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THE KENNING
IN ANGLO-SAXON AND
OLD NORSE POETRY
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BIBLIOTHEEK DER
RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT
UTRECHT.
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IN ANGLO-SAXON AND OLD NORSE POETRY
RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT TE UTRECHT
1775 9220
-ocr page 7-THE KENNING
IN ANGLO^^SAXON AND
OLD NORSE POETRY
PROEFSCHRIFT TER VERKRIJGING VAN DEN
GRAAD VAN DOCTOR IN DE LETTEREN EN
WIJSBEGEERTE AAN DE RIJKS-UNIVERSITEIT
TE UTRECHT, OP GEZAG VAN DEN RECTOR-
MAGNIFICUS, DR. A. NOORDTZIJ, HOOGLEE-
RAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER GODGELEERD-
HEID, VOLGENS BESLUIT VAN DEN SENAAT
DER UNIVERSITEIT, TEGEN DE BEDENKIN-
GEN VAN DE FACULTEIT DER LETTEREN EN
WIJSBEGEERTE TE VERDEDIGEN OP VRIJDAG
6 MEI 1927, DES NAMIDDAGS TE 4 UUR,
DOOR
GEBOREN TE VICTORIA-WEST (ZUID-AFRIKA)
n.v. dekker amp; van de vegt en j. w. van leeuwen
utrechtnbsp;1927nbsp;nijmegen.
BIBLIOTHEEK DER
RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT
.........
• ,nbsp;gt; ■ , fT^-w • • •
Vnbsp;-Tic-
\'
r «
AAN MY MOEDER
EN DIE NAGEDAGTENIS
VAN MY VADER.
«fr-nbsp;\'ivisgs;^ ■
y
Aan die einde van my akademiese studies neem ek
hierdie geleentheid te baat om my dank te betuig aan
almal wat tot my ontwikkeling bygedra het.
In die eerste plaas aan U, Hooggeleerde Promotor,
Prof. van Hamel, my hartelike dank, sowel vir U
boeiende kolleges, as vir U seer gewaardeerde leiding
by die samestelling van hierdie dissertasie. Nooit sal ek
die vriendelike belangstelling en die grote bereidwillig-
heid, waarmee U altijd U kosbare tyd vir my beskikbaar
gestel het, vergeet nie. Ook wens ek U te bedank vir
U advies in sake die taal waarin hierdie werk opgestel
is. Liewer sou ek my dissertasie in Afrikaans geskryf
het, dog na \'n onderhoud met U oor hierdie kwessie,
het ek die wenslikheid ingesien van dit in Engels te
doen; nie alleen om die aard van die onderwerp self
nie, maar ook om sodoende my werk toeganklik te
maak vir \'n breër kring van belangstellendes.
As \'n groot voorreg beskou ek dit my te kan reken
tot die getal van U studente, Hooggeleerde de Vooys.
Ek sal altyd met die grootste waardering terugdenk aan
U kolleges en persoonlike belangstelling.
Wat my uniwersitêre opleiding in Suid-Afrika betref,
spreek ek my dank uit aan die professore van die
Uniwersiteit van Stellenbosch, veral aan U, Hooggeleerde
van Niekerk, Pienaar, Smith en Bouman.
Met grote erkentlikheid maak ek hier melding van
die finansiële steun wat ek ontvang het van die Neder-
landsch Zuid-Afrikaanse Vereeniging.
Ook \'n woord van dank aan die beamptes van die
uniwersiteitsbiblioteek vir hulle bereidwillige hulp.
Ten slotte wens ek die vele huisgesinne te bedank
by wie my vrou en ek soveel gasvryheid en hartlikheid
geniet het tydens ons verblyf in Nederland. Ons stel
dit veral op prys omdat ons hierdeur in die geleentheid
gestel was om kennis te maak met die Nederlandse
gesinslewe waarvan ons die aangenaamste herinneringe
meeneem. Hoewel die vaderland ons trek, neem ons
met weemoed van U afskeid. Mag dit egter in meer as
een geval slegs \'n „tot weersiensquot; wees, wat ons U
toeroep, en ons die voorreg te beurt val om U later in
Suid-Afrika welkom te heet.
blz. VIII. r.nbsp;19.nbsp;lees studente /. p. v. studende
p. 27 1.nbsp;19.nbsp;For Christan read Christian
„ 43 1.nbsp;15.nbsp;„ Kenning read kenning
„ 47 1.nbsp;4.nbsp;„ quot;brotherquot; read quot;bridequot;
„ 54 1.nbsp;23 f. „ On the other, hand read On the other hand
„ 176 1.nbsp;12.nbsp;„ languges read languages
„ 180 1.nbsp;12.nbsp;„ far-fatched read far-fetched
-ocr page 14-CHAPTER I.
General Survey and Discussion of
Existing: Literature.
The most comprehensive work on the Anglo-Saxon
kenningar is that of Wilhelm Bode, Die Kenningar in
der AngelsäcJisischen Dichtung, Darmstadt und Leipzig,
1886.
Bode has, however, done little more than collect and
arrange the Anglo-Saxon Kenningar for fifty-four con-
ceptions. Furthermore he adds, for comparison, parallels
from Greek, Latin, Old Norse, Old Saxon, Old High
German, Modern German, Modern French and Modern
EngHsh. Giving a few examples, Bode defines the ken-
ning as quot;eine etwas entlegene, seltene Bezeichnung für
einen Begriff, für den ein allgemein gebrauchter Terminus
vorhanden ist, ein Terminus, der so nahe liegt, dass man
ihn erst umgehen muss, um zu der Kenning zu ge-
langenquot; (p. 7).
Apart from its merits and demerits, this definition
is far too general and vague to be of much value in
assisting the reader to arrive at the true nature of the
kenning. The real difficulties in connection with the
kenning are not mentioned and, still less, discussed by
Bode. When consulting his lists of kenningar one is
1
-ocr page 15-often struck by the fact that, while certain words and
phrases are omitted, others of a similar nature are in-
cluded. As no motives are advanced for this procedure,
it appears somewhat arbitrary. Previous to proceeding
with his subject. Bode must have made up his mind as
to certain requirements and conditions which every
word or phrase had to fulfil before it could be regarded
as a kenning. What these requirements or criteria are,
the reader is left to conclude for himself. And yet the
grounds on which an expression is accepted or discarded
as a kenning are as important and instructive, for a
thorough grasp of the subject, as the kenning itself.
For which reason even a brief discussion of the motives
and considerations which led and influenced him in his
choice, would have added immensely to the value of
Bode\'s work. As the matter stands at present the student
very often finds it extremely difficult, if not impossible,
to account for the presence or absence of certain words
and phrases. Thus it is difficult to see why Bode gives
b o r d as a literal word for quot;shieldquot;, but 1 i n d as
a kenning for the same; unless it is that he has been
misled by Grein who gives for bord: (1) clypetis,
and (2) tabula, thus conveying the impression that
clypeus is the literal or primary meaning of bord,
whereas it is clearly the derived meaning, the original
being tabula. Similarly Bode gives a 1 d o r as the
literal term for quot;kingquot;, but afterwards includes, as
kenningar, the phrases tSioda aldor and w e r o d e s
a I d o r in which aldor appears as the basic word.
With Meissner I hold that the basic word — the way
in which it is used and the degree in which its new or
figurative meaning differs from its literal meaning — is
of the greatest importance when deciding whether an
expression is to be regarded as a kenning or not. With
the exception of the mythological kenningar, where it is
more a case of specialization than transference of meaning,
one may say that the greater difference there is between
the literal and the figurative meaning of the basic
word, the better kenning it is.
If, therefore, a 1 d o r is a literal term for quot;kingquot;, then
there is certainly nothing figurative about the phrases
Sioda aldor and w e r o d e s aider, for which
reason they cannot be regarded as kenningar. If, on the
other hand, these phrases are retained as kenningar,
then it must be on the express condition that aldor
is accepted as a figurative term for quot;kingquot;.
In the same way Bode often makes various statements,
some of which are interesting and appear quite plausible.
Instead, however, of proceeding to discuss and illustrate
them, he remains satisfied with the bare statement
followed, perhaps, by one example. Thus on page 7
one finds the following statements: quot;Die Kenning spielt
oft die gleiche syntaktische Rolle vvie das Pronomen,
sie macht die Wiederholung desselben Wortes entbehr-
lich .... Oft wird sie von vorn herein statt des eigent-
lichen Namens gebraucht____Am liebsten steht die
Kenning als Apposition.quot; As proof of these assertions
Bode gives one example of each, which is not only
unsatisfactory as proving very little, but also misleading.
Thus the idea is conveyed, firstly, that the motives which
led to the use of the kenning were essentially the same
as those which prompted the use of the pronoun; and,
secondly, that there is no difference between kenning
and apposition. This may be so or not. As far as Bode
is concerned the reader is left to agree or differ. He never
again returns to these statements which appear im-
portant enough to warrant more attention on the part
of both the author and the reader. Before proceeding
to the Anglo-Saxon kenningar. Bode adds, by way of
comparison, kenningar from other times and languages
in order to see the Anglo-Saxon kenningar in a clearer
light, as he puts it. Whether this deviation from the
subject is justified by the results seems doubtful. Ex-
pressions like quot;chimney potquot; (top^hat), quot;a weedquot; (cigar),
quot;growlersquot; or quot;feverboxesquot; (four-wheelers), etc. seem
to me to differ notably from the Anglo-Saxon kenningar
which are noted for their serious character^).
Furthermore, in speaking of the use of such kenningar
in modern languages. Bode goes on to say: quot;Personen
von guter logischer Schulung, von sog. formaler Bildung,
Gelehrte, die nach sachgemasser und bestimmter Auf-
1) Cf. R. M. Meyer, Anzeiger für Deutsches Alterthum u.
Deutsche Literatur, XIII, p. 136. In this article he strongly
disapproves of the examples cited from other languages: quot;Die
\'ausblicke auf fremde literaturen\' erheben sich nirgend über
das wilde eintreiben jeder parallelstelle, die zum Unglück gerade
des wegs einherkommt----Schon in der einleitung, ja hier
am schlimmsten zieht Bode alles mögliche hierher, z. b. alle
euphemismen (S. 8); ebenso geschmacklos als unpassend ist
das beispiel \'da geht das heupferd gerade vorbei\' statt \'herr
so und so geht vorbei.\' — die ganze betrachtung über das wcsen
der kenningar ist recht schwach.quot;
fassung der Begriffe streben, umgehen möglichst die
uneigentHchen Benennungen, die so oft die Begriffe ver-
dunkeln, die Phantasie ablenken und manchmal schwer
an Voraussetzungen sind, wie z. B. der Seelenbräutigam
für Christus und die unbefleckte Jungfrau für Christi
Mutterquot; (p. 9). This is only true to a very limited extent.
Such expressions do not obscure the conceptions for
which they stand, nor do they distract the attention.
The context in which they are used enables us to grasp
their meaning immediately and, instead of distracting,
they draw the attention to some particular characteristic
of the person or object to which they refer.
That they originate among the illiterate or semi-
illiterate is an assertion which can only be accepted with
reservations. Thus, for some of the examples given by
Bode, especially those of a witty or bantering character,
the above statement is true. Pleasantries of this kind
have always been in favour with street-arabs and wit-
crackers. But even to mention them in the same breath
with the kenningar, as found in Anglo-Saxon poetry,
seems to point to a lack of knowledge with regard to the
true nature of the latter. The very examples, quot;der
Seelenbräutigamquot; and quot;die unbefleckte Jungfrauquot;, in-
stanced by Bode, seem to me to contradict such a view.
In my opinion it would be safer to say that such ex-
pressions may originate among literati as well as among
the illiterate, but with this difference, that they generally
show forethought and careful consideration with the
former, whereas, with the latter they are often due to
casual resemblances and circumstances. To my thinking,
Bode falls into the fallacy of applying modern standards
when gauging the value of the Anglo-Saxon kenningar
from a literary point of view. Every age has its own
demands, its likes and dislikes. These must be judged
on their own merits and the person writing about them
should be sufficiently unbiassed to prevent his personal
taste from interfering with his judgment. What the aims
and ideals of the poet w^ere, and how far he has succeeded
in realizing these ideals, are the salient questions, and
not whether he has pampered to the particular taste and
pet theories of the writer. When Ronsard says in the
preface to his Franciade: quot;Les excellens poetes nomment
peu souvent les choses par leur nom propre,quot; then Bode
calls it an abominable idea, and no doubt rightly from
a modern point of view. Yet it is easy to imagine that,
at a time when such a taste or doctrine was in vogue, the
greatest poets of their day must have contributed to it.
To criticise them adversely for doing so would be as
absurd as condemning the choir of the old Greek tragedy
on the grounds that it no longer forms an integral part
of the modern drama. Only when place, time and cir-
cumstances are taken into account, can one expext to
arrive at a true estimate of such questions.
According to Bode quot;Gefühl und Phantasiequot; are the
mainspring of kenningar and especially of those standing
for conceptions which cause a strong emotional feeling;
although he admits that, contrary to expectation, ken-
ningar prompted by the love of man for woman, are
rarely found in Anglo-Saxon. For the rest he attributes
the many Anglo-Saxon kenningar to the demands of the
quot;Stabreimquot;, i. e. the alliterative verse of Old English,
but for which, Bode considers the kenningar would have
been but one third of their present number. Continuing,
he says: quot;Die Kenningar sind zumeist Verbindungen
zweier Nomina, sei es, dass sich dieselben zu einem
zusammengesetzten Worte vereinigen, sei es, dass sie
getrennt nebeneinanderstehen, das eine vom andern
abhängig: 1 i f f r u m a, 1 i f e s f r u m a. Das erste
Glied trägt den Stab. Nun lässt sich bei diesen Kenningarn
imd allen ähnlichenWortverbindungen oft beobachten, dass
das erste Glied für die Bedeutung des Ganzen, also auch
für die Uebersetzung des Sinnes^ herzlich wenig wichtig
ist; es liegt immer der Verdacht nahe, dass dieses erste
GHed nur seines Stabreims wegen vorhanden ist.quot; Giving
some examples, Bode asks: quot;Würde man nicht einfach
e n g e 1 sagen statt heahengel, wenn der Stab
vokalisch wäre? Was ist ü p h e o f o n, ü f h i m i 1,
mehr als h e o f o n? Was «eodcyning mehr als
cyning, sö^fajdcr mehr als faeder?quot;(p. 15).
AH these expressions he regards as otiose stop-gaps,
and comes to the conclusion that modern writers give
the Germanic poet far too much credit.
That the above assertion contains a great deal of truth
cannot be gainsaid. Nevertheless, Bode goes too far,
no doubt, when he attributes such a large proportion of
kenningar to the demands of the Anglo-Saxon alliterative
verse. Although the origin of kenningar is reserved for a
later chapter, there is a side to the matter to which I
should like to draw attention here, a side which Bode
seems to have overlooked when he regarded ë o d-
c y n i n g and cyning, söSdfseder and f ae d e r
as being absolutely synonymous, putting down their sole
right of existence to their usefulness in the second hemis-
tich of the line of poetry.
From a logical point of view it may, no doubt, be
maintained that Ôëodcyning means the same as
cyning; ï5ëodcyning means quot;king of the peoplequot;
which is literally true of all kings. Since Wundt, how-ever,
the old logical way of treating languages has made place
for a more psychological attitude, and, when viewed from
the latter standpoint, it appears that no two words in a
language are absolutely synonymous. Among others,
Erdmann has drawn attention to the emotional con-
notation (Gefühlswert) of words, i. e. a word, which
originally served as a mere statement of fact, comes to
express the speaker\'s feeling with regard to the fact.
Thus, the words quot;extraordinaryquot;, quot;enormousquot; and
quot;extravagantquot; are used to show that something excites
a person\'s wonder, indignation or disapproval. The
difference between synonyms is often due to the fact
that the one has emotional sense and the other not.
Thus, when comparing the following pairs of words, one
realizes that, although synonyms, they cannot be inter-
changed in the same sentence without affecting the
sense : quot;littlequot; and quot;smallquot;, quot;greatquot; and quot;largequot;, quot;stinkquot;
and quot;stenchquot;.
Erdmann instances the words quot;Leuquot; and quot;Löwequot;,
quot;Hosequot; and quot;Beinkleidquot; : quot;Der Mangel geeigneter und
anerkannter Fachausdrücke erschwert die Ausdrucks-
weise. Es erscheint auf den ersten Blick widerspruchsvoll,
zu behaupten, dass Wörter, die ganz offenbar quot;dasselbequot;
bezeichnen, einen verschiedenen Eindruck auf den Hörer
machen, dass Wörter zwar gleichen begrifflichen Inhalt
und Umfang, aber doch verschiedene quot;Bedeutungquot;
haben. Aber die Tatsache selbst is sehr bekannt und
alltäglich. Man vergleiche z. B. die sogenannten quot;poe-
tischenquot; Ausdrücke oder quot;vocabula solemniaquot; mit den
entsprechenden des gemeinen Sprachgebrauchs, etwa
quot;Leuquot; mit quot;Löwequot;. Wollte man die Identität des
Begriffsinhalts leugnen, so müsste man objektive Merk-
male anzugeben wissen, die wohl dem Leuen zukommen,
aber nicht dem Löwen, oder umgekehrt; und wollte man
die Identität des Begriffsumfangs leugnen, so müssten
gewisse Tierexemplare aufzufinden sein, die als solche,
unabhängig von der subjektiven Auffassung und dem
Zusammenhange, in dem man sie erwähnt, wohl als
quot;Leuenquot;, aber nicht als quot;Löwenquot; bezeichnet werden
dürften----Sehen wir also von sogenannten poetischen
Wörtern ganz ab und vergleichen wir zwei andere, die der
alltäglichen Sprache angehören, etwa quot;Hosequot; und
quot;Beinkleidquot;. Keine Frage, jedes Beinkleid ist eine Hose
und jede Hose ein Beinkleid. Aber während es in gewissen
Fällen beinahe anstössig wirkt, quot;Hosequot; zu sagen, klingt
es in anderen Fällen geziert oder zu quot;modernquot;, das Wort
quot;Beinkleidquot; zu verwendenquot;
Erdmann concludes that this difference must be
Karl O. Erdmann: Die Bedeutung des Wortes*, Leipzig,
1922, p. 1031.
attributed to the fact that, in each of the above pairs of
words, the one word has an emotional colouring and the
other not. It is due to the emotional connotation of
words that a person speaking a foreign language often
brings a smile or a look of surprise to the face of the
native, as, for instance, when the South African speaks
to a Netherlander of his quot;kopquot; instead of his quot;hoofdquot;.
For the same reason, many words and expressions used
by writers of former generations strike the reader of the
present day as objectionable and even vulgar. The emo-
tional sense of a word changes much more quickly than
its notional sense, with the result, that many words are
now tabooed which could have been used with impunity
in the most refined society, one or two generations ago.
In many words the emotional sense becomes so em-
phasized that the notional sense sinks into the back-
ground. In the phrase quot;awfully goodquot; the word quot;awfulquot;
no longer means quot;inspiring awequot;, but has come to be
a mere intensive. The same tendency is to be observed
in Anglo-Saxon. Rankin has already drawn attention to
the words e o d and s i g e in compounds. Discussing
the meaning of \'S 5 o d c y n i n g, he says: quot;It is difficult
to determine to what extent 5 o d as a prefix had
faded into an intensive. (Cf. \'Seodbealu, cruciatus
ingens-GRKiti). In Old Saxon, 1 o d seems certainly to
have become an intensifier — cf. \'5 i o d g u m o.
Deodcyning then may mean here {Red. der
Seel. I, 12.) quot;the mighty kingquot;----In A. S. sige
is used in a large number of compounds, and from such
formations as sigetorht it would seem that this
word like S e o d was becoming an intensive prefix.
The same is true of s i g o r and perhaps also of
sigora (es)quot; Similarly, I cannot agree with Bode when
he regards e n g e 1 and heahengel as absolutely
synonymous. Not only is heahengel used in the
majority of cases as a designation of an archangel, but
a consideration of the following compounds also leads to
the conclusion that h e a h must be regarded as an
intensive prefix: heahboda, archangelus; h g a h-
g e s t r 5 o n, thesaurus magnificus; h e a h g e w e o r c,
opus excelsum vel utagnificum; heahgnornung,
gemitus niaximus; h e a h 1 u f u, amor prcecipuus, amor
conjugalis; h e a h s £ 1, opportunitas, prosperitas; and
heahSegen, angelus — Grein.
By no means do I wish to convey the impression that
every kenning can be accounted for in this way. The
demands of the alliterative verse are undoubtedly res-
ponsible for the existence of a good many kenningar and
other compounds. On the other hand, I do not consider
that Bode is justified in making such a sweeping state-
ment without sufficient proof, and the few examples
given bj\'^ him in support of his assertion cannot be
considered as convincing. Granted that he did make a
proper study of this side of the question, and that his
investigations led him to the above conclusion, then,
surely, the reader is entitled to know along which lines
he has arrived at such a result. Such a conclusion can
J. W. Rankin, A Study of the Kcnnings in Anglo-Saxon
Poeirv (The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, VIII,
p. 404 ff.
only be based on a thorough and systematic study of the
kenning and the context in which it appears. Thus, taking
tS e o d c y n i n g as an example, the question to be
answered is whether this compound has been used for
the tyrannical, avaricious and petty king or for the kind,
liberal and powerful monarch, in other words, whether
the poet has shown any preference for certain words and
compounds under certain circumstances. Such and similar
questions must first be settled before any conclusions
can be drawn with regard to the part played by the
alliterative verse in connection with the origin and the
use of the kenningar.
To some extent this has been done by Richard Kisten-
macher, Die Wörtlichen Wiederholungen im Beowulf,
Greifswald dissert. 1898. He considers that the motives
which led to the repeated use of the same word or phrase
by the Anglo-Saxon poet are in many cases the same as
those which prompted the use of the kenningar (p. 28).
His conclusions are accordingly also applicable to the
kenningar. Incidentally it may be observed that Kisten-
macher\'s remarks and conclusions refer only to the use
of words and not to their origin. He points out (p. 8)
that the many synonyms in A. S. (cf. K. Schemann, Die
Synonyma im Beowtdfliede, Münster dissert. 1882, A. Ban-
ning, Die Verbalen Synonyma im Beowulf^ Marburg
dissert. 1886, G. Sonnefeld, Stilistisches und Wortschatz
im Beowulf, Strassburg dissert. 1892) made it easy for
the poet to use constantly new words for the same
conception. Such a view contains a fallacy in that it
conveys the erroneous impression that the great number
of synonyms in Anglo-Saxon led to their use on the part
of the poet, whereas it is more likely that a great many
of them are indebted for their existence to the require-
ments of the poet. In short, they are not used because
of their existence, but exist because of their use.
Returning to his subject proper, Kistenmacher
finds (p. 17) that the poet repeats himself intentionally:
I. quot;An Stellen, die besonders ins Ohr fallen:
a)nbsp;Anaphora,
b)nbsp;Epiphora;
II. um dadurch recht eindrucksvoll auf die Wichtig-
keit einer Sache hinzuweisen.quot;
The anaphora is used, firstly, for rhetorical purposes
(p. 24), cf. Beo. 2107 ff., Christ 668 ff.. Wand. 92 ff..
El. 131 ff.; secondly, to introduce a new movement,
with the object of drawing the attention of the reader to
its importance, cf. Beo. 702—710—720, El. 21—27—35,
Jud. 200—212—227.
According to Kistenmacher, the epiphora serves the
same purpose as the anaphora. Like the latter it is used
by the poet for rhetorical emphasis: quot;Es ist ein Zeichen
bewusster Technik des Dichters, wenn ein Wort an der
Stelle aufgenommen wird, die besonders stark ins Gehör
fällt, und hierher gehört der Schluss eines Verses, wo,
durch die natürliche Pause, die beim Recitieren sich
ergiebt, das betreffende Wort bedeutsam hervorgehoben
wird und dadurch dem Gedächtnis des Hörers sich um
so mehr einprägtquot; (p. 26). This view of Kistenmacher
seems to be borne out by the significant fact that, whereas,
of all the anaphora\'s in the Beowulf, not one is a kenning.
several of the epiphora\'s are also kenningar. Cf. 11.
1967 b—1972 b, 2330 b—2388 b, 2611b—2628 b. That
the kenning, in the above instances, appears in the most
important part of the line, seems to point to the fact
that, like the epiphora, it is often used as a rhetorical
ornament
Furthermore, Kistenmacher points out (p. 30) that
a number of instances goes to show that synonyms are
often made use of as a stylistic device for drawing the
attention of the reader to some feature which the poet
particularly wishes to emphasize. Thus the danger
involved by a fight against Grendel\'s Mother, is im-
pressed on the reader\'s mind by a description of her
dwelling :
(1. 1357 b)nbsp;Hie dygel lond
warigea«, wulfhleo^u,nbsp;windige nœssas,
frëcne fengelâd.
(I. 1377 b)nbsp;Eard gît ne const,
frëcne stowe.
That the poet did not choose his words for purposes of
alliteration only is shown, among others, by the use
of sinces brytta and goldwine gumena
(11. 1170—\'71). Briefly stated, the situation is as follows:
Compare furthermore W. J. Sedgefield, Beowulf, Man-
chester 1910, 2nd edn. 1913, Introduction p. XXIII: quot;In the
0. E. alliterating verse the repetition of the same idea in varying
phraseology is partly due to the metrical structure by which
a fresh advance or \'movement\' frequently begins with the
second half of the line, the idea being expanded or echoed in the
first half of tlie following line.quot; etc.
After the defeat of Grendel and the viewing of his arm,
Heorot is set in order. The company gathers and the
scop relates his stories. At the close of his narrative
queen WealhÖeow approaches and, while handing the
cup to king Hröögär, addresses him:
\'Onföh Öissum fülle, freodrihten min,
sinces brj\'tta; t5ü on sälum wes,
goldwine gumena, ond to Geatum sprasc
mildum wordum; swä sceal mon don.
B€o wit5 Geatas glsed, geofona gemyndig
nean ond feorran (Öe) Öü nü hafast.\'
(11. 1169—\'74).
Now, here again, it may be argued that the poet used
sinces brytta and goldwine gumena
purely for the sake of the alliteration. On the other hand
a careful consideration of the above lines shows that
these expressions could hardly have been chosen better.
The queen wishes to appeal to the king\'s liberality and
does so in a most skilful way. Instead of immediately
coming to the point, she begins by calling him the
quot;dispenser of treasurequot;, and the quot;gold-friend of menquot;,
thus preparing the way for her request by gradually
leading up to it. As a sinces brytta and a gold-
wine gumena he could hardly have refused to be
geofona gemyndig. In fact, the most astute
supplicant could scarcely have set about his object in a
more circumspect way. Similarly, the use of sinces
brytta (1. 1922) can be explained by paying due
attention to the context. The poet\'s mind is so much
occupied by the treasures brought home by Beowulf,
that it follows as a most natural thing for him to speak
of king Hygeläc in terms of that treasure:
Hët tSä üp heran aeöelinga gestrêon,
fraetwe ond fsltgold; naes him feor Öanon
tö gesëcanne sinces bryttan. (11. 1920—1923).
The above examples could easily be multiplied but,
for the present, these must suffice to show that there
are also other ways of accounting for the use of such
words than that of putting down their existence solely
to merely formal requirements of the Anglo-Saxon verse,
as Bode is inclined to do
After having written the previous remarks I was naturally
pleased to see that A. Brandl, in his review of Bode\'s book
in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1887, p. 898, comes to a some-
what similar conclusion. Having pointed out that Bode has
not distinguished between the kenning and the metaphor — a
distinction which I believe to be impossible — Brandl continues:
quot;Ein anderes principielles Bedenken kann man erheben, wenn
B. die Hauptaufgabe der Kenningar nur darin sieht, dass sie
quot;zum Flicken, zur Ausfüllung der zweiten Halbzeile, zum
Weiterkommen dienenquot; (p. 14). In der älteren Zeit wenigstens
hatten sie doch eine tiefere Existenzberechtigung, in dem
Streben nemlich, als Träger der stark markierten Assonanzen
auch möglichst markante Ausdrücke neben einander zu drängen.
Wie rasch verschwanden die Kenningar im 13 Jh., trotz viel-
facher Flicknot, als der Stabreim dem Endreim wich! Ueber-
haupt is B. geneigt, die Nachdrücklichkeit jener altgermanischen
Dichter, welche sich mit einschärfenden Widerholungen und
Paraphrasen kaum je genug tun konnten, zu rationalistisch zu
betrachten. Er sieht in Zusammensetzungen wie Öcodcyning,
söÖfaider, upheofon nichts als quot;Lückenstopferei und
hohlen Wortkram.quot; Müsten wir uns demnach nicht auch Formeln
wie quot;steinreichquot; und quot;stockblindquot; als bombastische Pleonasmen
abgewöhnen? Gar so kunstlos sind jene Epiker des 7. und 8. Jhs.
in ihrer Art doch nicht gewesen, dass man sie für unwürdig
erklären müste, quot;den Grössen späterer Zeiten den Schuhriemen
zu lösenquot; (p. 15).
Having accounted for two-thirds of the kenningar in
this way, Bode, for the remainder, attributes the origin
and the use of the kenningar to the phantasy of the
poet and his desire to express a conception as vividly
as possible: quot;Es ist für den Menschen ein Bedürfnis und
eine Freude, seine Kräfte gebrauchen, sich nach allen
Seiten hin ausleben zu können. Namentlich schafft es
ihm Vergnügen, wenn in guten Stunden diejenigen
Vermögen thätig werden, die gewöhnlich bei den nötigen
Beschäftigungen des Alltagslebens und aus Mangel an
Anregung in den Hintergrund treten. Zu diesen Vermögen
gehört besonders die Phantasie, zu den Mitteln, die
Phantasie zu lebendiger Thätigkeit zu veranlassen, die
Benennung der Begriffe durch Kenningarquot; i).
Thus, according to Bode, the kenning serves the same
end as the quot;Epitheton ornansquot;. The Anglo-Saxon poetry
is rich in kenningar, but poor in well-chosen, stirring ad-
jectives, differing in this respect from the Homeric poems
which contain few kenningar but many beautiful and
embellishing adjectives. Both adjective and kenning
serve the same purpose as the pars pro toto or synecdoche,
i. e. they emphasize a particular characteristic, function
or part of a conception and, by thus narrowing the
meaning of a word, make it the more striking and com-
prehensible. The kenning therefore. Bode concludes,
differs from the general word in respect of the fact that,
whereas the former is one-sided, the latter is compre-
hensive. This last remark is erroneous and misleading.
Bode, p. 15 f.
-ocr page 31-The kenning is as comprehensive in meaning as the Hteral
word itself. In fact, if this had not been the case, one
would not have been justified in regarding it as a kenning.
This is best explained by means of an example such as
garberend. As long as this word could be used only
for a spear-bearer, it was no kenning. It became such
only after it could be employed to signify the warrior
in general, whether spear-beafing or not; in other words,
after it had come to be as comprehensive as the word
quot;warfiorquot; itself. As far as its origin is concerned, the
kenning may be one-sided — so is the literal word — but
not from the point of view of its meaning and application.
Bode now proceeds to group the Anglo-Saxon
kenningar according to their nature. His five groups
may be shortly summarized as follows:
I. quot;Malende Kenningarquot;, i. e. those describing colour
and form: se blaca feond Devil, s e
deopa sea^5 Hell.
II. quot;Festhaltende Kenningarquot;, i. e. those based on tem-
poral and spatial relations: healsgebedda
Wife, goldes brytta king, lindhaebbend
warrior.
III. The quot;durch Vergleichung malende Kenningarquot;,
i. e. metaphorical kenningar, with the following
five subdivisions:
(a)nbsp;Comparison of living persons and animals
with each other: se steora God, s e
a w y r g d a w u I f Salan.
(b)nbsp;Comparison of living beings with things
inanimate: quot;5 je t Gee 1 G o h t God.
(c)nbsp;Comparison of inanimate things with living
beings : g û \'S w i n e sword, s u n d h e n-
g e s t ship.
(d)nbsp;Inanimate things compared with each other:
hwaeles ëSel sea, m e r e h û s ship.
(e)nbsp;Comparison of abstract with concrete nouns:
w i g a w ae 1 g i f r e Death.
IV.nbsp;quot;Definierende Kenningarquot; i. e. those defining the
nature and use of things : wœgdropa tears,
fingra gebeorh shield.
V.nbsp;quot;Episodische Kenningarquot;, i. e. those based on
side-issues and which, because of their highly
imaginative character, strike the reader as arti-
ficial and affected : Wëlandes geweorc,
fêla 1 â f sivord, 1 â m f œ t human body.
Whatever other value they may possess, these divisions
and subdivisions, based for the greater part on the tropes
of the old scholastic school, are not of much use in
enabling the reader to gain a better insight into the nature
and form of the kenning. The denominations metonymy,
synecdoche, metaphor etc. are nothing more than so
many labels for certain words or groups of words; they
name certain linguistic phenomena but do not explain
them. Furthermore, language, as a product of the human
mind, is, like the latter, far too complicated and subtle
to admit of such a division. To a certain extent this
difficulty has been realized by fioDE. He admits that
many of the above examples may fit into more than one
group, which is indeed the case. Thus I â m f îp t, where
the poet conceives of the human body as quot;a vessel of
clayquot;, is as much a metaphor as such expressions as
sundhengest and m e r e h u s where a ship is
thought of as a quot;steedquot; and a quot;housequot;, in other words,
the one is as much a comparison as the other.
Bode does not tell us what his object was in making
the above divisions. As he makes no further use of these
groups the reader is forced to the conclusion that Bode
regarded them as an end in themselves and not as the
means to an end. To my thinking, however, the only
value of these groups lies in their use for comparison.
Thus it will be seen that the last group, or episodic
kenningar, are much more strongly represented in Old
Norse than in Anglo-Saxon poetry.
This leads directly to another and much disputed
question in connection with the subject, the question,
namely, of how to account for the scarcity of simile and
metaphor in Anglo-Saxon poetry as compared with the
frequent use of these tropes in the Edda.
One of the first who attempted to explain this apparent
inconsistency in the two languages was R. Heinzel^).
He ascribes the limited use of figurative language,
notably of the simile, in the oldest English poetry to the
influence of Christianity and Romanism. His investigation
leads him to the conclusion that all rhetorical forms,
such as apposition, variation, simile and sensual expres-
sion were common to all Germanic poetry before the
Ueber den Slil der AUgernianischen Poesie, Quellen und
Forschungen X, Strassburg, 1875.
split into East- and West-Germanic. On the basis of this
hypothesis Heinzel concludes that the West-Germans,
especially the Anglo-Saxons and the High Germans, have,
since their separation from the parent stock, not only
given up the strophic form but also lost materially the
use of the simile and sensual expression (p. 49). Old
Norse, with its bold use of simile and metaphor, thus
represents an older stage than Anglo-Saxon. The loss of
these, in the latter language, Heinzel regards as a
quot;concession to a foreign culturequot; (p. 25). He considers,
namely, that the introduction and the spread of Chris-
tianity resulted in an quot;Erweichung des Gemiithesquot;, in a
tempering of the quot;Wuth der Leidenschaftquot; and the
quot;Wahnsinn der Kampflustquot; (p. 51). These softening
influences, says Heinzel, brought about the loss of the
simile.
Gummere^) refutes Heinzel\'s arguments on the fol-
lowing grounds:
1.nbsp;Heinzel\'s theory can only be maintained on the
assumption that Anglo-Saxon poetry found itself in a
period of decline at the time when it came into contact
with Romanism and Christianity. Such a view is however
impossible in view of the fact that Anglo-Saxon poetry
has all along testified to a strong national spirit. quot;Only
gradually did it borrow from its modelsquot; (p. 4).
2.nbsp;The Bible contains a great many similes and alle-
gories — Gummere regards the allegory as a simile, with
F. Gummere, The Anglo-Saxon Metaphor, Freibure dissert..
Halle, 1881.
the quot;likequot; repressed. Its influence could accordingly not
have been detrimental to the use and the development
of the simile.
3. Finally, Gummere contends that Heinzel is not
justified in regarding the simile as being originally
common to all Germanic poetry, simply because he
found it in the Vedas as well as in Old Norse. For, as
Heinzel himself remarks (p. 3), quot;it is quite possible for
similar processes to take place in separated nations,
without assuming a common germ before the^\'- parted com-
panyquot;. In contradistinction to Heinzel\'s theory, Gummere
regards the simile as a development which took place
after the break-up of Indo-Germanic into its various
branches. He now proceeds to give his own theory
(p. 9—10): quot;The absence of similes in A. S. is explained
by the fact that they require a certain balance and self-
containedness; the poet must pause in his narrative
proper, make a comparison, and point out its details ....
The passionate nature of the Germanic race is thoroughly
opposed to the use and development of the simile. The
lack of the latter in A. S. is entirely natural, and explains
itself: while the presence of the simile in Old Norse is an
inconsistency that must be cleared with special reference
to locality and the peculiar circumstances of Norse
literaturequot; i).
The weakness of Gummere\'s theory becomes clear
This theory of Gummere is hy no means new. The same
views had been advanced some four years before bv B. ten
Brink. Cf. his Geschichte der englischen Litteraiur, 2nd edn.,
Strassburg, 1899, I, 24 ff.
when viewed in the light of his concluding remarks about
Norse literature. Not only do such generalities serve no
purpose, but, in addition, it is by no means clear what
Gummere exactly means by a quot;special reference to
locality and the peculiar circumstances of Norse litera-
turequot;. Considering furthermore, that Old Norse, in spite
of its passionate nature, contains a comparatively large
number of similes, it becomes extremely doubtful whether
Gummere could have accounted for this quot;inconsistencyquot;,
even with a quot;special referencequot;, etc. This doubt has
indeed been raised by A. Hoffmann He agrees with
Gummere in admitting that the passionate nature of the
Germanic races is not conducive to an extensive use of
the simile. On the other hand he considers that the
former drives his theory too far when he altogether
excludes the possibility of the use of the simile by the
Germanic poet. Hoffmann considers that the solution
to this problem should be sought for in another direction,
namely in the difference between the styles of Old Norse
and Anglo-Saxon poetry. If Gummere had made a study
of the poetic styles of these respective languages, he
could not have failed to notice that certain conditions,
necessary for the use and the development of the simile,
were almost completely lacking in Anglo-Saxon poetry.
Hoffmann now proceeds to make a study of these
conditions, and, on comparing the style of the Beowulf
with that of the Edda, he comes to the conclusion that
Der bildliche Ausdruck im Deowulj u. in der Edda, Englische
Studien. VI, 163 ff.
in the case of the former the poet is dominated by his
feeling, whereas, in that of the latter he is swayed by his
imagination. According to Hoffmann, this difference of
style also accounts for the difference in the use of the
simile and the kenning in these two languages. Thus,
while the use of these figures was prevented by the
Anglo-Saxon poet\'s feeling, it was furthered by the
Old Norse poet\'s imagination. Highly interesting as it
may be, I can regard neither this theory nor the argu-
ments used in support of it as convincing. Hoffmann
seems to me to have adopted the objectionable method
of first forming a theory and then searching for facts
with which to support that theory. Such a method must
necessarily lead to one-sidedness, for, instead of making
the theory conform to the facts, the latter are contorted
to suit the former.
Firstly, Hoffmann maintains that the lack of the
simile in Anglo-Saxon must be attributed to the poet\'s
passionate nature which manifests itself in his feeling.
Secondly, he tells the reader that the temperament of the
Norse poet is even more passionate than that of his
Anglo-Saxon brother. But, as this very passionate nature
of the Norse poet is as detrimental to Hoffmann\'s theory
as to the use and development of the simile, he prefers
to ignore it completely. Instead, he assumes a new
influence, namely, the imagination of the poet. It hardly
needs to be pointed out that by such a method it would
be possible to prove almost anything. Such a way of
reasoning is expecting too much of the reader\'s credulity.
First the poet\'s temperament is used to explain the
absence of a certain linguistic feature; the very next
moment, when the presence of that feature is to be
accounted for, the reader is expected to forget all about
this temperament. The reader becomes still more sceptical
when, a few pages further (p. 198), he comes upon the
following conflicting statement: quot;Das gleichniss in der
Edda wird in der regel dann gebraucht wenn der dichter
die gefühle^) seiner helden recht stark zum ausdrucke
bringen will. Hiernach bestimmt sich auch der Charakter
desselben. Schmähend, klagend, lobpreisend oder spot-
tend, immer verräth es eine gehobene, leidenschaftlich
erregte Stimmung\'\'\'\' Hei^ thus the presence of the simile
in Old Norse is explained by the very same argument
which was used to account for its absence in Anglo-
Saxon, namely, quot;das Gefühlquot;. Comment is needless.
The weakness of Hoffmann\'s theory appears to me to
lie in his attempt to distinguish between feeling and
imagination. This distinction is impossible, since it is
impossible to keep the two apart. The highly emotional
person is, as a rule, also highly imaginative and vice
versa. It is therefore a mere juggling with words to
ascribe a thing now to the imagination and then again
to the feeling or the emotion of the poet. Furthermore,
the assertion, that imagination is a particular trait of the
Old Norse mentality, seems to me to rest on as shaky
a foundation as that of Gummere who regards its pas-
sionate nature as the distinguishing characteristic of the
Germanic race. It has never been satisfactorily explained
The italics are mine.
-ocr page 39-why this race should have a monopoly in this respect.
And, when one finds the same claim advanced on behalf
of the Romanic race, one is seriously inclined to consider
the question whether, perhaps, this theory has not even
a better claim than the simile to be regarded as a product
of the imagination. Undoubtedly, the nature of the
Old Norse poets, as revealed in the Edda, is passionate.
But that is not because they belong to the Germanic race,
but because they are members of the human race. Primi-
tive Man is passionate, and, if different races or tribes
of the same race differ in this respect, it must be due to
some influence or other w^hich, from time to time, has
been brought to bear upon them. Such an influence might,
according to its nature, either have given utterance to
this common trait or have relegated it to the background.
For this reason I inchne towards Heinzel\'s view, and
consider that the scarcity of figurative language in Anglo-
Saxon, in contradistinction to its lavish use in Old Norse,
must, to some extent, be attributed to the influence of
Romanism and Christianity. These were the influences
which tempered the passionate nature and, as a result,
the imagination of the Anglo-Saxon poet. In spite of
Gummere\'s assertions to the contrary, I believe that the
Anglo-Saxon race and language did undergo a decided
influence as a result of their contact with Romanism and
Christianity. A new religion has seldom, if ever, been
accepted more rapidly and whole-heartedly than Chris-
tianity in Saxon England. Since the time of Agricola
Britain ha? formed a part of the Roman Empire. During
the time of his stay in Britain, he not only subdued the
whole country with the exception of the highlands of
Caledonia, but, through his wise administration, he
succeeded in introducing among the inhabitants the
language and civilisation of Rome. Towards the end of
the 4th century, the Germanic tribes began to make
their appearance in Britain. At the beginning of the 5th
century they suffered a temporär}^ check, but when Rome,
pressed by the Goths, withdrew her legions, the Celtic
inhabitants of Britain were practically at the mercy of
the foreign invaders. Although they put up a strong
resistance they could not stem the tide of the invasion.
By the end of the 6th century, the greater part of the
western half of the country, up to the Firth of Forth,
was in the possession of the Germanic conquerors. At
this time a new influence appeared in the form of Chris-
tianity. Roman missionaries came to England, and their
activities were attended by so much success, that by the
end of the seventh century England could be regarded
jU as the most Christfan country in northern Europe. From the
very beginning, the missionaries insisted upon strict disci-
pline. On the other hand, they were wise enough to avoid
unnecessary collision with the existing state of affairs
in the country. As far as possible, they made the new
religion conform to the old order. Native customs and
national institutions were interfered with as little as
possible. Although the mission emanated from Rome and
was carried out under the auspices of the Roman Church,
the English Church was allowed to retain a large measure
of independence and to develop along national lines. The
success of the mission must, accordingly, to a large
extent be attributed to this wise conduct and skilful
administration of those to whom it was entrusted. The
zeal and activity of the people on behalf of their new
faith go to show that the seeds of the new religion had
indeed fallen into fruitfulsoil. \'Missionary work was under-
taken, churches were built, while monasteries and con-
vents arose one after another. In connection with the
latter, libraries were founded and continually enlarged,
so that, as time went on, thèse monasteries and convents
became centres of culture and learning and, for the
protecting walls of which, even kings and princesses
abandoned the outer world in order to lead a life of
seclusion, of study and of meditation. Anglo-Saxon
poetry reflects this spirit and attitude towards the world
practically from beginning to end. The Beowulf, heathe-
nish as it appears in parts, reflects this. Originating at
such an early date, this poem reveals, more than any
other, a certain dualism. The poet seems to be continually
swayed between his admiration for the heroic and the
teachings of Christianity. In his exhaustive investigation
F. Klaeber has, in my opinion, completely disproved
the old theory that this poem is the work of a heathen
poet and that it once existed as a whole without the
Christian allusions. Klaeber regards the material as
mythical and heathen, but clarified by natural filtration
through the Christian mind of the poet. In this attempt
to conciliate his conscience by giving a Christian colouring
Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, Anglia XXXV
1912, 111 ff.. 249 ff., 453 ff.
to heathenish material, the Anglo-Saxon poet does not
stand alone. The early Christian literature of several
languages contains examples of this kind. Thus the poet
still takes an almost childish delight in relating the
heroic exploits of Beowulf and other champions, but in
the very midst of his narrative he is, as it were, pulled up
by the thought: Man is mortal, quot;the paths of glory lead
but to the grave.quot; Thus, when Beowulf sets out on his
adventures, the reader gains the impression that it is to
his own exceptional strength and to the quality of his own
arms and armour that the hero trusts, rather than to the
aid and protection of God. For, although he is thoroughly
convinced of the virtue and the justice of his cause, he
never thinks of appealing to the heavenly Father for
assistance in the coming strife. Only after the issue has
been settled does it strike the poet that, in the tumult
and excitement of the fight, he has forgotten to give
honour where honour is due. Then, as if to make up for
his negligence and worldliness, he commences praising
God as the 11 f f r 6 a and manna gehyld, the
Lord and Protector of life. Cf. Beo. 11. 928 ff., 1626 ff.,
1778 ff., 1997 ff., 2794 ff.
As time went on, the Christian attitude of the poet
to his subject-matter became more marked. Words and
phrases, founded on heathen conceptions, became scarcer
and went out of use. Such a process would account for
the comparative scarcity of mythological kenningar in
the language. The Anglo-Saxons must have brought with
them to England a big stock of myths and beliefs. Of
these, several traces are to be found in the literature in
the form of allusions, but these are so vague and meaning-
less that they may be regarded as the last link in the
chain which bound these people to their ancestral home
on the Continent: the belief in the divine origin of their
kings, the boar-image on their helmets, cremation, the
vendetta, such words and phrases as hell, m i d-
dangeard, eotenas, eotenas ond ylfe,
ealdsweord eotenisc, gealdre bewun-
d e n and Welandes geweorc — these and
similar expressions, the origin of many of which was in
all probability obscure to the Anglo-Saxon poet, are
dbout the only remnants of the beliefs of their Continental
forefathers. That Christianity played an important part
in connection with this, seems to me to be beyond doubt.
It hardly needs pointing out that the missionaries would
have done their utmost to suppress anything that flavou-
red of paganism. In this way existing words and phrases
of a mythological character were not only lost but many
of a similar nature were probably also prevented from
coming into general use. The sober tone and the subjective
attitude of the Anglo-Saxon poet must probably be
attributed to the same influence. He had as much imagi-
nation as the Old Norse poet but, unlike the latter, he
was prevented from giving free scope to that imagination.
His world was no longer inhabited by gods and other
supernatural beings revealing themselves as friendly or
hostile forces. That such monsters appear in the Beowulf
does not affect or detract from the truth of my remarks.
Grendel, Grendel\'s Mother and the Dragon are of
course not of the poet\'s own creation. They reflect a
much older stage. But even these are described in such
a vague and general way that it may be queried whether
the poet himself had a clear idea of the exact nature and
appearance of these monsters. Similarly, the way in
which other and lesser monsters are mentioned and
introduced by the poet, seems to point to the conclusion
that the Beowidf reveals the old mythology in its last
struggle for existence against the new faith. The spirit
of this new faith shows itself also in another respect.
The hero, Beowulf, is not represented as blood-thirsty.
However tempting it may be, fighting is not indulged in
for its own sake. Beowulf does not kill for the mere
pleasure of killing. In each of the three instances in the
poem, he champions the cause of the weak and the
oppressed. This subjective attitude of the poet could not
have been conducive to the development of a style
abounding in metaphors and similes. It curbed the
imagination and prevented the poet from completely
identifying himself with his subject. The self-control of
the Anglo-Saxon poet contrasts strongly with the wild
abandonment of the Old Norse poet. Of a nature corres-
pondingly wild as that of his natural surroundings, the
latter continued to regard fighting, feasting and drinking
as the noblest and most attractive of pastimes. Even the
idea of death could not stop the wild play of his imagi-
nation. Beyond the grave Valhgll was awaiting the
brave warrior. Here he would ride forth to battle everjr
morning, returning in the evening to be tended by the
Valkyrjur, and to eat and drink of a never-failing
supply of meat and mead. Such was the spirit that
animated the Old Norse poet. In his case there was
nothing to temper the passion and curb the imagination.
The result was a language daring in the extreme, wild,
fantastical and even bizarre, but rich in simile and
metaphor, and distinguished for its picturesqueness and
vividness of presentation.
Summing up, my views may be briefly stated as
follows: The passionate nature is common to all mankind.
If it appears to be less characteristic of one race than of
another, it must be due to the presence or absence of
some exterior influences, which, according to their nature,
may either calm or fan this nature. Furthermore, this
passionate nature is not averse to the use and development
of the simile and the metaphor. On the contrary, daily
experience goes to show that the inadequacy of language
is never felt more strongly than when a person is labouring
under strong emotion. Then, more than at any other
time, he feels the need of new words, combinations and
phrases in order to give vent to his feeling. That Old
Norse, with its passionate nature, developed the use of
the simile and the metaphor is, therefore, not an in-
consistency, as Gummere thinks. It is quite natural nnd
only what was toibe expected under the circumstances.
Anglo-Saxon would have developed these figures to the
same extent if it had not been for the presence of exterior
influences. One of these influences — for the possibility
of more than one is not excluded — is that of Romanism
and Christianity. The subjectivity and moral serious-
ness of Anglo-Saxon poetry, in contradistinction to the
objectivity and the sensuousness of Old Norse poetry,
must be due to this influence, which tempered the
passionate nature and the imagination of the poet,
affected his interests and changed his moral outlook on
life. The result is a language distinguished for its sober
tone and style and its scarcity of simile and metaphor,
in contradistinction to the lavish use of these figures
in Old Norse.
CHAPTER n.
The Kenning. — Its Scope and Meaning.
Although generally agreed as to the meaning of the
term kenning, most writers differ more or less in
their application of the word. While some use it in a very
limited sense, others go to the opposite extreme, and
regard as kenningar all words and phrases used in a
figurative sense.
As no definition, no matter how well formulated it
may be, will cover all cases, I shall refrain from attempting
to define the term kenning. Such a definition would
have to take into account both the meaning and the
scope of the term. The first may be comparatively simple,
but the latter hardly admits of being condensed into a
single sentence.
Besides, therefore, giving a general characterization
of the kenning and its meaning, I shall devote this
chapter chiefly to a consideration of questions and
difficulties which arise when one comes to consider the
field of application.
Although it is not my intention to give a chronological
resumé of what has been written in connection with the
subject, a brief consideration of Snorri\'s views, as given
in the Snorra Edda, will nevertheless be both interesting
and instructive. In his discussion of poetic style, he
considers diction and metre as the distinguishing features
of all poetry:
quot;hversu m^rg eru kyn skaldskaparins — tvenn
quot;eru kyn pau, er greina skéldskap allan — hver
quot;tvenn — mal ok haettir.quot; Sn. E. I. 230.
With regard to diction, Snorri confines himself almost
exclusively to the substantive and the ways by means
of which it may be expressed in the sentence:
quot;hvert maltak er haft til skóldskapar — J)renn
quot;er grein skaldskaparmals: 1. sva at nefna
quot;hvern lut sem heitirquot; or ukend setning
as he calls it later: quot;hvernig er ukend setning
quot;skaldskapar — sva at nefna hvern lut sem
quot;heitir.quot; Sn. E. I. 230.
This first group, therefore, includes all nouns or expres-
sions used in their ordinary, literal sense.
2.nbsp;quot;gnnur grein er sü, er heita fornQfnquot;.
Another name for this class is ü k e n n t h e i t i:
quot;hver eru ükend heiti skdidskaparins — hann
quot;heitir bragr ok hróör, ótJr, maerör, lof.quot; Sn. E.
I. 464.
Instead of f o r n 9 f n or ü k e n n t heiti, Snorri
very often simply uses the words n 9 f n or heiti:
quot;hvernig eru ngfn goSdanna — t)au heita
quot;bgnd, . . . hgpt, . . . Rggn, . . . Jólnar, . . .
quot;Dlar. pes.si ngfn himins eru rituS, en eigi
quot;hgfum vér fundit 1\' kvjEÖum gil [^essi heitiquot;
Sn. E. I. 468.
3.nbsp;quot;en iii mdlsgrein or kgllut er kenning, ok
-ocr page 49-er sü grein sva sett, at vér kQllum ÓÖin eöa
pór eöa Tf, eöa einhvern af Asum etSa Alfum,
at hverr peirra er ek nefni til, pé tek ek
mei5 heiti af eign annars Assins, et5a get ek
hans verka nokkvorra; pa eignast hann nafnit,
en eigi hinn er nefndr var. Sva sem vér
kalium sig-T}\'\'^, eÖa hanga-Ty, e^Sa farma-Ty:
pat er Jia ÓÖins heiti, ok kgllum vér pat
kennt heiti; sva ok at kalla reiÖar-Ty.quot;
Sn. E. I, 230.
The ükend setning of group 1 offers no diffi-
culty. It is when one comes to consider groups 2 and 3
that matters become somewhat complicated; a discussion
of Snorri\'s view of the subject will accordingly confine
itself chiefly to his second and third groups.
The first difficulty that presents itself in connection
with these is Snorri\'s nomenclature. For group 2 he uses
the terms forngfn, ü kennt heiti, ngfn and
heiti; for group 3 kenning, heiti and kennt
heiti. Though, therefore, groups 2 and 3 are generally
designated by the terms heiti and kenning, it
appears from the above that the heiti may also
include the kenning (cf. Ó «i n s heiti). This,
if not borne in mind, may lead to serious misapprehension
on the part of the reader consulting the Snorra Edda.
In the majority of cases this risk may be obviated by a
careful consideration of the context, from which it will
be possible to determine whether Snorri is discussing the
heiti of group 2 or the kenning of group 3.
From a study of the examples given by Snorri, as well
-ocr page 50-as of those places where he expresses his views on the
subject, the following conclusions may be drawn: In
contrast with the kenningar, the heiti of class 2 have a
very simple structure; usually they consist of either a
noun, or of an adjective or .a participle used as a noun.
The kenning, on the other hand, Snorri regards as a
periphrastic expression consisting of at least two words,
either as a compound or as two or more separate words:
quot;kenningar eru metJ lirennu moti greindar:
quot;fyrst heita kenningar, annat tvikennt, tiri\'Sja
quot;rekit. pat er kenning at kalla flein-brak
quot;orrostu, en l^at er tvikennt at kalla flein-
quot;braks-fiir svertSit, en er rekit ef lengra er.quot;
Sn. E. I, 600.
Meissner^) furthermore points out that the heiti
are to be found in poetry only, in which respect
they will therefore differ from the likend setning.
Although the above seems to be Snorri\'s conception of
heiti and kenningar, a study of the examples given by
him under the respective headings nevertheless leads
one to the conclusion that the difference between heiti
and kenning is not always very strictly observed by
Snorri. As heiti or n g f n for s 6 1 and t u n g 1
he gives: s u n n a, r g ^ u 1 1, e y g 1 6 a, a 1 s k i r,
s n i, f a g r a h v d 1, I i k n s k i n, D v a 1 i n s 1 e i k a,
alfrgtSull, ifrgCulI and m u 1 i n n. Several
of these such as D v a 1 i n s 1 e i k a and ji 1 f r 9 u 11
R. Meissner, Die Kenningar der Skalden, Bonn und Leipzie,
1921. p. 1.
are kenningar, even if one takes the term kenning
in a very hmited sense. In spite of the fact that this
distinction between heiti and kenning has been made
by most writers on the subject, a study of the examples,
usually given for each of these, has led me to the con-
clusion that such a distinction is not only of a very
arbitrary nature, but also misleading and unnecessary,
as it serves no purpose.
Fundamental^ there is no difference between the
kenning and the heiti. In the remainder of this chapter I
shall have occasion to return to a fuller discussion of this
assertion, when the arguments, which are advanced in
support of it, will be substantiated and illustrated by
means of examples. In the meantime the question may
be mooted as to how Snorri came to make such a dis-
tinction if, in reality, it does rest on such a shaky foun-
dation. One possible explanation, that has occured to
me, is that the examples, classed by him under the heiti,
had to a very large extent lost their figurative sense for
Snorri, but not to such an extent that he considered
himself justified in grouping them under the u k e n d
s e t n i n g. One may regard them as hackneyed
kenningar. The name ukennt heiti, which
Snorri sometimes employs instead of the single word
heiti, seems to point in favour of such a view.
Ukennt heiti must mean the opposite or nearly
the opposite of k e n n t heiti or k e n n i ng, and
therefore the literal, or what is felt as such, in contra-
distinction to the figurative expression. It is possible that
such words and phrases had partly come to lose their
figurative sense as a result of long and constant usage,
and had really become, as far as Snorri was concerned,
likennt heiti, that is, the opposite of k e n n t
heiti or kenningar. The fact that the majority
of the heiti consist of single words, adds additional
weight to such an argument. Single words lose their
figurative sense much sooner than compounds.
The latest and most comprehensive work on the
subject is that of R. Meissner, Die Kenningar der
Skalden. As no general definition is to be found in the
works of Icelandic writers, he tries to arrive at the
meaning of the term kenning by studying the
various uses of the verb k e n n a in the Snorra Edda:
quot;hvernig skal kenna man — hann skal kenna
quot;vitS verk sin .... hann ma ok kenna til
quot;eignar sinnarquot;, etc. Sn. E. I. 332.
From such an investigation Meissner concludes that
the simple kenning is a compound (zweigliedriger)
substitution for the single, specific name of a person
or thing. Of the two constituent parts of the kenning,
the one syntactically replaces the noun for which the
kenning is being used, whereas the other performs the
function of a qualifying or determinative word. For the
first Meissner uses the term Grundtvorl and for the
second Bestimmung, for which 1 shall employ as corres-
ponding terms basic word and determinant. Thus in
hreinbraut (Earth), hjalnis J) o 1 1 r (Man),
b a u g a land (Arm), the words b r a u t, J) o 11 r
and land are basic words, and hreinn, hjalmr
and b a u g r are determinants. The basic word is a
substantive or a word used as such. For the greater
number of kenningar also the determinant is a
substantive. Where this is not the case, Meissner
considers it better to exclude them, and accordingly
defines the simple kenning as a periphrastic compound
consisting of two substantives. He therefore excludes
from the kenningar phrases such as: enn einhendi
ass (Tyr), enn sfSskeggi ass (Bragi), b 1 a k k r
bjorr (Blood), stcfligir ytar (Poets), brgtt
b r a u t (Earth), heilagt blom (The Virgin),
hverfanda hvei (Moon), kveldrunnin
k o n a (Witch).
This discarding of words and phrases as kenningar
merely on the ground of their structure and composition
seems to me to be laying too much emphasis on form.
A discussion of the kenningar should take into
consideration the meaning and the function as well as
the form of such expressions. Although Meissner does
not separate style from syntax, he is incHned to subordi-
nate the one to the other, with the result that certain
linguistic tendencies are lost sight of. Style is not the
slave of syntax, for, in language the syntax may pass
through a process of development by means of which
syntactical groups may alter their outward appearance,
without, however, in the least thereby changing or
affecting their meaning. Thus it is well known that all
language tends to economize in the use of words j only
the essential is retained and made use of, while the rest
is discarded as superfluous ballast. If two or more words
are repeatedly used in the same syntactic relation, a
stage will be arrived at where one or more of such words
may be omitted without in the least affecting the meaning.
The modern German, ordering a glass of beer, confines
himself to the expression, ein lielles or ein dunkles, con-
sidering it unnecessary to add the word Bier.
Similarly the Englishman, asking for a railway ticket
from London to Liverpool, contents himself by merely
saying: one first, Liverpool. The circumstances under
which, as well as the place where, such phrases are
uttered generally suffice to make clear the speaker\'s
meaning. The possibility is however not excluded that
such phrases and words may, through constant and
repeated use, become perfectly clear in themselves,
independent of place and circumstances. Modern as well
as old languages contain many such words:
Fr. bonne lt;C bonne domestique.
Fr. capitale lt; ville capitale.
Eng. glass lt; drinking glass.
Eng. doctor lt;C doctor medicinae.
Lat. defunctus, Fr. défunt, Eng. defunct lt; vita defunctus
In such compound expressions the most striking of the
two component parts assimilates the meaning of the
other, until the single word is capable of conveying the
same meaning for which at first the compound expression
had to be used. From the above examples it appears that
either the basic word {ville, domestique) may be eliminated
or the determinant [drinking, medicinae). What has been
said above in connection with English, French and Latin
may also be maintained with an equal amount of certainty
in the case of Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse. It would be
difficult to explain how the Anglo-Saxon words h y r d e,
gold wine, hleo came to be used as synonyms
for quot;kingquot;, unless one assumes that they are elliptical
forms of some such phrases as rices hyrde, folces
hyrde, gold wine gumena; wigendra
hleo, aeSelinga hleo, etc.
Turning to Old Norse, one finds the word s v e i t i
(perspiration) used for blood:
Or Ymis holdi var igrS um skopoS
en or sveiti sior. Vm. 21.
S V e i t i must have acquired this meaning from the
use of such a kenning as soefis sveiti (the pers-
piration of the sword) II, 76, 54, 52). Abetter example
is the word h j a 1 d r, given by Meissner (p. 188).
As he points out, the word is very likely related to the
verb h j a 1 a (to chatter or talk). Kenningar like
skjaldar hjaldr 426, 1, 2^), vapnadoms
hjaldr II, 99,2,52) for quot;battlequot; therefore explain
themselves. When, however, the single word hjaldr
is used for quot;fightingquot;, the relation between the word
and its meaning is not so obvious:
hoegt vara at hialdri, hvars hon hendr festi!
Am. 49. 7—8.
The relation becomes quite clear, though, when one
regards hjaldr as a further stage in the development
Edda, cd. Neckel, p. 47.
2) These and similar references arc to: Den norsk-islandske
skjaldediglning udg. ved Finnur Jonsson, Vol. I, A and B.
Kop. 1912; Vol. II, A and B. Kop. 1915.
of phrases such as skjaldar hjaldr and
väpnadöms hjaldr.
A distinction between the single word and the phrase
will therefore have to be a purely formal one. Semantically
there is no difference between the two: hjaldr or
h y r d e means nothing more nor less than the kenningar
skjaldar hjaldr or rices hyrde. The single
words have therefore as nmch right as the phrases to be
regarded as kenningar. On these grounds I consider it
not only impossible, but also inadvisable to separate
the heiti from the kenning.
This has been realized by several writers on the subject,
among others, also by R. M. Meyer i). He admits that
it is very often impossible to draw the line between
heiti and Kenning. In connection with this he says:
quot;Ich mache übrigens darauf aufmerksam, wie nahe bei
der Benennung gerade von lebenden Wesen Kenning
und Epitheton sich berühren. Ein stehendes Beiwort
kann zur ausreichenden Kennzeichnung einer — gött-
lichen oder menschlichen — Persönlichkeit dienen, sobald
bekannte Elemente leicht zu ergänzen sind, deren Com-
bination mit dem Adjectiv eine rechte Kenning ergäbe.
So i n n a 1 d i n n für OÖinn, d. h. quot;der Aelteste unter
den Göttern.quot; — Uebrigens rechtfertigt es das Beispiel
der Skäldsk. selbst, wenn heiti, kenningar und forngfn
hier nicht streng geschieden werdenquot; (p. 165 f.). Meyer
points out that the Old Norse word f o 1 k v g r S r is
Die allgcrmanischc Poesie nach ihren fonnelhaften Elementen
beschrieben, Berlin, 1889.
really just as good a kenning as the phrase s v e r a
d e i 1 i r. I cannot, however, agree with him when, in
attempting to justify the separation of heiti and kenning,
he goes on to say: quot;Aber es (i. e. f o 1 k v 9 r 6 r) wird
doch als einheitliches Wort empfunden, denn es wird
mit einem neuen Genetiv verbundenquot; (p. 160). The fact
that it can be linked up to a new genitive forms no proof
of its being a heiti, as the same not only applies to, but
is, in fact, typical of the kenning. Thus one finds the
following phrase as a kenning for quot;ravenquot; : sara porns
sveita svanr (Hromundr halti I). Of this the
phrase sara porn is a kenning for quot;swordquot; in the
narrowest sense of the word kenning. Yet it is used in
conjunction with the genitive sveita as a kenning
for quot;bloodquot;. This feature, which Meyer claims as cha-
racteristic of the heiti, applies therefore also equally well
to the kenning itself.
Furthermore, I opine that Meyer lays too much
stress on the formal side of the question when he advances
as proof of its being a heiti the fact that folkvQr^r
is felt as a verbal unity (einheitliches Wort) in contrast
with sveri5a deilir as a phrase consisting of two
words. It is a question of semantic unities and not one
of verbal unities, and sver\'Sa deilir may form a
semantic unity just as well as f o I k v q r 6 r, in spite
of the fact that the former consists of two separate
words. Like the latter, it forms a substitute for the
single, specific word quot;kingquot;. Although the kenning may
consist of several words, it is, as regards its meaning, a
unity. This will be more fully discussed in the rest of
this chapter, when I shall, in fact, show that this quot;unity
of meaningquot; forms the most distinctive feature of the
kenning. In the meantime, I consider enough has been
said to show that it is a purel}\'^ formal distinction to say
that folkv^rtSr expresses its meaning with one
word, while sveröa deilir requires two words.
Semantically there is no difference between the single
word and the compound, the compound and the phrase.
As Meyer points out: quot;Der Wortstand ist im Ganzen
auf sein Alter zu prüfen und der sicherste Maasstab wird
dabei nicht sein, ob die Begriffe durch einfache oder
combinirte Ausdrücke gegeben w-erden, sondern welchen
Grad von künstlicher Entfernung von der Alltagssprache
die gebrauchten Worte und natürlich in erster Linie die
Substantiva aufweisenquot; (p. 190). For this reason no
distinction has been made between heiti and kenning in
the list of Anglo-Saxon kenningar as given in Chapter III.
Where these terms are employed by me in the discussion
of the subject, it is done solely for practical purposes and
not because of any fundamental difference between the
heiti and the kenning.
In the same way not only single words, but also
phrases consisting of parts of speech other than two
substantives should not be excluded from the kenningar
merely on the ground of their component parts. The
following phrases, which are discarded by Meissner,
I regard as kenningar: e n n e i n h e n d i a s s (Tyr),
enn siöskeggi dss (Bragi), enn p Q g 1 i Ass
(ViÖarr), et grdtfagra goÖ (Freyja), e t
hdrfagra go« (Sif), blakkr björr (Blood),
stefligir 5^tar (Poets), drjüpr salr (Heaven),
hverfanda hvel (Moon), heilagt blom
(The Virgin) p. 3 f.
Speaking of such phrases, Meissner says: quot;Verbin-
dungen dieser Art können natürhch ganz frei in der
poetischen Sprache auftreten, sie nähren sich der Kenning
um so mehr, als sie sich vom Wortsinne entfernen. Das
ist besonders deutlich, wenn in dem Grundwort ein
Vergleich vorliegt wie bei b 1 a k k r b j ö r r, Blut oder
der geistlichen Umschreibung heilagt b 1 ö mquot;
(p. 3). One can, however, hardly imagine phrases
in which the figurative sense differs more from the
literal meaning than in b 1 a k k r b j ö r r, d r j ü p r
salr and heilagt blom. The question may be
asked to what degree the meaning of such phrases must
differ from the literal sense of the words before one is
justified in classing them as kenningar.
The above statement of Meissner is also misleading
in so far as it conveys the impression that the component
parts of every kenning must necessarily consist
of words used in a figurative sense, which is not
always the case. From a mythological point of
view, phrases like Baleygs bruSr (Earth)
I. 6, 1, 48, and orms einbani (Thor) Hym. 22, 3
are literally true. Yet these phrases may be regarded
In spite of his objection to these phrases consisting of an
adjective and a substantive, Meissneu afterwards includes some
of them in his lists of kenningar. Thus heilagt b 1 6 m is
given as a kenning for the Virgin, p. 424.
as kenningar in so far as they are used in a speciahzed
sense. The basic words b r ü Ö r, and e i n b a n i
have become narrowed or specialized in meaning.
Instead of the general meanings quot;br^JbhfiF-quot; and j—td^ tnV«.
quot;single-handed slayerquot; they have come to refer to
a particular person or object. This specialized use of
these words is based on some relation, real or imagined,
between basic word and determinant. The statement,
that a kenning is a phrase used in a figurative sense, is
therefore only partly true, as it does not hold good for
all cases. The specialization of words, and not their
figurative use, forms the characteristic feature of
mythological kenningar. Generally speaking, it would
therefore be more correct to regard kenningar as words
and phrases used in a figurative or a specialized, as
opposed to the literal or general sense of such words
and phrases. Here, no doubt, one is faced by the difficulty
of determining whether such words and phrases are to
be taken in a figurative, a specialized or in a literal
sense, i. e. as kenningar or not: quot;Verbindungen, in denen
beide Bestandteile nach ihrem Wortsinne (als ükend
setning) zu nehmen sind und bei denen die durch
einfache Verbindung im Wortsinn entstehende Vor-
stellung so für den Zusammenhang wesentlich ist, sind
also an sich keine Kenningar, können aber im Zusammen-
hange dazu werden. Wird z.B. jartJar sonr für
Thor, B c 1 j a d o I g r für Freyr oder F li f n i s b a n i
für Sigurd in einem Zusammenhange gebraucht, in dem
dieses Verhältnis nicht unmittelbar von Bedeutung ist,
so haben wir eine Kenning____Was man hier Umschrei-
bung, was Kenning nennen will, ist schliesslich Sache der
Übereinkunft, denn nicht in allen Fällen lässt sich sagen,
ob die Verbindung der beiden Glieder für den Zusammen-
hang im Wortsinne zu nehmen istquot; i). However, while
some cases will ever remain open to dispute and lend
themselves to various interpretations, a study of the
context will, in the majority of instances, assist the
student in deciding whether an expression is to be taken
in a literal or a figurative sense.
A good example of this is found in Baldrs draumar:
Balder has had an evil dream; the Aesir are gathered to
discuss the dream and its portent. Odin goes to Hell to
consult the vglva (sibyl). There he finds preparations
afoot in anticipation of some new arrival. He asks for
whom these preparations are being made and is informed
that they are for Baldr who is about to enter the abode
of the dead.
Odin replies:
8.nbsp;pegiattu, vglva! Jjik vil ek fregna,
unz all kunna, vil ek enn vita:
hverr man Baldri at bana veröa
ok ÖÖins son aldri raena?
The Vglva:
9.nbsp;HgtJr berr havan hröörbarm t)inig:
hann man Baldri at bana veröa
ok ÖÖins son aldri raena.
NauÖug sagöak, nu mun ek l)egia.
Meissner, p. 13 f.
-ocr page 62-Odin:
10.nbsp;pegiattu, vglva! etc.
hverr man heipt HeSi hefnt of vinna
eSa Baldrs bana a bdl vega?
The Vglva:
11.nbsp;Rindr berr Vdla i vestrsQlom:
[sA man OSins sonr einnaettr vega,]
hgnd um Jjvaera, ne h^fuS kembir,
a«r d bdl um berr Baldrs andskota. i)
In the above strophes Hod is successively spoken of
as Baldrs bani and Baldrs andskoti.
Supposing, that this were the only place in Old Norse
poetry where the expressions Baldrs bani and
Baldrs andskoti are used as synonyms for Hod,
then one would hardly have been justified in regar-
ding them as kenningar, since the context explains,
not only the meaning of these phrases, but also how
they come to have such a meaning.
The sequence is Hg\'Sr — Baldrs bani —
Baldrs andskoti. As far as Baldrs draiiniar is
concerned, one can therefore at the most regard Baldrs
bani and Baldrs andskoti as variations for
Hod, but not as kenningar.
As this is the only place in Old Norse poetry where
the phrase Baldrs bani occurs, Meissner is
quite justified in excluding it from his list of kenningar.
Edda cd. Gustav Neckel, Heidelberg, 1914, p. 274—5.
Unless otherwise stated, all references arc to this edition.
A study of the following two strophes of the
Vqluspa, however, leads one to the conclusion that
the phrase Baldrs andskoti must be taken
as a kenning:
32.nbsp;Var6 af Jjeim meitSi, er m^r syndiz,
harmflaug hsettlig: HgtSr nam skiota.
Baldrs broSir var of borinn snemma,
sa nam, CSins sonr, einnaettr vega.
33.nbsp;p6 hann asva hendr ne hgfuS kembSi,
dtSr d bal um bar Baldrs andskota;
en Frigg um gret i Fensglom
vd Valhallar — vitoS ^r enn, etSa hvat?
Here it is not at all obvious from the text that Baldrs
andskoti refers to Hod, and it would have been
difficult, if not impossible, to make sense out of the
passage if it had not been for what is known from else-
where about Balder and Hod. The poet evidently takes
it for granted that the reader knows who Baldrs
andskoti is, and therefore deems it unnecessary to
enter into details. Hence his rather sudden transition
from the one to the other. One must therefore conclude
that Baldrs andskoti is not an occasional
phrase employed as a variation, but an expression
which has come to be generally recognized as a second
name or kenning for Hod. As such, this phrase may be
1) Edda p. 8.
-ocr page 64-substituted for the proper noun, Hod, even if it is not
clear from the context that Baldrs andskoti
and Hod are one and the same.
On the other hand, I am disinclined to accept as
kenningar the majority of phrases classed by Bode under
the heading: Kenningar flit Personen, and especially
those expressing a relationship, such as S c y 1 d e s
e a f e r a (Beowulf) and beam Healfdenes
(Heregär) As far as their composition is concerned,
such phrases correspond to the most typical form of the
kenning, namely, a compound or a phrase consisting of
two substantives. Meissner has, however, pointed out
that all such compound nouns and phrases are not
necessarily kenningar. He distinguishes between quot;freie
Verbindungenquot; and Kenningar: quot;Nicht jede Verbindung
zweier Substantive, auch wenn sie eine einheitliche
Vorstellung bezeichnet, ist eine Kenning. Die Skalden-
dichtung kennt natürlich freie Verbindungen, die sich
nicht den typischen Gruppen der Kenningar zuweisen
lassen. Allerdings ist es hier schwer eine Grenze zu ziehen.
yVesentlich für die Kenning ist, dass sie als Ersatz emp-
funden zvird^) und als solcher etwas allgemeingültiges,
typisches, variables hatquot; (p. 12). Of the above quota-
tion the concluding sentence, especially the italicized
part, is most important and may, in my opinion, be
I\'ogarded as the touchstone of the kenning. The most
characteristic difference between the kenning and the
Bode, p. 88 ff.
The italics are mine.
variation is embodied in this statement of Meissner.
The variation is an expression added to another term
for explanatory reasons or purposes of emphasis. This is
not the case with the kenning. It is not an auxiUary
term placed in apposition to another, but a substitute
for that term itself which, accordingly, does not appear
at all in the sentence. For this reason patronymics such
as Scyldes eafera and beam Healfdenes
cannot be regarded as kenningar. For not only do they
consist of words employed in their usual or Uteral sense,
but a study of the places where they occur, also shows
that they are never used by themselves as designations
for the persons to whom they refer, unless it is perfectly
clear from the context who is to be understood by them.
Instead they are employed as explanatory phrases placed
in apposition to the proper name. Characteristic of them
is their strong adjectival function:
Beowulf wa;s breme — blad wide sprang —
Scyldes eafera, Scedelandum in (1. 18—19).
Da waes Heregar dead,
min yldra maig unlifigende,
beam Healfdenes; se waes betera Sonne ic (1.467—\'9).
In both of the above instances the proper names
quot;Beowulfquot; and quot;Heregarquot; are accompanied, but not
supplanted, by the phrases Scyldes eafera and
beam Healfdenes. Here Scyldes eafera
is not used to introduce the hero Beowulf, but is added
to the proper name as a qualifying phrase with the
express purpose of telling the hearer something more
about Beowulf, namely, that he was the son of Scyld.
Taking a more simple example, such as: quot;John, the son
of Henry,quot; one would not be justified, strictly speaking,
in regarding quot;the son of Henryquot; as another name for
quot;Johnquot;. The phrase quot;John, the son of Henryquot; is equiva-
lent to quot;John, who is the son of Henryquot;. And as long
as the phrase quot;the son of Henryquot; can not supplant but
only accompany the proper name, it can not be regarded
as a kenning. This, of course, does not exclude the
possibility that after a time such phrases may become
sufficiently clear in themselves to replace the usual or
literal word. Thus, the poet may begin by using the
whole phrase Beowulf, Scyldcs eafera. After
it has been used a sufficient number of times, it will no
longer be necessary to repeat the whole phrase, the
second part Scyldes eafera being understood
by all to refer to Beowulf. When such a stage is arrived
at, the phrase Scyldes eafera has gone a long
way towards becoming a kenning. The final test would
be the use of this phrase in another poem where the name
quot;Beowulfquot; does not appear at all. As however Scyldes
eafera and similar patronymics, given by Bode, arc
used only in the Beowulf and the Nibelungen where it is
perfectly clear from the context to whom they refer, they
can not be regarded as kenningar. From this it appears
that the appositional word or phrase may develop into
a kenning. In the passages quoted above from Baldrs
Draumar and the Beowtdf, the phrases Baldrs
e i n b a n i and Scyldes eafera are variations
of the proper nouns quot;Hodquot; and quot;Beowulf, and form,
as such, an intermediate stage between the li k e n d
setning and the kenning, into the latter of
which they may develop. In fact, in my opinion the
origin of the kenning must be sought for in its earlier
use as variation, when it could accompanj\'^, but not
replace, the usual name. In the chapter on Kenning and
Variation I shall return to this statement.
What has been said in connection with patronymics,
applies also to the following groups, given by Bode as
kenningar: geboren werden, leben, sterben, gehen nnd
sonstige Bewegungen, reden, schweigen, anf Erden.
It seems to me best to exclude such expressions and to
take the kenning as applying onl}\'- to such words and
phrases as are used to express substantival conceptions.
In this sense the word was employed by Snorri and
succeeding writers, and there appears to be no reason
why the term should be extended so as to include also
substitutes for verbs and adverbs. The above groups
can be included only on the assumption that the kenning
comprises all more or less uncommon synonymical
expressions. From what has been said in the previous
pages, I trust, however, that it has become sufficiently
clear that such a view can not be maintained. On the
other^ hand I have pointed out that many of the mytho-
logical kenningar contain no figurative language. (Cf.
Baldrs andskoti (Hod), Orms einbani
(Thor). Furthermore, it is not obvious why Bode, while
giving these groups, excluded others of a similar nature.
If such phrases as w a c a n (to be bom), w o r u 1 d e
b r u c a n (to live), 11 f o f 1 ic t a n (to die), s t r S t e
m e t a n (to go), vvordhord onlucan (to
speak), hordcofan healdan (to be silent),
under vv o 1 c n u m (on earth) are regarded as
kenningar, then there seems to be no reason why others,
like the following, should not be included as such: o r d
forbygan Wid. 48, meodosetla ofteon
Beo. 5 (to defeat), drihten secean Beo. 187
(to go to heaven), manna C e a r f w e s a n Beo. 201
(to be in distress), h se 1 s c e a vv i a n Beo. 204 (to
contemplate success), last weardian Beo. 971
(to remain behind). The few examples given by me may
be amplified by many more. A study of Bode\'s intro-
ductory remarks, however, leads one to the conclusion
that he himself was not prepared to include all such
phrases as kenningar. Not only does he speak of quot;sub-
stantivische Umschreibungen in der altnordischen
Poetikquot; (p. 7), which he calls quot;Kenningarquot;, but in his
whole exposition of the subject the reader gets the
impression that Bode is discussing the kenning as the
name of an object, and not of an action, or as an adjunct
of place.
As a substitute for a noun, the kenning has a
substantival function in the sentence. For this reason
compounds and phrases which are used predicatively,
adverbially or adjectivally can not be regarded as
kenningar. Thus, in the following passages from the
Lokasenna, the expressions F i y r g y n s m a: r, v q r S r
g o 5 a, and B y g g v i s k v ae n are not kenningar for
Frigg, Heimdall and Beyla, although, as far as their form
is concerned, they answer to the most typical kenning:
26. Pegi J)ü, Frigg! t)ü ert Fi^rgyns mEer
ok hefir se vergigrn verit.
48. pegi JDÜ, Heimdallr! . . .
aurgo baki pü munt ae vera
ok vaka vgr^r goöa.
56. pegi lïü, Beyla! pü ert Byggvis kvaen,
ok meini blandin migk.
Similarly, in the following quotations, handgeweorc
heofoncyninges, gehyld manna and
mundbora can not be regarded as kenningar for
Eve, God and Christ:
Dä gieng tö Adame idesa scênost,
wïfa wUtegost, Se on woruld cöme:
fort5on hëo wses handgeweorc heofoncyninges.
Gm. 626—28.
Hè is gehyld manna. Beo. 3056.
Ac ic weorSige wuldres ealdor,
middangeardes ond m£egen^5rymnies,
ond him änum to eal bi\'Sence,
\'Saït he mundbora min geweor^Je,
helpend ond hajlend wiï5 hellesceaSum.
Jul. 153—157.
As complements to the verb such phrases as
Figrgyns maer, Byggvis kvaïn, hand-
geweorc heofoncyninges, etc. have a
strong adjectival function. That part of strophe 48,
cited from the Lokasenna, is rightly translated by
ViGFUssoN and Powell i) as follows: quot;Hold thy peace,
Heimdall! . . . . Thou must ever stand with a wet back,
and wake as the Gods\' watchman.quot; From this it appears
that the function of vgrSr goSa is that of an
adverbial phrase of manner modifying v a k a. All the
expressions, instanced above, differ from the kenning
in that they are not used as designations to introduce
the conceptions to which they refer, but rather to tell
the hearer something about them. Furthermore, the
literal meanings of these words and phrases impress
themselves much more strongly on the conscious mind
than in the case of the kenning. Thus, when the poet
says of God: he is g e h y I d manna, then
g e h y 1 d manna does not stand for the conception
quot;Godquot;, but refers to one of the many ways in which
God may reveal Himself, namely, as a quot;Protection of
Menquot;. Not onl}\'- is the poet himself conscious of the
literal meanings of g e h y 1 d and manna, but also
desires his hearer to be so. In distinction to such phrases,
the kenning is a conventional compound or phrase,
generally consisting of two substantives the literal
meanings of which hardly enter the conscious mind.
Instead, such compounds and phrases immediately call
up in the mind the conceptions for which they are in-
tended.
G. ViGFUssoN and F. Y. Powell: Corpus Poelicum Borcale,
Oxford, 1883, I, 108.
The different elements of the compound or phrase
constituting the kenning may be compared with the
separate notes of a musical chord, the basic word of the
former corresponding to the dominant of the latter.
In the same way as the different notes merge to form
one volume or a unity of sound, in which the different
tones are hardly distinguishable, so the elements of the
kenning lose their separate meanings and fuse into a
semantic unity.
Meissner comes to a somewhat similar conclusion,
when, in discussing the kenningar and the quot;freie Verbin-
dungenquot;, he says (p. 14): quot;Krachen, Zusammenstossen der
Waffen ist eine echte Kenning, wenn die Verbindung
den Kampf schlechthin bezeichnet, umsomehr als Ken-
ning empfunden, je weniger der eigentliche Inhalt der
Verbindung für den Zusammenhang wesentlich ist. Aber
die Dichter können auf diesen eigentlichen Inhalt mehr
oder weniger hindeuten, durch Epitheta oder die Satz-
fügung :
Pä var eggja at
ok odda gnat. 32, 9, 2.
remma rimmu gloSir
randa grand of jarli. II, 77, 57, 8,
var dra ymr
ok jarna glymr (hier nicht Kampf).
IL Hu. 1, 27, 2.quot;
The question to be settled in each case is whether the
poet wishes to direct the reader\'s attention to the literal
contents of such expressions or not. Thus the Old Norse
poet speaks of Christ as sannr hjalpari manna.
II, 585, 13, 2.
If sannr is represented by A, hjalpari by B,
and manna by C, then the question arises whether
the phrase sannr hjalpari manna is to be
regarded as A (B C) or as A B C. In other words,
does sannr qualify the whole phrase hjalpari
manna or only one of its elements, hjalpari?
Does sannr hjalpari manna accordingly mean
the quot;true G o dquot; or the quot;true helper (of men)quot;?
In the first case hjalpari manna would be a
kenning, in the second a quot;freie Verbindungquot;. This
question can not always be decided definitely. However
helpful the above considerations may be, they can not
be regarded as the acid test for the kenning proper. In
many instances it is impossible to decide, with any
amount of certainty, whether an expression is to be
taken as a kenning or not. In such cases the final decision
will have to depend on personal views and conside-
rations.
In view of this uncertainty I have included in the list
of Anglo-Saxon kenningar (Chap. Ill) expressions which,
perhaps, would have been better left out. To prevent
misunderstanding, I may state that the fact that an
expression appears in the list is not to be taken as a
proof of my regarding it as a kenning. The variation is
not a kenning in the narrowest sense of the word, and
yet the list contains many words and phrases which are
found as variations only. Furthermore I have included
a phrase like gehyld manna Beo, 3056, although,
as has been pointed out, I do not regard it as a kenning
for God. That these and similar expressions are included
is due, in the first place, to the difficulty of definitely
deciding whether they are kenningar or not. In my
endeavour to make the list of kenningar as complete as
possible I have also included a few disputable instances
and thus left it to the decision of the reader. Secondly,
variations have also been included, for, as will be shown
in the chapter. Kenning and Variation, these expressions
are valuable and instructive as showing the lines along
which a word or phrase may develop into a kenning.
They may be regarded as representing the kenning in an
intermediate stage of its development. For the rest, the
Anglo-Saxon kenningar have been collected and arranged
according to the conceptions which they express. The
expressions for each conception have in turn been grouped
according to their form. In each of the subdivisions so
obtained, the kenningar have been arranged in the
alphabetic order of the basic words. Here, as in all other
instances, I Iiave proceeded from the point of view that
a study of the kenning should concern itself primarily
with the meaning and function of words, and only in the
second place with their form. Thus, where compound
words were no longer felt as such, I considered myself
justified in regarding them as simple words. What has
been said by Krackow in connection with nominal com-
pounds in general, also applies to the kenning in parti-
cular: quot;Nicht um lautliche oder etymologische Mehr-
gliedrigkeit handelt es sich hier, sondern um begriffliche;
um solche Cpp. zu denen der Redende dem Hörer
nur zwei Wörter als Material gibt, aus denen sich der
letztere den gemeinten Begriff selbst zu kombinieren
hatquot; As a rule a word of which the first or the second
element is a prefix or a suffix, has not been considered
to be a compound.
Here again, however, different writers may hold
different opinions, especially in the case of those forms
which are employed not only as prefixes and suffixes,
but which are preserved also as separate and independent
words in the language, such as lac, lie and w e a r d.
When such forms are to be regarded as suffixes and
when as independent words forming the second elements
of compounds, is a question to which a final answer
can not always be given. From the following examples it
appears that the same word may form either the second
element of a compound or a suffix. Thus b e a d u 1 ä c
Beo. 1561, siragis actio] w y r m 11 c Wand. 88, serpentis
corpus and h o r d w e a r d Beo. 2293, thesauri custos
arc compounds, but in w 11 e 1 ä c Gen. 2554, supplicium;
h e t e 1 i c Beo. 1267, odiosus and i n n a n w e a r d
Beo. 1976, intus, the forms lac. He and weard
are word-forming elements or suffixes.
Similarly forms, in which assimilation has taken place
between the two elements or in which the vowels of the
second element have undergone a weakening, are not
regarded as compounds. In a word like 1 ä 11 C o w lt;
\') O. Krackow, Die Nomimlcomposiia als Kunstmitlcl im
(illciigl. Epos, Berlin dissert. 1903, p. 2.
1 ä d - Ö e o w the assimilation pleads for the comparative
antiquity of the compound and points to the likelihood
that it was no longer felt as such. In the same way the
weakening of the vowels in the second element of a
compound could have taken place only after that element
had lost its secondary stress and this, in turn, could have
happened only after the compound had ceased to be felt
as such. Apart from other sound-laws which might have
operated in a word like h 1 ä f o r d, the process may,
as far as the stress is concerned, be represented as follows:
hläf w e a r d gt; h 1 ä f - w amp; a r d gt; h 1 ä f w e a r d gt;
h 1 ä f o r d.
In conclusion, the following is still to be noted in
connection with the Anglo-Saxon kenningar as given in
the following chapter: For each word or phrase only one
reference has been given. As far as the Beowulf is con-
cerned the references are to the 2nd. edn. of this poem
by W. J. Sedgefield, Manchester, 1913. For the rest
all references are to C. W. M. Grein\'s Bibliothek der
Angelsächsischen Poesie, Göttingen, 1857; 2nd. edn. by
Richard P. Wülcker, Pt. I Kassel, 1883, Pts. II amp; III
Leipzig, 1894—1898. All abbreviations of the titles of the
different poems are the same as those employed by
Grein in his Angelsächsischer Sprachschatz, 2nd. edn.
by J. J. Köhler, Heidelberg, 1912. The letter 8 is used
for both Ö and J) of the text. An asterisk is prefixed to
words and phrases not given by Bode. Where the whole
conception has been omitted by him, the asterisk is
prefixed to the title only, thus quot;Clouds.
And lastly, in phrases like e a 1 I e s folces f r u m a,
-ocr page 76-eal Ira cyninga cyning, heah hordes
w e a r d etc., I have enclosed the words e a 11 e s,
ealira, heah etc. in brackets, as it is not certain
whether they form a part of the kenning itself, or are
merely used for purposes of emphasis.
CHAPTER in.
The Anglo-Saxon Kenningar.
grund Gloria 39; *hwyrft Dan. 320.
a. Subst. -f Subst.: *tS6os deatSdenu Cri. 344; eardgeard
Wand. 85; Öeodland Cri. 306; quot;grundsceat Cri. 42;
grundwseg And. 582; *grundwang Beo. 2588; eoröweg
El. 1015; foldweg And. 206; moldweg Jul. 334.
ß. Adj. Subst.: middaneard Sal. 165; middangeard
Gen. 136; brytengrund Cri. 357; yrmengrund Beo. 859;
*brytenwongas Cri. 380.
y. Prep. Subst.: ymbhwyrft El. 730.
a. Subst. Subst.: fajder ealdgeweorc Metr. XX, 16
frean ealdgeweorc Metr. XI, 40; burga gesetu Cri. 1240
*fira modor Zaub. I, 67; gumena rice Metr. IX, 41
*secga sitl Metr. IX, 41; quot;eodora ymbhwyrft Jul. 113.
ß. Adj. Subst.: se beorhta bosm Pan. 7; *öeos
Särge denu Ps. LXXXIII, 6; frod fyrngeweorc Ph. 84;
Seos läne gesceaft Sal. 326; ÖCos side gesceaft Sal. 368;
se ginna grund Wid. 51; se ruma grund Gen. 213; se
siSa grund Gen. 134; se wida grur^d Dan. 301; rume
rice Gen. 1790; Ses gr§na wong Rd. XLI, 83; se wlite-
beorhta wong Beo. 93.
*grund And. 393, *holm Beo. 1914.
Bode does not give holm. As the word is employed
only in poetry in this sense, I consider myself justified
in regarding it as a kenning for quot;seaquot;. In prose it is
invariably used in its original sense of island. Cf. O. N.
h o I m r which means an island or a duel, the latter
from the fact that duels were generally fought on islands.
«. Subst. 4- Subst.: seolhbaj^5 Rd XI, 11; argeblond
(ear-) Aitelst. 26, And. 383; *y5geblond Beo. 1593;
lagufaesten El. 249; *saifiEsten Ex. 127; *Wffigholm Beo.
217; hronrad Beo. 10; seglrad Beo. 1429; swanrad Beo.
200; garsecg Beo. 49; fifelstream Metr. XXVI, 26;
firgenstrCam Ph. 100; fyrnstrSamas Waif. 7; »holmtSracu
Beo. 217; seolhwatS And. 1716; fifelwag EL 237; baiSweg
El. 244; ♦flodweg Ex. 106; »flotweg Bot. 41; •(h)w.xlweg
Seef. 63; arwela And. 855.
^ r- in a r g e b 1 o n d and arwela = ear (sea)
and not quot;oarquot; as Bode thinks.
a. Subst. Subst.: fisces bae« And. 293; ganotes baeö
Beo. 1861; flöda begang Beo. 1497; *gärsecges begang
And. 530; *holma begang And. 195; sioleöa begong
Beo. 2367; fifelcynnes eard Beo. 104; fisces ëöel Dom.
Dceg. 39; hwseles ëöel And. 21A; mäwes êöel Boi. 25;
yöa ful Beo. 1208; wa«ema gebind Wand. 24; ärySa
geblond And. 532; fifela gefeald Wald. II, 10; sealtyöa
geläc See/. 35; yöa geläc Klage 7; *holma gelagu Seef. 64;
yïSa geong Bot. 40; flöda genip Beo. 2808; *holma
geöring Beo. 2132; waetera geöring Edg. B. 27; *y«a
geSring And. 368; yöa gewealc Edg. B. 25; wSges welm
El. 230; flödes wylm Beo. 1764.
ß. Adj. Subst.: sëo fealu flöd Beo. 1050; dëop geläd
And. 190; se ginna grund Beo. 1551; *hrëo hrycg Cri. 859.
y. Subst. Participial Phrase: eoröe yöum Öeaht
Rä XVII, 3.
The noun w act er as well as the waeter-compounds,
some ol which are given by Bode, have been omitted.
They are too literal and are employed in this sense in
prose as well as in poetry.
W ä g f a t u 7?ä IV, 37 and 1 a g u s t r ë a m a ful
Rä IV, 38, given by Bode under this heading, I regard
as kenningar for quot;Cloudsquot;.
a. Subst. Subst.: ySläf Beo. 566; bordstae« And. 442;
strëamstffiÖ Gen. 1434; strëamweall Gen. 1494.
a. Subst. -f Subst.: wasterhelm Dksp. II, 74; walrap
Beo. 1610.
a. Subst. Subst.: forstes bend Beo. 1609; *forstes
fetor Dksp. II, 76.
Rime and frost are also spoken of as h i 1 d s t a p a n.
(hildstapa = qui hostiliter incedit — Gr.): h r i m
and forst, hare hildstapa n, haeleSa et5el
lucon And. 1257 f.
♦SNOW.
a. Subst. Subst.: wintergewsde Ph. 250.
Cf. w i n t e r g e w e o r p Ph. 57 = snow-storm.
•CLOUDS.
bale Ex. 73; blace Ra IV, 52; segl Ex. 89.
Compounds.
a. Subst. Subst.: wtegfatu Ra IV, 37; hloSgecrod
Ra IV, 63; lyfthelm Ex. 60.
a. Subst. H- Subst.: Iagustr5ama full Rd IV, 38;
lyfte helm Rd IV, 64; da;gscealdes hleo Ex. 79.
Adj. Subst.: halig net Ex. 74; scrlCende scin
Rd IV, 53.
•LIGHTNING.
a. Subst. Subst. : rynegiest Rä IV, 58.
SUN.
*bëacen Ph. 107; gim Men. 109; lëoht Beo. 569.
Compounds.
a. Subst. Subst. : daegcondel And. 835 ; heofoncondel
And. 243; merecondel Metr. XIII, 57; sweglcondel Ph.
108; wedercondel And. 372; woruldcondel Beo. 1965;
heofonlêoma And. 838; dœgsceald Ex. 79; wedertäcen
Gu. 1267; wuldorgimm Rä LXXXIV, 25.
a. Subst. Subst.: (beorht) bëacen godes Beo. 570;
wederes bläst And. 837; godes condel Ph. 91; rodores
condel Beo. 1571; folca friöcondel Gen. 2539; faeder
fyrngeweorc Ph. 95 ; heofones gim Ph. 183 ; swegles gim
Ph. 208; wuldres gim Ph. 117; swegles lëoht Ph. 288;
lêohtes lëoma Ph. 116; swegles lëoma Ph. 103; *tâcen
godes Ph. 96; .swegles täpur Ph. 114; aeöeltunga wyn
Ph. 290; heofones wyn Beo. 1801; wyncondel wera
Gu. 1186.
ß. Adj. Subst.: «is lëohte beorht Sch. 59; sëo aeÖele
gesceaft ^^elst. 16; se aeöela glœm Gu. 1252; quot;hador
heofontungol Metr. XXII, 24; »lëoht lëoma Jud. 191;
•mœre tungol Jßtelst. 14; *forÖmäre tungol Sch. 69.
y. Adj. Part. Gen.: »beacna beorhtost And. 242;
•gimma gladost Ph. 289; »faegerust lëohta Men. 114;
*Ieohta mffist Gu. 1256; *m£erost tungla Ph. 119; *tungla
torhtast Men. 111.
The following expressions are used for the sun and
moon : *ae6elast tungla Cri. 607; *h a 1 g e
g i m m a s Cri. 692; *haedre heofontungol
Cri. 693; *m i c e 1 1 e o h t f a t u Ps. CXXXV, 7.
•MOON.
a. Subst. Subst.: lyftfset Rd XXX, 3.
•DARKNESS.
a. Subst. Subst.: nihthelm Beo. 1789, El. 78.
STARS.
o. Subst. Subst.: *godgim El. 1113; heofoncondel
Sch. 54; *heofonhyrst Gen. 2189.
MORNING STAR.
«. Prep. Subst.: forrynel Metr. XXIX, 25.
HEAVEN.
♦ceaster Sat. 657; »burg Cri. 530; *eard Sat. 93;
•rice Gew. 749; »seld Sat. 173; »wuldor Dan. 367.
a. Subst. Subst.: friCgeard Cri. 399; sceldburg Sat.
309; •maegen^rym Ph. 665; \'wuldorgesteald Gen. 64;
*heofonham Cri. 293; *heofonrIce Cn. 1260; *e8elsta3olas
Gen. 94; *eadwela Gu. 1064.
Adj. vSubst.: *cynest6l Sat. 298.
y. Prep. Subst.: upeard Gu. 1051.
a. Subst. Subst.: *tires blsed Cri. 122; wuldres burg
Ph. 588; godes ealdorburg Rd LX, 15; engla eard Mod.
74; *wuldres eard Cri. 1203; *engla etSel Cri. 630;
♦fseder eSel Gu. 773; wuldres eSel Rd LXVII, 7; »faeder
eSelstol Cri. 516; *meotodes gesceaft Dksp. I, 65;
sigefolca gesetu Dksp. I, 66; *heofona ham Ph. 483;
*engla rice EL 1230; *godes rice Gu. 632; *rodera rice
Gu. 764; *^5eodnes tSrySgesteald Cri. 354; neorxna wang
Men. 151; *wuldres wlite Sat. 233; woruld worulda And.
1686; wuldres wynlond Mod. 65.
Adj. Subst.: se beorhta boldwela And. 524
*seo halge burg Gu. 784; •beorhte burhweallas Sat. 295
*ece dream Ph. 482; ece eadwela El. 1315; ece eard Cri
1046; »«ffit uplic eSelrice And. 120; »ece geard Gu. 763
*g6dlice geardas Gen. 740; seo miere gesceaft Meir. XX
281; *se aeSela ham Cri. 350; »«es gadiga ham Sat. 660
•se betra ham Gu. 626; «se bliSa ham Ph. 599; quot;se
clffina ham And. 978; * se deora ham Sal. 219; *se
gca ham Cri. 305; se glada ham Ph. 593; quot;se halga ham
Cri. 1675; *heofonHc ham Kreuz. 148; quot;se leohta ham
Gu. 806; *se mSra ham A^id. 227; *sigefaESt ham Men.
150; •trumlicham Sal. 294; ♦uplic ham Sat. 362; •hyhtlic
heofontimber Gen. 146; ♦gee rice Men. 224; ♦heah ice
Gen. 545; ♦«ffit sglle rice Sch. 102; ♦upcund rice Sch. 34;
sîo scire scell Metr. XX, 174; *hëah seld Sat. 202;
*sweg(e)ltorhtan seld Gen. 95; wïdbràd wela Gen. 643.
y. Subst. Prepositional Phrase: *hàm in hëahtJu
Gu. 768.
ô. Adj. -f Part. Gen. : *earda sëlost Vater Unser III, 74.
HELL.
•festen Walf. 71; grund Sat. 269; grundas Sat. 134;
mortSer Gen. 342; *neowolnes El. 942; «rice Gen. 289;
*wîte Jul. 631 ; »wracu Gen. 71 ; ♦wylm El. 765.
a. Subst. Subst.: *fyrba;6 El. 948; niobed Gen. 343;
*witebrôga El. 931; *bealuclam Hô. 65; *hellegrund Cri.
265; «hinsiegryre Hô. 91; *helheo6o Sat. 700; grornhof
Jul. 324; heolstorhof El. 763; morîSerhof El. 1303;
sûslhof Glaub. 31; *hellehûs Gu. 649; mânhûs Ex. 535;
mortSorhûs Cri. 1625; wîtehûs Cri. 1536; »fyrloca .Sat. 58;
hearmloca Gen. 9; »nlSloca Hô. 64; *wrà«scrœf Rà XLI,
41; wïtescrœf Sfl/. 691; dëatSsele Cri. 1537; windsele Sat.
320; wyrmsele Jud. 119; wrœcstôw Gen. 90; wearhtrafu
El. 927; edwylm = âdwylm Walf. 63.
/S. Adj. Subst.: cwicsûsl Cri. 561.
«. Subst. -f Subst.: *«es festa clam Gen. 408; *fëonda
burg Jul. 545; sûsla grund El. 943; *wylmes grund El.
1299; •belle hâm Sat. 88; sûsla hûs Cri. 1604; »liges
loca Cri. 1621; *scea\'6ena scraef Sat. 633; *wrât5ra wîc
Cri. 1535.
Adj. Subst.: *Sâs dëopan dalu Gen. 421; «aet
hâta dael Cri. 1542; *neowoI genip Sat. 446; *uncQ\'5 eard
Cri. 1418; *ëset engesta ë^elrice Sal. 106; *sëo mirce
gesceaft Dmn. Dœg. 26; *grim graefhûs Sat. 708; se
bitera grund Sat. 149; se calda grund Sat. 637; se hâta
grund Sat. 485; se neowla grund Sat. 31 ; *Ses atola hâm
Sat. 96; *se dimma hâm Sat. Ill; se enga hâm Jul. 323;
se heolstra hâm Jud. 121; *haeft hâm Sat. 148; se lâtSa
hâm Sat. 178; se rëonga hâm Jul. 530; se «ystra hâm
Jid. 683; *ëes wâlica hâm Sat. 100; *wr3eclic hâm Gen.
37; *ëaet rœdlëase hof Gen. 44; *neo\\vel naes Jud. 113;
*Sget atole scraif Sat. 26; *ëce scrœf Ex. 537; *tSœt hâte
scrsef Sat. 419; *Saet lâtSe scraef Sat. 727; *se neowla
scraef Jul. 684; se dëopa sëatJ Cri. 1545; *se wëriga sele
Sat. 332; *Ses aenga stede Gen. 356; tJœl swearte sûsl G«.
639; wœlceald wïc Sal. 468; *wïc unsyfre And. 1310;
*grundlêas wylm Walf. 46; *hât wylm El. 1296.
y. Adj. Part. Gen.: *landa sweartost Gen. iS7.
•PRISON.
Clam Metr. I, 83.
a. Subst. Subst.: clûstorcleofa And. 1021; nydcleofa
Jul. 240; mort5orcofa And. 1004; nëadcofa And. 1309;
gnornhof And. 1008; hearmloca And. 1029; heolstorloca
And. 1005; hlinrcEced And. 1463.
a. Adj. Subst.: dim hoi Metr. II, 1.
FISH.
a. Subst. Subst.: brimhlaest Gen. 200; *sundhw£et
Waif. 57.
Subst. Ptc. : *Iagusvvimmend Sal. 289.
Phrases.
a. Subst. Subst.: holmes hlaest Gen. 1515.
WHALE.
•se àglœca Waif. 52.
«. Subst. Subst.: mereweard Waif. 53; •waiterCisa
Waif. 50.
«. Subst. 4- Subst.: garsecges gajst IValf. 29; fyrn-
streama geflota Waif. 7.
•FALCON, HAWK.
se waelisca Wyrd. 90.
«. Subst. Subst.: heoruswealwe Wyrd. 86.
-ocr page 87-RAVEN.
a. Subst. Subst.: wselcêasiga Ex. 164; lyftsceaöa
Wyrd. 39; *herefugol Ex. 161.
Herefugol Ex. 161 may be a kenning for quot;eaglequot;.
EAGLE.
a. Subst. Subst.: güöfugol Rà XXV, 5; *gûÔhafoc
JE\'SelsL 64.
CUCKOO.
a. Subst. Subst.: sumeres weard Seef. 54.
WOLF.
se gregga Dksp. II, 151.
a. Subst. Subst.: mearcweard Ex. 168.
a. Subst. Subst.: *holtes gehlêöa El. 113.
/?. Adj. Subst.: *earm ânhaga Dksp. I, 19; dëor
cwyldrôf Ex. 166; quot;«set grœge dëor /Etelst. 64; hâr
hϔJstapa Wyrd. 13.
AUROCHS (URUS).
a. Adj. Subst. : mœre mörstapa Run. 6.
-ocr page 88-STAG.
a. Subst. Subst.: hœSstapa Beo. 1368.
THE HUMAN BODY.
I have not distinguished between the hving body and
the corpse. Bode has already remarked that some of the
following kenningar may refer to the cadaver.
a. Subst. Subst. : feorhbold Kreuz. 73 ; bäncofa Beo.
1446; bänfset Beo. 1116; eorÖfiet Red. der Seel. I, 8;
lâmfœt Red. der Seel. II, 134; lîcfaet Gu. 1063; ëadorgeard
And. 1181; *eaIdorgeard And. 1183; •selegescot Cri.
1481; fliêschama And. 154; lichama Beo. 812; »gästhof
Cri. 821; »feorhhord And. 1182; grëothord Gu. 1240;
sâwelhord IVyrd. 34; bânhûs Beo. 3148; feorhhûs Beo.
297; sâwelhûs Gu. 1003; bânloca Beo. 742; bânsele
Dôm. Dœg. 102.
Feorhhord, which Bode gives as a kenning for
quot;breastquot;, I have taken up here because of the parallel
expression ëadorgeard; cf. IStaÖ Iren ecgheard
ëadorgeard sceoran, fœges feorhhord.
And. 1181 f.
a. Subst. Subst.: gœstes hûs Gu. 774.
ß. Adj. Subst.: »«œt fœge hûs El. 880; *leomo
lœmena Cri. 15.
Bode erroneously regards 1 ä m e n as a kenning for
quot;bodyquot;. It occurs only in this instance and here as a
plural adjective qualifying the neuter noun 1 e o m o:
he fSaet hrä gesceop, leomo lämena Cri. 15.
The phrase leomo Ismena may therefore be
regarded as a kenning, but certainly not 1 ä m e n which
is only a determinant of the basic word leomo.
THE EYE.
a. Subst. Subst.: heafodgim Cri. 1331.
«. Subst. Subst.: *heafdes gim Gu. 1276; hgafdes
segl And. 50.
TEARS.
Subst. Subst.: hlgordropa Gu. 1315; waegdropa Gu.
1030; *wöpdropa = lamentationis gutta, Sal. 283;
heafodwylm EL 1132.
1 do not regard breostwylm Beo. 1877 as a
kenning for quot;tearsquot; as Grein does (Wtb. s.v. forberan).
With Bode I hold it to mean quot;breast-surgequot;, i. e. deep
emotion.
THOUGHT, MIND, HEART.
Bode regards these words and phrases as kenningar
for quot;Brust als Sitz der Seelequot; which is, strictly speaking,
not correct, as it conveys the impression that they arc
used as names for the quot;breastquot; itself, whereas they are
kenningar for the quot;mindquot; or quot;heartquot; which is conceived
as seated in the breast. They are all founded on the
conception of the breast as the seat of thought and
feeling, but not one of them is used for the single, specific
word quot;breastquot; itself.
•brëost Gti. 626; *hord Cri. 1048;incofaMe/r. XXII, 18.
Compounds.
a. Subst. Subst. : »ferhScleofa Ps. CXI, 2; brëostcofa
Wand. 18; *ferhScofa Ps. CVIII, 17; «gastcofa Leas. 13
hordcofa M\'^attd. 14; hreSercofa Cri. 1329; runcofa Meir
XXII, 59; »breosthord Beo. 1719; »modhord And. 172
brëostloca EL 1249; feorhloca Gu. 625; ferh«loca Meir
XXIV, 5; ferCloca Wand. 13; »fyrhSloca And. 58
gewitloca iVIetr. X, 12; *hordloca And. 671; hrei5erloca
EL 86; *wordloca And. 470; *heortscraEf Ddm. Dœg. 39.
Subst. -f- Subst.: heoroworda grund Fee. Larcw 84;
brCosta hord Gen. 1608; *hreCerlocena hord Cri. 1056.
SPEAR, JAVELIN AND ARROW.
œsc Beo. 1772; ord Beo. 1549; »sceaft (sceft) Beo. 3118.
-ocr page 91-a. Subst. Subst.: *darot5aesc EL 140; sescholt Beo.
330; hildensedre Jud. 222; heresceaft Beo. 335; w^lsceaft
Beo. 398; *hildescur Gii. 1116; *isenscur Beo. 3116;
waelsteng Beo. 1638; campwudu EL 51; guSwudu
Finnsb. 6; maegenwudu Beo. 236; «recwudu Beo. 1246.
Campwudu 51 may be a kenning for quot;shieldquot;.
SWORD.
brand Beo. 1454; ecg Beo. 1524; iren (isen) Beo. 892;
isern Zaub. II, 14; laf Beo. 795; »maSm Rd LVI, 13.
L e o m a Beo. 1571 does not refer to sword, as Bode
thinks, but to the light which is mentioned earlier in the
poem, Beo. 1516.
a. Subst. Subst.: yrfelaf Beo. 1903; beadoleoma
Beo. 1523; hildeleoma Beo. 1143; hringmSl Beo. 1521;
guSwine Beo. 1810.
fi. Adj. Subst.: «brogdenmal (= brodenmSl) Beo.
1616; *sceadenmffil Beo. 1939; wundenmal Beo. 1531.
Maegenfultum Beo. 1455 cannot be regarded as
a kenning as is done by Bode.
a. Subst. Subst.: Welandes geweorc Wald. I, 2;
handweorc smiSa Rd. VI, 8; f6la laf Beo. 1032; homera
laf Beo. 2829.
/S. Adj. Subst.: *dêore mâôm Beo. 1528.
y. Adj. Part. Gen. : *mâÔma cyst Wald. I, 24 ; *irenna
cyst Beo. 802.
HELMET.
eofor Beo. 1328; «swyn? Beo. 1111.
If, as has been done by Bode, eofor Beo. 1112 is
taken as a kenning for quot;helmetquot;, then s w y n Beo. 1111
must also be regarded as such, as the two words are
clearly in apposition to each other:
£et Ôœm âde waes ëögesyne
swàtfâh syrce, swyn ealgylden
eofor ïrenheard. Beo. 1110 ff.
The difficulty is to determine whether s win and
eofor refer to the boar-image on the helmet only or
to the helmet as a whole. Only in the latter case would
one be justified in regarding them as kenningar. Similarly
c i n b e o r g Ex. ilb may be a pars pro toto, or it may
refer to the mentonnière or chin-piece only. The use of
the verb gespan nan points in favour of the latter
reading :
güöweard gumena grimhelm gespCon,
cyning cinberge. Ex. 174 f.
a. Subst. -f- Subst.: »cinbeorg Ex. 175; »heafodbeorg
Beo. 1030; eoforcymbol El. 76; beadogrlma Beo. 2257;
heregrlma Beo. 2049; wlgheafola Beo. 2661; quot;hSafodsegn
Beo. 2152.
a. Adj. Subst.: gylden grlma £1. 125.
•hlence Ex. 218; »hraegl Beo. 454, 1195; *hring Beo.
1503; syrce Beo. 226.
«. Subst. Subst.: breostgewade Beo. 2162; *eorl-
gewffide Beo. 1442; *gu6gew£ede Beo. 227; *byrnhama
Wald. I, 17; fyrdhama Beo. 1504; goldhama El. 992
graeghama Finnsb. 6; *waelhlence Ex. 176; beadohraeg
Beo. 552; fyrdhrsegl Beo. 1527; hringloca By. 145
breostnet Beo. 1548; herenet Beo. 1553; hringnet Beo
2754; searonet Beo. 406; herepad Beo. 2258; hildesceorp
Beo. 2155; beaduscrud Beo. 453; *gutgt;scrud El. 258
beaduserce Beo. 21bb] heoruserce Beo. 2539; hildeserce
El. 234; heresyrce Beo. 1511; leotJusyrce Beo. 1505
licsyrce Beo. 550; heaSowad Beo. 39; herewad Beo. 1897.
a. Subst. Subst.: •jeSelinges rCaf Wald. B, 20.
Adj. Subst.: writSene waelhlenc El. 24.
Bode gives w I r a g e s p a n n El. 1134 as a kenning
for quot;corsletquot;. I have, however, omitted it as uncertain.
•bord Beo. 2524; lind Beo. 2610; rand Beo. 682.
-ocr page 94-a. Subst. Subst.: *gutSbord Gen. 2693; *hildebord
Beo. 397; *6ry6bord El. 151; *wigbord Beo. 2339;
hildefrofor Wald. II, 12; banhelm Finnsb. 31; hea^Solind
^Mst. 6; *bordrand Beo. 2559; hilderand Beo. 1242;
*bordwudu Beo. 1243; *holtwudu Beo. 2340.
Adj. Subst.: geolorand Beo. 438; siSrand Beo.
1289.
y. Prep. Subst.: oferholt Ex. 157.
Phrases.
a. Subst. Subst.: fingra gebeorg Dksp. I, 38; gu«billa
gripe Wald. II, 13.
BATTLE, FIGHT.
gehniESt Gen. 2015; *ni8 Beo. 2584; plega Gen. 1989;
•geslyht Beo. 2398.
a. Subst. Subst.: lindcroda Gen. 1998; earhfaru El.
44; cumbolgehnast jEMst. 49; *lindgelac Faia Ap. 16;
*gu«gem6t Gen. 2056; handgemot Beo. 1526; *torngemot
Beo. 1140; *billgeslyht .EMst. 45; svvyrdgeswing Jud.
240; waipengewrixle /EMst. 51; billhete And. 78;
cumbolhete? Jul. 637; ecghete Beo. 1738; •beadolac
Beo. 1561; garmitting JE^elsf. 50; garni« Dksp. 128
hereniC Beo. 2474; searoni« Beo. 582; spereni« Gen. 2059
tescplega217; ecgplega/«r/. 246; •guSplega By. 61
handplega Gen. 2057; •hearmplega Gen. 1989; lindplega
0
-ocr page 95-Beo. 2039; niSplega And. 414; secgplega And. 1353;
sweordplega Wald. 13; *wigplega By. 316; *garrss By.
32; hondrffis Beo. 2072; »sweordras Fata. Ap. 59;
wselrss Beo. 2101; *gegnslege And. 1356; sescSracu Gen.
2153; ecgSracu Beo. 596; *gar«racu El. 1186; wapen-
Sracu Gen. 2290; *wigSracu El. 658; *beadoweorc Beo.
2299; *hereweorc El. 656.
Prep. Subst.: setsteall Wald. I, 21.
Subst. Subst.: billa broga Beo. 583; borda gebrec
By. 295; ecga gelac Beo. 1168; sweorda gelac Beo. 1040;
mecga gemana M^elst. 40; *gumena gem5t jEMst. 50;
gares gilpplega Ex. 240; *wselgara wrixl Gen. 1989.
WOUND.
a. Subst. Subst.: *sweordbite/«/. 603; *hea«uglem
Rd LVII, 3; bilswffiS Ex. 329.
Adj. Subst.: *la«bite Beo. 1122.
«. Subst. Subst.: billes bite Beo. 2060; sweordes bite
Fata Ap. 34.
BLOOD.
swat Beo. 1286.
a. Subst. Subst.: *heorudrync Beo. 2358; hildegicel
Beo. 1606; heaSuswat Beo. 1460; »hildeswat Beo. 2558.
Heorudrync is given by Bode as a kenning for
quot;woundquot;, although he gives as its meaning quot;Schwert-
trunkquot;. Cf. O.N. hjçrlggr {lQgr = liquid) = blood.
SHIP.
ac Run. 77; *bêam Rà XI, 7; «bord Dksp. II, 188;
brenting Beo. 2807; flota Beo. 210; *hof Gen. 1345;
*hûs Gen. 1442; *lid And. 398; *stefn Beo. 212; \'stefna
495; wudu 216.
\'nbsp;J
For the meaning of brenting cf. brant, b r o n t
Beo. 238, Atid. 273, and brandstœfn( = brantstefn)
And. 504.
a. Subst. Subst.: Jiolmaern Gen. 1422; wâgbord
Gen. 1340; »ySbord And. 298; »merecist Gen. 1317;
«ellfœsten Gen. 1482; wudufaesten Gen. 1312; œgflota
And. 258; ha;rnflota Gu. 1307; »sœflota And. 381;
wœgflota Beo. 1907; sâ-genga Beo. 1882; brimhengest
And. 513; faroShengest El. 226; merehengest Rà XV, 6;
siëhengest And. 488; sundhengest Cri. 853; wœghengest
El. 236; yShof El. 252; geofonhûs Gen. 1321; merehûs
Gen. 1364; *y«lid And. 445; *sundlida Beo. 223; ySlida
Beo. 198; lagumearh Gu. 1306; siêmearh El. 228; ySmearh
Cri. 864; sundreced Gen. 1335; cSolîSel Bot. 8; wâigSel
Gen. 1358; brim«isa El. 238; ♦mere«issa And. 257;
•\\vaîter«issa Gu. 1303; brimvvudu El. 244; flôdwudu Cri.
854; sœwudu Beo. 226; sundwudu Beo. 1906.
/Î. Adj. -f Subst.: fâmigheals Beo. 1909; bundenstefna
Beo. 1910; *hringedstefna Beo. 32; wundenstefna Beo.
220.
rt. Adj. Subst,: naegled bord Gen. 1418; sahved bord
Gen. 148; *flota famiheals Beo. 218; *wudu wundenheals
Beo. 298,
It may be queried in how far one is justified in grouping
the kenningar for Noah\'s Ark with those for quot;shipquot;.
My reason for doing so is based on the fact that the
-kenningar, as used in Gen. for the Ark, go to show
that the poet conceived of it as a ship. He, in fact,
very often uses the word quot;shipquot; as a designation for the
Ark. I have not, therefore, considered it necessary to
class these kenningar as a group by themselves for the Ark.
C ë o 1 (=ship), although a pars pro toto, has not been
included. In A. S. it is always used in this sense in prose
as well as in poetry. In O.N. k j ó 11 is used in poetical
texts for quot;shipquot;, whereas k j 9 1 r may designate either
the keel or the ship.
SAIL.
•wad? And. 375.
a. Subst. Subst.: merehra;gl Beo. 1905.
According to Baskervill w £ d o g e w S 11 e And.
375 = wet weeds (sails), while Kemble regards it as
meaning quot;wet with watersquot;.
MEN.
Castas And. 1002.
а.nbsp;Subst. Subst.: folcbearn Gen. 1760; woruldbearn
/?d. LXXXIV, 32; burhwaran Metr. X, 47; »ceaster-
waran And. 1648; eor\'Swaran Metr. IV, 57.
L a n d w a r e Beo. 2321 may be a kenning or not.
It depends on whether one regards it as being used for
quot;menquot; in general, or as being employed to denote quot;the
people of the countryquot; in contradistinction to the
burgware or quot;townsmenquot;. Cf. C a n t w a r e,
R 6 m w a r e, etc.
/?. Subst. 4- Ptc.: feorhberend Gen. 1955; gastberend
Ra. XXI, 8; reordberend Cri. 381; sawlberend Beo.
1004; Cgbuend (igbuend) Eadg. 57; eor«buend Finnsb.
33; foldbuend Beo. 1355; grundbuend Beo. 1006; land-
bucnd Beo. 95; sundbuend Cri. 221; woruldbuend Metr.
VIII, 35; Seodbuend Cri. 1173; burhsittend Cri. 337;
dryhtwuniend Craft. 7; woruldwuniend Metr. XIII, 7.
•/. Adv. Ptc.: hgrbuend Jud. 96.
б.nbsp;Adj. Subst.: eormencynn Wyrd. 96.
«. Subst. Subst.: iElda beam Cri. 937; dryhta beam
Gu. 1103; fira beam Jud. 24; »folca beam Gen. 1087;
foldan beam Gen. 1664; gumena beam Beo. 1367;
gumSeoda beam Gen. 226; hseleSa beam Dan. 626;
leoda beam Cri. 119; monna beam Ex. 395; niSSa beam
Pan. 13; byre monnes Ph. 128; *aelda cynn Cri. 780;
*fira cynn 610; *hsele\'5a cynn And. 907; *monna cynn
Jul. 470; *manna gecynd El. 734; godes handgeweorc
Cri. 1415; *heofoncyninges handgeweorc Gen. 494;
*wera cneoris Ex. 3; worulde gesceafta Metr. XXX, 14;
*banhuses weard Ex. 523.
Adj. Subst.: cwica wihta Rd. XXIX, 8.
It is not clear why Bode excludes the phrases con-
taining cynn as basic word. Considering their frequent
occurrence in Anglo-Saxon poetry, he could hardly have
missed them, and must, accordingly, have omitted them
intentionally. Yet he instances eormencynn as a
kenning, and as the basic word is the factor which
decides whether a phrase is to be regarded as a kenning
or not, it is difficult to see why Bode objects to cynn
in fira cynn, haeletJa cynn, etc., while he
includes it in the case of eormencynn.
I have omitted the following phrases which Rankin
regards as kenningar: wer\'Seod, yrmen^5eoda,
eorlas on eor\'San, folc under wolcnum,
and folc under roderum.
That tJeod, eorlas and folc are literal terms
for quot;menquot; is also Rankins view, for, in spite of the fact
that these words are frequently used for quot;menquot;, he does
not regard the single words as kenningar. It is with
regard to such phrases that Meissner rightly remarks:
quot;Für die Hauptmasse der Kenningar, mögen sie nun ein
wirkliches Verhältnis zwischen Grundwort und Bestim-
mung bezeichnen oder mögen Grundwort und Bestim-
mung sich erst durch Übertragung verbinden, gilt als
Regel, die sich von selbst versteht, dass im Grundwort
nicht schon der Sinn der ganzen Kenning liegen darf,
m j Q ö r a n n Atlakv. 9, 7 ist also keine Kenning für
Haus, dagegen ? 1 k n q r rquot; (p. 28).
WertJeod, yrmen^eod, eorlas on eordan,
and folc under wolcnum (roderum) mean
nothing more nor less than «eod, eorlas and folc.
The phrase haeleöa beam occurring in Beo. 1189
may not be a kenning for the general conception quot;menquot;,
as Bode thinks, but refers more likely to the fighting
men, more particularly to the younger warriors, since
hffiletSa beam and geogo« are evidently
parallel expressions:
Hwearf Öä bi bence «äer hyre byre waeron,
HrgSrIc ond Hrötimund, ond hseleöa beam,
giogo« aetgajdre. Beo. 1188 ff.
MARINER, SEAFARER.
♦flota jE^elst. 32.
a. Subst. Subst.: ♦scipflota M^elst. 11; brimgaest
Rä. IV, 25.
Subst. Ptc.: *faroSlacend Waif. 5; *hea«ulit5end
And. 426; faroSridend And. 440.
WARRIOR.
*freca And. 1163; scea?5a Beo. 1803; sceotend Beo. 704.
Compounds.
a. Subst. Subst.: werbeam Ex. 486; hildefreca Beo.
2205; scildfreca Beo. 1033; sweordfreca Beo. 1468;
wigfreca Beo. 1212; lindgeborga El. 11; *eaxlgestealla
El. 64; *fyrdgestealla Beo. 2873; *Iindgestealla Beo. 1973;
hildetJremma Jul. 64; *herew£eSa Jud. 173; heorowulf
Ex. 181; herewulf Gen. 2015; hildewulf Gen. 2051;
waelwulf By. 96.
Subst. Ptc.: sBScberend And. 47; garberend Ex.
231; helmberend Beo. 2642; segnberend Rd. XLI, 20;
gQSfremmend Beo. 246; bordhaebbend Beo. 2895; lind-
hffibbend Beo. 245; rondhajbbend Beo. 861; searo-
hffibbend Beo. 237.
a. Subst. 4- Subst.: *Scyldinga freca Beo. 1563.
SON.
a. Subst. Subst.: *yrfelaf Ex. 403; I5stweard Ex.
400; yrfeweard Beo. 2731.
HUSBAND.
♦frea Gen. 1822; wine Wald. I, 12.
-ocr page 102-a. Subst. Subst.: *fr6adryhten Gen. 2729; *freo-
dryhten Beo. 1169; *sinfrga Beo. 1934; aetgeofa Dksp.
II, 98.
KING, RULER.
As it is impossible to decide for every case in how far
the person referred to is entitled to the rank of king,
I have taken the group quot;Kingquot; in a wider sense than
one would be justified in doing at the present day. Thus
the kenningar for the patriarchs of the Old Testament
have been included.
The kenningar for quot;kingquot; are also very frequently
employed for the the head of a family. Gen. 2782, Sarah
uses the expression beaga weard when addressing
Abraham. Bode puts it in a nutshell when he says:
quot;Die Familie ist ein Staat im Kleinen, der Staat eine
Familie im Grossenquot; (p. 44).
*aldor Beo. 346; dCma Jul. 594; fruma Ps. L (Cot- ,
toniana); dryhten Beo. 2789; hyrde Gen. 1200; *räswa
Dan. O\'iO; weard Gen. 1157; wine Wald. I, 12; *wlsa
Gcm. 1157.
I have left out the words e o d o r, helm and
h 1 e o, which are given by Bode. The single words are
never found for quot;kingquot;. They always occur as part of a
phrase; cf. e o d o r I n g w i n a Beo. 1044; h e I ni
Scyldinga Beo. 311, and eorla hl5o Beo. 791.
Not the isolated words eodor, helm and hleo,
but the phrases eodor Ingwina, helm Scyl-
d i n g a and e o r 1 a hleo must therefore be regarded
as kenningar for quot;kingquot;.
a. Subst. Subst.: aldordema Gen. 1156; *freadryhten
Beo. 796; *gumdryhten Beo. 1642; »hleodryhten IVid. 94;
*mandryhten Beo. 1978; *sigedryhten Beo. 391; wine-
dryhten Wand. 37; dadfruma Edm. 3; hildfruma Jul. 7;
landfruma Beo. 31; leodfruma Beo. 2130; *ordfruma Beo.
263; *wigfruma Beo. 664; leodgebyrga Beo. 269; wilgeofa
Beo. 2900; jetgifa Gen. 1361; beahgifa Beo. 1102; *go\\d-
gifa Beo. 2652; maSSumgifa Wand. 92; sincgifa Beo. 2311;
♦ealdorman Ps. LXXXI, 7; heretema Metr. I, 31;
bregoweard Gen. 2333; dryhtenweard Dan. 535; e\'Sel-
weard Dan. 55; hordweard Ex. 511; freawine Beo. 2437;
goldwine Wand. 22; *brimwisa Beo. 2930; heafodwisa
Gen. 1619; herewisa Beo. 3020; «hildewlsa Beo. 1064.
Yrfe weard, given by Bode, has been omitted
here as it forms the basic word of the expression y r f e-
weard ingefolca Ex. 142, which has been classed
with the phrases.
Subst. Ptc.: folcagend186.-
y. Adj. Subst.: •freodryhten Beo. 1169; frumgar
Beo. 2856; *frumgara Gen. 1169.
a. Subst. 4- Subst.: »burga aldor Dan. 677; *Dena
aldor Beo. 668; *East-Dena aldor Beo. 392; quot;Elamitarna
aldor Gen. 196; *gumena aldor Dan. 549; *lëoda aldor
Ex. 12; *Mêda aldor Dan. 688; *secga aldor El. 97;
•Sodoma aldor Gen. 2124; «ioda aldor Metr. XXVI, 7;
werodes aldor Gen. 1643; gumena baldor Gen. 2693;
*beorna bëaggifa ^telst. 1; *beorna bealdor Gu. 1332;
rinca bealdor Jud. 339; sinca bealdor Beo. 2428; wigena
bealdor Jud. 49; winia bealdor Beo. 2567; bëaga brytta
Beo. 35; goldes brytta Gen. 1997; sinces brytta Beo. 1140;
*eorla dryhten JE\'^elst. 2; *Gëata dryhten Beo. 1484;
*Grëca dryhten Metr. XXVI, 19; *gumena dryhten Dan.
613; Wedera (MS. wereda) dryhten Beo. 2186; *burga
ealdor Jud. 58; *folces ealdor Beo. 202; *Öegna ealdor
Beo. 1644 ; leÖehnga ealdorwîsa Gen. 1237; *folca frëowine
Beo. 430; »Gëata goldwine Beo. 2419; *gumena goldwine
Beo. 1171; gumena gûSweard Ex. 174; *herefolces
hëafodweard Jud. 239; aeÖelinga helm Gen. 1858; *b3\'rn-
wiggendra helm El. 224; herigea helm El. 148; •lid-
manna helm Beo. 1623; *Scyldinga helm Beo. 371;
•Scylfinga helm Beo. 2381; *Wedra helm Beo. 2462;
weoruda helm El. 223; œÔeHnga hlëo El. 99; »dugu\'Sa
hlëo Gu. 1034; eorla hlëo Beo. 899; *frëonda hlëo Gu. 985;
•haîle\'Sa hlëo By. 74; wîgena hlëo Citron. II, 12; •heria
hildfruma El. 101; *hœle\'Sa hordweard Beo. 1047; folces
hyrde Beo. 610; rïces hyrde Ex. 256; sinces hyrde Gen.
2101; *yrfes hyrde Gen. 1067; mecga mundbora Edm. 2;
folca ràëswa Dan. 667 ; hieleîSa rœswa And. 692 ; •weorodes
ràêswa Dan. 487; *Babilone weard Dan. 488; bëaga
weard Gen. 2782; bëahhorda weard Beo. 921; *burge
weard Dan. 173; folces weard Beo. 2513; gumena weard
Crœft. 59; »gumrlces weard Dan. 176; rîces weard Beo.
1390; werodes weard Dan. 552; wigena weard El. 153;
folces wisa Gen. 1198; *herges wisa Ex. 13; *maigenes
wisa Dan. 703; werodes wisa Ex. 258; *ingefolca yrfe-
weard Ex. 142.
a. Subst. Subst.: *wö^Sbora Crceft. 35; hieahtorsmi«
Ex. 43.
a. Subst. Subst.: gleobeam Beo. 2263; gomenwudu
Beo. 1066.
se aiÖeling Cri. 5030; se ägend Ex. 295; se almihtiga
Beo. 92; se äncenneda Red. der Seel. I, 51; *earendel Cri.
104; beorn Cri. 530; *se biliwita Jid. 278; cäsere Ph. 634;
se craeftga Metr. XI, 92; cyning Cri. 12; dema Sch. 58;
♦drihten Beo. 187; gee, se 6ce Metr. IV, 29, XI, 74;
fader Beo. 188; *se guma Kreuz. 49; hälend Cri. 634;
se hälga Ph. 399; *hcarra Gen. 358; »hlaford Cri. 461;
lätteow Gu. 335; nergend Cri. 398; se reccend Rä. XLI,
30; se scyppend Sal. 56; se steora Sch. 45; se torhta Sat.
294; *Öeoden Gen. 80; wealdend Beo. 2292; *wuldor Rä.
LXXXIV, 32.
a. Subst. Subst.: hälubearn Cri. 586; sigebearn
Ho. 43; sigorbeorht Cri. 10; gästcyning Gen. 2883;
heofoncyning Gen. 463; maegencyning El. 1247; rodor-
cyning Cri. 121] söiScyning Gen. 2635; swegicyning Gu.
1055; Öëodcyning Red. der Seel. II, 12; ÖryÖcyning
436; wuldorcyning Beo. 2795; *wundorcyning Geb. IV, 2;
heofondêma Sat. 658; sigedëma Cri. 1061; sigedryhten
Cri. 128; weorulddryhten Metr. XXIX, 1; »sööfseder
Cri. 103; wuldorfeder Men. 147; liffrëa Cri. 15; liffruma
Cri. 656; ordfruma Gen. 13; «iodfruma Metr. XXIX, 94;
se argifa Crceft. 11; wilgifa Cri. 537; feorhhyrde Gloria 8;
heofonmsegen Geb. IV, 35; sigetorht Sat. 240; maegenörym
Hö. 22; burgweard And. 660; heofonvveard Gen. 120;
lifweard El. 1035.
Adj. Subst.: cynebearn And. 566; aeSelcyning
Cri. 907; hëahcyning Gen. 1240; hëahfeder Kreuz. 134;
söÖfseder Cri. 103; ealwealda Beo. 1314; bj\'^rhtword
Sat. 238.
y. Subst. Ptc.: Örymsittend El. 810.
ó. Prep. Subst.: anwalda Beo. 1272.
Subst. -1- Subst.: »wuldres aeSeUng Cri. 158;
alweaida (ealra) gesceafta Metr. XI, 22; \'Sëoda bealdor
And. bM; •(eallre) sybbe bearn El. 446; *bearn waldendes
Jul. 266; »wuldres bearn Sat. 587; beorna brego And. 305;
engla brego Jul. 666; *gasta brego Ps. L (Cot.); gumena
brego And. 61; hëahengla brego Cri. 403; brego mon-
cynnes Dom. Deeg. 7; blÈêdes brytta El. 162; lifes brytta
Cri. 334; swegles brytta Cri. 281; tires brytta Jud. 93;
wuldres cynebearn Men. 159; cyning cwicera (gehwaïs)
And. 912; (ealra) cyninga cyning Cri. 136; cjming
ealwihta Cri. 687; engla cyning Cri. 715; haeleÖa cyning
Cri. 372; hëahengla cyning Cri. 528; heofonengla cyning
Cri. 1010; heofones (-na) cyning Cri. 61, And. 1505
maegena cyning Cri. 833; *monna cyning Sat. 688
rodora cyning El. 1074; wuldres cyning Kreuz. 133
dugeöa dffidfruma And. 75; *eorÖan dëma Ps. XCIII, 2
wuldres dëmsL Jud. 59; dryhtna dryhten Cri. 405; dugeöa
dryhten El. 81; engla dryhten Sat. 397; fëora dryhten
Sat. 435; gasta dryhten Dom. Deeg. 81; gifena dryhten
Gen. 2935; dryhten gumena Vater Unser II, 14; heofones
(-na) dryhten Kreuz. 64, Cri. 348; *lifes dryhten Ps.
CXIX, 2; maegena dryhten Ps. LXXXIII, 1; mihta
dryhten Geb. III, 33; sigora dryhten El. 346; weoruda
dryhten El. 896; wuldres dryhten Geb. III, 54; ëcra
ëadgifa Jul. 563; engla ëadgifa And. 451; eorla ëadgifa
Cri. 546; gaêsta ealdor Dom. Doeg. 91; heofona ealdor
Sat. 567; lifes ealdor Gen. 1113; *middangeardes ealdor
Jul. 154; sigores ealdor Geb. III, 20; swegles ealdor Jud.
124; Örymmes ealdor Jid. 448; weoruda ealdor Cri. 229;
wuldres ealdor Cri. 8; ealwcalda engelcynna Gen. 246;
faïder engla And. 83; fröfra faeder Gloria 8; faeder frum-
sceafta Cri. 472; faeder moncynnes And. 846; fjeder
swegles Cri. 110; folca feorhgifa Cri. 556; *frëa ealles
Beo. 2794; engla frëa Gen. 157; frëa folca (gehwaes) Dan.
401; •fyrnweorca frëa And. 1410; heofona frëa Gu. 1404;
lifes frëa Glaub. 5; moncynnes frëa Kreuz. 33; rices frëa
Glaub. 34; sigora (-es) frëa Gm. 1053, Cri. 404; *cyninges
frëobearn El. 672; *burhleoda fruma Sat. 561; (ealles)
folces fruma Hö. 41; *fyrnweorca fruma Cri. 579; herga
fruma El. 210; lifes fruma Cri. 44; miêrÖa fruma Edg. B,
21; moncynnes fruma Metr. XXIX, 42; sigores fruma
Cri. 294; *ûpengla fruma And. 226; swegles gâst Cri. 203;
manna gehyld Beo. 3057; wuldres gim Ph. 516; msegena
goldhord Cri. 787; heofones (-na) hëahcyning Cri. 150,
Gen. 50; heofona hëahfrëa Cri. 424; aeöelinga helm And.
277; helm ealwihta Cri. 274; engla helm Gen. 2751;
gâsta helm Gen. 1793; *hâhgra helm Cri. 529; heofona
helm Beo. 182; heofonrïces helm Cri. 566; wera helm Cri.
634; wuldres helm Cri. 463; *eallra hlâford El. 475;
heofona hlâford Kreuz. 45; *beorna hlëo Jtd. 272; *gœsta
hlëo Jul. 49; haligra hyht Jid. 642; hœleôa hyhtgifa El.
852; dugeöa hja\'de Gen. 164; gâsta hyrde Dan. 199;
heofona hyrde Dom. Dœg. 86; lëohtes (-a) hyrde Az. 121,
Edg. A, 13; rïces hyrde And. 807; tungla hyrde Geb. IV,
9; «ëoda hyrde Az. 150; Örymmes hyrde Jul. 280;
wuldres hyrde Beo. 931; »godes lomber Gu. 1015; lïfes
lâreow And. 1466; lifes lâttëow El. 898; lëohtes lëoht
Geb. III, 1; *söÖfcestra lëoht El. 7; lïfes lëohtfruma And.
837; *(sö*Sf0esta) sunna lëoma Cri. 106; wuldres lëoma
Sat. 85; aeöelmga ord Cri. 515; ëades ordfruma Cri. 1199;
engla ordfruma Sat. 239; ordfruma (ealra) gesceafta Cri.
402; lïfes ordfruma Cri. 227; werodes rœswa Dan. 487;
sigcbearn godes Hö. 11; *sâwla sööcyning Ps. CXX, 7;
sigora söCcyning Beo. 3055; sâwla symbelgifa And 1417;
engla fSëoden Ex. 431 ; \'llfes Örym Cri. 204; rodera «rym
Cri. 423; (ealra) cyninga Örym Vater Unser III, 45;
(ealra) Örymma Örym Gu. 1076; »«rynesse Örym Cri. 599;
•wigena Örym El. 1089; wuldres örym Cri. 83; Öëoda
Örymcyning Metr. XX, 205; Örymcyning Öëodenstöles
Mod. 620; brytenrices weard Az. 107; engla weard El.
1315; folca weard Cri. 946; gâsta weard Gu. 1177;
gumena weard Vater Unser II, 19; heofones (-na) weard
Sch. 52, Edg. B. 35; heofonrices weard Gen. 1484; (hëah)
hordes weard Sch. 39; lëohtes weard Ddm. Dceg. 53
llfes weard Gen. 144; middangeardes weard And. 82
moncynnes weard Gen. 2757; rodera weard Cri. 134
sigora (-es) weard Cri. 1517, 243; swegles weard Jud. 80
ûpengla weard Men. 210; wuldres weard Sat. 514
weoruda wilgeofa And. 62; beorna wuidor El. 186
cyninga wuidor And. 901; heeleîJa wuidor Ayid. 1463
weoruda (-es) wuldorcyning Gen. 2; weoruda wuldorgifa
Ho. 42; aetJelinga wyn Ho. 121; *eorla wyn Gu. 1179
lïfes wyn Geb. Ill, 1; wîgena wyn Jid. 641; wuldres
wyrhta Ph. 130.
a^. Subst. Subst. : fruma and ende And. 556; or and
ende Rà. LXXXIV, 10; wealdend and wyrhta Metr.
XXX, 14.
/S. Adj. Subst. : ëce anwalda Sat. 642; beorht blœdgifa
And. 84; »bregu sëlesta Ph. 620; cyning aelmihtig Gu.
794; œrfaest cyning Jud. 190; se œSela cyning Ph. 614;
cyning ânborn Cri. 618; beorht cyning Cri. 828; bll^heort
cyning Gen. 192; brème cyning Edg. A, 12; se 6ca cyning
Sch. 32; *se heofonlica cyning Ps. LXVII, 14; se hyhsta
cyning Jul. 716; se mihtiga cyning Ph. 496; sôCfœst
cyning Ex. 9; stiSferhS cyning Gen. 107; tîrëadig cyning
Geb. Ill, 2; tïrmeahtig cyning Cri. 1166; wâêrfaest cyning
And. 416; wuldorfaest cyning Az. 133; ëce dëma Cri. 796;
hàlig dëma Ps. LXVII, 6; se hëhsta dëma Jud. 4;
*rihtwïs dëma Vater Unser II, 7; •sôSfœst dëma Ps.
XCIII, 22; »blItJe dryhten Ps. LXXXIV, 1; ëce dryhten
Beo. 2796; *halig dryhten Beo. 686; »lëof dryhten Ps.
LXXVII, 5; •méêre dryhten Ps. LXXIX, 5; «mihtig
dryhten Jud. 92; •rïce dryhten Ps. XCVI, 1; «witig
dryhten Beo. 1841; ëce ëadfruma Cri. 532; *halig engel
Sat. 586; faeder aelmihtig Cri. 320; fader alwalda Beo. 316;
beorht faeder Dom. Deeg. 90; bilewit faeder Dan. 363;
faeder ëce Hym. 14; *halig faeder Metr. XX, 46; *svvffis
faeder Cri. 617; *frëa beorhta Geb. II, 1; frëa aelmihtig
Gen. 2710; »frëa mihtig El. 680; »fröfre gast El. 1036;
se micela helm Sat. 252; *heofoncyning hahg Gen. 1315;
halig hyrde Gu. 761; tSaet halige lamb Hym. 22; Öaet ëce
lëoht Geb. III, 30; *mild mundbora Jul. 213; se rïca
rsêdbora Vater Unser III, 38; se rica réêsbora And. 385
*ëce rex El. 1041; söÖ sigedryhten Vater Unser II, 34
*sëo sööfaïste sunne Ph. 587; »torht tirfruma Cri. 206
*m2êre Öëoden And. 94; rïce «ëoden And. 415; »Öëoden
Örymfaïst Cri. 457; vvulder ealwalda Dksp. 133.
j\'. Ptc. Subst.: haelend cyning Glaub. 10; nergend
cyning Geb. IV, 49; »hajlend dryhten Ps. CVII, 6;
•nergend dryhten Ps. CXIII, 9; *wealdend dryhten
Ps. LXV, 16; wealdend frëa Cri. 328; »Örymsittend
wuldorcyning And. 417.
(3. Subst. Ptc.: lifes agend Cri. 471; sigores agend
Cri. 420; swegles agend Cri. 543; wuldres agend Cri. 1198;
diëda dëmend Beo. 181; dugetSa dëmend And. 87; gSsta
gëocend Cri. 198; »helpend giësta Rd. XLIX, 50; hïeleöa
helpend Dan. 403; helpend wera Vater Unser 1, 7; flra
nergend El. 1173; niÖSa nergend Gu. 612; sawla nergend
Cri. 571; »nergend (ealra) woruldbüendra/«rf. 81; ealles
oferwealdend El. 1235; rodera nëdend Beo. 1555; rodera
7
-ocr page 111-ryhtend Cri. 798; selda scyppend Wand. 85; *eallra
scyppend El. 370; engla scyppend And. 119; *folces
scyppend Geb. II, 1; frymöa scyppend Ph. 630; gästa
scyppend Dan. 292; haeleöa scyppend Hym. 34; heofona
scyppend And. 192; manna scyppend And. 486; mihta
scyppend Gu. 1131; «scyppend tungla Metr. IV, 1
weoruda scyppend Fœ. Larcw. 62 ; sigora seilend Pan. 64
sigora settend Dan. 333; duge«a wealdend And. 248
ealles wealdend Vater Unser III, 1; wealdend engla Cri
474; eoröan wealdend Glaub. 6; fira wealdend Beo. 2741
folca wealdend Az. 104; frum«a wealdend Jud. 5; gästa
wealdend Gen. 2545; *h9eleÖa wealdend Ps. CXLI, 6;
heofones (-na) wealdend Gen. 260, 2385; lëohtes wealdend
Gloria 9; lifes wealdend Crceft. 92; maegena wealdend El.
347 ; meahta wealdend Cri. 823 ; rodera wealdend El. 206 ;
sigora wealdend Metr. XX, 204; *tires wealdend Ps.
LXXIX, 14; «ëoda wealdend And. 1453; weoruda
wealdend Cri. 1570; »wealdend weröëode Cri. 714; wihta
wealdend Sat. 125; wuldres wealdend Sat. 24; wyrda
wealdend El. 80; ylda wealdend Beo. 1661.
E. Adj. 4- Ptc. : *scyppend märe Ps. CHI, 23; sigeröf
settend Az. 47; ëce wealdend Geb. I, 2; quot;wealdend
mihtig Ps. LXXIX, 17.
Ç. Adj. Part. Gen. : •seöelust bearna El. 476; »bearna
sëlost Geb. III, 48; rëöust cyninga Hö. 36; cyninga sëlast
Hö. 119; *engla beorhtast Cri. 104 ; heofoncyninga hyhst.
Dom. Dœg. 108; quot;sööfaest sigora Ex. 433.
rj. Subst. Prepositional Phrase: cyning on roderum
El. 460; cyning on wuldre Vater Unser III, 2.
ANGEL(S).
âr Cri. 595; *boda Cri. 449; *gâst Dan. 526.
Compounds.
a. Subst. -f- Subst.: *sigorcynn El. 754; œrendgâst
Gen. 2296; wuldorgàst Gen. 2912; œrendraca Gen. 2434;
freotSuscealc Gen. 2301; *maegenöegn Gn. 1099; freoöu-
weard Gu. 144; friöowebba El. 88.
p. Adj. Subst.: hëahöegn Dan. 443.
a. Subst. Subst.: wuldres âr Cri. 493; bearn heofon-
wara Sal. 463; wuldres bearn Gen. 11; dryhtnes boda
Gen. 532; godes boda Cri. 1305; *wuldres boda El. 77;
metodes öegn Gen. 2907; wuldres tSegn Gen. 2568;
gâsta weard Gen. 12; wuldres wilboda Gu. 1220.
p. Adj. -f- Subst.: *hâlige gâstas Gen. 2399; »bilewit
hëap Sai. 242; »sâwelcund hyrde Gu. 288; *weorud
wlitescyne Cri. 493.
DEVIL(S).
se âglœca Jul. 268; se aida Sat. 34; se atola Saf. 413;
se âwyrgda Sat. 316; se balewa Sat. 484; se blaca Sat. 71 ;
bona Hö. 88; draca Sal. 26; se fêond Gen. 306; se hearma
Ph. 441; hettend Ph. 441; »se lâSa Gen. 489; sceaöa
Gen. 606; sceööend Cri. 761; *se unholda Cri. 1Qgt;2\\ se
wCrga Jul. 429.
a. Subst. 4- Subst.: feorhbana IValf. 41; gastbana Beo.
177; suslbana Sa/. 640; wrohtbora Cri. 763; *hellecinn
Cri. 1620; ceargsst Gu. 364; *hellegEest/«/. 457; *frum-
gar Jul. 685; wuldorgeflogena Zaub. IV, 47; gsstgeniSla
Jul. 245; *mangenitSla And. 916; ealdorgevvinna Gu. 505;
niSgyst Gu. 511; hellehinca And. 1171; warloga Jid. 455;
*wr£ecm2ecga Jul. 260; hellescealc Sat. 133; helsceaSa
El. 956; leodsceaSa Cri. 273; mansceatSa Gu. 622;
gryrnsmiS wdf. 917; teonsmiS Gm . 17 6; wrohtsmi S G«. 8 7 7;
*aldor«ffign Sat. 66; helletSegn Gu. 1042; helwaras Ho. 21.
Adj. Subst.: ealdfgond Ph. 401; •ligesynnig
feond El. 898; se bealufulla Cri. 259; ealdgeniSla And.
1341; fyrnscea\'Sa And. 1346.
V. Prep. Subst.: wiSerbroga Cri. 564; se witSermeda
And. 1195; andsaca Gu. 181.
a. Subst. Subst.: feonda aldor Sat. 76; godes andsaca
Gen. 442; bana moncynnes And. 1293; se wites bana Cri.
264; morSres brytta And. 1170; synna brytta El. 958;
helwarena cyning Jul. 322; feond mancynnes Jul. 317;
s5wla feond Jul. 348; feonda forespreca Cri. 733; fyrn-
synna fruma Jul. 347; »leahtra fruma El. 838; synna
fruma Jul. 362; facnes frumbearn 1294; (eabra) fQla ful
El. 769; *bealowes gast Sat. 682; haileSa gewinna Jid.
243; sawla gewinna Jul. 555; helle hjeftling And. 1342;
synna hyrde Gu. 522; morCrcs manfrCa And. 1313;
«ystra stihtend Jul. 419; susles Cegn Jul. 558; wuldres
witSerbreca Jul. 269; *wr6htes wyrhta Jul. 346.
Adj. Subst.: earme adloman Gu. 884; atol aglSca
Sai. 161; earm aglSca Sat. 73; se ofermöda cyning Gen.
338; deorc dadscüa Cri. 257; se blaca fëond Pan. 58;
ëce fëond Gen. 1261; *fah fëond Ph. 595; lacende fëond
El. 899; se atola folc Sat. 383; se atola géést Gu. 87;
se awyrgda gSst Cri. 1690; *gramhydig gëêst And. 1694;
se la«a gsêst Sal. 86; se swearta gÉêst Cri. 269; •unclSne
gast Jtd. 418; earme geëstas Gu. 876; *gêomre gastas
Gen. 69; se wêrga gast Beo. 1747; glëaw gyrnstsef Jul. 245;
*scyldwyrcende sceaÖan El. 761; wraÖ wéërloga And.
1297; awyrgde wrërlogan Gu. 883; *wërige wihte Geb. IV,
57; *w£êrlëas wnecca Jul. 351; »awyrged womscaSa Jul.
211; se awyrgda wulf Cri. 256.
QUEEN.
a. Subst. Subst.: freo«uwebbe Beo. 1942.
Subst. Ptc.: «goldhroden Beo. 1948, 2025.
a. Subst. Subst.: fri«usibb folca Beo. 2017.
Instead of fritSusibb folca Bode gives
f r i « u s i b b only. A queen, by her marriage, actually
becomes a pledge of peace between two or more nations,
and this conception is better expressed by the phrase than
by the single word.
WIFE.
Gebedda Beo. 665.
-ocr page 115-a. Subst. Subst. : healsgebedda Beo. 63 ; mundheals
Cri. 446; *healsmaBget5 Gen. 2155.
Subst. Ptc.: *sinchroden Bot. 13.
In connection with mundheals Cri. 446, cf. Cri.
280—1, where the Virgin is spoken of as bryd Öses
sêlestan swegles bryttan.
*THE VIRGIN.
a. Subst. Subst.: mœre middangeardes Cri. 275;
cyninges mödor Men. 93; dryhtnes mödor Men. 169;
mœgtSa weolme Cri. 445; wifa wuldor Men. 149; wïfa
wyn Cri. 71.
Adj. Subst.: sëo cleèneste cwën Cri. 276; fÊêmme
frëolicast Cri. 72.
y. Adj. Part. Gen. : cwëna sëlost Men. 168; feegerust
maeg\'Öa Men. 148.
CROSS.
»bëacen El. 92; *bëam Cri. 729; »trëow Ps. XCV, 9.
Compounds.
a. Subst. Subst.: sigebëacen El. 168; *sigorbëacen
El. 984; sigebëam El. 420; *gealgtrëow Kreus. 146.
a. Subst. 4- Subst.: *bëacen godes El. 109; quot;rodor-
cyninges bëam El. 886; wuldres bëam El. 217; *heofon-
cyninges täcen El. 170; *sigores tâcen El. 85; hœlendes
trëow Kreuz. 25; lïfes trëo El. 1026; *röde trëo/w/. 447;
wuldres trëo El. 828; wuldres wynbëam El. 843.
ß. Adj. Subst.: *se aetSela bëam El. 1073; se blaca
bëam El. 91; *Sact beorhte gesceap El. 789; tSaet bälge
trëo El. 107; *«aet mœre trëo El. 214; »tSset wlitige trëo
El. 165; *wudu sëlesta Kreuz. 27.
y. Adj. -f Part. Gen.: *mœrost bëama El. 1012; *sëlest
sigebëama El. 1027; »täcna torhtest El. 164.
DEATH.
SI« Gu. 1018.
a. Subst. Subst.: *cwealmbealu Beo. 1940; ealdor-
bealu Beo. 1676; feorhbealu Beo. 2077; •mor«bealu
(MS. beala) Beo. 136; •mor«orbealu Beo. 2265; *endedaeg
Beo. 637; endedogor Beo. 2896; tidege Seef. 69; dea«gedal
Gu. 936; ealdorgedal Beo. 805; feorhgedal Gu. 1151;
*fri«gedal Gen. 1142; gastgedal Gen. 1127; lifgedal Wyrd.
45; nydgedal Gu. 906; sawelgedal Gu. 1008; »woruld-
gedal El. 581; ealdorlegu Gu. 1234; feorhlegu Beo. 2800;
woroldrieden? Beo. 1142; bealusi« Ex. 5; n5osI« Mod. 55.
/?. Adj. Subst.: *la«si« Ex. 44.
y. Adv. Subst.: hingong Gu. 783; »utgongy»/. 661;
ellorsi« Beo. 2451; forSsi« Gu. 911; heonansi« Z)om. Daig.
86; hinsi« Gen. 721; »utsl« Gu. 1241; for«weg Gti. 918.
In the case of the s I «-compounds it is very often
difficult to decide whether they are used literally or
figuratively. In some cases it appears that they denote
the journey of the soul after death rather than death
itself. Cf. fortJsi^ minne on ecne eard Gu.
1154.
Similarly I do not feel quite justified in regarding in
all instances e n d e d ae g and endedogor as syno-
nymous with quot;deathquot;.
Woroldrffiden Beo. 1142 is by no means certain.
Sedgefield, in his edition of the Beowulf, emends it to
worodrffiden and translates quot;troop-servicequot;. Up
to the present, however, no satisfactory explanation of
the word has been given, and the passage remains obscure.
a. Subst. Subst.: *leoma lifgedal Gu. 1019; lices
gedal Ph. 651; *dea«es swefn Gen. 720.
p. Adj. 4- Subst.: *enge anhaga Gu. 970; se deora si«
Sal. 361; wiga wselgifre Gu. 912.
•beorg Gu. 1166; *faesten Sai. 521; grgot And. 794;
*Ieger Kl. 34; *Txst Ho. 6.
a. Subst. 4- Subst.: •eor«aern Ho. 19; foIdaErn Cri. 730;
moldaern And. 803; gaersbed Ps. CI I, 15; »legerbed Red.
der Seel. II, 158; heolstorcofa Ph. 49; *eeostorcofa Gu.
1168; •«eostorloca El. 485; eor«grap Ruin. 6; sandhof
Gu. 1169; »wffilrest Gu. 1006; d6a«reced Ph. 48.
Subst. Subst.: »foldraeste eard Cri. 1030; *eorSan
faeöm Ph. 487; grëotes faeöm Ph. 556; *hrûsan gripe
Ruin. 8; hrûsan heolstor Wand. 23.
GRENDEL.
ägläca 425; *eoton 761; fëond 984; »guma 973;
hœ«en 986; se lä«a 132; *se mära 762; *rinc 720;
»öyrs 426.
a. Subst. 4- Subst.: gästbona 177; cwealmcuma 792;
ellengœst 86; hellegœst 1274; *wœlgœst 1995 ; scadugenga
703; feorhgeniöla 969; hellehaefta 788; helrüna 163;
hearmscaöa 766; mänsca\'Sa 712; lëodsceaîJa 2093; syn-
scaöa 707; helleöegn 142; heorowearh 1267.
ß. Adj. Subst.: ängenga 449; ealdgewinna 1777;
dolscaSa 479.
3\'. Adv. Subst.: »ellorgäst 807.
a. Subst. Subst. : godes andsaca 786 ; fëond moncynnes
1276; fyrena hyrde 740.
ß. Adj. Subst.: atol âglœca 592; atol ängenga 165;
dëogol dädhata 275; deorc dëa«scûa 160; *sc grimma
gast 102; se wërga gœst 133; märe mearcstapa 103;
•sinnig secg 1379; •wonsœli(g) wer 105.
y. Subst. 4- Prep. Phrase: *fêond on helle 101.
GRENDEL\'S MOTHER.
ides 1260.
a. Subst. Subst.: *feorhgeniöla 1540; *grundwiergen
1518; àglsécwîf 1529; sëo brimwulf 1599.
Adv. Subst.: ellorgâst 1621.
a. Adj. Subst.: *mihtig mânscaSa 1339; *merewïf
mihtig 1519; *wœlgœst wéêfre 1331; »wif unhyre 2120.
THE DRAGON.
âglœca 2520; bona 2824; »fëond 2704; se lâ«a 2305;
•wiht 3038.
a. Subst. Subst.: »hringboga 2561; »gryrefàh 2576;
•gûtJfloga 2528; gryregœst 2560; *niegâst 2699; *{erht-
genïöla 2881; «ealdorgewinna 2903; âttorscea«a 2839;
*güÖscea«a 2318; se mânscea«a 2514; «ëodsceaSa 2688;
♦eoröweard 2334; »hordweard 2554.
Adj. H- Subst.: »stcarcheort 2288; se wldfloga 2347.
a. Subst. Subst.: *beorges hyrde 2304; »fraitwa
hyrde 3134; Myrena hyrde 2220; »beorges weard 2580.
/?. Adj. Subst.: *grim glëdegesa 2650; atöl inwitgast
2670; laS lyftfloga 2316; *ea\\d ühtfloga 2760; eald
ühtscea«a 2271.
The terms w y r m and hordes hyrde are
employed for the dragon killed by Sigemund. Cf.
Beo. 884—7.
CHAPTER IV.
Kenning and Variation.
In the discussion of the kenning (Chapter II), I have
on several occasions referred to the variation and the
difference between it and the kenning. What has been
said there, must however be regarded as preliminary
remarks only, for, to my thinking the variation is im-
portant enough to warrant a much fuller discussion.
In the aforesaid chapter I gave it as my opinion that
the origin of the kenning must be sought for in its earlier
use as variation, when it could accompany, but not
supplant, the name of the person or object to which it
refers. The present chapter will accordingly be devoted
chiefly to a discussion of the motives and considerations
on which the above assertion has been based. In order
to do this, it will be necessary, in the first instance, to
give a formulation of the variation and to state as clearly
as possible what I consider to be its scope and meaning.
This is necessary in view of the fact that the term has
been differently employed by different writers. As in the
case of the kenning, some use the term variation in a very
limited sense while others seem to go beyond all bounds,
and regard as variations all words and phrases expressing
the same conception in a language. Neither the one nor
the other of these extremes is to be recommended. By
taking the variation in such a comprehensive sense, it
becomes too vague and indefinite, while on the other hand
needless difficulties are raised by restricting the appli-
cation of the term too much.
In my own exposition of the variation and its ambit,
I shall not.enter into a full and detailed discussion of all
that has been written in connection with the subject.
Among others, such has been done by Pretzel with
whose views I agree in all but one respect, namely, his
too restricted application of the term, which has led him
to separate and distinguish between such linguistic
phenomena as are essentially the same. In order to
substantiate this statement of mine, it will be necessary
to give a brief summary of P^tzel\'s views on the subject.
His conception of the variation is based on that of
Heinzel 2), in accordance with whose views he gives the
following three ways in which the variation may be
employed (p. 1 ff-)-
1) quot;Ein Begriff, der in einem Satze schon zur Genüge
gekennzeichnet ist, wird im folgenden nicht durch
ein Pronomen vertreten, sodern durch quot;malende und
pathetische Ausdrücke, welche dem Hörer die Wichtig-
gt;) Waltheh P.etzkl, Dic Vatialionen in der altgermanischen
Allileralionspoesi^, Bcdin, 19KJ.
2) R. Heiszi-l, Ueber den Stil der aligennamschen Poesie,
Strassburg, 1875.
-ocr page 123-keit des wiederauftretenden Begriffs einprägen sollenquot;,
z. B.
wiÖ fëonda gehwone flotan êowerne,
nïwtyrwedne nacan pn sande
ärum healdan, otS Öaet eft byreö
ofer lagustrëamas lëofne mannan
wudu wundenhals tö Wedermearce.
Beo. 294—98.
Hët Öä gebëodan byre Wihstänes,
hsele hildedïor, haeleöa monegum
boldägendra, Öaet hie beêlwudu
feorran feredon, folcägende,
gödum togënes. Beo. 3110—114.
2)nbsp;Erklärende und schmückende Appositionen folgen
ihrem Beziehungsworte nicht unmittelbar, sondern erst
nach anderen Satzteilen, häufig am Schlüsse des ganzen
Satzes, z. B.
Ic mid eine sceall
gold gegangan, oÖÖe güÖ nimeö,
feorhbealu frëcne, frëan ëowernc.
Beo. 2535—37.
3)nbsp;Ein neuer Begriff wird oft vom Dichter nicht
gleich mit dem eigentlichen Wort genannt, sondern wie
ein bekannter durch ein Pronomen eingeführt; erst
hinterher erfahren wir, wer gemeint ist, z. B.quot;
He Öä fraetwe vvaeg,
eorclanstänas, ofer yöa ful,
rice öeoden. Beo. 1207—091).
Dä he hean gewät
drSame bedäled deatSwic seon,
mancj^nnes fSond. Beo. 1274—76 i).
PiETZEL now proceeds to give his own definition of the
variation which he bases on the second and third of
the above groups: quot;Die zweite und dritte Klasse haben
also dieses miteinander gemein: ein für das Verständnis
genügend gekennzeichneter Begriff wird, entgegen dem
Gebrauch der Prosa, noch einmal und zwar oft mit Unter-
brechung des syntaktischen Zusammenhanges dem Hörer
oder Leser vor die Seele gerückt. Diese Ausdrucksfonn
nenne ich Variation. Ihre Hauptkennzeichen sind also
1) begriffliche, 2) syntaktische Entbehrlichkeit, woraus
sich ergibt 3) seltenes Vorkommen in der Prosaquot; (p. 3 f.).
From this definition it appears that P^tzel, in contrast
with Heinzel, excludes from the variation the first group,
since it clashes with the second demand which he makes
for the variation, viz., that it should be syntactically
redundant in the sentence. Since pronouns are syntacti-
cally necessary, P^tzel considers that expressions which
replace them, as in the case of group 1), also become
indispensable from a syntactical point of view, and,
when such is the case, he does not regard them as varia-
») These examples from the Beoivulf have been substituted by
nie for those given by P^iTZEL from the Hcliand.
tions. The above definition as well as his discussion of
quot;Andere Definitionen der Variationquot; p. 4 ff., show that
P^TZEL applies the term variation in a very limited sense.
Thus, he considers that variations can be regarded as
such only when they appear in the same sentence (p. 5).
Furthermore he excludes all expressions joined by
adversative and copulative conjunctions: quot;Was mich
grundsätzlich von Pachaly i) trennt, ist, dass ich nur
solche Ausdrucksformen als Variationen ansehe, die nicht
nur logisch, sondern auch syntaktisch entbehrhch sind.
Damit fallen alle jene durch a c, e n d i u. s. w. ver-
bundenen Wortvariationen weg, wie sie Pachaly in
grosser Anzahl angesetzt hat, z. B. 1322 h e t i e n d i
h a r m q u i d iquot;, etc. (p. 6).
In my opinion P.(ETZEL takes the variation in too
narrow a sense. In order to keep within the bounds of his
own definition, he cannot help falling back on subjective
considerations, in spite of his assertion to the contrary
(p. 15). It may be possible to decide whether an expression
is syntactically necessary or not in a sentence, but it is
extremely doubtful whether the same can be done for
the logical or the notional indispensability of a word or
phrase. This has been admitted by P.etzel himself:
quot;Am schwersten ist von den Kriterien der Var. das erste
und wichtigste, die EntbehrHchkeit für das Verständnis,
objektiv festzustellen. Die Schwierigkeit liegt oft darin,
dass sich nicht ausmachen lässt, wass der altgermanische
Dichter bei seinen Hörern als bekannt voraussetzen
Die Variation im Heliand und in der altsächsischen Genesis.
-ocr page 126-konnte, und was er zur Erklärung hinzufügen musstequot;
(p. 24). That this is an insurmountable difficulty in many
instances, is proved by the great number of doubtful
cases (Grenzfälle) given by P.^TZEL(p. 24 ff.). These doubt-
ful cases are given and discussed under three headings:
1) quot;Grenzfälle zwischen Var. und erklärender Appo-
sition (I give only a few of P^tzel\'s examples):
EDDA.
15, 1 \\gt;à. kva« pat Heimdallr, hvitastr âsa;
\\gt;rk. 17, 1 t)â kvaÖ pat pörr, pruöugr âss;
Hym. 5, 5 â minn fatSir, mööugr, ketil,
rûmbrugtSinn hver, rastar diûpan;
Brot. 6, 5 Hvar er nù Sigurör, seggia dröttinn.
BEOWULF.
208 |
lagucneftig mon ; |
secg wîsade. |
1259 |
ides, âglœcwïf; |
Grandies mödor. |
1270 |
gimfœste gifc; |
maîgenes strenge. |
2158 |
leod Scyldinga. |
Hiorogâr cyning. |
2) Grenzfälle zwischen Var. und formelhafter Ap-
position.
EDDA.
prymr ... .\\gt;uvsa dröttinn ])rk. G, 1 ; 11, 3; 22,1 ; 25,1;
30, 1; 31, 5.
-ocr page 127-Brynhildr.. .. BuÖla dóttir BroL 8, 1; 14, 1; G^r. I, 23,
l;27,3;///r. 4, 1; 5^.30, 1.
HamÖir____inn hugumstóri Ghv. 4, 1; Hm. 6, 1; 24, 1;
BEOWULF.
HröSgär...helm Scyldinga 371; 456; 1321.
Beowulf.. .bearn EcgSëowes 529; 631; 957; 1383; 1473;
1651; 1817; 2425.
Wiglaf----Wëohstanes sunu2602; 2862; 3076.
3) Grenzfälle zwischen Var. und Aufzählung.
Folgen zwei (oder mehrere) Synonyma asyndetisch
aufeinander, so entsteht nicht selten ein Zweifel, ob das
zweite den Begriff des ersten nur wiederholen oder ob es
den Gedanken weiterführen soll. Im ersten Fall wäre Var.
anzusetzen, im zweiten nicht.
EDDA.
\\irk. 32, 5 hon skell um hlaut fyr skillinga,
en hQgg hamars fyr hringa figlö.
Sd. 5, 5 fullr er hann lióÖa ok liknstafa,
góöra galdra ok gamanrüna.
BEOWULF.
89nbsp;hearpan swëg,
swutol sang scopes.
2507nbsp;heortan wylmas,
bänhüs gebraec.quot;
-ocr page 128-From the above it appears that P^tzel excludes the
apposition from the variation. He assumes that the
apposition proper, in distinction to the variation, does
not merely repeat the same conception, but that it is
added by the poet with the definite intention of throwing
more light on that conception. In view of this statement
of his, I fail to see why P^tzel refuses to include the
so-called quot;formal appositionsquot;. The formal nature of such
expressions shows that they are not used for their mea-
ning. Logically and syntactically they play no part in
the sentence, for which reason they should, according to
P^tzel\'s definition, be regarded as variations. Further-
more, I can not agree with Pretzel when he says: quot;Ich
habe in der Regel die Appositionen, die noch mit einem
Adjektiv versehen sind, als Var. angesetzt, weil eine
solche Apposition emphatischer wirkt, z. B. Grvi. 43, 5
skIrum Frey, nytum NiarÖar bur, gegenüber
pr/t. 22, 6 Freyiu at kvan, NiartSar döttur, das
ich unter die Grenzfälle verwiesen habequot; (p. 24 f.). I lean
to the opposite opinion and hold the first of these two
examples as the more doubtful. The fact that the poet
employs such an adjective seems to me to show that he
does not merely wish to repeat the same conception but
to draw the attention of the hearer to some particular
characteristic of that conception. In other words, from
the poet\'s point of view such an expression has a notional
function and is therefore not a variation according to
P^tzel\'s definition of the variation.
Such a restricted application of the term variation
must necessarily lead to arbitrary conclusions. quot;Ver-
schiedenartige Dinge in einen Topf zu werfenquot; is what
PiETZEL is particularly anxious to avoid and, in doing so,
he has, in my opinion, gone to the other extreme of
separating that which is essentially the same. There is no
fundamental difference between the explanatory appo-
sition and the variation; the latter represents only a
further stage in the development of the former. In its
simplest and most original form, the variation may be
defined as a word or phrase placed in apposition to
another word. Such an apposition may in the course of
time develop either into a variation — in the restricted
sense in which P^tzel employs this term — or into a
kenning. Before, however, entering into a discussion of
the ways by means of which this may take place, I shall
consider the motives which actuated the use of the
apposition. If the above statement be true, namely, that
the apposition is the common germ from which both the
variation and the kenning developed, then the causes
which led to the use of the former must be essentially the
same as those which operated in the case of the latter.
The function of an apposition is not always the same, and
in many cases it is impossible to say for certain what the
poet\'s object was in using it. The most simple and the
most usual cases are those in which the poet feels the
need of indicating more precisely to whom he is referring.
This I consider to be one of the chief reasons for the use
of patronymics. The proper name is not always sufficient
in itself. There may be various people of the same name.
so that it becomes necessary to distinguish between them;
or the poet may wish to impress the hearer with the
greatness of the hero. The name of a great and noble
father gives lustre to that of the son. That the Germanic
poet attached great importance and value to noble birth
is proved by almost every heroic lay that has been handed
down to us. The fondness of the poet to trace his hero\'s
descent to a divine origin, the long genealogical tables,
existing either separately or worked into longer poems,
and the frequent use of patronymics as appositional
phrases are all manifestations of this form of hero-
worship. It is met with in the Icelandic Sagas: the sons of
heroes are usually heroes themselves; the scion of an
illustrious house will sooner or later give proof of his noble
descent in the form of noble deeds or martial exploits.
Under such circumstances the poet considers that he
can not more effectively remove all doubt as to his hero\'s
courage, strength and general excellence than by pointing
to his lineage. That this was a motive for the use of
patronymics, seems to me to be beyond doubt.
On the other hand, the use of such appositional words
and phrases may be due to the impulse to say something
in a new and striking way. In his desire for freshness and
vivacity of expression the poet will try to replace an old
and hackneyed term by a less colourless and more
striking word or phrase. In order to do this he may
designate a conception in tenns of some particular
characteristic or quality of that conception. This is
possible in view of the fact that the objects, which words
denote, are usually complex, that is, they consist of
several parts or attributes. The poet seldom has all these
in his consciousness. His mental point of view will decide
which of these parts or attributes will become more
prominent, and one of the partial conceptions may thus
be substituted for the total conception. This is best
illustrated by means of an example. If different people,
belonging to the same religious denomination, were asked
to express their individual conception of God in a simple
sentence, it will afterwards be found, on comparison, that
probably no two of them agree. Sentences like the
following may be expected: God is the one Supreme Being;
God is the Ruler of the universe; God is a Spirit; God is
Man\'s Refuge; God is the Father of Man; God is the
Director of our destinies, etc. etc. In each of these sentences
a partial or an individual conception has been sub-
stituted for the total or general conception quot;Godquot;, which
is far too complex to admit of being defined in a simple
sentence. In distinction to the total conception, these
partial conceptions may vary according to the mental
condition and attitude of the individual at the time of
writing. The poet may use any one of the above expres-
sions as a designation for the Deity. His choice will depend
on the situation and the context. If he is describing a
battle or a fight, he may conceive of God as sigora
w a 1 d e n d Beo. 2875, sigora soScyning Beo.
3055, and gehyld manna Beo. 3056.
In this respect it is to be noted that the Beotvtdf poet
shows a marked preference for such expressions as give
utterance to the more heroic attributes of the Deity.
Temporal advantages rather than spiritual blessings arc
the incentive to noble and pious living, for in this life
God protects the faithful and destroys their enemies.
This somewhat materialistic view of the poet is further-
more illustrated by the following designations for the
Deity: se almihtiga 92, wealdend 2857,
y Id a wald end 1661, anwalda 1272, wîtig
d r i h t e n 1554, rodera rœdend 1555. Further-
more God gives strength and manliness, cf. 1270, 2182;
honour and fame, cf. 16; a vast kingdom, cf. 1731; help
in time of stress, cf. 381 ; and victory to those who trust
in Him, cf. 440, 685, 696, 15541). This attitude of the
poet is, however, thoroughly in keeping with the heroic
nature of his subject matter. In an epic poem, such as the
Beowulf, it is hardly to be wondered at that the poet\'s
conception of the Deity is that of the d àê d a d ë m e n d
181, the Yahveh of the Old Testament, quot;visiting the
iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third
and fourth generationquot;, rather than that of the hœlend,
the sawla nergend and the s was fader of
the New Testament — cf. Cri. 634, 571, 617. Like all
other monsters, Grendel is a descendent of Cain and, as
such, he is confined in dire fetters and « a r â b I d a n
s c e a 1____ m i c 1 a n dômes, h Q him s cl r
metod scrîfan wille 977 ff.
From what has been said up to the present, it appears
that the poet may at any time seize upon one of the
characteristics or attributes of a conception as a means
») Cf. F. Klikbek, Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf,
Angl. XXXV, 1912, 111 ff.
of expressing that conception itself. The more conversant
he is with such a conception, the higher he estimates its
importance and the more he loves or abhors it, the more
likely the poet is to add to the usual name or word such
appositional words and phrases as give expression to such
a conception in all its varying manifestations. The ways
in which God reveals Himself to the religious mind of the
Anglo-Saxon poet are almost infinite, with the result that
the poet finds it extremely difficult to get away from the
conception of the Deity when once it has taken hold of
his mind. Once and again he returns to it in his attempt
to give utterance to his thoughts and the emotions or
desires excited by a contemplation of the Deity. The
name of God hardly ever appears without some appo-
sitional word or phrase being added to it. In this respect
such appositions, as well as the kenningar themselves, are
most instructive as showing the interests, pursuits, likes
and dishkes of the poet and his contemporaries. The great
number of kenningar, as well as their frequent occurrence,
in Anglo-Saxon poetry for God, the Devil, Heaven, Hell,
arms and armour go to show how much the popular mind,
as reflected by that of the poet, loved to dwell in contem-
plation of these conceptions.
As far, therefore, as the original use of the apposition
is concerned, its quot;notional dispensabilityquot; in the sentence
is out of the question, as indeed has been conceded also
by P^TZEL when he distinguished quot;zwischen Variation
und erklärender Appositionquot; (p. 24).
From what has been said in the previous pages, it appears
that the apposition is employed mainly for three reasons :
1)nbsp;In order to avoid ambiguity and misunderstanding,
cf. Beowulf... Scyldes eafera 19 (the
Danish king) and Béowulf... bearn EcgSêowes
529 (the Geatish prince and hero of the poem). Here the
appositional phrases Scyldes eafera and bearn
EcgÖëowes clearly distinguish between the two
Beowulfs.
2)nbsp;For drawing attention to the importance of a person,
as for instance when the name of a famous father is added
as a patronymic to that of his son.
3)nbsp;In order to give utterance to the different characteris-
tics and attributes of a conception. This is probably the
most important reason for the use of such appositions.
Stirred by his great like or dislike of a person or an
object, the poet clings tenaciously to such a conception
and is, as it were, incapable of banishing it from his mind
until he has characterized it in as many ways as possible.
In the following quotation the poet is apparently under
the overwhelming impression of the divine omnipotence
for which he can not find an adequate expression. He
therefore adopts the method of analysing the conception
quot;Godquot; instead of defining it:
Ex. 431 ff. He aS swere« engla «ëoden,
wyrda waldend ond wereda god,
söCfaest sigora, «urh his sylfes llf.
In his inability to find any single term which adequately
expresses the divine omnipotence, the poet designates
God in terms of the different notions and conceptions
which he has formed of Him. It is not always possible
to state definitely which of these aims or objects the poet
had in view when he used an apposition. However, no
matter what the poet\'s motives may be, it stands to
reason that the relation between a word and its apposition
will not be clear from the very outset, unless it appears
from their syntactic relation in the sentence that they
refer to one and the same person or object. For this
reason, such an appositional word or phrase, when used
for the first time, must stand as closely as possible,
preferably in juxtaposition, to its relative term or ante-
cedent. This initial stage in the use of the apposition is
represented by the following examples : Heimdallr,
hvitastr as a Vrk. 15,1; p 6 r r, r ù 6 u g r â s s
]irk. 17, 1; ketil, rûmbrug^inn hver Hym. 5,
5; Wiglâf, Wëohstânes sunu Beo. 2862;
sidne scyld, geolorand Beo. 437; frëo-
drihten m In, sinces brytta Beo. 1169;
God sylfa, sigora sô«cyning Beo. 3054.
The natural order may be reversed so that, instead
of following, such appositions immediately precede the
word to which they relate : h i 1 d e I ë o m a n, billa
sëlestnbsp;1143; w o r u 1 d c a n d e 1, sigel Beo.
1966; eaforhêafodscgn, heaSostëapne
helm Beo. 2152; min v i n a, Hyndla systir
Hdl. 1, 2.
This inversion or hyperbation, which is one of the chief
features that distinguish poetry from prose, may be due
to metrical and other technical considerations, or the poet
may employ it for theoretical purposes, such as emphasis
and euphony. By beginning a sentence with an unusual,
vague and unfamiliar word, the poet often succeeds in
arresting the attention of the reader whose interest is
maintained until the unfamiliar word is elucidated by
the usual and more comprehensible term In whatever
sequence they may be used, it is essential for purposes
of clearness and unambiguity that such appositions, when
employed for the first time, should stand in close syntactic
relation to the words to which they refer. This use of
the apposition, viz., as a word or phrase immediately fol-
lowing or preceding its relative term, represents the kenning
in its most original form. In the next stage the apposition
becomes separated from the word to which it refers and
this separation may become wider and wider until
finally the apposition completely ousts the relative
term.
According to P^tzel the term Variation should be
applied only to the second of these three stages in the
development of the kenning, to that, namely, where the
apposition is separated from its relative term. For the
first he uses the name apposition. It would be foolish and
pedantic to quibble about the use of technical terms,
especially in view of the unsettled state of philological
terminology. There is accordingly no reason why the
Ll
There arc often reasons why the apparently ambiguous
form sliould be preferred to the strictly perspicuous one, as being
more forcible, putting the emphatic word or clause in the proper
place, or even avoiding stiffness and awkwardness of sound:
H. Alford, Pica for the Queen\'s Eftglish, § 175, p. 138.
terms apposition and variation should not be used to
distinguish between juxtapositional expressions and such
as are separated from each other by one or more words.
When, however, P^tzel contends, as he does, that there
is no relation between the apposition and the variation,
then I cannot agree with him. As far as their origin is
concerned there is no difference between the two. What
P^TZEL considers to be a variation is nothing else than
an apposition separated from its relative term by one or
more words. There is nothing extraordinary in this
drifting apart of words and phrases referring to the same
person or thing. What has been said in connection with
heiti and kenning, apphes also here: If two expressions
are repeatedly used in the same syntactic relation, the
one gradually assimilates the meaning of the other. This
continues until finally either the one or the other of such
expressions may be omitted, that which remains being
now capable of expressing the conception without the
help of the other. Before, however, the variation reaches
this final stage, where it may dispense with the help of
its relative term, it may pass through an intermediate
stage. That is, instead of annihilating this term, the
variation may become separated from it. With repeated
use the variation becomes more self-explanatory and
less dependent for its meaning on its relative position in
the sentence. The more self-supporting, so to speak, such
a word or phrase becomes, the further it may stand from
the word to which it refers. Whereas up to this stage it
has been necessary to place the two expressions as near
to each other as possible, they may now be separated by
a word, a phrase, a clause or a sentence, according to the
degree in which the variation has specialized its meaning.
This separation from its relative term represents the
variation in the first stage of its development into a
kenning. In its second and final stage the variation has
become clear enough by itself to dispense completely with
the literal term so that, instead of being added to this
term, it now supplants it. When such is the case, it has
ceased to be a variation and may be regarded as a
kenning.
In his discussion of the epithet and its use, R. M. Meyer
comes to a somewhat similar conclusion: quot;Wir haben
schon bemerkt, wie nah sich die Epitheta mit den
Synonymen-Classen der heiti und kenningar berühren.
Rosenberg {aao. 398) meint ganz richtig, was in der
altgerm. Poesie sich statt des eigentlichen Namens finde,
stehe bei Homer neben dem Namen. Am deutlichsten ist
das bei den Eigennamen: heisst es dort ständig Aidytve^
AaEQudbri u. dgl., so steht oit Healfdenes sunu aWtm.
Aber gerade bei den Namen finden wir doch noch oft
beides zusammen: //tV/tim«/ Heribrantes sunn usw., oder
in noch festerer Verbindung Ottar heimski u. dgl. Denn
jeder Zusatz, der überhaupt auf eigenen Füssen stehen
kann, wird benutzt, um einem kleinen Sätzchen ein
neues Haupt zu geben; mindestens wird so Hiliibrani
von Heribrantes sunu durch ein Verb getrennt. Bald wird
die Trennung grösser, Sätze drängen sich hinein, und
zuletzt tritt das Epitheton voll in die Geltung des Eigen-
namens ein, weil es als Nomen seiner fast substantivischen
Natur wegen am Versanfang festgehalten wird. Schliess-
lieh verdrängt dann gar das Beiwort das eigentliche Wort,
wie in einem hübschen Märchen von Andersen der
Schatten seinen alten Herrn beseitigtquot;^).
Naturally it is impossible to trace from the available
Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse Uterature all the stages in
the development of every kenning. The process, by which
variations became kenningar, must have been completed
for the greater part in prehistoric Anglo-Saxon and
Old Norse. Furthermore, considerations of stress and
alliteration must have played an important part in
influencing the arrangement and the relative position
of words in the sentence. In order to find an alliterative
syllable in the second hemistich the poet was undoubtedly
often compelled to violate his linguistic sense (taalgevoel).
Thus an expression which had not yet sufficiently
specialized its meaning to justify its separation from the
literal term, might have been relegated to the end of a
following line. All that can be done, therefore, as far as
our written sources are concerned, is to give from Anglo-
Saxon and Old Norse poetry a number of examples
illustrating the different stages along which an expression
may develop from a variation into a kenning. As has
been pointed out, the variation may either follow or
precede the literal word. The following examples have
accordingly been grouped so as to distinguish between
the first or natural order and the second or inverted order
of such expressions.
1) Altgerm. Poesie p. 19G f.
-ocr page 140-A.nbsp;Natural order.
B.nbsp;Inverted order.
A.nbsp;Natural order.
B.nbsp;Inverted order.
Variation
II. lt;
Literal term
and variation
in juxtaposition
to each other.
Literal term
and variation
separated by one
or more words.
Kenning HI. Omission of literal term.
Hwilum mjSru cw5n,
f r i S u s i b b folca, flet call geondhwearf.
Beo. 2016 f.
Sw5 manlice mare JS C o d e n,
h o r d w e a r d h a 1 e S a, heaSorasas geald.
Beo. 1046 f.
Cat ic sweord bere o«Se s i d n e s c y 1 d,
g e o 1 o r a n d to guSe. Beo. 437 f.
Ic wat on H i g c 1 a c e,
GCata dryhtne. Beo. 1830 f.
He mid E a 1 h h i 1 d e,
f Si 1 r e f r e o 6 u w e b b a n. Wid. 5 f.
Wœs him hyrde god
heofonrïces weard, hâlig drihten,
wuldres walden d. Dam. 11 ff.
weder cöledon
hearduni hsegelscûrum, swylce hrîm and forst,
häre hildstapan haeleSa ëSel
lucon. And. 1256 ff.
Siööan Sû gestïgest stëape düne,
hrincg «ses hëan landes. Gen. 2853 f.
Hîe tSâ fromlïce
lëton forÖ flëogan flâna scûras
hildeniêdran of hornbogan. Jttd. 220 ff.
ûs mid flôde baer
on hranrâde hëahstefn naca
snellic sSmearh. And. 265 ff.
I B.
Ond ÖÜ, HunferS, lœt e a 1 d e 1 â f e
w r 11 î c w œ g s w e o r d. Beo. 1488 f
Dâ wa:s be maeste m e r e h r œ g 1 a s u m,
segl sâle fsest. Beo. 1905 f.
«xt «Q ûs gebrühte brante cëole,
hëa hornscipe. And. 273 f.
Dä on dûnum gesaet
hëah mid hlseste holmaerna mäst,
earc Noes. Gen. 1421 ff.
siööan nsegled bord,
fœr sëleste flöd ûp ahöf. Gen. 1418 f.
Saet wit bläd ähton,
häligne hâm, heofon tö gewealde.
Sat. 414 f.
Öset gräge döor,
wulf on wealde. ^^elst. 64 f.
II A.
Da Waes on sande stêgëap naca
hladen herewœdum, hringedstefna.
Beo. 1896 f.
ond nü wi« Grendel sceal,
wiÖ «äm ägläcan, âna gehëgan
iSing wi« « y r s e. Beo. 424 ff.
Dä «aet s w e o r d ongan
aefter heaSoswäte hildegicelum,
w Î g b i 1 wanian. Beo. 1606 ff.
Öä hine h â 1 i g god
C c e upp forlët edmonne
strëamum stlgan, stiöferhö cyning.
Gen. 1404 ff.
9
-ocr page 143-Dâ gemynde god merelit)ende,
sigora vvaldend sunu Lämeches
and ealle Öä wöcre, «e hë wi« waetre belëac
lïfes lëohtfruma on lides bösme.
Ge7i. 1407 ff.
Ongyn Se s c i p wyrcan,
merehüs micel. Gen. 1302 f.
Oft Ö£et geséêleö Öaet wë on sœlâde
s c i p u m under scealcum, Sonne scëor cymeS,
brecaS ofer bseSweg brimhengestum.
And. 511 ff.
II B.
Hordwynne fond
eald ûhtsceaSa opene standan,
së Se byrnende biorgas sëceS,
nacod nîSdraca. Beo. 2270 ff.
Dâ wais SëodsceaSa Sriddan sîÔe,
frêcne fyrdraca, fœhSa gemyndig.
Beo. 2688.
Geseah Ää ymb wintra worn wârfœst metod
geofonhûsa mœst gearo hlifigean,
innan and Qtan eorSan lîme
gefœstnod wi» flôde, f œ r N Ö e s. Gen. 1320 ff.
Wodon Sa w œ 1 w u 1 f a s, for waîtere ne murnon,
w î c i n g a w e r o d west ofer Pantan. By. 96 f.
SiteÖ sïöes fûs, Öonne swegles gim
on sumeres tïd s u n n e hätost
ofer sceadu scïneÖ. Ph. 208 ff.
I A.
sa b^r i polleyio J) u r s,
hundviss igtunn, hraunbûa verstr.
HHv. 25, 3 ff.
Snüaz hér at sandi snœfgir kiólar,
r a k k a h i r t i r. HH. 49, 1 ff.
ól ek mér i ó Ö, e r f i v q r \'5 o. Ghv. 14, 5 f.
Ek sâ B a 1 d r i, b 1 ó 5 g o m t i v u r,
ÓÖins bar ni. Vsp. 31, 1 ff.
Ilvaf gatstu, V o 1 u n d r, v i s i d 1 f a.
Vkv. 13, 3 f.
SegÖu mér t»at, F r e y r, fólkvaldi go «al
Skm. 3, 1 f.
I B.
Kom l)ar af vei«i veöreygr skyti,
V Q 1 u n d r, HÖandi um langan veg. Vkv. 8, 5 ff.
Drógo l)eir ór ski«i s k i « i é a r n,
m aï k i s e g g i a r, at mun flag«i. Hm. 15, 1 ff.
Ll
Sat t^ar â haugi ok slö hgrpo
g^giar hirSir, glaör Eggt)ér.
Vsp. 42, 1 ff.
II A.
pu vart v q 1 v a \\ Varinseyio,
skollvis kona. HH.31,i{i.
Skip Sigmundar skriSo frâ landi,
gyltar grimor, grafnir stafnir.
Gör. II, 16, 1 ff.
S Ö 1 varp sunnan, s i n n i m à n a,
hendi inni hœgri um himiniçîîur. Vsp. 5, 1 ff.
Svalinn heitir, hann stendr solo fyrir,
skigldr, skinanda goîSi. Grm. 38, 1 ff.
II B.
En vaskapaör varîS siSbûinn,
harÖrdSr Hymir, heim af veiöom.
Hym. 10, 1 ff.
III.
If, instead of being used in apposition to the literal
term, the variation supplants that term, it ceases to be a
variation and becomes a kenning. This is the case with
several of the expressions given under I and II:
On «£ct fäge folc flâna scüras,
gâras ofer geolorand on gramra gemang
hetend heorugrimme, hildenädran
Öurh fingra geweald forö onsendan. El. 117 ff.
-ocr page 146-Hengest «ä gyt
waelfägne winter wunode mid Finne
eine unflitme; eard gemunde,
tS6ah «e he ne meahte on mere drifan
hringedstefnan. Beo. 1127 ff.
ne biö swylc cwenlic Seaw
idese tö efnan, Öeah Se hio änlicu sy,
Öaette freoöuwebbe fgores onsSce
aefter ligetorne leofne mannan. Beo. 1940 ff.
Him on höh beleac heofonrices weard
merehüses müÖ mundum sinum,
sigora waldend. Gen. 1363 ff.
En ^r heyrt hafiö — hverr kann um l)at
goömälugra gorr at skilia? —,
hver af hraunbüa hann laun um fekk,
er hann baeSi galt bgrn sin fyrir. Hym. 38.
Leiddo landrggni lyöar öneisir,
grdtendr, gunnhvata, ör garSi Huna;
l3d kvaÖ t)at inn oeri e r f i v q r i5 r H q g n a:
quot;Heilir fari« nü ok horskir, hvars ykkr hugr teygirlquot;
Akv. 12.
From what has been said up to the present, it does
not follow that the variation must necessarily pass
through both of the first two stages before it can become
a kenning. The second stage may be skipped so that an
expression develops from the first or juxtapositional stage
directly into a kenning. The process of development is
the same as that according to vfhich such phrases as
bonne domestique, ville capitale etc. became shortened
to bonne, ville etc. This direct transition of the
variation from the first to the third stage can not
however be satisfactorily illustrated by means of
examples, since it is impossible to state with any
degree of certainty that an expression never existed
in the second stage. If no example is found of a
variation separated from its relative term, it does not
follow that it never existed, since it might not have been
recorded. That it is nevertheless possible for a variation
to pass directly from the first to the third stage, is well
illustrated by the use of the words s v a n h v 11 and
a 1 v i t r in the following extract from the prose intro-
duction to the Vqlundarkvi^a :
quot;Snemma of morgin fundo Jjcir (i. e. Slagfi\'Sr,
quot;Egill and Vglunclr) â vazstrçndo konor pridr,
quot;ok spunno lin. par voro hid jDeim dlptarhamir
quot;peira. pat v6ro valkyrior. par v6ro tvœr dœtr
quot;Hlç^vés konungs, Hla\'Sgu\'Sr sv an h vit ok
quot;Hervçr alvitr; in priSia var Qlrûn, Kidrs
quot;dottir af Vallandi. peir hçfSo paer hcim til
quot;skdla mequot;5 sér. Fckk Egill Olrûnar, en Slagfit5r
quot;s V a n h v i t r a r, en Vglundr a 1 v i t r a rquot;
Cf. Chapter II, p. 41 f.
\') Edda, p. 112.
Instead of first being separated from the proper names
H 1 a Ö g u -5 r and H e r v q r, the epithets s v a n h v i t
and a 1V i t r are immediately substituted for these names.
Although the origin of many kenningar is to be
sought for in their earlier use as variations, others are
not indebted for their existence to this use. The poet may
begin with a description or a characterization of a person
or object and then use the information so imparted as
the basis for a new kenning. Thus the meaning of the
compound hord weard Beo. 2293 can be inferred
from the information which precedes the use of this
kenning :
Hordwynne fond
eald ühtsceaöa opene standan,
sê «e byrnende biorgas s5ceö,
nacod niödraca, nihtes flëogeS
fyre befangen; hyne foldbûend
[swiSe ondrädaÖ]. HC gesëcean sceall
[hord on] hrüsan, Öär hë häöen gold
waraö wintruni fröd ; ne by« him wihte «y sël.
Swä sö îJëodsceaîSa Srêo hund wintra
hëold on hrûsan hord^erna sum
êacencraîftig. Beo. 2270 If.
In this passage the reader is informed of the finding of
the hoard by the fiery dragon who guards this treasure
for several centuries. In the following lines the poet tells
of the discovery of the hoard by a slave who carries a
goldbound cup to his master. The dragon awakes and
misses it. In view of all this preliminary information the
poet runs no risk of being misunderstood when, in
continuing his narrative, he designates the dragon as the
quot;warden of the hoardquot;:
Hordweard söhte
georne sefter gründe, wolde guman findan.
(11. 2293—94).
The preceding remarks are not to be regarded as an
attempt to prove that the Beowulf poet was the coiner
of the compound hordweard as a kenning for the
dragon. Although the word is not found in this sense in
any other Anglo-Saxon poem, it is most likely much older
in origin than the Beowulf. The conception of a dragon as
a quot;guardian of treasurequot;, notably quot;of goldquot;, must be very
old, as is testified to by the great number of Old Norse
kenningar for gold, in each of which the determinant is
a word signifying a dragon or a snake, since dragons were
usually conceived of as huge snakes : eldr ormbeös
1,26; 1 i n n v e n g i 33 i). By drawing attention
to the use of the compound hordweard Beo. 2293,
my intention was rather to show that under the given
circumstances it was not necessary for the poet to precede
this expression by the usual term. Because of the infor-
mation which had been given beforehand, hordweard
could be used from the outset, without the aid of the
usual term, as a means of introducing the conception
quot;dragonquot;.
Cf. furthermore the kenningar for gold and silver, Meissner,
p. 237 ff.
In so far therefore, as it forms a substitute for the word
quot;dragonquot; it may be regarded as a kenning. On the other
hand, however, I have pointed out in Chapter II that the
usual kenning is not dependent on the context for its
meaning. For this reason I consider it better to follow
Meissner and to regard those compounds which are
derived from the context as quot;freie Verbindungenquot; or
quot;Gelegenheitskenningarquot; in contradistinction to the usual
kenning. Of these quot;occasional kenningarquot; Meissner says:
quot;Es werden natürlich auch von den Dichtern aus dem
Zusammenhange heraus Umschreibungen geschaffen, die
ganz wie Kenningar gebildet sind, denen aber das Merkmal
der Allgemeingültigkeit abgehtquot; (p. 12).
It is however quite possible that an occasional kenning,
which has been coined under such circumstances, may
develop into a regular kenning. This will depend on the
popularity of the conception for which it stands and on
the force and energy with which such a kenning presents
this conception to the mind. A happy word or phrase
bringing into prominence a striking aspcct or a
characteristic feature of a conception will, in all proba-
bility, soon be popularized as a result of repeated use.
If, on the other hand, such a word or phrase is based on
casual relations and circumstances, it will miss what
Meissner terms the quot;Allgemeingültigkeitquot;, and the
chances will be against its being accepted in the language
as a generally acknowledged quot;second namequot; for the
conception to which it refers.
Finally there remains one more class of kenningar of
which the origin is not to be sought for in their earlier
use as variations, viz., those which have been formed
after the analogy of existing kenningar. When once a
kenning had estabhshed itself in the language, it could
be used as a basis for a new kenning standing for the
same conception. This could be done by varying either
the determinant or the basic word. Thus, if sShengest
had become a generally acknowledged kenning for quot;shipquot;,
the poet could vary the determinant s£e- by using in
its stead more or less synonymous words, such as b r i m-,
f a r o ^5-, mere-, sun d-, and w ge g-. Because of the
retention of the familiar element -h e n g e s t, the new
compounds would have been quite clear without the
aid of the literal term. Instead of the determinant, the
basic word may be varied. Starting with sffihengest
as a kenning, the poet could have coined the compound
s se m e a r h which, in its turn, could have given rise to
the kenningar lagumearh and y S m e a r h. The
number of kenningar so formed could have been increased
still more by again expressing in each of these the deter-
minant by means of a new kenning. This is rarely the
case in Anglo-Saxon, more often so in the Edda, whereas
it is quite usual in the court-poetry of the scalds. Cf. the
following kenningar for quot;shipquot;: segis hestr II,
214, 12, 2 and hvaljarSar hestr 407, 1, 7;
ai g i s j 6 r 182, 14, 1 and Ian da bands jor 302,
1, 2. These kenningar, formed from existing kenningar
by varying cither the determinant or the basic word,
are therefore of later origin than those which developed
from variations.
My conclusions with regard to the origin of kenningar
-ocr page 152-may accordingly be briefly stated as follows: Kenningar
may originate in three ways. 1) A word or phrase, pri-
marily used as a variation, may in the course of time
sufficiently specialize its meaning to become a kenning
so that, instead of accompanying, it supplants the literal
term. 2) quot;Free copulationsquot; (freie Verbindungen) or
quot;occasional kenningarquot;, i. e. those derived from the
context, may develop into regular kenningar. 3) quot;Deriva-
tive kenningarquot;, i. e. those formed from kenningar
already existing in the language by varying either the
determinant or the basic word. Of all these kenningar I
consider those of which the variation forms the prototype
as the oldest in origin. Anglo-Saxon poetry with its great
number of variations thus represents an older stage than
the Eddaic poetry in which the variation is much more
sparely represented. With regard to the frequency of the
variation. Pretzel\'s investigation has yielded the fol-
lowing figures which give the average number of variations
occurring in every hundred lines of poetry: Old Saxon
26,3%; Anglo-Saxon 15,1%; Old Norse 3,5 % As
yet no satisfactory explanation has been given of this
quantitative difference as well as of other irregularities
in the use of the variation in Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse.
P^TZEL has collected and arranged a great deal of
material. According to his own admission, the results were
however disappointing in many respects, being either
negative or contradictory: quot;Geben nun diese Reihen das
13ild einer geschichtlichen Entwickelung der Varr.? Darauf
\') P;ETZEL p. 158 ff.
-ocr page 153-ist unumwunden mit nein zu antworten. Eine bestimmte
Entwickelung erlaubt dieses wirre Durcheinander nicht
aufzustellen, nur in grossen Zügen lassen sich einige mehr
oder minder scharf begrenzte Stilrichtungen im Var.s-
gebrauch erkennen, aber auch diese nicht bis in Einzel-
heiten verfolgen. So kann man im allgemeinen deutlich
scheiden zwischen nordischer und westgermanischer
Var.stechnik und innerhalb des Wesrgermanischen wieder,
weniger weit voneinander getrennt, zwischen ags. und
as. Technikquot; (p. 214). On the whole P^tzel concludes that
the use of the variation is arbitrary and even capricious,
often resulting in discrepancies which defy all attempts
at explanation. Thus there are important conceptions in
Old Norse, such as quot;eaglequot; and quot;ravenquot;, for which no
variations are to be found, whereas those of less conse-
quence are varied, e. g. quot;goosequot;.
There are no doubt irregularities in the use of the
variation which cannot be explained and reconciled with
each other. On the other hand it should be borne in mind
that the importance of a conception is not absolute, but
relative to the part played by that conception in the
particular poem into which it is introduced. In the
Beowulf great value is attached to arms and armour,
with the result that variations are found for these and
similar conceptions. Similarly it is in strict accordance
with the themes of the two poems when the poet of the
Beowulf uses 13 variations for quot;Godquot; against 42 for the
same conception by the poet of the Andreas.
The following table, giving the number of variations
for each conception in the respective poems, shows that
this number is more or less proportional to the greater
or lesser importance of that conception in the poem i) :
Beo. |
Ex. |
Gen. I. |
El. |
Jul |
Chr. II. |
And. |
Jud. | |
Sea....... |
13 |
8 |
6 |
3 |
2 |
2 |
18 |
— |
Sun....... |
3 |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
3 |
3 |
— |
Heaven---- |
— |
— |
2 |
2 |
— |
2 |
4 |
— |
Sword..... |
22 |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
2 |
— | |
Fight ..... |
35 |
3 |
4 |
3 |
— |
— |
6 |
1 |
Ship...... |
7 |
— |
7 |
2 |
— |
2 |
6 |
— |
Men....... |
5 |
5 |
15 |
6 |
1 |
2 |
8 |
— |
Warrior ... |
34 |
20 |
17 |
10 |
2 |
1 |
15 |
14 |
King...... |
43 |
5 |
7 |
8 |
3 |
— |
2 |
5 |
God........ |
13 |
6 |
51 |
22 |
11 |
3 |
42 |
9 |
Christ..... |
— |
— |
21 |
3 |
25 |
15 |
— | |
Angels .... |
— |
— |
3 |
3 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
— |
Devil...... |
— |
— |
1 |
2 |
8 |
— |
5 | |
Death .. .:. |
4 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
2 |
3 |
— | |
Treasure____ |
27 |
1 |
14 |
1 |
2 |
— |
3 |
In spite of Pretzel\'s assertion that such is the case.
I can not regard Old Norse as irrational in the use of the
variation. This language is very economical in the use
of the variation. For most conceptions Pjetzel could find
only one variation for each conception. When therefore
only one variation is used for each of such important
conceptions as quot;wolfquot;, quot;seaquot;, quot;spearquot;, quot;heroquot; and
J) For these and other statistics used in the following pages
I am indebted to Pretzel (p. 192 ff.). I have selected those
conceptions which are the most frequently varied.
quot;kingquot;, then it is hardly to be wondered at that others
hke quot;eaglequot; and quot;ravenquot; are not varied at all. Similarly
P^TZEL is surprised to find a comparatively large number
of variations for members of the family in Old Norse and
concludes: quot;Aus dem Umstände also, dass Begriffe des
Familienlebens am meisten variiert sind (16 Varr. von
6 Begriffen), wird man nicht auf ein besonders inniges
Familienleben der Nordländer zu schliessen brauchenquot;
(p. 193). The 16 variations are divided as follows: Father 1.
Wife 3. Son, Child 4. Daughter 1. Virgin, Maid 6. Relative
1. Undoubtedly the relations between husband and wife,
parent and child in the Old Norse family differed ma-
terially from those of the present day. At that time
things were tolerated which, according to modern
standards, deserve the strongest censure.
Morals were lax and it may be argued that family ties
could not have been very strong when a man of rank
and power could openly and with impunity flout his wife to
her face by introducing a concubine into his household
Yet it would be a fallacy to conclude from such and
similar instances that the relations between the different
members of the family were not of an intimate and
affectionate nature. On the contrary the evidence goes
to show that the ties of kindred were very strong with
the Northmen. quot;The ties of Family were looked on with
») Compare the case instanced in the Laxdcela Saga where
Hoskuld brings home the slave woman Melkorka by whom
he afterwards has a son Olaf, more commonly known as
Olaf Peacock.
great respect by the heathen Northmen, and it is possible,
by an analysis of the terms applied to the family and its
members in the old poets, to throw some light upon the
matter, though the subjects with which the poets were
chiefly concerned did not permit the introduction of a
very full vocabulary on this head. Still, what they have
given is of high worth, and one can trace the transfor-
mations which came upon the family system of the
North in successive generations; the old-fashioned patriar-
chal life of the pra-wicking days, with its unvaried course,
as shown in Havamal; the change of manners which, as
in Rome after the Punic war, and Hellas after the Per-
sians\' defeat, followed the growth of luxury and the
importation of captive slavery into Northern chiefs\'
households. The contrast between the wild gallant and
his brother the stay-at-home yeoman is, as we noticed,
well shown in the pictures of Woden the wicking and
Thunder the worker in Harbard\'s Lay ... . There are
among our poems some which must be carefully studied
for their evidence on the old Teutonic family; those of
Egil himself, a patriarch with strong and pious family
feeling, Thryms-kvida with its wedding scene, Gudrun\'s
ordeal, a tale of an injured and righted wife. The Icelandic
Sagas of the Patriarchal time, too, afford some beautiful
pictures of family life and affection: the union of Nial
and Bergthora, faithful unto death, is the noblest
example, the one blot on that picture being the episode
(for it is no more) of the concubine and her sonquot; i).
1) Corpus Poeticum Borealc, Vol. II. p- 472.
-ocr page 157-When, furthermore, it is remembered that of the
various members of the family, quot;maidquot; has the greatest
number of variations, then it becomes even more difficult
to see how P^tzel came to make the above assertion.
If what he himself affirms (p. 11) be true, namely, that
the use of the variation is due to the poet\'s inability to
banish from his mind a conception, when once it had
taken hold of his imagination, until he has expressed it
in as many ways as possible, then it is not surprising to
find such a comparatively large number of variations for
the conception quot;womanquot;. Nothing was more likely to
appeal to the imagination of the poet and to inspire him
in the use of the variation than this conception. As far,
therefore, as the separate languages are concerned, I
think it may be safely assumed that both the conceptions
which are varied and the number of variations found
for each of these are on the whole proportional to the
importance of these conceptions in each of these languages.
How, however, to account for the difference in the
number of variations between Anglo-Saxon and Old
Norse is quite a different question and for which I do
not profess to have found a solution. •
This problem is important enough to warrant a separate
study. The question to be settled is whether or not Anglo-
Saxon, with its comparatively large number of variations,
represents an older stage in the development of the
language than Old Norse in which the variation is much
more sparely used. Personally I hold this to be the case
and consider that West Germanic reflects an older state
of affairs than North Germanic. As the matter stands.
Old Norse has more kenningar but less variations than
Anglo-Saxon. This may appear to subvert my theory that
the kenning is a development of the variation. It may
be argued that, if the variation is the germ from which
the kenning sprang, then Old Norse with its large number
of kenningar should also contain more variations than
Anglo-Saxon. Such is however not the case. This apparent
inconsistency may be explained by assuming that the
process by which the variation developed into a kenning
had gone much further in North Germanic than in West
Germanic. Where the Anglo-Saxon poet had to make use
of a variation in order to emphasize or to give expression
to a particular feature or characteristic of a conception,
the Norse poet could do so by means of a kenning. This
is illustrated by the use of O. N. b a u g b r o t i and
A. S. b e a g a brytta in the following passages:
En af hesti Hggna dóttir
— Hddi randa rym — rasi sagöi:
\'Hygg ek, at vér eigim aSrar syslor,
en meÖ baugbrota biór at drekka.\'
HH. 17.
alCdon Öa ISofne SCoden,
b G a g a b r y 11 a n, on bearm scipes,
miêrne be miestenbsp;Beo. 34 ff.
Ic Öffis wine Deniga,
frGan Scildinga, frinan wille,
b Ö a g a b r y 11 a n, swa öü bCna eart,
tSÖoden mairne ymb ÖInne sïÖ.
Beo. 350 ff.
10
-ocr page 159-That the variation is employed more frequently in
Anglo-Saxon than in Old Norse may also be due to a
difference in tone and style. Attention has already been
drawn to the subjectivity of Anglo-Saxon poetry in
contrast with the objectivity of Old Norse poetry. As
the variation is a partial or an individual conception
added to the total or general conception, it follows that
the meditative Anglo-Saxon poet would have been more
likely than the matter-of-fact Norse poet to add to the
usual term a word or phrase expressing his personal
conception. In Anglo-Saxon itself the frequency or the
paucity with which a conception is varied in any poem
may often be explained by a study of the poet\'s attitude
towards his subject-matter. If he keeps to the facts and
avoids mixing narrative with comment, the number of
variations is as a rule small. If, on the other hand, the
poet becomes a partisan in the joys and sorrows, the
success and failure of his characters, then the variation
becomes more frequent.
If therefore, in Anglo-Saxon itself, the number of
variations in the different poems may be explained and
justified by the subjective or objective attitude of the
different poets towards their subject-matter, then it may
be assumed that the great number of variations in Anglo-
Saxon, in contradistinction to the small number in Old
Norse, must at least be partlj\' due to the same factor,
namely, to the greater subjectivity of the Saxon poet.
CHAPTER V.
Comparison of Anglo-Saxon and
Old Norse Kenningar.
On various occasions it has been pointed out that of
the two component parts of the kenning the basic word
is the more important. Syntactically it takes the place
of the literal term in the sentence and on its application
it depends whether an expression is to be taken as a
kenning or not. No compound or phrase in which the
basic word in itself fully and completely expresses the
conception for which it is being used, can be regarded as
a kenning. Thus m j q « r a n n Akv. 9, 4, instanced by
ViGFUssoN and Powel i), is no more a kenning than
either m e d u a? r n Beo. 69 or m e d u h e a 11 Beo. 484.
Furthermore it is the basic word which is characteristic
for the poet\'s conception of a person or thing. On the other
hand, the function of the determinant is that of an
adjunct defining, limiting or qualifying the basic word
and determining the sphere to which it belongs or in
which it functions, e. g. s je- in s ie w u d u Beo. 226.
In many instances the meaning of the basic word and
the relation between the conception generally expressed
\') Corpus Poeticum Boreale II, p. 455.
-ocr page 161-by it and the conception for which it is being used as a
part of the kenning would be totally obscure but for the
use of the determinant. Important however as the
determinant may be for a thorough understanding of the
basic word, it is evident that the former is employed for
the sake of the latter and not the latter on account of
the former. A study of the kenning should therefore
concern itself primarily with the basic word and the
relation between its Uteral meaning and that of the word
which it replaces in the sentence. In the present chap-
ter an attempt will accordingly be made to compare
Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse with the object of deter-
mining in how far the two languages coincide or differ in
the use of basic words for the different conceptions.
The method of procedure and the arrangement adopted
are, briefly stated, as follows: Starting in each case with
the Anglo-Saxon kenningar for a conception, these are
grouped according to the notions expressed by the basic
words. To each of the subdivisions so obtained kenningar
with corresponding basic words are added from the Edda.
Thirdly similar examples are given from the court-poetry.
Every subdivision may thus consist of three groups of
expressions and, for the sake of brevity, the figures (1),
(2) and (3) will be employed to designate (1) Anglo-Saxon
(2) Eddaic and (3) Scaldic kenningar. Finally conceptions
for which no equivalents have been found in Anglo-Saxon
have been given under the heading : Additional conceptions
in Old Norse.
In order to avoid misunderstanding it is necessary to
set forth as plainly as possible the aims, object and scope
of the present chapter. In the arrangement and the
grouping of the kenningar from Anglo-Saxon and Old
Norse no less importance has been attached to the
meaning of the basic word than to its form. Where both
the Anglo-Saxon and the Old Norse poet have conceived
of a person or object in the same way, I have considered
myself justified in grouping such kenningar together,
whether the basic words are etymologically the same or
not. In my opinion a comparative study of Anglo-Saxon
and Old Norse kenningar should concern itself primarily
with the conceptions expressed by the basic words. When
these have been found to be the same, then, as a further
step, one may enquire into their form with the object of
ascertaining in how far they correspond in this respect
also. The most interesting and satisfactory examples will
undoubtedly be those kenningar of which the basic words
show both conceptional and etymological similarity as in
the case of the following kenningar for quot;battlequot;: e c g a
geläc Beo. 1168 and eggleikr GÖr. II, 31, 11.
On the other hand I consider it a mistake to ignore
kenningar of which the basic words, although not identical
from an etymological point of view, nevertheless express
the same conception as in the case of the following
examples where a wound is conceived of as a track:
bilswa;« Ex. 229; dolgspor H.H. II, 42, 7
and b I d s e r k j a r b i r k i s f a g r g a t a 2, 6, 6.
As far as possible the basic words have been grouped
according to their literal meaning, whether this meaning
was still felt as such or not by the poet. In more than one
kenning the literal meaning of the basic word had faded
to such an extent that the poet must have been barely
conscious of it. Bode instances the use of the words
-webbe in freoöuwebbe and s m i Ö: quot;Man
braucht hier nicht an Weberinnen zu denken, die himm-
lische Rosen ins irdische Leben flechten und weben.
Webbe ist hier fast eine Suffix, das producens bedeutet.
Ganz dieselbe Bedeutung Macher, Erzeuger, hat das
entsprechende männliche - s m i Ö. In den ältesten Zeiten
war das Weben die hauptsächlichste productive Thätig-
keit der Frau, das Schmieden des Mannes; unter schmieden
verstand man damals mehr als jetzt. Vgl. nhd. Vers-
schmied, Reimschmied, Ränkeschmied; ags. w i g s m i \'S,
lärsmiÖ, hleahtorsmiÖ, gryrnsmi«,
teonsmi«, wröhtsmi« ; an. s k ö s m i Ö r,
s k e p t i s m i \'S r, q 1 s m i Ö rquot; i).
Finally it remains to be pointed out that in the fol-
lowing pages only those conceptions have been compared
for which kenningar are found in both Anglo-Saxon and
Old Norse poetry. Thus, conceptions for which kenningar
are met with in Anglo-Saxon only, have been omitted,
as well as those expressed by kenningar in Old Norse only.
Of those conceptions for which kenningar are found in
both languages, the following have been left out since
their basic words have nothing in common: Moon, falcon,
fish, whale, raven, eagle, wolf, tears, mind or heart.
However, although there is no similarity as far as the
basic words are concerned, some of the kenningar for
these conceptions may sometimes fundamentally express
gt;) Bode, p. 48, note 4.
-ocr page 164-the same notion. Thus the idea of a wolf as a denizen of
the woods is met with in both Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse.
Cf. A. S. har h s Ö s t a p a Wyrd. 13, holtes
gehlêöa 113 and O. N. skógar skoeöasggn
573, 22, 7.
EARTH.
а.nbsp;Dwelling-place, Home, Seat.
(1)nbsp;eardgeard IVand. 85; burga gesetu Cri. 1240;
gumena rice Metr. IX, 41; secga sitl Meir. IX, 41.
(2)nbsp;IjóSheimar Gg. 2, 6; alda vé Hdv. 107, 6.
(3)nbsp;hglöa grund II, 49, 10, 4; alda heimr 642, 41, 6;
aldar rann II, 440, 21, 8; vera setr II, 169, 36, 8; manna
sjQt Ragnarsdrdpa 20; glamma stgS 141, 10, 3 i).
p. Path, Way.
(1)nbsp;grundwffig And. 582; moldweg Jtd. 334.
(2)nbsp;foldvegr Bdr. 3, 6; moldvegr Od. 3, 1.
(3)nbsp;hreinbraut 30, 2, 1; glamma ferSar trgö 20, 2, 4.
y. Mother.
(1) fira modor Zaub. I, 67.
б.nbsp;Work, Creation.
(1) fader ealdgeweorc Metr. XX, 16; Öëos lane gesceaft
Sal. 326.
These and similar phrases in Anglo-Saxon might be
derived from the Christian Latin literature.
\') For these and the following examples quoted from the
scaldic poetry. I am indebted to Meissner: Die Kenningar
der Skalden.
The kenningar élkers botn 414, 3, 2 and
vind kers botn 40, 18, 7, which describe the earth
as lying under the vault of heaven, may be compared
with the following Anglo-Saxon phrases for quot;on earthquot;:
under rodores hröfe Hy. V, 5; under swegles
begang Beo. 860; under heofonhwealfe And.
1404 1).
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Sea, horse, island.
SEA.
a. Dwelling-place, Home, Seat.
(1)nbsp;fifelcynnes eard Beo. 104; fisces ëÖel Dom. Deeg 39;
hwaeles ëSel And. 274; mËwes ë\'Sel Bot. 25; fïfela gefeald
Wald. II, 10.
(2)nbsp;élheimr Alv. 24, 4.
(3)nbsp;hvals bü5 539, 2, 2; boröheimr 297,4,2; haeings hgll
575, 4, 7; lyskah 600, 30, 2; méstallr 128, 2, 4; hvaltün II,
34, 52, 10.
p. Path, Way.
(1) hronrad Beo. 10; segirad Beo. 1429; swanrad Beo.
200; seolhwa« And. 1716; hwailweg Seef. 63.
(3) borös braut 624, 8, 3; hlumis rgst 281, 19, 7;
birtinga sió» II, 261, 1, 6; kjalar stigr II, 82, 76, 4;
taugar vegr 143, 18, 6.
y. Earth, Land.
y
(1) eorSe yöum quot;Scaht Ra. XVII, 3; se ginna grund
Beo. 1551.
») See Bode p. 66.
-ocr page 166-(3) humra fjgll 536, 2, 4; alfold II, 127, 5, 7; mägrund
100, 22, 5; mgs jgrÖ 439, 50, 1; fariand 204, 6, 4.
d. Bath.
(1) seolhba^ö Rä XI, 11; fisces baeS And. 293; ganotes
baeÖ Beo. 1861.
E. Cup.
(1) lagustrëama ful Rä. IV, 38; yÖa ful Beo. 1208.
f. Turmoil, Commotion.
(1) yögeblond Beo. 1593; yöa geläc Klage 7; wstera
geöring Edg. B. 27; flödes wylm Beo. 1764.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Girdle, heaven, bed.
ICE.
a. Covering, Helmet.
(1) wffiterhelm Dksp. II, 74.
(3) fjaröar kellir 77, 34, 3.
ß. Fetter.
(1) forstes bend Beo. 1609; wielräp Beo. 1610.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Roof, heaven, skin.
SUN.
OS. Fire, Flame, Light.
(1)nbsp;wederes blaist And. 837; swegles lëoht Ph. 288;
swegles lëoma. Ph. 103.
(2)nbsp;Cf. alskir Alv. 16, 6; eygló Alv. 16, 4.
(3)nbsp;byrncfrs bäl II, 96, 1; hlj^rnis eldr 553, 21, 3; hei«s
hyrr 552, 14, 7; heims skäla vafrlogi 451, 1, 4.
Shield.
(1) daegsceald Ex. 79.
(3) himins rit 632, 42, 2; skj^a skjgldr II, 552, 29, 7;
himintarga 140, 4, 2.
y. Beacon, Sign.
(1) bëacen godes Beo. 570; tacen godes Ph. 96.
6. Candle.
(1) godes condel Ph. 91; rodores condel Beo. 1571;
swegles tapur Ph. 114.
f. Gem, Jewel.
(1) heofones gimm Ph. 183; swegles gimm Ph. 208;
wuldorgimm Rà. LXXXIV, 25.
j;. Work, Creation.
(1) fœder fyrngeweorc Ph. 95; sêo œ?5ele gesceaft
MMst. 16.
Joy, Delight.
(1) heofones wyn Beo. 1801; aeCeltungla wyn Ph. 290.
Additional conception in Old Norse: Wheel.
HEAVEN.
a. Dwelling-place, Home, Seat.
(1) sceldburg Sat. 309; wuldres burg Ph. 588; engla
eard Mod. 74; engla e«el Cri. 630; fri«geard Cri. 399;
sigefolca gesetu Dksp. I, 66; heofona hâm Ph. 483; godes
rice Gu. 632; hCah seld Sat. 202.
(3) drottins byggS II, 497, 5, 5; himna garSr II, 232,
4, 7; engla hgll II, 597, 59, 5; himna salr 444, 66, 6.
Land.
(1) neorxna wang Men. 151; wuldres wynlond Mod. 65.
(3) fagrtjalda fron 559, 44, 5.
y. Shell.
(1) SÏO scire scell Metr. XX, 174.
(5. Creation, Structure.
(1) meotodes gesceaft Dksp. I, 65; hyhtlic heofontimber
Gen. 146.
In addition to the above, Anglo-Saxon contains several
abstract conceptions such as weal, bliss, splendour,
richness etc.: tires blad Cri. 122; se beorhta boldwela
And. 524; ëce dream Ph. 482; wuldres wlite Sal. 233.
With the exception of a few expressions, such as
hyhtlic heofontimber and slo sclrescell
which refer to the sky or firmament, the above kenningar
are designations for the Christian Heaven.
HELL.
a. Abode, House.
(1) fëonda burg Jul. 545; se dimma ham Jud. 121;
helheo-So Sat. 700; moröerhof El. 1303; witehüs Cri. 1336;
wyrmsele Jud. 119; weargtreafu El. 927.
(3) elds heimr 250, 17, 3; kvglhcimr 644, 53, 3; log-
heimr II, 155, 36, 4; djgfla rann II, 166, 22, 4.
/?. Pil, Abyss.
(1) wltescnef El. 927; se dëopa sCa« Cri. 1545.
(3) djgfla di\'ki II, 396, 22, 7.
y. Land.
(1) süsla grund El. 943; neowol nses Jud. 113.
ó. Bath.
(1) fyrbeeÖ EL 948.
É. Bed.
(1) niobed Gen. 346.
f. Fire, Flame.
(1) edvvylm = ädvvylm Waif. 63.
7}. Terror, Torture.
(1) witebröga EL 931; hinsiögryre Hö. 91; Säet swearte
süsl Gu. 639.
a.nbsp;House, Dwelling.
(1) feorhbold Kreuz. 73; bäncofa Beo. 1445; gästhof
Cru 821; sävvelhüs Gu. 1003; bänsclc Dom. Dag. 102.
(3) benssevar rann II, 463, 6, 3.
ß. Vessel.
(1) bänfait Beo. 1116; coröfait Red. der SccL I, 8;
lämfet I, 134; liefet Gu. 1063.
y. Covering.
(1) fläschhama And. 154; lichama Beo. 812.
b.nbsp;Enclosure.
(1) ëadorgeard And. 1181; bänloca Beo. 742.
e. Hoard, Treasure.
(1) feorhhord And. 1182; grëothord Gu. 1240; sävvel-
hord Wyrd. 34.
-ocr page 170-EYE.
a. Gem, Precious Stone.
(1) heafodgim Cri. 1331.
(3) bruna rgf (rgf = amber) II, 422, 14, 8; brunsteinn
II, 253, 2, 2.
Sun.
(1) heafdes segl And. 50.
(3) ennis s61 II, 427, 34, 3.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Shield, way,
vessel, light, moon, star.
SPEAR, JAVELIN, ARROW.
a. Adder, Snake.
(1) hildensedre Jud. 222.
(3) skotnaSr 140, 6, 4; folkna«ra II, 303, 2, 1; bl6i5ormr
II, 122, 21, 3.
/?. Shower.
(1) hildescur Gu. 1116; Isenscur Beo. 3116.
(3) I-lQgna skiir 123, 35, 3; Prymskiir 82, 53, 5^).
y. Pole, Shaft, Rod.nbsp;^
(1) heresceaft Beo. 335; w^elsteng Beo. 1638.
(3) Punns megindss 392, 3, 6; hra^stor« 178, 1, 5.
3. Wood, Tree.nbsp;^ ^ ,
(1) darotec El. 140; a^scholt Beo. 330; gu«wudu
Finnsb. 6.
quot;SkotvApn eru mjgk kennd til hagls c5a ddfu efia rotu.
Sn. E. I. 420.
(3) strenglâgar palmr 652, 15, 10.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Light, flame,
thorn, bees, bird, file.
a. Light, Flame, etc.
(1)nbsp;brand Beo. 1454; beadolëoma Beo. 1523; hildelëoma
Beo. 1143.
(2)nbsp;brandr Grt. 15, 8; benlogi H.H. 51, 9.
(3)nbsp;randa blik 330, 12, 2; valsunda brandr 56, 6, 7;
eggleiks eldr 208, 7, 7; eggmôts Ijôs II, 162, 9, 7.
Iron, Metal.
(1)nbsp;iren Beo. 892.
(2)nbsp;skiiSiisarn Hm. 15, 2.
(3)nbsp;hjalta malmr 67, 7, 2.
y. Remainder.
(1) fëla làf Beo. 1032; homera lâf Beo. 2829.
à. Handiwork.
(1) Wëlandes geweorc Wald. I, 2; handvveorc smiCa
Rà. VI, 8.
e. Friend.
(1) guSwine Beo. 1810.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Sun, moon,
rainbow, ice, twig, wand, tree, thorn, snake, fish, land,
tongue, wolf, dog, bear and abstract words signifying
bale, harm, mischief, etc.
HELMET.
а.nbsp;Mask, Hood, Protection.
(1) cinbeorg Ex. 175; heafodbeorg Beo. 1030; beado-
grlma Beo. 2257; heregrima Beo. 2049; gylden grima El.
125.
(3) ennibjalfi 184, 3, 1; gunnar grima 571, 15, 6;
soknhQttr 55, 5, 1.
Boar.
(1) eofor Beo. 1328; swin Beo. 1111.
(3) hildigQltr 666, 2, 1; valggltr 67, 6, 5; valhrimnir
665, 5, 1, 4.
y. Sign, Token.
(1) eoforcumbol El. 76; heafodsegn Beo. 2152.
(3) herkumbl 42, 2, 2.
(1) wlgheafoUi Beo. 2661.
CORSLET, COAT OF MAIL.
«. Dress, Shirt, Covering.
(1) gu«gewicde Beo. 227; fyrdhama Beo. 1504;
beadohra^gl Beo. 1527; hcrepad Beo. 2258; hildesceorp
Beo. 2155; beadoscrud Beo. 453; hildeserce El. 234.
(3) rimmu kiaSi II, 369, 5, 5; bg«serkr 149, 5, 1;
hjaldrserkr 617, 40, 6; hringskyrta 159, 9, 8.
Chain.
(1) hlence Ex. 218; vvailhlence Ex. 176.
-ocr page 173-y. Enclosure.
(1) hringloca By. 145.
6. Net.
(1) herenet Beo. 1553; hringnet Beo. 2754; searonet
Beo. 406.
Additional conception in Old Norse: Bark.
In both Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse the basic words
almost invariably signify an article of dress.
a. Board.
(1) bord Beo. 2524; gut)bord Gen. 2693; SrySbord
El. 151.
(3) gunnbortS 62, 2, 8; hjaldrborS II, 53, 1, 2; nadda
borS 261, 5, 7; geirbrik 120, 18, 4; hjgrSilja 604, 1, 6.
Wood, Tree.
(1)nbsp;oferholt Ex. 157; hea«olind /E^elst. 6; bord wudu
Beo. 1243.
(2)nbsp;lind Vsp. 50, 2.
(3)nbsp;Cf. Leifa landa runna lauf I, 4, 8.
y. Protection.
(1)nbsp;fingra gebeorg Dksp. I, 38; banhelm Finnsb. 31.
(2)nbsp;hlif m. 42, 4.
6. Rim.
(1)nbsp;rand Beo. 682; hilderand Beo. 1242; geolorand
Beo. 438.
(2)nbsp;rgnd H.H. 27, 3.
-ocr page 174-£. Help, Consolation.
(1) hildefrofor Wald. II, 12.
C. Grasp.
(1) gu6billa gripe Wald. II, 13.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: House, roof, wheel,
ring, sun, moon, beam (of light), sail, heaven, cloud,
earth, land, seat, path, bridge, fence.
BATTLE, FIGHT.
a. Quick Motion, Play.
(1)nbsp;ecga gelac Beo. 1168; lindgelac Fata Ap. 76;
ecgplega Jud. 246; lindplega Beo. 2039.
(2)nbsp;eggleikr G^r. II, 31, 11; hildileikr Fm. 31, 3;
hjgrleikr Rm. 27, 7.
(3)nbsp;eggleikr 180, 6, 6; geirleikr 497, 7; sverSa leikr
106, 5, 7.
/?. Meeting, Collision.
(1)nbsp;lindcroda Gen. 1998; cumbolgehnast JEMst. 49;
handgemot Beo. 1526; garmitting JEMst. 50.
(2)nbsp;hjgrstefna H.H. 13, 2; valstefna H.H. 19, 4;
brynl^ing Sd. 5, 2; hjQrl)ing H.H. 50, 12.
(3)nbsp;geirmdt 497, 20, 6; hjgrva l^ing 265, 22, 4.
y. Din, Noise.
(1)nbsp;borda gebrec By. 295.
(2)nbsp;dolga dynr H.H. 203.
(3)nbsp;vdpnabrak 218, 7, 2; skjaldbrak II, 68, 28, 3;
randa duna II, 100, 5, 2; borCa gnaust 529, 18, 4.
«5. Exchange.
(1) waipengewrixle/ESc/s/. 5,1; walgara wrixlGe«. 1989.
(3) vdpna skipti 472, 28, 3.
f. Work.
(1) beadoweorc Beo. 2299; hereweorc El. 656.
(3) Gunna verk 92, 5, 4.
Terror.
(1) billa bröga Beo. 583.
rj. Haired, Enmity.
(1) billhete And. 78; spereniÖ Jnd. 246.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Storm, hail, snow,
rain, shower, wind, frost, stream, struggle, commotion,
voice, speech, song, gibing, prosecution, destruction,
wakefulness, time.
WOUND.
a. Bite, Cut.
(1) billes bite Beo. 2060; sweordes bite Fata Ap. 34.
p. Track, Path.
(1)nbsp;bilswffiÖ Ex. 329.
(2)nbsp;dolgspor H.H. II, 42, 7.
(3)nbsp;jdrna fet 286 (Skdld-Helgi l)órÖarson); bldserkjar
birkis fagrgata 2, 6, 6; eggja spor II, 472, 39, 7; benja
fenstigr 266, 24, 4.
y. Blemish, Spot.
(1) heaöoglem Ra LVII, 3.
Additional conception in Old Ahorse; Window.
BLOOD.
a. Perspiration.
(1) heaÖoswat Beo. 1460; hildeswat Beo. 2558.
-ocr page 176-(2)nbsp;sveiti Vm. 21, 5.
(3)nbsp;benja sveiti II, 510, 17, 8; s^ra t)orns sveiti 90, 1, 1;
scefis sveiti II, 76, 55, 6.
Drink.
(1) heorudrync Beo. 2358.
(3) Hugins drekka 302, 2, 4.
y. Icicle.
(1) hildegicel.
(3) Cf. benjjeyr 425, 3, 2 (peyr = thawing snow).
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Sea, wave, rain,
flood, water, moisture, dew, tears, food, mead, ale, wine.
SHIP.
ff. Board, Tree, Wood.
(1)nbsp;ac Run. 77; wagbord Gen. 1340; waigSel Gen. 1358;
sawudu Beo. 226.
(2)nbsp;eikja Hrbl. 7, 1; sxtr6 Rm. 17, 2.
(3)nbsp;st^ris birki II, 368, 1, 1; fj^riborS II, 114, 5, 8;
hlunns eik 481, 12, 7; samei JSr 213, 1, 4; varrvi«r 233, 7, 5.
/?. Steed, Horse.
(1)nbsp;merehengest Ra. XV, 6; sundhengest Cri. 853;
saimearh El. 228.
(2)nbsp;Iggfjikr Hym. 27, 4; hlunngoti Hym. 20, 1; seglmarr
Sd. 10, 3; vagmarr Rm. 16, 7; hlunnvigg Rm. 17, 7;
seglvigg Rm. 16, 5.
(3)nbsp;sunda drasill 151, 5, 2; hlunnfdkr II, 100, 4, 6;
hlunngoti 349, 9, 6; mdva rastar hestr II, 260, 4, 4;
legis j6r 182, 14, 1; sunda marr 377, 2, 7; hlunnvigg
149, 5, 4.
\'/. Dwelling, House.
(1) holmsrn Gen. 1422; yöhof El. 252; merehüs Gen.
1364; sundreced Gen. 1335.
6. Chest.
(1) merecist Gen. 1317.
e. Floater.
(1) sÈêflota And. 38; wsêgflota Beo. 1907.
Journeyer, Rusher.
(1) sËêgenga Beo. 1882; sundlida Beo. 223; mereöissa
And. 257.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: animal, ass, bear,
bison, boar, buck, elephant, elk, hart, lion, ram, reindeer,
snake, wolf, hawk, raven, swan, snow-shoe.
SAIL.
a. Clothing, Garment.
(1) merehriEgl Beo. 1905; waed And. 375.
(3) vinda ript II, 107, 9, 6; byrjar skikkja II, 465, 11, 3.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Beard, mast-head,
picture or drawing.
MEN.
Although the kenningar for quot;manquot;, quot;warriorquot; and
quot;marinerquot; have been grouped separately in Chapter III,
no distinction has been made between these conceptions
in the following examples. In the court-poetry this cannot
be done, for, although differentiated in Anglo-Saxon,
these kenningar have become synonymous in Old Norse.
The scalds employ them interchangeably and often use
a typical kenning for quot;warriorquot; to express the general
conception quot;manquot;, and vice versa.
a. Tree.
(1)nbsp;werbeam Ex. 486.
(2)nbsp;rdgapaldr H.Hv. 6, 3; bgrr skjaldar Am. 30, 13;
vdpna hlynr Sd. 20, 3; hildimeiSr 36, 2; dolgvi\'Sr Sd. 29, 5.
(3)nbsp;skjaldar bgrr 508, 40Zgt;, 6; skjalda hlynr II, 217,
25, 6; geirl)ings meiSr II, 231, 2, 3; hjaldrviSr II, 312, 5, 10.
Present Participle.
(1)nbsp;gastberend Rd XXI, 8; helmberend Beo. 2642;
foldbuend Beo. 1355; guSfremmend Beo. 246; rond-
haebbend Beo. 861; faro«lacend Walf. 5; heatiuli^end And.
426; faroSridend And. 440; burhsittend Cri. 337; woruld-
wuniend Metr. XIII, 7.
(2)nbsp;liSendr H.H. 24, 6; folkliSendr Fm. 41, 4.
(3)nbsp;randberendr II, 330, 29, 2; svertSberendr 8, 5, 3;
malma fremjandi II, 571, 7, 2; sigrhafendr 13, 32, 11;
stafna stdSrltSendr II, 169, 34, 2.
y. Wolf.
(1)nbsp;hildefreca Beo. 2205; sweordfreca Beo. 1468;
hildewulf Gen. 2051; walwulf By. 96.
(2)nbsp;The word vargr (wolf) is also used in the Edda
for the conception quot;manquot;, but always in a pejorative
sense: moriSvargr Vsp. 39, 4 (murderer); vdra
vargr Srf. 23, 6 (perjurer); vargr Fj. 4, 6 (exile,
outcast). Similarly v a r g d r o p i Sd. 35, 3 (son of an
exile). Heorowearh Beo. 1267 and brimwulf
Beo. 1506, 1599 as kenningar for Grendel and Grendel\'s
Mother are probably to be explained in the same way.
Wolf in the sense of outcast, exile would be a most ap-
propriate designation for these demons who were banished
from the haunts of man. Cf. Beo. 99 ff.
6. Child, Son.
(1)nbsp;dryhta beam Gu. 1103; foldan beam Gen. 1664;
byre monnes Ph. 128.
(2)nbsp;alda hqrn Vsp. 20, 11; alda synir Alv. 15, 5.
£. Injur er. Adversary.
(1) sceaöa Beo. 1803.
(3)nbsp;vandbaugsskaöi II, 84, 86, 8.
f. Spirit.
(1) gastas And. 1002.
fj. Handiwork.
(1) godes handgeweorc Cri. 1415; worulde gesceafta
Metr. XXX, 14.
Protector.
V
(1) lindgeborga El. 11; banhOses weard Ex. 523.
i. Hunter, Wanderer.
(1) herewsêSa Jud. 173.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Messenger.
In addition to the above, the court-poetry contains a
great number of verbal nouns used as nomina agentis.
Cf. Meissner p. 283 ff.
SON.
er. Protector, Warder.
(1)nbsp;lästweard Ex. 400; yrfeweard Beo. 2731.
(2)nbsp;erfivgrör Ghv. 14, 6; Hggna erfivgrör Akv. 12, 6.
(3)nbsp;Haralds arfvgrÖr 214, 7, 8; Eireks erfivgrtJr 577, 15, 4
ß. Relict.
(1) yrfelaf Ex. 403.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Tree, staff, sup-
port, successor, avenger.
HUSBAND.
a. Friend.
(1)nbsp;wine Wald. I, 12.
(2)nbsp;mälvinr I, 20, 3.
(3)nbsp;ekkju mälvinr 654, 20, 4.
ß. Lord, Master.
(1) frCadryhten Gen. 2729; sinfrCa Beo. 1934.
y. Giver.
(1) Stgeofa Dksp. 11, 98.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Inhabitant and
freight (of the arms).
KING.
a. Guardian, Prolcclor.
(1) lëodgebyrga Beo. 269; gumena güöwcard Ex. 174;
weoruda helm El. 223; wigena hlCo Chron. II, 12; folces
hyrde Ex. 256; mecga mundbora Edm. 2; hordweard Ex.
511; rices weard Beo. 1390.
(2)nbsp;menvQrör Akv. 28, 4.
(3)nbsp;fira gaetir II, 64, 13, 2; gumna gaetir 288, 3, 6;
landvQrÖr 78, 35, 2; hringa hiröir II, 430, 5, 1; Dana
hlifskjQldr 234, 9, 7.
/?. Friend, Confidant.
(1) frëawine Beo. 2437; gumena goldwine Beo. 1171.
(3) rekka runi 269, 8, 3; gumna spjalli 374, 4, 3;
gumna vinr 66, 2, 3.
y. Breaker, Dispenser.
(1)nbsp;beorna bëaggifa jEMst. 1; bëaga brytta Beo. 35;
goldes brytta Gen. 1997 ; wilgeofa Beo. 2900.
(2)nbsp;baugbroti H.H. 17, 7; hringbroti Od. 22, 8; hring-
drifi Akv. 31, 11; gollz mitSlendr Akv. 37, 7.
(3)nbsp;auöbroti II, 3, 10, 5; baugbroti II, 283, 5, 7;
menbroti II, 9, 42, 3; auömiölendr II, 376, 18, 4.
Ô. Leader.
(1)nbsp;landfruma Beo. 31; lëodfruma Beo. 2130; haïleÖa
rœswa And. 692; heretëma Metr. I, 31; folces wïsa Gen.
1198.
(2)nbsp;fólks jatJarr H.H. II, 42, 3; folks oddviti H.Hv.
10, 3; visi Vkv. 13, 4.
(3)nbsp;aldar oddr II, 112, 4; jgfra oddviti II, 133, 7, 6;
fólks oddviti II, 283, 7, 4; l^rocnda rœsir 336, 20, 1.
c. Lord, Ruler.
(1)nbsp;werodes aldor Gen. 2124; gumèna baldor Gen. 2963;
gumena dryhten Dan. 613; mandryhten Beo. 1978.
(2)nbsp;gotna drottinn Grp. 35, 6.
(3)nbsp;mannbaldr 298, 1, 8; seggja drottinn II, 125, 34, 2;
foldar valdr 434, 28, 3.
f. Judge, Arbitrator.
(1) aldordëma.
(3) aldar hgfundr II, 71, 37, 2; fira saettir 501, 28, 5.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Enemy, destroyer.
MINSTREL.
a. Smith, Maker.
(1) hleahtorsmiS Ex. 43.
(3) bragar frumsmiCr (Bragi) Sn. E. 1, 266; drafnitSa
sml«endr II, 215, 16, 6; ó«ar smiör 603, 1, 8; stefja
smi«r 262, 7, 8.
/?. Bearer.
(1) wööbora Crwft. 35.
(3) Cf. Yggs Qlberi 5, 2, 5.
THE DEITY.
a. Creator, Fount, Source.
(1) dugeCa dSdfruma And. 75; llfes ealdor Gen. 1113;
lïfes fruma Cri. 44; llfes ISohtfruma And. 387; aeSelinga
ord Cri. 515; ordfruma ealra gesceafta Cri. 402; manna
scyppend And. 486; sigora settend Dan. 333; wuldres
wyrhta Ph. 130.
(3) Iffs brunnr II, 554, 40, 6; frons musteris rftar festir
561, 58, 8; himna gorvir 443, 65, 5; manna skapari II,
406, 62, 4; laCs dkis skepjandi 554, 24, 4; himna smi«r
II, 48, 8, 1.
/?. King, Ruler.
(1) alwealda ealra gesceafta Metr. XI, 22; «ïoda bealdor
-ocr page 183-And. 547; beorna brego And. 305; heofonengla cyning
Cri. 1010; gœsta dryhten Dôm. Dœg. 81; engla frëa Gen.
157 ; heofona hlâford Kreuz. 45 ; rodera râdend Beo. 1555 ;
engla tSëoden Ex. 431 ; tSëoda «rymcyning Metr. XX, 205;
folca wealdend Jud. 5.
(3) himna drôttinn II, 59, 2, 8; heims hersir 245, 28, 3;
himna konungr II, 451, 43, 4; himna stôlkonungr II, 381,
34, 7; élgrundar t)jót5konungr II, 101, 5, 2; himna sal-
konungr 444, 66, 6; mildi valdi II, 177, 9, 1 ; himna valdr
443, 63, 6.
y. Protector.
(1) manna gehyld Beo. 3057; wera helm Cri. 634;
beorna hlëo Jul. 272 ; lëohtes hyrde 121 ; tungla hyrde
Geb. IV, 9; gumena weard Vater Unser II, 19.
(3) himna gœtir II, 420, 9, 3 ; himna hiröir II, 429, 39, 5 ;
skyja tjalda skjçldungr 553, 20, 1; hçlîSa skylir II, 372,
1, 7; aldar yfirskjçldungr 444, 65, 7; jaröar varöandi 558,
40, 2; gumna vgrör 561, 52, 7; t^jóSar vçrSr II, 24, 68, 7.
à. Saviour, Helper.
(1) gâêsta gëocend Cri. 198; hœleÔa helpend Dan. 403;
sâwla nergend Cri. 571.
(3) seggja bœtir 566, 5, 2; manna hjalpari II, 585,13, 2;
JjjóÖar huggari 11,175,4,2; allra manna lausnari 11,577,30,6.
c. Sun, Light, Glory.
(1) ëarendel Cri. 104; lëohtes Xëoht Geb. III, 1 ; wuldres
lëoma Sat. 85; rodera «rym Cri. 423; beorna wuldor
El. 186.
(3) heims Ijós 427, 2, 3; miskunnar soi 427, 1, 8;
réttlœtis sunna 427, 4, 4.
f. Leader, Guide.
(1) herga fruma El. 210; werodes raêswa Dan. 487;
se stëora Sch. 45; làtôëow El. 898.
(3) tungla stgt;^rir II, 386, 54, 7; himna stjh\'andi II,
387, 59, 8; vegs visi 11, 162, 7, 7.
rj. Father.
(1) fœder frumsceafta Cri. 472; fœder moncynnes And.
846.
(3) alira faöir 630, 21, 2; pjóöar faöir II, 383, 43, 4.
». Son.
(1) cynebearn And. 566; sigebearn Hö. 43; wuldres
bearn Sat. bSl.
(3) dróttins óskmggr II, 179, 17, 2.
t. Giver, Dispenser.
(1) se ârgifa Crœft. 11; beorht blœdgifa A-nd. 84; lïfes
brytta Cri. 334; engla ëadgifa And. 451; folca feorhgifa
Cri. 556; sigora sellend Pan. 64; sâwla symbelgifa And.
1417.
(3) yta drveitir II, 165, 20, 5; manna lifgari II, 407,
63, 2; auögreinandi II, 526, 1, 4; pjóSar l)rifgœÔir II,
161, 4, 1.
X. Judge.
(1) coröan dëma Ps. XCIII, 2; daida dëmcnd Beo. 181 ;
rodera ryhtend Cri. 798.
(3) heims dómari 437, 42, 2.
A. Teacher.
(1) lifes larëow And. 1466.
(3) Cf. lœrifa\'Sir II, 513, 29, 5.
[i. Hope, Joy.
(1) haligra hyht Jul. 642; wïgena \\vyn Jtd. 641.
(3) Cf. himna herteitir II, 46, 5, 2; allra bragna fggnuör
II, 507, 7, 6.
(1) fröfre gast El. 1036; swegles gast Cri. 203.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Enemy, destroyer.
ANGEL(S).
а.nbsp;Messenger.
(1) wuldres ar Cri. 493; godes boda Cri. 1305; wuldres
wilboda Gu. 1220; arendraca Gen. 2434.
(3) aerir gölings heiöar bees 630, 32, 1.
Servant, Retainer, Bodyguard.
(1) freoÖuscealc Gen. 2301; metodes tJegn Gen. 2907.
(3) himna hirö 565, 2, 1; himins Jiegnar II, 421, 10, 4.
y. Spirit.
(1) arendgast Gen. 2296; wuldorgast Gen. 2912.
б.nbsp;Weaver.
(1) fritSowebba El. 88.
e.nbsp;Guardian.
(1) sawelcund hyrde Gu. 288; freoCweard Gu. 44;
gasta weard Gen. 12.
f.nbsp;Child.
(1) bearn heofonwara Sal. 463; wuldres beam Gen. 11.
-ocr page 186-DEVIL(S).
a. King, Ruler.
(1) feonda aldor Sat. 76; helwarena cyning Jul. 322;
morSres manfrea And. 1313.
(3) flaertSar meistarinn II, 451, 42, 4.
p. Spirit, Shadow.
(1) hellegffist Jid. 457; bealowes gast Sat. 682; niSgyst
Cri. 511; deorc dadscua Cri. 257.
(3) girndar andi II, 434, 2, 3.
y. Promotor, Forger, Wright.
(1) fyrnsyna fruma Jul. 343; gryrnsmiS And. 917;
wrohtsmi« Gu. 877; «ystra stihtend Jid. 419; wrohtes
wyrhta Jul. 346.
(3) skem«a flytir II, 233, 12, 8.
d. Murderer, Injurer, Destroyer.
(1) bana moncynnes And. 1293; ISodsceaCa Cri. 273.
(3) jarSar ey«ir II, 388, 62, 7.
c. Enemy, Adversary.
(1) godes andsaca Gen. 442; witSerbroga Cri. 564;
sawla fCond Jul. 348; gaestgenlSla/«/. 457; ealdorgewinna
Gu. 505; wuldres wiSerbreca Jul. 269.
C. Wolf.
(1) se awyrgda wulf. Cri. 256.
tj. Cripple.
(1) earme adloman Gu. 884; hellehinca And. 1171.
Captive.
(1) helle haiftling And. 1342.
-ocr page 187-t. Foulness.
(1) füla fül El. 769.
THE VIRGIN.
a. Mother.
(1) cyninges mödor Men. 93; dryhtnes mödor Men. 169.
(3) gu«s moSir II, 450, 38, 1; vegst^ris moSir 563, 59, 8.
Joy.
(1) wïfa wyn Cri. 71.
Wonder.
(1) wïfa wuldor Men. 149.
ó. Choice, Pick.
(1) maegöa weolme Cri. 445.
Additional conceptions in Old Norse: Queen, wife,
mediatrix, dwelling, gem, flower, sun.
CROSS.
a. Beacon, Sign.
(1) bëacen godès El. 109; heofoncyninges tacen El. 170.
(3) Krists mark II, 168, 31, 2; sólar dróttins merki II,
438, 15, 6.
(S. Tree, Beam.
(1) rodorcyninges bëam El. 886; hailendes trëow
Krexiz. 25; wuldres wynbëam El. 843.
(3) I)jóÖar lifstrcé II, 166, 22, 7; geisla grundar grams
pislartré II, 168, 30, 7; hglda hjalpar stólpi II, 508, 13, 3;
sigrsto-5 II, 171, 42, 2.
DEATH.
а.nbsp;Law, Decree.
(1)nbsp;ealdorlegu Gu. 1234; feorhlegu Beo. 2800; meotod-
sceaft Beo. 2815.
(2)nbsp;noma d6mr Fm. 11, 1; aldrlag Vm. 52, 5; fjgrlag
Hdv. 118, 5; mjgtuSr Sg. 71, 3.
(3)nbsp;aldrlag 102, 30, 6; fjgrlag 32, 14, G; inanns mjgtuSr
n, 269, 21, 7.
p. Journey, Departure.
(1)nbsp;hmgang Cri. 1413; bealusi« Ex. 5; neosi« Mod. 55.
(2)nbsp;morSfgr Sg. 40, 8. Cf. also framgenginn
(dead) Skm. 12, 2.
y. Bale, Destruction.
(1) feorhbealu Beo. 2077.
(3)nbsp;aldrs r^^r« II, 153, 20, 6; aldrspell 256, 2, 1.
б.nbsp;Warrior.
(1) wiga vvtelgifre Gu. 972.
(3) Cf. Hfdvalar fellir II, 130, 14, 6.
e. Separation.
(1) feorhgedal Gu. 1151; licesgedal Ph. 651; woruld-
gedal El. 581.
C. Sleep.
(1) deaSes swefn Gen. 720.
A survey of the kenningar, as grouped in the previous
pages, goes to show that there is a reasonably fair amount
of similarity between Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse as far
as the conceptions expressed by the basic words arc
concerned. Not only are these conceptions the same in
many cases, but also from a numerical point of view there
is not much difference. For, although Old Norse does
contain more conceptions than Anglo-Saxon, the
difference in this respect is by no means proportional
to the disparity in the total number of kenningar con-
tained in each of these languages. In view of this similarity
it is the more striking that these synonymous conceptions
are not more frequently expressed by the same words in
both Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse.
Since it seems highly probable that the poetic style in
I a, both langi^ges was derived from a common origin, this
difference in basic words expressing the same conception
is far too striking to be the result of a natural develop-
ment. Whatever other factors may have been responsible
for it, this divergence in the use of the basic words must
in a large measure be due to the inclination of the scalds
to invent new synonyms in order to vary the sameness
of the repeatedly recurring kenningar. Whereas the older
poets, both in Anglo-Saxon and in the Edda, restricted
the use of the kenning to the most important conceptions,
the scalds came to regard the kenning more and more as
an essential ornament in poetry. Every subject and object
and even the pronoun had to be expressed by means of
a kenning. From the analogy of existing kenningar new
ones were formed by varying either the determinants or
the basic words. In this way fundamental conceptions
were often obscured by the passion for far-fetched
conceits and the use of highly fantastical synonyms.
The vigorous and concise figures of the older poets were
superseded by long and involved imitations, less effective
and more meaningless. With rare exceptions both Anglo-
Saxon and Eddaic kenningar fit well into the context.
If the Anglo-Saxon poet speaks of a king as s i n c e s
brytta, he generally has a good reason for doing so.
In the Edda the same is usually the case. Thus, it is in
strict accordance with the facts of the case when the
giant in Hytn. is designated by the phrase k j ö 1 a v a 1 d r
19, 7. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain how
Bragi came to speak of a giant as a quot;dispenser of goldquot;,
vags hyrsendir Rdr. 19, 2.
In the poems of the younger scalds this tendency
became still more marked. They went even a step further
and did not hesitate to use a kenning of which the
meaning was diametrically opposed to the conception
for which it was being employed. This was particularly
the case with kenningar for quot;menquot;: quot;Sehr oft werden für
Männer, die geschmäht, als armselig, niedrig oder ver-
ächtlich hingestellt werden sollen, die gewöhnlichen
ehrenden Mannkenningar verwendet, mit denen sich
herabsetzende Epitheta verbinden können. Ich glaube
nicht, dass in solchen Fällen die Kenningar ironisch
gemeint sind. Dagegen spricht, das auch Unglückliche
durch Kenningar bezeichnet werden, die für ihre Situation
durchaus nicht passen. Ich gebe hier eine Reihe von
Beispielen, chronologisch geordnet; besonders auffällig
sind die mit Gold, Schmuck u. ä. gebildeten Kenningar,
wenn es sich um Arme, Bettler handelt: h o d d a
beiöir happlauss 49, 31, 3, gleich darauf
v d b e i Ö a (Egill); hjgrva ^tir grmdlgastr
12
-ocr page 191-50, 33, 5 (Egill); armlinns ytir illsQgull51,
37, 1 (Egill)quot;; etc.i).
In connection with such kenningar it is however well
to remember that this phenomenon is not confined
exclusively to the language of the scalds. Modern
languages contain many such words of which the present
meaning differs widely from their literal or etymological
sense : quot;Le même mot peut avoir dans une période de la
langue un sens absolument différent de celui qu\'il a dans
une autre période. Les exemples fourmillent. Il est
impossible de lire un texte écrit avant nos jours sans y
trouver des mots et des tours dont l\'emploi sémantique
diffère de celui que nous leur attribuons actuellement.
La différence peut être plus ou moins grande ; parfois elle
est essentielle, parfois ce n\'est qu\'une nuance légère . . .
Honnête homme. Sous l\'Ancien Régime, cette expression
désigne un homme du monde accompli, un homme comme
il faut, un gentleman (comp. Le Misanthrope, v. 370);
au XIXe siècle, elle désigne surtout un homme probe,
et au XXe siècle elle en est arrivée à s\'employer comme
terme tout à fait vague; maintenant honnête homme a
pris une acception souvent très élastique, au point même
de ne plus impliquer nécessairement l\'honnêtetéquot;
This change of meaning is by no means extraordinary.
With repeated use the etymological sense of a word may
be more and more relegated to the background until this
etymological sense gives room to a conventional sense.
\') Meissner p. 247 f.
») Kr. nyrop : Grammaire Historique de la Langue Française,
Tome IV, Paris, 1913, p. 18 f.
The latter is generally more elastic than the former.
Thus it is possible that of the many kenningar for
quot;menquot; some had become so conventional and stereotyped
that the scalds were barely conscious of their literal
meaning. Under such circumstances they would not have
hesitated to use such kenningar as a means of expressing
conceptions with which they might seem logically in-
compatible. Another factor which contributed to the
abuse of the kenning was the comphcated structure of
the court-poetry. This often necessitated the poet to
invent new words and phrases to fit into the scheme of
his verse which in time became more and more com-
plicated and rigid. As a discussion of the metrical use and
the technical history of the kenning does not fall within
the scope of the present work, I shall have to confine
myself to these general remarks. Among others the
matter has been entered into fairly fully by Vigfusson
and Powell in an quot;Excursus on Metrequot;
Summing up, my conclusions may be briefly stated as
follows: The variation is in all probability the nucleus
from which the kenning developed. From a chronological
point of view the Anglo-Saxon kenningar reflect the
oldest stage in the development of the kenning, as regards
both its use and its composition. Rarely affected and
simple in structure, their meaning is on the whole fairly
obvious and, with few exceptions, their origin must be
sought for in the desire to express a conception as vividly
\') Corpus Poeticum Borcale, I, p. 432 ff.
-ocr page 193-and emphatically as possible. Secondly come the Eddaic
kenningar. Although differing from those of Anglo-Saxon
in more than one respect, they have a similarly simple
structure, fit well into the context and seldom strike the
reader as strained and far-fetched. Finally come the
scaldic kenningar which are highly artificial and com-
plicated in form as well as in meaning. From the simple
kenning consisting of two substantives, some of these
have been swelled out into long and intricate word-
puzzles, frequently at variance with the context in which
they are employed and often striking the hearer or reader
as far-fftched, meaningless and affected.
Lsijk
-ocr page 194-CHAPTER I.
Page
General Survey and Discussion of Existing Lite-
rature........................1
CHAPTER n.
The Kenning. — Its Scope and Meaning .... 34
CHAPTER III.
The Anglo-Saxon Kenningar.......... 64
CHAPTER IV.
Kenning and Variation.............108
CHAPTER V.
Comparison of Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse Ken-
147
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