion of Hasebroek\'s
is in my eyes very plausible. The great difference between his
opinion and that of others lies especially in the fact that he does not

2) The principal places in which ?/.Toeoc obviously means "foreign trader
or "trader on foreign parts" are : Semonides ed. Hiller fr. 16,2; Aeschno fr. 2 i ;
Herodotus H, 39; ^«ccoi Diels 636; Aristophanes

19; Hell. I, 6, 38; V, 1,21; Ag. 1,21; Hiero IX, 9; Mem III, 7, 6; Itpp. IV, 7;
Econ. XX 27; DC Vect. Ill, i, 4, X2 and 13; IV 6 and 40; V, 3; Anuphanes

Lo ;. 18 , Kock Fp, 65r ; Lysias XVII, 5; XIX 50; XXH, X7 and 2X; Isocra-
tes I 19. XVII, 57; Demosthenes passim, see p. 80; Acschmes 1,40; Lycur^

c lioc\'r. 15 and 18,• Plato Rep. 3X7A and D; 525 C; Leges 831 E;9i8B; 919 D;
Gorg. 518 A; Protag. 3x3 C; 319 D; Soph. 223 E; 224 A and B; 231 D; Pol.
267 E; 289 E; Ep. 329 E; Aristoteles Pol. 1259 a 27; 1327 a 17; ^^ ^oX. 51, 4

5) J. Hasebroek, Betriebsformen des griechischen Handels, Hermes 1923
p. 405 sqq.

explain (poQzijyla as the trade of the skipper who takes upon him the
conveyance of goods the owner of which does not accompany him;
for the trader himself always accompanied his goods.

Though EfjmoQia, as well as EfinoQog, is nearly always used to in-
dicate trade to foreign parts, Aristotle in the above mentioned
quotation uses this word in the general sense of "trade". In other
places, too, it is used in this way, and it seems that the word ifjuioQla
was especially chosen to indicate "trade" in general, when, in con-
trast with xanrjleia 2), nothing derogatory was intended. When for
instance Isocrates observes that in former times the filling of a public
office in Athens was not considered as a business, a means of en-
riching oneself, but as a public service, he expresses this by the
words: ov yaQ sfinoQiav dkXd Xeirovgyiav hofiitiov eIvoi^). Also there
where the same author says that those who give presents to
princes consider this ov doatr dV\' i/buioQiav he uses Efinogia in the
general sense of "trade". Because this word is used in a less deroga-
tory sense than xanrjkEia Plato, probably out of respect for the Gods,
chooses the expression t^xv^] efjmoQixf} (and not xant^Xixtj) to point
out that man\'s piety towards the Gods is based on commercial mo-
tives of "do ut des"
Meaning of A similar extension of meaning occurs in Plato himself with regard
^(i^I^\'^d ^^^ words xdni]loq and xcutijXEia, While he explains xamjXtxij, as
^"^I^lle/a we saw above as the selling of goods in the town itself, and while
he calls xdnrjXoi people who sit in the market to buy and to sell, he
uses in another place xdntjXog in the sense of xdnijXog xal ^jujiogog.When
for instance he compares the relation between a herald and a king
with that between a xdnijXoq and an avtojiwXi]g, he says that the simi-
larity between them is that a herald as well as a xdntjXog take to other
people the commands and the goods respectively, which they have
got from a king or an avtojtd>Xt]gAlso in the further explanation

1) See p. 98. We need not wonder at the fact that Aristotle chooses another
word than xowijie/o, because, contrary to Plato, he seldom uses the words
xditTjhn and xantjlela, cf. Ncwman, The Politics of Aristotle IV p. 167.

added to this: jicoXridEvxa nov tiqSxsqov igya dXXoiQia naQadexo/uevoi
devTSQov jzcoX-ovai jidXiv oi xdjitjXot xdjiijXoi is used in the general
sense of "traders". In the same way an EfmoQog is mentioned in the
Leges -) in a place where HamjXela is being discussed, and when for
his ideal state Plato prescribes measures to restrict xajTrjXei\'a he
stipulates that no citizen is allowed to be a xdjirjXog or an fjujioQog
Plato calls those people dnaidEvzoi whose education has been directed
to xaTHjXeia, vavxXijQia and similar occupations so here i/jnoQla
is not even mentioned.

From the examples cited above it appears that by the side of the
use of xdjir]Xog for a trader who sells his goods in the same town where
he has bought them, xdjirjXog is used in a wider sense for every
trader who does not sell his own make nor the products of his own
soil; this in contrast with avtoTitoXrjg

By the side of the above mentioned real and of the extended mean-
ing of xdjirjXog and other words of the same root, this root was also

6) The latter distinction is clearly expressed by the scholiast on Polit.260 C:
avionuiXt^t ziai 6 to Wjov iQydxeiSov fj oTvor tj aXiov if olxtiov yttupy/ou mjrQdaxav
6 it .-raffi Tovreoy dyoodCfoy ijtot wvovfuvo; xal ."ti.ipcSaxcov aAAoif xarijiof Xiyezai.

About in the same way as has been mentioned above the words l/wicgfc and
xonijio; arc explained in the scholia on Aristophanes Plutus 1155 which run as
follows: :tine elair al Siaqpogai toSv .-raiioi5vra)v, auto.-rwlijc, xd.ttjXoe, Ifutogoe,
.taXiyxd:i*)X<K, puza^oXevt. xai eaziv aizonatXt/e (tev 6 Iv zfj tdlif z^W "w^tuv xtjv
iavzov :iQ6aoSor. xdntjXof di 6 iynQdCfor A:to loO avzombXov xal wwAcSv iy zfj x(OQ<}
iy fi t)y6(>aasy. !fi:x >QOt <fi iS dyogdCoy xai Lit (iytje moXcdy dnd zed avzojiwXov
»; d.^6 zoO xani\'/Xov]. .taXiyxd.itjXoi Si 6 d.id zoO i/utd()ov oyopdfwv xai nmXcoy.
HtzapoXtvt ^fo xaza zt}y xozvXtjy nwXciy wantQ "/ vOv Xtydftsyoi xdntjXm. tTQi^zai
di .lapa to avvex^e futafidXXtiy. xai avzai fUy tlat al atjftaalai xvQltoe zaiy jioXovyzmy.
xazaxgiotiHtSt Se :id! :t<aXuiy xd:ir}Xo! Xiyezai.

So in these scholia a general use of xd,tt]Xo( is indicated, which comprises al
kinds of traders, even the avzondXtje. So this extends even farther than the
general use of mentioned by Plato.Entirely in accordance with this and

with the scholion on Plato Pol. 260 C dted above are the words which the
scholiast on Aristophanes Pax 447 uses in explanation oftheexprcssionxfiwiyioc
dajtdwv, viz. ovx avzoe daxidae noi&v, diUa .lag\' aiiwr Xanfidymy xai .-»widSr.
xaniiXov( ydq «paat n&yzat zov( fuzafidXovt.

The terms used if contempt of the trade had to be emphasized For instance,
*tl\'^and ^^^^ ^^^ study of the number a useful occupation, at least if
we occupy ourselves with it for the sake of widening the scope of
^ed espe- our mind, and not to y.anrjkeveiv^). After having spoken of falsifying
Sntuate the he thinks good to insert a discussion on y.(xm]Xeia, considering this a
theme 3). While Isocrates, as has been discussed above*),
^ ^ ^ speaks of èfuiogia in people who give presents to princes, he later on
compares the trade of these same people with y.anrjXevuv when he
wants to accentuate the cunning element in their work®).
The use of To express intense contempt the compound naXiyxànrjloç was
Îl a^® ^^^ instance in the Plutus Aristophanes makes Carion

andSLrçturn away the God Hermes who offers his services for trade, in the
following contemptuous words: "We are rich, so why should we keep
a \'EQfifjg jiakiYxâ7it]loç \'). When Demosthenes wants to express his
contempt of the selling of corn by retail which takes place under the
direction of Cleomenes, governor of Egypt ®), he uses the expression
jtakyxanrjhvEiv^). In another place the same author speaks of a
xojtTjlog jiovrjQiaç and then uses the climax naXiyxàjttjXoç xal fisxa^oXtvg
to enforce his words

5) Isocr. Ill, i; cf. Pollux VI, 128 where noQvo^oaxói is mentioned as the
first of the filot è<p ok &y «? oveidtamt], and xa.-r>;io; as the second.

12: to ds dsvteqóy u mnqdcxtiv avancolstr xai drcutingdaxeiy liyovai, xcd zo tqyov
&vdnqaaiv xai zov{ xovzo ttotovrtat dvaniizqdaxovxat xat dvanrnxovvzai, xai to dsvzecov
mjfqaoxofuva dvcmcolovfieya xai dvaninqaaxófuya naxifiuqaza f} naxlft:ia)xa, xai 6
zavza :io}xwy naxifincoxot xai naxlyxanrixoi; Suidas s.v. ^taxtyxanrixof 6 fuzajiqdztjs;
Hesychius s.w.naxirxdnrjxoslófuzdfioxot. s x6 aizo 0« dyop^Cwv xai Kö)iöv;Photius
s.v.:taxtyaxlq)ioxozeivfp. x6 yoq :tdxty ènlxaaiy drixot,a>! naxiyxdntjxos xat txaxlfijtqaxot.

11) Cf. Pollux VI, 127 where a x^miof is calhd a jxaXiyxdJxtjXot xoS xdXXovt.
On the meaning of fuxa^oXsv: cf. scholia ad Arist. Plut. 1155» cited above;
Pollux I, 50: iiiTxoQoi xax xdntjXoi xai fuxa^oXtït, ol 6q&oi zi yxQduoyxtf. ot is
xa&^fuyoi, fidvavaoi; Suidas and Photius s.v. fitxdfloXoi: nQaynaxsvxal, tuxojtQdxai.

With regard to the objects of trade the following appears from Plato : Objecte of

sweet wine, two small jars of honey and he mentions the sending of
figs This was rather meant as a present for the children of Diony-
sius; still we may learn from it what goods were often sent from
Athens.

As data for the slave-trade we may take the fact that accordmg to
Plato some people, prompted by greed, betake themselves to kid-
napping and seU their victims as slaves In another place he dis-
cusses the fact that a father sells his son or daughter, in order to
gain possession of money

It is especially in Aristotle\'s Politics and in the Economica as-
cribed to Aristotle that we can find a few data that are of some im-
portance for our research. We must however be aware of the fact
that the last mentioned work with its motley of stories, tinged with
anecdotage, takes us to a time and to circumstances widely different
from those in which Aristotle lived; Riezler for instance, when dis-
cussing the Economica, declares "In dieser Sammlung liegt ein
ausserordentlich heterogenes Stück Uberlieferung vor. Sie erstreckt
sich zeitlich über vier Jahrhunderte, örtlich von Syrakus bis Meso-
potamien von Aegypten zum Schwarzen Meer".

He distinguishes the art of acquisition (xTTjuxtj) into the natural
part which looks after the things necessary to life, which comprises
agriculture, cattle-breeding and hunting and on the other hand
xqr]fxazioTiy.rj which knows no bounds which in another place
he calls fieTaß?.)]nxrj. But in the course of his argument he uses
fiexaßXrjxixiq to indicate the exchange traffic that has the object of
getting things that are necessary, while by xajir^Xixi^ he indicates the
exchange traffic that has the object of making profit The exchange
traffic which was practised in the original family-community and
which in Aristotle\'s time still occurred among many uncivilized
tribes, exchanging goods meant for use such as wine for corn, and
only in quantities necessary for use, is called fiinaßXrjxixr] by him ®).
When this exchange traffic began to extend over more and more

distant regions and so the inevitable consequence was the ensuing
use of money, xamjhx^j came into existence The object of this
is the acquisition of gold and riches and its task is to find
out in what way the greatest profit may be got out of the object of
exchange 2). This x(vr7]Xix^ which comprises all branches of trade
equally is disapproved of by Aristotle because it is unnatural, has
riches for its object and knows no boundsThe money trade
moXoaxatixfi or xoxla^i6<;) which is still more remote from nature
and which uses money not only as a means but also as a purpose is,

This conception of trade and trader appears also in other places
of his work Of the democracies mentioned by Aristotle he prefers
such a one as consists for the greater part of husbandmen; somewhat
less preferable is the one the inhabitants of which principally do
cattle-breeding«); but far worse are the other democracies, i,a.
those that consist principally of merchants, because the life of these
is bad and is in no way connected with virtue \').

On the other hand Aristotle acknowledges the necessity for all
states to buy and to sell what each state wants; for this is the easiest
way to self-sufficiency {avxdQxua), which each state should strive
after »). Therefore he deems it necessary that the state, by means of
its magistrates, superintends the trading transactions and the pod
order in the market»). So he does not shrink from advising to distri-
bute the remainder of the revenue of the state among the cmopoi to
serve trade or agriculture ^o). He also thinks it detrimental to the

AriLtleseen^ to regard xo.^\'-; xoW\'^\'^ou.,) as bemg httle else than sys-
tematic cornering; cf. ibid. p. 135 note.

a 1» .L. no ma» who in ten preceding years had occupied h,mself w..h market
trade, was allowed to fill an office.

whole town if something is stolen in the harbour Among the five
subjects which have to be discussed in the common interest he men-
tions i.a. TtEQi x&v eiaayofihcov xal i^ayo/iivcov^); and further he
says 3), that it should be a subject of careful consideration how much
the town itself may yield in victuals, and the import and export of
what goods is necessary in the interest of the citizens, that contracts
may be concluded with those who may be of assistance in these things.

So here he differs from Plato, who thinks a great distance from the
sea necessary for the best town. This is what Aristotle i.a. alludes to
when he declares ®) that according to some people the consequence
of communication with the sea will be that the morals of the town
will be corrupted by foreigners educated to other morals, who will
come into the town, and by ijjmoqoi that travel all over the world.
He then states as his own opinion that, if the morals are not cor-
rupted by the traders, communication with the sea is useful for a
town for the sake of safety as well as of import and export. The im-
port should however be restricted to the goods wanted by the citi-
zens, and only things of which they have a plentitude shall be ex-
ported. For the town may be a commercial town for itself, says
Aristotle but not for others. He criticizes the love of gain of those
states that open markets for all people in order to increase their
income; he prefers to take example by those towns where the
dockyards and harbours are situated in such a way that they do not
form part of the town and are not too far removed from it either.
He thinks one might further prevent incidental bad influence of the
tradespeople by fixing by law which persons are and which are not
allowed to have intercourse with each other. With regard to the

arrangement of the ayoqa he demands i) that there shall be one dyoQa
in which the state buildings and the temples will be situated, after
the example of Thessalia where this dyoqa was called «Aeu^cfjd;
in this ayoqa no merchandise may be sold 2). Apart from this the
trade market is to have good communication with sea and land
and in its neighbourhood the magistrates who regulate the market-

From these observations it is evident that he considers buying and
selling necessary lor all states, even for the best state imagined by
him. The citizens of this state however are not allowed to be dyogaioi,
because such a life is ignoble We need not wonder at this if we
hear that even agriculture must not be practised by the citizens, that
their time may not be taken up by it.

So though, after the example of Plato, he equally disapproves of
every kind of trade, he is less rigorous than the latter in the conse-
quences of this disapproval and he is more convinced than Plato of
the impossibility of eliminating traffic for any state.

As I have observed above Aristotle hardly ever uses the word Use of the
ndnrjXog. It is typical of his attitude of mind that he uses the words \'^roemoc
x6 dyoQaiov and ol dyogaToi which often have a contemptuous
meaning\'), to indicate all groups of traders. When for instance he
divides the people into groups») he mentions i.a. to dyoQatov and
in a further place he defines t6 dyoQaiov^) as: t6 m(>l rag nQaaeig
xal xdg t&vdg xal xdg ifmoqlag xal xanr^Xelag diaxQt^ov. So here ^inoQia
is mentioned as a part of x6 dyoQaXov. But further he defines
x6 dyoqaiov as: xd neql dn\'tjv xal nqdaiv OiaxQ\'i^ov and he mentions
16 innoQixbv among the special group indicated as to ^rcpl xi]v
OdXaxxay. So according to this grouping, i/i.ioeoi did not from part of

rd ayogaiov or oi aYOQacoi i). But when Aristotle speaks cf aycQaio
without efiTioQoi he means all groups of traders. For instance, as one
of the democracies he mentions the one which consists entirely of
dycQaloi av{}QC07t0i^), and the citizens of the best state are not
allowed to pass their lives as aycQacoi»). When the magistrates of
Lampsacus seize the opportunity of compelling their merchants to
pay 50 % sale tax *), the latter are called dyoQaioi.

In the other authors where the term dycQoToi is used to indicate
traders, they are mentioned by the side of or instead of xdjitjXoi.
Herodotus for instance mentions them by the side of xdnijXoi and
XuqdivaxiE? and another time by the side of xdm^Xoi and prosti-
tutes 8), Xenophon \') uses a few times the word dyoQoiot where
xdjirjXoi could be expected as well

Monopohes In a different connection ») I have mentioned the renting of all
available olive presses by the philosopher Thales of Milete, who
afterwards leased them out at a great price, when they were much
in demand. In consequence of this observation Aristotle, from whom
it has been borrowed, declares that the acquisition of a monopoly
{fiovoTicoXla) is a system for enriching oneself. And therefore, says
he, some towns make use of this means when they are in want of
money; they make a monopoly of the goods.

Hereby most of the monopolies, a few of v/hich are mentioned in
theEconomica, are characterized; they are for the greater part selling-

1) In the Economica, too, tViogo» and àyoQaïoi are mentioned side by side
in the army of the Athenian commander Timotheus.

7) Xen. Cyr. I, 2, 3; De Vect. Ill, 13; »n the former place this word is
perhaps chosen because of the unfavourable meaning.

8) One would perhaps be inclined to suppose that espedally market-traders
are meant by Ayoealoi but for the above cited place in Xenoph. De Vect. Ill, 13,
where we hear of the building of olxi^atiç and .itoA^r^eia in the Piraeus and in
the town!

Perhaps the monopoly given by the Byzantines to a certain
probably dating from the sixth century, was not of a
passing nature"). The monopoly of changing money was given to
this man; he who changed money at another man\'s or for another
man was threatened with confiscation.

More numerous are the examples of occasional selhng-monopolies
of the all-powerful state at the expense of its own subjects who by
the very occasionality of each monopoly were never free from fear
of repetitions, which could not but increase the uncertainty in the
economical life. A striking example of this is the state of Selymbria
where a prohibition of exportation existed, dating from a time when
there was want of corn. When the state wants corn it buys up the
whole corn-stock and then abolishes the prohibition of exportation.
When the price of the corn has risen by the impossibility of expor-
ting it, the state sells it again and now can stipulate for a higher price.

Equally detrimental to the citizens was the proposal of the Athe-
nian Pythocles to buy the lead of the Laurian mines from the
farmers at the market-price and then to sell it for six drachms.

A striking example of a monopoly in a foreign market in favour
of the state is furnished by an observation of Cleomenes, governor
of Egypt 5). For when there was scarcity of corn in various countries
(in the years 330 to 328) under which Egypt hardly suffered at all,
he prohibited the corn export from Egypt. When the corn was sold
in the country for four drachms he bought it from the peasants at
the same price they would have got from the merchants, though
they offered him to reduce the price. So the Egyptian peasants
did not suffer any loss by his tactics; but the foreign countries did,
for if there had not been a prohibition of corn-exportation from
Egypt the mutual rivalry of the exporters would have made them
get cheaper corn from Egypt, which was so rich in corn; but now
they had to pay Cleomenes eight times the cost price ®). So it stands

to reason that the Greeks on their side were greatly embittered against
Cleomenes, as we see in Demosthenes We can see from the same
author how this corn corner worked. Some members saw to the
shipping off of the corn. Others looked after it during the transpor-
tation. The members living in Athens saw to the sale on the spot.
The branch in Athens was continually sending quotations of prices
to the branches in other places.

But except in the Economica there is hardly any mention of mono-
polies in Greek literature. Still, not only from the above quoted
advice of the Athenian Pythocles but also from Aristophanes it ap-
pears that the cornering of goods and the acquisition of a monopoly
was a not unusual phenomenon in Athens 2). In the Equités of
Aristophanes namely\') the sausage-dealer makes the proposal of
forestalling a few dainties. But he does this from political rather than
from economical motives. For, in order to gain the favour of the
people, he intends to buy up all dishes, so that he may be the only
person who can lay up large quantities of anchovy. And then he means
to buy all the coriander and all the onions in the vegetable market,
in order to divide them among the people as a condiment to the
anchovy *).

Opposition In the Politics we also find an example of the fact that measures
of the state ^^^^ against a monopoly. In Sicily a certain man bought up
and" all the iron from the smithies; consequently he was the only seller
forestalling; ^^ tfutoQoi\', in this way he made a profit of a hundred talents on
""^thrpriœs" fifty talents, though he had hardly raised the price. When thé tyrant
Dionysius hears of this, he allows the man to keep his money,
but banishes him from Sicily.

In Greek authors we only hear of measures against forestalling in
Athens when corn is concerned ®). But we do hear in Aristophanes
of the intervening of the Athenian state in the quotation of salt at
the time of the Peloponnesian war. For Aristophanes \') discusses the
short duration of the resolution Tif^i x&v àX&v. Here the scholiast

marks: èyit]<piaavto yàg avtovç (sc. tovç âÀaç) tvwvoxÉQovg elvai
xai TO \\piq(piafia âxvQov yiyovt; so the resolution to oppose the
rising of the price of the salt had soon lost its effect, probably be-
cause great scarcity set in.

In the Economica some cases are also mentioned in which the
state controls the prices to enrich the pubhc treasury at the expense
of foreigners or of its own citizens, so with an object entirely opposed
to that mentioned above. For instance, when a large fleet was about
to put into the harbour of Lampsacus which fleet would have to
be supplied with necessaries, the magistrates compelled the mer-
chants to raise the price of barley from 4 to 6 drachms and that of a
XOVÇ of wine from 3 to 4^4 drachms. The merchants had to hand
over the extra profit to the state; so this profit may be regarded as
a sale-tax of 50 %. In the same way the Athenian commander
Chabrias advises to levy a sale-tax of 5V2 % in Egypt 2).

We must always bear in mind that nearly all that has been said
in the preceding pages about monopolies and influence of the state
on traffic has been borrowed from the Economica, and comprises
various states and times As however by far the greatest part of the
literature discussed by me gives information on the traffic of Athens
it seems advisable here to add a discussion on the relation between
the Athenian state and the trader, and its influence on traffic.

In the opinion of the ancients the state rules all sorts of relations Interfering
so that there can be no question of absolute freedom in the case of Athc-
trade. As we saw above •), Aristotle mentions import and export with trade in
among the subjects that ought to be discussed in the general interest, Peace

and in another place i\') it is regarded as part of the task of a good
demagogue to know how much corn has to be imported into Athens
every year. The corn trade was under the supervision of the state and
Was strictly regulated by some laws. He who, while living inAthcns,
conveyed corn to another harbour than that of Athens was liable to

heavy punishment i). Two thirds of the corn which the efxnoQoi
brought to the Athenian harbour had to be put on the market in
Athens itself 2). Every Athenian citizen and fxexcixog was forbidden
to borrow money on a ship that did not return to Athens with corn
or other goods In Athens itself it was unlawful to buy more than
fifty (poQiiioi of corn«).Tresspassers against this law were liable to
death penalty®).

Restriction of It goes without saying that in time of war the check of the state
trade in time ^^ even more strongly felt; and how seldom there was peace in

° ^^^ HellasI At the time of the Peloponnesian war the so-called Megaren-
sian edict was proclaimed by Pericles, which excluded the Megären-\'
sians from all harbours and markets of the Attic alliance®).So goods
coming from Megara could be confiscated\'). Necessaries of war such
as ship\'s apparel ®) and further victuals might of course not be
exported to the enemy At the time of Philippus death
penalty attached to a man who, like a bad patriot, was caught in

3) Dem. XXXV, 51; LVI, 6; cf. Boeckh., op. cit. p. 71, who contests the
opinion that this law should bear on the corn trade exclusively; cf. Lipsius,Das
Attische Recht p. 854.

5) Lys. XXII, 18. Regarding the other states it appears from Andocides II, i
that during the government of the"four hundred" Archelaus, kingof Macedonia,
only allowed him in his capacity of friend of the family to export as much wood
for oars from Macedonia as he wanted; so a special permission was necessary
for the export of wood from Macedonia. Herodotus V, 88 relates that even in
early times products from Attica were interdicted in Aegina and Argos on the
ground of so-called religious motives.

9) Aristoph. Eq. 282. ,
10) These goods were briefly called indoeita, cf. Aristoph. Ranae 362 and

Eq. 282; in the same way as the scholia on Ranae 363 explain <J;ido£>\'?»« by

In Aristophanes Ach. 916 the sycophant Nicarchus wants to mdict the
Boeotian for import of torches. From this we must however not conclude that
at that time there was a general interdict on importing torches from Boeotia.
As Nicarchus explains further he suspects the Boeotian of intending to set ita\'
portant state-buildings on fire; cf. however Boeckh, op. cit. p. 69.

By the side of the above mentioned regulations that restricted Laws and
trade the interests of money-lenders and traders were served by the "th^i^i^the
following laws and resolutions. According to Demosthenes the son interest of
of an Athenian strategist was sentenced to death because in foenus leiJjg^^jj
nauticum 3) he had withdrawn the security from the lender. "And it traders
is quite right, says pleader that this penahy has been fixed, be-
cause such people do not harm one individual, but bring discredit
on Athens\' trade in general". NavKXrjQoi and bii^dxai who put a
mortgaged ship into another harbour than the mortgagor had sti-
pulated were liable to a heavy fine Apparently this law was
often used by way of threat. When the person indicted was a foreigner
he could be put in prison or be compelled to furnish security\').
False indictments against traders were punished by immediate im-
prisonment and other penahies ®). Imposing on traders was declared
a fact liable to punishment in a special resolution®).

Gradually the commercial law-suits {bixai ifinoQixal) were re- Commercial
gulated greatly to the convenience of the traders. At the time of
Lysias (in the year 397) these law-suits were still dealt with by the
college of vavtodUai in the winter months; these ravio6lyai were
chosen every year 1®), The disadvantage of this method was that if the
law-suit had not been settled in winter, parties had to continue it
in summer, or, and this is probably what happened in most cases,
the law-suit was put off till the next winter and in that case was

9) (Dcm.l LVIII, 53; according to [Dcm.] LVII, 30 that man is also liable
to punishment who reproaches a dtizen or ciu\'zeness with their trading in the
market; cf. Lipsius op. cit. p. 648—49. In my opinion it is very unhkely that,
as Hasebroek, Hermes 1923 p. 418 points out, this law should have been intended
to prevent dishonest rivalry. According to the schol. ad Aristoph. Plut. 904 and
Eccl. 1027,an //i;iogoc was exempt from mihtary service and property tax; com-
pare however Boeckh, op. dt. p. 109.

heard by an entirely different college. As nearly everybody could
assert that he was an ifntaQo,\'\') this afforded to many a chicaner an
opportunity of drawing a law-suit out. To relieve this evU Xenophon
proposes in his booklet "De VectigaUbus" to promise prizes to th<»e
members of the dexv tov i/^oeiov (by which he probably means the
yamodUac) who solve in the justest and quickest way the differences
between the traders. Soon after this (so between the years 355 ^d
342) thiswish was fulfilled, for in the year 342 the commercial law-
suits were wvot diy.a. % so law-suits that had to be settled within
a month. These law-suits then took place between the months
Boedromion and Munychion, when sea-trade was usually ) at a

In foreign countries the Athenian trader has to resort to the reso-
lutions of foreign magistrates; Demosthenes speaks for instance of
an Athenian ship on which a loan with foenus nauticum had been
contracted and which was riding at anchor at Cephallenia «) ƒ art of
the crew wanted to steer their course to Massilia, instead of saihng
back to Athens, in order to take the ship out of the reach of the
lenders in Athens; the magistrates of Cephallenia however decided
in favour of the return to Athens \').

The Athenian state exercised its authority over the traders by
means of the following magistrates.

The The college of the dyogavd/zo., five in the town and five m the
ayoearofwt p- ^^ charged with the supervision of the market trattic;

XXXV, 46. That at the time of the ytf^va/o,. TZoWa of Anstotlc the Al.at
f^L were no longer as some people think, is not I\'^e\'V; the ^

the r^/i^vo. dUai is not convincing, for it is silent on the r.icov.xa/ too, ct.
Lipsius, op. cit. p. 87.

7) T^trader in a forS country could of course also find support with the
.TjHJfevoff of his town; cf. Dem. LII, 5 and 10.

good merchandise being sold Their task was further to look after
the good order in the market 2). In Aristophanes for instance their
protection is called in by a female bread-seller for damage done
to her goods

The ayoQavofioi were assisted by the nsxQovofxoi in the discharge
of their function; these fXEXQovdfioi, also to the number of ten, had
to see to good weights and measures being used

The seUing of the corn did not take place under the supervision
of the dyoQavofioi; a special college of oiroq)vXa}<Eg had been appointed
for this purpose This college, too, originally consisted of ten mem-
bers, which number was increased to thirty five, viz. twenty for the
town and fifteen for the Piraeus. According to Aristotle they had a
triple task, viz. to see to the raw corn being sold at a reasonable
price, to the millers charging the price of barley-flour conformably
to the price of barley and lastly to the dX<piro7iu)Xai selhng bread con-
formably to the price of wheat, while using the weights assigned by
them «). According to Lysias however their sphere of action was
wider and they had also to prevent the forestalling of corn \'); derelic-
tion of duty made them liable to penalty of death ®). They were in
the possession of lists on which the quantity of the imported corn
was mentioned, undoubtedly to enable them better to control the
corn-dealers

While the above mentioned magistrates were charged with the
supervision of the xdnrjXoi, the college of the vavrodlxm had originally

The
rnvioilxai
in Athens

а) Aristoph. Ach. 824 and 968; cf. further Gilbert, op. cit. p. 288; Lipsius,
op. cit. p. 93; Busolt, Gr. Staatsk." p. xii8.

3) Aristoph. Vesp. 1407; Büchscnschüt2,Bcsit2 undErwerbim griechischen
Altertum p. 536 wrongly takes ßldßr] in this place for: damage done by the seller.

4) Ar. \'A&. HoX. 51, 2; cf. Gilbert, op. dt. p. 289; Lipsius, op. cit. p. 95;
Busolt, op. cit. p. 1119.

9) Dem. XX, 3a. In exceptional drcumstances a college of omorai or one
"\'»wi-iyc was occasionally chosen for the purchase of com; so for instance Demos-
thenes after the battle of Chaeronea, cf.Dem. XVIII, 248; cf. Busolt, op. cit.

The

liSTQOVOflOl

in Athens

The

oixoqivXaiUs

in Athens

been instituted for the e/mogoi This college, which probably con-
sisted of ten members and which was chosen every year anew, at
the time of Lysias instructed the law-suits of the ifutogoi during the
winter-months 2). At the time of Demosthenes their task had been
taken over by the Thesmothetes \'),
The f//.-Too«o7\' The eunoQoi were superintended by the ten ifinoQiov mifiEXrixal
^\'Athens looked after the Athenian shipping-port and had to see to the

exercising of the laws concerning import and export. Aristotle
only mentions their most important task, viz. to see to two thirds of
the corn unloaded by the ejusioQot in the oixixov i/mogiov ®) being
conveyed to the town itself. According to Demosthenes, indict-
ments on the ground of two laws discussed above \'), containing an
interdict on conveying the corn to another place than Athens and on
borrowing money on a ship that did not return to Athens with corn
or other goods, were also lodged with the secretary of the Ifmogiov
\'tmfiFlt]xai^) or with the harbour-masters\').

The revenues The revenues which the Athenian state got from trade can only
^te \' ^ touched on slightly in this connection, while the questionable
from trade points cannot be gone into here

The state claimed 2 % of the value of all goods imported or ex-
ported in the Athenian harbour, as import and export duties
{nrvnjxoari\'i). It is uncertain whether harbour-dues (llXtfihtov)
existed by the side of these, or that ilXtftivtov must be identified

4) That ravroAUat as well as Thesmothetes also dealt with the ycaq)!) (tn\'ac
proves that the number of foreigners among the ffutoQoi must have been very
great; see pp. 79 and 80.

10) Discussed at length with statement of literature by Boeckh, op. cit. p.
38a—395; Gilbert, op. dt. p. 391—394.

with TiivzijxoaTt] 1). In the market a market-due (dyogatov xelog) was
levied by the ayoQavofioi or their subordinates; all details were ar-
renged by a vo/iog ayoQavofuxog, i.a. the amount that had to paid for
each kind of merchandise^). Apart from this is the stall-money (fei-ixov
uAoff), which had to paid by foreigners exclusively for trading in the
market 3). It is probable that by the side of the dyogata xeh} there
was a gateway-due {dianvXiov), which was raised on all goods con-
veyed to the town through the gateways; so only dtanvXtov was raised
on the goods if they were taken at once to a private house, but both
dtanvXiov and ayoQaTuv xiXog if they were sold in the market«). We
cannot decide with any certainty whether the purchase-due {iTKÖnui-)
which was levied in various Greek states to the amount of i % may
be identifiedwith the ixaxoaxi] mentioned by some Greek authors«).

As long as we have no greater certainty about the money levied in Nature and
the Athenian harbour it is impossible to draw an important conclu-
sion from a place in Andocides ®) from which it appears that in the Athens
year 401/0 the import and export duties in the Piraeus were leased
out for thirty talents and in the next year for thirty six talents. From
the fact that these duties amounted to 2 % (n-o-n/xoot?)) Beloch has
concluded\') that the import and export in the harbour of Athens
must at that time have amounted to at least 1500 to 1800 talents a
year. He adds to this "Erhebungskosten, Defraudationen, Zollfreien
Eingänge und den Gewinn der Zollpächter" and so gets a balance
of trade of about 2000 talents ®). As Attica had no hinterland, Beloch

I) As among others J. H. Thiel, KlioXXI, r, makes plausible, in contrast
with Bocckh.

3) That this amount varied and therefore the «yofoivr tävi cannot be re-
warded as stall-money appears from Aristoph. Ach. 896 and the schol.; cf.also
schol. ad Ilias XXI, 303.

7) J. Beloch, Die Handclsbcwcgung im Altertum, Jahrbücher für National-
olfönomic und Staüsliki899 p. 626—631; cf. also his Griechische Gcschichtc

8) Beloch further calculates that in money-value this corresponds to at
33 million marks and as he estimates the number of inhabitants at 150.000

argues, all things imported in the Piraeus were meant for consump-
tion in Attica itself and the articles for export were Attic products.
On the ground of a supposition of Boeckh i) that a special harbour-
due {iXh,uevtov) was levied on ships the cargo of which was not
unloaded\'for the Athenian market he concludes that the aforesaid 30
and 36 talents had been exclusively levied on goods that had been
imported or exported in Athens. The fact that Athens was entirely
thrown on its own resources since the end of the Peloponnesian war
proved, according to Beloch, that its import was more or less covered
by its export. On the basis of a place in Demosthenes 2) Beloch
further proves that in Athens the import of corn only amounted to
800.000 medimni (± 400.000 H. L.) in the middle of the fourth
century and further he refers to "das Verzeichnis der Einfuhr-
artikel" in Hermippus =). For the balance of trade of part of the
Attic empire in the year 413 he finally points to a citation from
Thucydides <) from which it appears that in this year the Athenians
claimed, instead of the usual tribute, an amount of 5 % of the value
of all goods imported or exported in the harbours of the alli^. As
the Athenians had the object of increasing their revenues in this way

the import and export in the harbours of the allies must at that time
have amounted to at least twenty thousand talents. The balance of
trade in Attica itself is not included in this sum, nor is that of the
three principal islands of the Aegean Sea viz. Chius, Lesbus and
Samus who did not pay any tribute.

These data were meant by Beloch to prove the falseness of a
statement by Bücher®): "dasz weder bei den Antiken Völkern tioch
im früheren Mittelalter die Gegenstände des täglichen Bedarfs einen

hc concludes from this that there was a balance of trade of at least 220 marks ixr
head (Kopfquote). But as a few disputable questions arise in the chanpng of the
value of the old coins into contemporary money and in the fixing of the number
of inhabitants, I shall not enter into this calculation.

regelmäszigen Austausch unterlagen. Seltene Naturprodukte und
gewerbliche Erzeugnisse von hohem spezifischen Wert bilden die
wenigen Handelsartikel". "Sollen wir denn wirklich glauben, says
Beloch, eine Familie von 5 Köpfen hätte im Durschschnitt 1000 M.
auf Luxusartikel verwendet, in einer Zeit, wo Athen wirtschafthch
so tief danieder lag? ... Es ist also klar dasz Luxusartikel nur ein
kleinen Teil der Einfuhr bilden konnten; in der Hauptsache bestand
die Einfuhr, ganz wie in den heutigen Industrieländern, in Nahrungs-
stoffen und in Rohmaterial für die Industrie"; here he then draws
the attention to the above mentioned place in Demosthenes. "Für
die Ausfuhr", says Beloch, "kam von Bodenprodukten im wesent-
lichen nur das Oel im Betracht; das übrige waren Industrie-erzeug-
nisse, und zwar, da es sich um so grosze Beträge handelt, in der
Hauptsache offenbar Artikel für den Massenkonsum".

Against this various objections might be put forward, and Bücher
has not refrained from attacking the observations of Beloch in a fierce
article Bücher points out that it is very dangerous to draw a con-
clusion from the place in Andocides, because it is emendated and
because moreover various levies are perhaps reckoned in these 30
and 36 talents that should be subtracted from them in the calculation
of import and export. Hereby all conclusions one might come to by
the citation from Andocides fall away

I agree with Bücher that a place like the one in Andocides, which
gives us so little certainty, should not be used as an argument, unless
it is supported by other data. Of the three other places in support of
Beloch\'s theory Bücher only uses the fragment of Hermippus and
thinks that from this we may not draw any conclusions with reprd
to trade; he compares with it German expressions like "Schweizer-
käse", "Rüdesheimer Wein", "Nürnberger Lebkuchen", "Saazer
Hopfen" or "Leipziger Gosc". In my opinion Bücher here over-
shoots the mark. If an Athenian comic writer mentions various kinds

3) K. Bücher, a contribution to: Festgaben für A. Schäffle 1901; afterwards
reprinted in: Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte igaa P- I7 sqq.

3) In my opinion Büchcr is right in saying, even if the citation from Ando-
cides should not contain any ambiguousness, that Beloch has been too much
led by "merkantilisüschen Ideen über die Handelsbilanz". Moreover Beloch
ought to have taken into account the slave-trade, as Bücher points out.

of articles which a vavy.hjQo^ takes with him from various places it is
but natural to assume that these articles were really imported mto
the Piraeus from those places i) and were known to the Athenian
public. The comparison with "Schweizerkäse" for instance does not
hold good because, in consequence of our international relations
the pubUc has been made acquainted with Swiss cheese by the press
and by literature even in those countries where it is not imported;
so in consequence of this in our time an expression like Swiss
cheese" wül be at once understood in a coumry where Swiss cheese
is not consumed. But in my opinion it is unlikely that m Athens a
comic writer should mention xavX6, from Cyrene and oxoiißQo, Itom
the Hellespont, unless these articles were imported into Athens itself.

But in my eyes Bücher is quite right when he remarks that the
list of Hermippus only mentions slaves, dainties and articles of
luxury, and that beside hides no goods that might serve as raw

"^ N^do the To olher places mentioned by Beloch and not dis-
cussed by Bücher furnish a single argument for this. From the
citation from Demosthenes it appears (as we have seen before )
that a great deal of corn was imported imo Athens, and from
Thucydides we cannot draw any conclusion for Athens itself as
regards the import of raw material for industry

From my own investigation it appears that, apart from these
places, we hardly ever hear in the Greek authors discussed by me
of a regular import of raw material that might have served for the
Atnenian industry, except of wood for ship-building

And yet Bücher\'s statement, too, is in my eyes not quite complete
when he says that three kinds of goods were regularly conveyed to

5) See pp. 43 and 64; an occasional remark on iron (see pp. 36,43 and 73)
can in my opinion hardly be of any importance in this connection.

Athens, viz. corn, luxuries and materials for ship-building. For it
seems to me that salt-fish, too, was regularly taken to Athens; for
indications of this as well as of the luxuries we must chiefly turn
to the comic writers 2).

What Bücher observes about the export seems to me quite right.
Like Beloch he takes oil for the principal product of the soil that was
exported. Products of Attic industry however that served as staple
commodities for the export trade, in the way supposed by Beloch,
are according to Bücher, not mentioned in a single place, unless
earthenware that was used in the wine trade should be reckoned among
them. Bücher also considers it an unproved fact that there should
have been an Attic manufacture of arms as a consequence of the
interdict on providing king Philippus with arms, which I have dis-
cussed above 3). Of course there were some Attic products that had
a certain reputation. "Honingkuchen, says Bûcher, undwohlriechende
Salben, Trinkbecher und Brustharnische, Tonfiguren, Schuhe;
wer auf seine Reisen nach Athen kam, mochte dergleichen seinen
Freunden als Geschenk mitbringen. Man konnte in Athen als Frem-
der sein Geld so gut loswerden, wie heute in Paris oder Nizza".
But these articles were probably not regarded as important articles
of trade

To bear out his opinion Bücher alleges the following argument
against Beloch: "Es sind uns bei Thukydides und Xenophon so
vielmal Beratungen der Volksversammlung über Krieg und Frieden
überliefert; wo ist in den dabei im Wortlaut mitgeteilten Meinungs-
äuszerungen der Parteimänner, wo in den Reden des Demostheni-
schen Zeitalters ja auch nur eine Anspielung auf die Exportinteressen
der Athenischen Groszindustrie zu finden, wo in den Bedingungen
der Friedensverträge auch nur eine, die auf die künftige Sicherung
auswärtiger Absatzgebiete für die Industrie hinausliefe?"

In my investigation into the various authors I have no more than
^i) Bücher uses the hardly translatable expression: Mittel feineren Lebens-
Senusses.

a) See pp. 75,76; I suppose Bücher does not reckon this among the "Mittel
feineren Lebensgenusses", as the ru\'e.zof was not cxactly the food of the rich.

4) Perhaps one might conclude from Xenophon, Mem. Ill, 10, 9 and Aris-
toph. Pax iaS5 that breast-plates were exported from Athens; the extent of
\'his export can however not be ascertained.

Bücher found anywhere a citation of this kind. An important place
was given to èfinoqia in Athens by some authors though i) and «/^ogot
were often mentioned 2). Xenophon for instance mentioned as an
advantage of peace that ravxXriQoi and ïimoQoi would come to Athens
again How can we explain this if apparently no raw materials for
the industry were imported and no staple products were exported?
The ïujtoQot that are so frequently mentioned in most cases fetched
their goods from elsewhere and took them to Athens. Here m the
Piraeus the exchange for other goods took place, that had m the
same way been transported from foreign countries. Or they were
sold in the Piraeus for Athenian coins, which were readüy accepted
everywhere«). For in the flourishing period of Greece Athens, or
rather the Piraeus, was an important centre of trade, as I have dis-
cussed at length above ; Bücher says with regard to this: "Wie heute
in Nischny-Nowgorod oder Irbit die Völker des unermeszlichen
Zarenreiches und ihre Nachbarn zusammenströmen, so trafen sich
in dem attischen Emporion die an der Wasserkante wohnenden
Stämme des weit zerstreuten Hellenenvolkes, die Phöniker, viel-
leicht auch einzelne Italiker, um ihre nicht überall in genügender
Menge vorkommenden Ueberschuszprodukte gegen einander aus-
zutauschen." r T3 » U •

aoart from a few details, quite in accordance with the image the
Greek authors give us of the trade of Athens. But let us bear m
mind what the starting-point was! Beloch\'s object was, ^ we have

in his "Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft", in which he denies that
there should have been a regular exchange of daily necessaries of
life among the ancients. While contesting this opinion Beloch has
in my opinion overshot the mark on the other side by speaking of
"Rohmaterial für die Industrie" and "Artikel für den Massenkon-
sum", and further by drawing a picture that is not m accordance

with the data from Greek authors. And yet Bücher too, while con-
testing Beloch\'s arguments, has acknowledged that corn i.a. was
imported into Athens in large quantities; in this connection he might
in my opinion also have mentioned salt-fish Now Bücher asserts,
when he catches Beloch using "Luxusartikel" as identical with
"Seltene Naturprodukte und gewerbliche Erzeugnisse von hohem,
spezifischem Werte", that in Attica even corn and wood for ship-
buüding might be counted among "Sehene Naturprodukte". Even
if this last assertion of Bücher\'s is right he wül have to acknowledge
on the other hand that here in Athens there was apparendy a regular
trade in "Gegenstände des täglichen Bedarfs"; at the same time his
statement "Seltene Naturprodukte und gewerbliche Erzeugnisse von
hohem spezifischen Wert bilden die wenigen Handelsartikel" m^t
be characterized as at least misleading, as far as the flourishing period
of Athens is concerned. The inaccuracy of Bücher consists in my
opinion in the fact that he regards the whole classic time with its
rise, flourishing period and fall as one whole. Perhaps it would have
been more accurate if he had compared the Middle Ages with the
Middle Ages of Greek cuhure, with the Homeric period.

ayoQd first used in the meaning of
"market" i6
„ gathering-place ii
iyoocuo^ 23, 34r 30/ 123, 124
Adriatic sea 26, 34
adulteration of merchandise 47, 48/

30, 31, 68, 69, 112, 120, 121
Aegina 8, 16, 17, 21, 27, 78
Amphipolis 64
annulling of the bargain 109
Arabia 19
Argos 19, 76
Asine 23

Athens 4I/ 57, 58, 72, 73, 7^. "9
„ dyofiayo/ioi 130, 13I
„ commercial law-suits 129, 130
„ com-cornering 82, 128
„ corn-supply 72, 77—79, 98—
100, 127, 128, 134
duties 132, 133, 134

„ regulations and laws concer-
ning corn-trade 82, 127, 128
„ regulations and laws in behalf
of trade 129

Athens relations with the Pontus-re-
gion 77—79
„ restriction of trade in time of

„ nito<pv}.axeg 13I
„ oiTciv»;? 131
„ Thesmothetes 132
„ trade-centre 43—45, 138

„ bestowal of gifts 4, 5
Boeotia 58, 73, 76
bottomry 92—96
broker 108, 109
Byzantium 71, 75, 80

conveying of goods 97, 98
Corcyra 64
Corinth 8, 21, 22, 76
cornering (see „Athens") 82, ia6
Cos 98

credit, letter of — 85
Creta 8, 58, 75/ 79
Cyprus 43, 76/ 89, 100, loi
Cyrene 58, 74/ 80
Cythera 23
Cyzicus 71

debt, a Pythagorean\'s — paid 40, 41
diefLTolSr to bargain away 30
disadvantages of trade (sec " Opinions")
42, 47—5X, ro2, no—113,121—123
Dulichium 9

Egypt 9, 14, 15/ 23/ 24/ 26, 28, 36, 38/
43/ 56, 75» 79/ 93/ 94
com export 99, 100
ifmoon\'-a^ai to travel 4°
hmoQla first used in the meaning of
"trade" 13
subdivision 115, 116
„ "trade" in general 116
„ translation "maritime trade"
55

difference between — and
>€(L^1]^oc 113, 114
„ difference between — and
yavnltjQoc 96, 97
does not sell his whole stock
at a time 67
„ first used in the meaning of
"trader" 16
foreign trader 11 A, "5
». foreigner and /thotnoi: 79/ 80
.. in the army 20,60, 65, 66, 70

65—68
„ traveller 7, 30
sgyaarijQwy shop 51
Etruria 36, 37, 41
Euboea 63, 75, 76
Europe, North of — 28
expressions adopted from the dangers

„ seUing in the town 114
„ "trade" in general 116, 117
„ trade in victuals 47
xa;r»;i«rov ale-house 46

eating- and drinkingplace47
„ workshop 52
HOTtfjVf noisy and quarrelsome 49, 50
KOTrijlo» accentuating the contempt 118
„ cheats with weights and mea-
sures 48, 49
„ dealer in victuals 47
„ details 52

market at the old festive gatherings 74
every kind of merchandise its
special place in the — 53, 54,
X07

.. indicated by xi/xlot 53
ft on neutral ground 27
.. with the Egyptians 25
" ft f, Persians 71
" t, tf Thessalians X23

— days 54. 55
M — dues 107, 133
I, — system in Herodotus 25,26
Massilia 80

Mende 98
fuxa^óltv; 1x7, 1X8
Milete 21, 36, 38, 41, 58, 76, 89
money (see "igani^iztje") 83—91
tt buried 17, 18
„ changing of — 83, 84
„ considerd as merchandise 62
ft considerd as a standard of
value 62
equivalent to valuables 61, 62
in Aristotle\'s ideal state 121
u in Plato\'s state of the Leges

105, 107, 108
,, interest of — 88, 95
on written order 85
„ safe-kept in temples 63
„ unproductive in the house 18
„ value not stable 84
monopolies at the expense of citizens

opinions on trade and trader:
in the Tragedians 30, 3^
in Xenophon 69—71
overland communication 12
„ trade 42, 43

Panticapaeum 98
Paphlagonia 58» 75
pawnbroker 88, 89
Peloponnesus 27, 43» 76, 78, 99
Peparethus 58, 98
Persia 24, 58, 71
Phaselis 80
Phasis 73

Phocaea 20, 21, 25
Phoenicia 9, 19, 20, 24, 38, 76/ 89
Phrygia 37, 75, 76
piracy 9—11, 24, 25, 71, lo^
Pontus 20, 27, 36, 43, 73, 75, 7^, 79,
85, 91, 98

„ corn export 77—79
possession, uncertainty of — 40
Potidaea 63
Pramna 9, 58
jtgrjxxiiQ trader 7
"e^ftc trade 7

price, controlling of—109,110,126,127
» rising of the corn — 82
,, varying 82, 109, no, 127
producer personally takes product to
, market 53
profit 21, 26

promote, proposals to — business 68
proof of identity 26, 40, 85, 86
jtiXai, sale at the — 54

sea dangerous for the impious 34
„ , fear of the dangers of the — 33,34
„ — loan 92—96
security, fear of giving — 40

Sicily 9, 14, 20, 27, 36, 41, 43, 58,
64, 75, 76
„ corn export 98, 99
Sicyon 76

similes adopted from trade and na-
vigation 31, 32
o,io.-:c5iai accused by Lysias 82, 83
Sparta 22, 23, 26, 58
\'standard of value in Homer 4
staple-right 24
mota aXqutonmXis 54
, sutlers 65, 66, 70

Taphians 8, 9
Tartessus 21, 26
Temesa 8
Tenedus 76
Thasus 58, 98
Thebes 41, 121
Theodosia 98
Thesprotans 9

tidings about trade 35, 36, 83
time usual for sailing 13—15
trade active and passive 3

„ in Aristotle\'s ideal state 122, 123
„ „ Plato\'s state of the Leges 102—

„ submissive attitude of the — 39
tradingships, "rumiing in" of — 71
„ size of — 60, 61
„ time used for unloading —
3

„ occasional 91
„ performing other transac-
tions 90, 91
„ safe-keeping objects of va-
lue 87

In den bloeitijd van het oude Griekenland vertoonde de handel
niet den vorm van groothandel.

Het essentieel verschil tusschen dc termen ifmogog en xdjir}Xog
moet niet in den omvang van de koopwaar gezocht worden.

Gewoonlijk wordt door de Grieksche auteurs een handelaar, ook
indien hij eigenaar van een schip is, niet met vaixXr^Qog maar met
t^oQog aangeduid. Slechts waar een handelaar als eigenaar van een
schip optreedt, wordt hij vavxXtjgog genoemd.

Met het door Josephus B. J. III, i, 3 genoemde \'.-lArfarcJe.ra is
het Egyptische Alexandria bedoeld (cf Mommsen, Röm. Gesch.

De door Wilhelm Götz (Klio 1920 p. 187 sqq.) aangehaalde in-
scriptie uit Priene maakt het niet aannemelijk dat het college der
oixo^iXaxeg ten tijde van Lysias uit drie leden bestond.

Voor het bestaan van ccn passenstclscl in Athene is in Aristo-
Dhanes (Aves 1208, cf schol, ad 1213) geenerlei aanwijzing te vinden
(cf. Boeckh, Die Staatshaushaltung der Athencr "I p. 263).

\'ÄQed re xbv fiaXtqóv, Sg vvv axaXxog aamdcoy
qpkéYEi /iE TiEQißöaxog dvitdfcüv,
naUaavxoy dgd/xij/xa vwxlaai ndxqag

Het is onwaarschijnlijk dat in het verhaal van Cleobis cn Biton
bij Herodotus (I, 31) de moeder van deze jongelingen als priesteres
van Hera bedoeld is, zooals Stein l.c. aanneemt.

De spreekwoordelijke uitdrukking „sexagenarii de pontc" is niet
ontleend aan het wegstooten van oude lieden bij verkiezingen (Momm-
sen, Röm. Staatsrecht\' II p. 408, noot 2); kan niet in verband ge-
bracht worden met de salische dansen naar aanleiding van Catullus
Cap. XVII (Th. Birt, Rhein. Mus. f. Phil. N. F. 75, i p. 115 sqq.);
maar is aan een bepaald voorval ontleend.

Het is zeer aannemelijk dat het woord ógaxn*) van Semitischen
oorsprong is cn niet in verband gebracht moet worden met het
verbum ógdoaea&at.

Ten onrechte neemt het lexicon van Gesenius (Hebr. u. Aram.
Wörterb. ü. d. Alte Testament) twee onafhankelijke stammen mr

Bii het onderwijs in de Grieksche Grammatica dienen de ver-
schiUende aoristusvormingen achtereenvolgens behandeld te worden.

Het is gewenscht bij het lezen der klassieke schrijvers op het
Gymnasium of Lyceum steeds een gedeelte cursorisch te behan-
delen.

I)	Leges 847 E.
2)	Leges 849 B.
3)	Leges 848 A.
4)	Leges 849 A.
5)	Leges 763 E.
6)	Leges 849 A.
7)	Leges 764 B.
8)	Leges 849 B.
9)	Leges 849 D.
10)	Leges 849 E.
II)	See p. 103.