MET MEDEWERKING VAN DE MAATSCHAPPIJ TER BEVORDERING VAN HET
NATUURKUNDIG ONDERZOEK DER NEDERLANDSCHE KOLONIËN, HET INDISCH COMITÉ VOOR
WETENSCHAPPELIJKE ONDERZOEKINGEN EN HET MINISTERIE VAN KOLONIËN.

In composing this volume I have striven to connect the ethnographical and anthropo-
logical results obtained by the Expedition, with what has already been written by others
about New Guinea.

To those who have rendered me assistance in this work I beg to tender my sincerest
thanks. In the first place to Dr. J. D. E. SCHMELTZ Director of the quot;Rijks Ethnographisch
Museumquot; at Leiden; also to Mr. J. J. JESWIET, Curator of the quot;Koloniaal Museumquot; at Haarlem,
who defined the botanical products, and to Dr. P. N. VAN KaMPEN formerly Assistant at
the Zoological Museum of the University of Amsterdam, for his informations respecting zoology.

Mr. T.A.Joyce, Honorary Secretary of the Anthropological Institute, was kind enough

The defects which will undoubtedly be found in this work, result from the fact, that
in ethnographical and anthropological matters I am merely an amateur; moreover the Expe-
dition remained as a rule only a short time at the different places visited.

Alphabetical List of literature mentioned in the text......................i, 3^4

The articles of food of the inhabitant of Netherlands New Guinea are only of vegetable and
animal nature. For the so-called eatable earth which, amongst other things, was offered by
people from the country of Seka to finsch [1888, 346], was afterwards proved by him, [1888—93,
226] to be only used as a pigment. On inquiry in the neighbouring Humboldt Bay I found
this confirmed. Neither is it used as a medicine. Krieger [1899, 218] who still mentions this
clay as eatable earth must therefore be mistaken. One of the places where the clay is found,
is the hill Dei M^ge, situated behind the village of Tobadi. At the request of the leader of
the expedition, the men from this village fetched a basketful of this clay in a moist and
kneadable condition; a small sample of this is mentioned as pigment under N°. 228.

Meanwhile Hellwig in Nachrichten [1889, 43] has mentioned a greasy, darker coloured
clay, containing iron, found by him at the foot of the Saddle Mountain behind Port Finsch,
said to be eaten by the Papuans, (See also schellong [1905, 609]). In British New Guinea,
white as well as red clay in single instances is used (annual report [1899—1900, 102]).

Of anthropophagy, known on Netherlands territory of the Karon and the Tugeri,
I have not been able to find a trace during the expedition; this custom is certainly not as
common as stated by poch [1905, 442] of K. W. Land and ascribed by him to a want of
animal food.. According to Macgregor [1897, 76] in British N. G. cannibalism is very rare.

In the case of the common people, animal food should only be considered as a
luxury as Hagen [1899, 247] expresses it; but finsch certainly goes too far when he writes
[1888, 54] that neither the Papuan dog nor his master are hunters, but on the contrary
vegetarians. This conclusion may be doubted, particularly by the dog itself, of which Finsch
states that it is kept purposely with the object of being eaten; its meat is said to be of
pleasant taste owing to the frequent consumption of cocoa-nut. Besides, in K. W. Land, the dog
s only eaten as a festive dish and as such a living specimen was once offered to FinSCH
[1888, J57]. A similar experience is mentioned by Hagen [1899, 196] and Nachrichten [1886,
127; Augusta River], from British N. G. by Macgregor [1897, 68].

Consequently a condition still exists here to which the judgment of LanGKAVEL [1895,
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;i

no] is applicable: that man in the first stages of his existence, has seized upon the dog, as
well as upon other animals, in order to use them as food.

As against the above, it may be stated explicitly that from the north coast of Nether-
lands New Guinea dog\'s meat has never been mentioned as food and that the experience
of the present expedition in different places, never visited before, entirely confirms this. Be-
sides, dog\'s skulls have never been found in dwellings, and necklaces of dog\'s teeth are here
so rare and expensive, that I could not get hold of one; they are therefore probably imported.

The pig however is hunted generally on this coast, for the sake of the meat, as far
as the Islam has not made itself felt; young pigs obtained by hunting, are reared, and in
many places the breeding of pigs is carried on systematically.

When a big pig is shot, this naturally provides meat for many mouths, and as a
bartering trade does not appear to exist in this article (and preserving by drying or smoking
is not customary in these parts, as far as I could find out), the success of the hunt always
forms an inducement for a banquet, to which in Humboldt Bay all the men from the
village and from adjacent or tribal villages are invited. The guests are not obliged always
to consume their share on the spot, at all events the members of the expedition, who were
treated on the footing of the most friendly power, after visiting such a feast immediately
received a piece of raw meat, which was sent to their home. (In K. W. Land dog\'s meat
as well as pork, according to blro [1901, 55] is smoked).

On the other hand, on the occasion of joint festivals a pig is killed, sometimes even
more than one.

At a feast at Tiggedu, according to nachrichten [1889, 38] as many as 36 big pigs
were killed at one time (pitcairn [1891, 68] even mentions the killing of 100 pigs on the
occasion of a harvest festival). A spear was thrust behind the shoulder blade in the direction
of the head, and the wound afterwards still widened, until death took place in consequence
of internal bleeding. Here also a part of the meat was taken home by the guests at the
conclusion of the feast. I don\'t know how the pig is killed in Humboldt Bay, at all events
no blood is collected, it was allowed to run away, as chalmers [1885, 84] reports from the
Aroma district. The hair is singed off by fire and the slices of meat are roasted on the
embers of the wood fire.

During the visit of the expedition to Nimburan two pigs were being killed for a feast
within the precincts of the village, but out of the presence of the women, in the shade, palm
leaves having been spread out on the ground.

At Tobadi all this took place in the temple and it may be taken for granted that
here the women do not in any way participate. That the prohibition of animal food for
women is carried as far as in K. W. Land, where according to Hagen [1899, 247] it in-
cludes absolutely every kind of flesh even of fishes, I have however not found to be the case
on Netherlands territory. But it must here be observed that parkinson [1900, 39] noticed
in common huts long rows of pig\'s lower jaws, from which I should conclude that in this part
of K. W. Land, at all events pork is consumed in the households and therefore also by
women and children. I saw the same thing in the houses of the Mam\'kion. In Tobadi I do not
remember having met with pig\'s skulls, except in the temples (see fig. 187, 188), where
women and children were never admitted. The report of parkinson [1900, that on

Tamara (Tumleo) the men eat no pork, as according to their opinion the soul of the dead transmi-
grates into the bodies of the pigs, must be considered as an isolated, though none the less curious
statement. Perhaps a remnant of totemism is hidden here, which according to kohler [1886,
369] forbids the killing and even the touching of the totem animal. For certain districts of
the adjacent k. W. Land, nachrichten [1897, 87] mention such a connection with the cro-
codile and pig with great certainty; similar is reported from British New Guinea (Unnual
Report [1897—98, 134]). in Geelvink Bay the profession of blacksmith carries with it the
abstention from pork. Van Hasselt [1886, 583] does not mention the reason, and it is there-
fore a mere guess on my part, when I presume that this abstention originates from an imita-
tion of the Mohammedan blacksmiths, to whom the people are indebted for the smith\'s craft.

Alongside of the pig, fish comes into consideration as the principal ingredient of
animal food; for places along the coast salt water fish, for those situated in the interior fresh
water fish.

Villages so exceptionally favourably situated for fishing as those of Humboldt
Bay (see Chapter IV), consume large quantities. Fresh and also smoked fish were even often
offered for sale to visitors of this bay. bink [1897, 148], who remained here from August
to November 1893, then already received the impression that no day passes without fish
food, and our expedition, which stayed here during the months March—July 1903, can confirm
this and has shared during the second part of its stay some times in this abundance. The
presence of smoked fish however gives rise to the supposition that the abundance of fish
in the inner bay is not always equally great, probably in connection with the reigning mon-
soon and with the biological habits of the fishes; possibly the west monsoon is in this
respect less favourable.

On Lake Sentani fish, I found, was also the principal ingredient of animal food and as
the great fish of prey, kd joi, which visits the lake in or after February, disappears again
after a short time, this fish is then caught in large quantities and preserved by smoking.
In this condition I saw the men still using it in June. But smaller fishes are also eaten
smoked. Fresh fish is here simply held over the wood fire and half roasted, half smoked,
and thus obtains a somewhat smoky but not unpleasant taste. At Ase I also saw the men at
their morning meal eating fresh water snails, Paludi7ia,gereoxfere,-N\\\\ic\\\\co^x\\^amp;^.s\\\\yh(t
extracted from the shell after having been boiled, by the use of a scratcher from the hair,
ongai, or with a pointed bone nose-staff, itja.

Amongst animal food, noticed by ourselves as being used, I may still mention a red
snake, which being too much damaged by a charge of shot to be included in the zoological
collection, was eagerly carried off for consumption by a man from Tobadi. The snake and
its eggs must indeed be a tasty dish for the Papuan; for the people at the back of Port
Moresby told Chalmers [1885, 105] that the pig was nothing in comparison with it. The
same thing took place with a Varanus; but this was not allowed to be eaten by the younger
men. In the villages on Lake Sentani I saw several skulls of crocodiles, kaikerum, of which
apparently the meat had been eaten; I do not know however how this was prepared. In
K- W. Land it appears, according to the illustration which Hagen [1899, PI. 38] gives, to
be boiled in pots. There it is a festive dish and according to Nachrichten [1890, 25] a hving
specimen v/as offered to European visitors as food. Turtle eggs, which according to Van

DER Goes [1858, 120] are boiled, on the south west coast, between three sticks above the
fire, are not despised either on the north coast of Netherlands New Guinea. The Papuan
guides and carriers of the expedition showed more than once great cunning in the finding
of the eggs, where these were buried in the sandy beach of the lagoons and could not be
prevailed upon to move on further, before the booty was secured. Great garlands of dried
shells are hanging on the outside of many temples.

I will not examine in detail the list of animal dishes, which the Papuan eats when an opportunity
presents itself; it includes practically everything that is harmless, for the Papuan has no aversion to any-
thing on account of outward appearance. The necklaces of skeleton parts of chitine in use elsewhere, are
here unknown and it may therefore be presumed that beetles are not eaten. Of the use of hornet\'s nests
{Vespidd), as a delicacy, mentioned by Biro [1899, 96], our expedition was unable to find a trace.

Of the vegetable articles of food used in Netherlands North New Guinea the
sago is, generally speaking, the first, as it grows wild in marshy parts and in extensive
forests round the lakes.

Freshly prepared sago was generally kept in stock in Tobadi in baskets, containing
15 Kilo (n°. I, pi. I, fig. 21). Immediately after the washing and whilst still moist it is poured
out into the baskets, the water drips out slowly and the sago will then keep for a long time.
Occasionally I noticed amongst the male visitors from Tobadi one holding a piece of a
greyish white material in his hand, of which a bite was now and then taken ; this appeared
to me to be raw sago. At all events I consider it improbable that this material consisted
of the pith of the sago tree dried in the sun and eaten in its crude state, as Strachan
[1888, 103] mentions of the south coast. At least I have never seen the people, spitting out
the woody fibres contained in the pith. In Humboldt Bay and its surroundings sago is pre-
pared in two ways, which are also mentioned by parkinson [1900, 39] of the Berlin
Harbour section : 1° as pancake-shaped slices and 2° as sago-porridge. In other parts it is
also baked into small cakes or according to De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 56] roasted
in a leaf of Barringtonia speciosa.

The young men from the temple of Tobadi, who rowed the expedition, during the
night between the loth and the ijth of May 1903, in about 5 hours from Humboldt Bay to the
village of Nacheibe, had taken with them from their homes flat, tough, but soft cakes wrapped
up in fresh leaves. With a small piece of smoked fish, this was consumed in the morning
shortly after sunrise. But at home the sago-porridge, a somewhat translucent material, like
fresh starch, is the usual form in which the principal food is consumed. It is prepared here
by the women inside their houses with fresh water, therefore not as stated by Van der Goes
[1858, 149] of Doré, with salt water, and is sometimes whiter, sometimes darker, which
amongst other causes may depend on the water used for washing.

A couple of times I have sat in the circle of the eaters, around a full pot, but the
company of older men, accustomed to the extensive chewing of siri, was not of a nature
to make me accept the invitation to help myself, however cordially a fork was placed into
my hand.

Besides, Bink [1897, 193] has already informed us that this porridge is fairly palat-
able. The use of the here customary culinary utensils is however not so easily acquired. The

simplest amongst them are after all the spoons made out of the shell of the
cocoa-nut (N°. 2—-27, PL I, fig. 12, 13, 17) which are used largely on Lake Sentani, are
found in most of the men\'s bags and are often provided with carved ornaments. Only once
I met with such a spoon in Humboldt Bay (N°. 28); this explains why until now no
mention was made of these spoons from Netherlands New Guinea. Never is a handle attached
to it, very rarely is a real handle cut out with the spoon from a single piece, as for instance
characteristic of the spoons of English New Guinea.

One of these articles, in the possession of the Leyden Museum Ser. 592, N=. 13, from Yule Island,
shows an animal head. Finsch [1888—93, 109] mentioning similar spoons of the Motu, considers these
objects, also on account of the hardness of the material, their best products of art. Loeber [1903, 60]
describing such spoons of the inhabitants of Timor, also points out how extremely difficult it is to work
the cocoa-nut shell. Remembering the Malay people, who eat rice with their fingers, Loeber considers
that the people of Timor, on account of the use of spoons, stand higher. For the Papuans however, such
a comparison cannot hold good. For the sago-porridge cannot be eaten with the fingers and some other
means must therefore be devised.

Almost everlasting, the spoons of the collection date for the greater part from the
stone period. The fish ornament is predominant on these spoons and sometimes covers the
whole surface, whilst the cut-out parts are often coloured white with lime.

Similar spoons from K. W. Land are according to Finsch [1888—93, 198] very often quite plam,
but from Astrolabe Bay, Biro [1901, 94, fig. 42] shows some specimens only ornamented at the point, in-
tended for the use of women and children, and which were shown to him in great secrecy. Still more
beautiful are the spoons which Parkinson [1900, PL XVIII, fig. 12, 13) shows as scrapers (?) made out
of cocoa-nut shell. The same shape, in mother of pearl, used also as scraper (?), Biro [1901, 95, fig. 43]
found amongst the coast people; again difiquot;erent from these and made from Turbo and Meleagrina, are those
which De Clercq and Schmeltz mention •) from the west, where also tortoise shell spoons are met with.

Another kind of spoons is made of bone. The collection contains some specimens
of these, but amongst them not a single one made out of the shoulder blade of the pig, as
formerly met with by finsch [1888—93, 198] in Humboldt Bay. They are made out of
femur (N°. 29—31, pi. i, fig. qj. tibia (N°. 32—36, PL I, fig. 16) of the pig, out of the tarso-
metatarsus of the cassowary (N°. 37), out of the radius of Dendrolagus (N°. 38, PI- I, ^g- M)
or out of the tibia of cassowary (N°. 39 and 40, PL I, fig. 18). The last numbers have the
spatula shape and have erroneously been taken for lime spatulas, whilst De Clercq and
Schmeltz 2) add the name of kamau, which in Humboldt Bay is however intended for
„daggerquot;. But it is perfectly certain that the bone dagger (See Chapter IX), which is almost
without exception made out of the tibia of the cassowary, is never used here for domestic
purposes, as represented by Finsch [1888a, Pl. V, fig. 7] as knife and breaker from K. W.
Land. Biro [1899, 38, fig. 5] even suggests that his universal instrument is used for three
purposes, as a knife, a cuHnary utensil and a weapon. The bone spoons of which N°. 31,
PI- I, fig. 11 especially, is beautifully carved, are used principally for the eating of the sago-
porridge; as planes or scrapers of hard objects an ordinary bone can be of no use. For this
purpose, on account of its greater hardness, the boar\'s tusk is used, (see Chapter VIII).
Besides, these people were already in possession of steel knives. The wear, caused by the

x) 1893, 67, no. 319-325, pl xv, fig. i, 2, 3.nbsp;2) 1893, 69, n«. 334, PI- xvii, fig. 18.

use against the inside of the sago pot is plainly visible in N°. 34, PL I, fig. 16. When
not used, the spoons are generally, as shown in several of the photo\'s, stuck by both men and
women, between the upper armlet, whilst they are prevented by a hook from falling out.

More even than these spoons, I found the three-pronged forks in use. De Clercq\')
has collected such a fork from Wandisiau; the prongs of this object, now in the Museum at
Leyden, are however lying in a plane. But in the case of the forks now met with in
Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani, they are placed in a triangle (N°. 41, PI. I, fig. 3,
N°. 42, 43 and 44, Pi. I, fig. 2) which is certainly more favourable for use. Pleyte [1896,
203, fig. 2] declined to accept for the above named objects the name of fork, because „they
are used in the same way as the Chinese use their chopsticks.quot; Still I feel justified in con-
cluding from the sharp points of some of the forks to which I refer, that they are c. q. also
used for pricking the food. With other specimens and in particular with the bone specimen
from Ase (N°. 45, PI. I, fig. y) the prongs are worn off obliquely by the wear against the
inside of the earthenware pots in which the sago-porridge is prepared and from which it
is also eaten.

The consistency of this broth makes it very difficult for the uninitiated to get hold
of anything with the fork, the slimy substance slips through the prongs and must each time
be caught, by a dexterous swinging movement, on the upper part of the horizontally kept
fork. The fork is then brought across and into the opening of the mouth and the clod is re-
moved inside transversely.

Bink [1897, 193] tells us that before the sago meal such a trident was handed to him,
but I am willing to bet that he could not manage to eat with it.

It seems curious that this kind of fork is not mentioned from K. W. Land, and it explains why a
real trident from Humboldt Bay with the prongs in a triangle was placed in the Museum at Berlin
(N°. 13153) amongst the combs. 15289 of the same Museum, although presented by a trader as a
„combquot;, may also safely be placed amongst die forks, even though the prongs, as in the case of the speci-
men of De Clercq, are lying in a plane.

N°. 46, PI. I, fig. 6 of the collection is made of the same kind of wood, but turned
into a four-pronged fork by splitting the middle prong. This shape is rare. Two spe-
cimens of the Rotterdam Museum (N°. 6224 and 6225), of white wood, are also mentioned as
„combsquot; from Geelvink Bay, they are however according to shape and ornament (eye
ornament) without a doubt forks originating from more eastern parts. The next highly pri-
mitive culinary utensil (N°. 47, 48 and 49, PI. I, fig. 8 and 10) from Humboldt Bay and
Lake Sentani, exclusively intended for the eating of sago-broth is manufactured from the
middle nerve of the side leaves of the sago palm, bent double into a pair of tongs, both
ends blunt and one of the two here carved flat over a few centimeters, the other part usu-
ally left three sided.

Pleyte [1896, 203, fig. ^a\\ mentioned the specimen first found, and now in Leyden
(Ser. II22, N°. 3) as a specimen from Wandamen. I have however ascertained that it is
widely distributed along the eastern parts of the Netherlands north coast and is there very
often met with, caught between the upper armlet (see fig. 33). They are also found in the

cylindrical bamboe cases of the men; for N°. 49, PI. I, fig. 10 from Ifar a special, small, or-
namented cylinder has been constructed in which the instrument fits exactly and is kept
clean. The use is for the first beginner even more difficult than the regular fork, for exactly
as Pleyte described it, the middle finger must be kept between the tongs, and must regulate
the spreading out according to the greater or lesser liquidity of the porridge. The part which
is flattened, is probably the one which is brought transversely into the mouth.

Moreover I discovered in Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani another culinary
utensil (N°. 50, 51, Pl. I, fig. ^ ^nd 52, PI. I, fig. 9), which must be handled in a similar way,
also a pair of tongs, but consisting of two separate, small sticks, of a dark brown wood,
which are laid alongside each other, and held together, close to one of the ends, by one or
more narrow rings, which enables the other ends to diverge some centimeters.

In the case of those specimens of which the ends are shaped into points (N°. 53 and
54, Pl. I, fig. 5 from Ase) a double purpose is evidently intended, as in the case of the
pomted forks, namely, to be able to prick consistent food.

Fig- i shows how again these forks are carried between the upper armlet. It may here
be mentioned that Martin [1894, 236, Pl. XXIX, fig. 17] met with similar instruments amongs
the Alfures of Ceram (Seran), but these were made out of deer bone, and not pointed, there-
tore exclusively intended for the eating of sago-porridge [p ape da). The collection of the
Utrecht Mission Society contains something similar under N°. 353 but made out of small
pieces of bamboo, unused, carelessly finished, possibly made according to special instructions
and in a great hurry, brought home by bink from Humboldt Bay, under the name of
aki. Such a bamboo specimen I have never seen in use and I cannot locate the name.
Finally amongst the eating tongs must decidedly be placed the small instruments of which
the Leyden Museum contains two (Ser. 300, N°. 231 and 232), the Amsterdam collection
one specimen (Ser. 8, N°. 27 from Ansus) and which are described as „hairpinsquot; and
„double fork-shaped hairpinquot;. They show a variety of the last mentioned kind, which con-
sists in each of the tongs ending in two long points. The sloping way in which the points
were worn off by the contact with the inside of the sagopot, already removed all doubt as
to the destination of these objects, but it was moreover possible to prove chemically on one
of them, with certainty, the presence of fecula.

Dr. C. Kerbert, director of the society „Natura Artis Magistraquot;, kindly allowed me
to take a photo of the Amsterdam specimen (Pl. I, fig. i) on the scale of

It ^ is really curious that of all the eating implements named above as forks, chopsticks, tongs, etc.
no mention whatever is made from K. W. Land. (On a photo of Meyer and Parkinson [1900, Pl. 6]
imre, i even fancy I can recognise in the left upper armlet of the third man from the left, a pair
of eating tongs, exactly similar to my 50; the authors do not, however, mention the object).

Hagen only states [1899, 183] that the small sticks from the hair [I.e. 171] are used as forks and
Brno [1901, 95, fig. 44] only mentions small wooden sticks shaped like knitting needles cut from the main
rib of the side leaf of the cocoa-nut palm and also used as a turning spit for roasting lobster, fish, cater-
pillar or beetle larva. I have already stated that in Ase, the scratchers. from the hair N°. 232, Pl. VII, fig.
8 are also used as an eating instrument.

The wooden or bone combs from English New Guinea similar to those in the possession of the
Berhn Museum (f. i. N°. 15291 from the Central District) do indeed very closely resemble both in shape
and usefulness the forks; especially one of these combs, with four prongs manufactured from the cylindrical

wall of a long bone, may be called remarkable. Macgregor [1897, 72] mentions similar five and six-pronged
objects, of hard cassowary bone, as forks.

I am unable from personal observation to give a proper summary of other vegetable
articles of food, as the meals were generally taken inside the houses. After sago, Colocasiuin
antiquorumnbsp;several kinds oi Dioscorea [Yams) and Batata edulis [libi] form the

principal food. Besides Musa which is roasted in the skin, in the same way as Artocarpus
fruit, of which both meat and seeds are eaten, one often comes across sugar-cane [Sac-
charum officinarum) and the pieces which were presented to me on Lake Sentani, were
according to the Malay kuli\'s of a particularly sweet taste.

A few times the members of the expedition have eaten the young shoots of the wild
Lagenaria boiled, whilst the fruits oi I no c ar p us e du li s, which also grew plentifully in a
garden close to the bivouac at Jaga, on Lake Sentani, were roasted for use.

The milk of the cocoa-nut is drunk and the meat is scraped out with Ca r di ti
(N°. 55), the husk, the mesocarpium, having been first opened with wooden instruments, cut
like chisels, mentioned also from other parts and to be found in most of the men\'s bags,
which are .stuck with great force between the fibres and then forced down (like a lever). I
presume that the elegantly carved object, N°. 56, PL I, fig. 20, from Tobadi, presented as a
knife, is nothing else but such a cocoa-nut opener, of which the collection contains some
five specimens (N°. 57—61, PL I, fig. 19). Possibly N°. 56 may also have been intended to
be used in tearing off the fibres of the aerial root of P and amis, for the carved ornament is
similar to that on the small sticks (N°. 580—582, PL XX, fig. 16) which are used for this
purpose. It would not be the only instance, where objects intended for the same purpose
are ornamented in a similar manner!

The cocoa-nut just sprouting, contains inside a ball-shaped, spungy mass, of a sweety
taste (diastase), which, as well as the young shoot, is much eaten, by preference at festivities.
Amongst the literature at my disposal, I found only mention made by ErdweG [1902, 338]
that this is the way most fancied by the Papuan of the north coast for enjoying the
cocoa-nut. Now and then one notices in a village a great quantity of these sprouting
cocoa-nuts, hanging about, but it would be a mistake to consider them as intended for
young plantations. On fig. 2, from Kaptiau, a long row of these nuts may be noticed,
strung up behind the festive dancers, and the photo of the village of Serr by Meyer and
Parkinson [1900, PL 7] shows a similar row, a certain proof that here also a feast is about
to take place.

The preparation of the dishes, when fire is required, seldom takes place in Nether-
lands North New Guinea outside the houses, whereas in K. W. Land this is the rule. It is
also almost exclusively the duty of the women, who do their work in the semi-darkness of
the houses. Except in the case of people who prepared their lood when they were on an expe-
dition, I only once saw a fireplace in the open air, namely at Ase at the foot of a tree. On
board of the boats a fire is also often kept burning on potsherds (see also flnsch [1888—93,
199]) or on carapaces of small turtles, for the purpose of roasting fish.

For the smoking of fish, I met in the temple of Nacheibe with a cylindrical
apparatus (N°. 62, PL I, fig. 15) with a grating at the lower and a cover at the upper
end, suspended immediately over a fireplace and identical with the apparatus which

was seen by De Clercq in Tanah Merah, of which the illustration, however, deviates.

From Tumleo it is reported by Erdweg [1902, fig. 233] in the cylindrical but somewhat modified
shape. On a sailing boat from AU, North New Guinea, (Meyer and Parkinson [1894, PL 4S]), I recognise
in the object which in the text, on page 13, is indicated by mistake as a drum, exactly the same smoking
cylinder, of which the bars of the grating are just visible on the side which is turned away from the
spectator.

For bigger fishes the apparatus is too small, these are treated for immediate use, on
sticks over the fire, half roasted, half smoked, at least the flesh is finally rather dry. There
are still other methods for smoking small fishes; those that have to be preserved for a lon-
ger period or are intended for trading purposes are strung in great quantities in a curious
manner by the heads and tails on to long pieces of wood. I fancy finsch has sent specimens
of these to the Berlin Museum, that are very similar to what I noticed on Lake Sentani.
My specimen got lost in the stomachs of the kuli\'s. I have not seen the boiling of fish-
dishes; it is certainly not as common in Humboldt Bay and surroundings as in K. W. Land,
where according to Finsch [1888—93, 201] and schellong [1905, 613] nearly all food is
boiled. Still, pieces of meat or fish, wrapped up in Musa-leaves, are sometimes roasted in
hot ashes. The preparation of the sago-porridge sometimes takes place in bamboo, as van
der Goes [1858, no] saw amongst the inhabitants of Adi (south west coast), but generally
in earthenware pots. Those in use in Humboldt Bay are made at Kajo Jenbi\', situ-
ated on the outer bay, from where they find their way to the coast-districts and apparently
also to Lake Sentani. PreuSS [1899, 163] places their origin on the Tanah Merah Bay and finsch
353] calls them uro and looks upon them as products from the villages of the inner
bay, whilst the mountain Mer, situated on this bay, is supposed to provide the clay used
for the manufacture. Both authors are in error (see Chapter VIII). All the same, these pots
decidedly deserve the attention given to them by the diffquot;erent visitors of Humboldt Bay.

The collection contains some five specimens (N°. 63-67) in the form of a globe, of
which one must imagine a segment to have been cut off and the edge of the opening, thus
formed, turned slightly outwards. They thus resemble the Bilibili pot, illustrated by HaGEN
[1899, PI. 25] and by BiRO [1901, PL VII, fig. 5]- The measurements also correspond.
Only the rim of the Bilibili pot is much broader and more turned up, the bottom part of
the pot somewhat flatter; thus with the same diameter, the pot of Humboldt Bay is
higher. The pot which De Clercq saw in the neighbouring Wandisiau, is also globe-shaped
but the bent rim is wanting, as is also the case with a pot which FiNSCH [1888 a, PL IV,
% 2] met with at the Sechstroh River, therefore in the district of SSkä. Possibly these originate
from Turnleo (see Erdweg [1902, 354, fig- 243/])- This island also furnishes pots, which
stand half way between the Bilibili pot and the Humboldt Bay pot (Meyer and PARKINSON
[1900, PL 17]) but according to Erdweg\'S description also a variety of other forms. Edge
Partington [1890, PL 310, N°. i] illustrates a pot of Redscar Bay which resembles much

The Humboldt Bay pot is striking on account of the purity of the globular shape,
also the even thickness of the walls, which vary between 5 and 7 m.m., whilst the bottom is
only a trace thicker. Thus it has been possible to manufacture a pot which, as N°. 64, with

i)\'i^l7rcq and Schmeltz [1893, 59, i?]- 2) Clercq and Schmeltz [1s93, 61, N^ 307, PL XVI, fig. 15].
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;2

a weight of only 2.85 K.G. has a capacity of 14 L. Placed on a flat plane it can stand up
with the opening fairly horizontal, another proof of the regularity of the composition.

As great cleanliness is generally observed here in preparing the food, the pot after
having been used, as already observed by Bink [1897, 194], is thoroughly cleaned.

This cleaning however appears very necessary for these pots, after sago has been pre-
pared in them, otherwise at all events precaution must be taken that the sago sticking to
the inside does not dry. For in the case of a couple of the pots of the collection, this thin
fleece of sago has begun to tear and curl up inwards, and has at the same time, curiously
enough, torn ofiquot; parts of the material. A repetition of this would soon render the pots useless,
but possibly this does not happen in the moister atmosphere of the tropics, at least at first
the insides of all the pots were quite smooth. The decoration of the pots shows no baked on
relief, but along the border lineal figures are noticed, scratched in with the nail, amongst
them, frequently, one in W-shape, as well as small curves and circles which evidently (see Chapter
II, tattooing) represent leeches and eyes of fishes; these being probably not intended as a
trademark, but to be connected with the mental life of the manufacturers. On the bodies, the
painting is executed in red, black and white; this was the work of the young men from
the temple, who made it appear as if these pots had hereby undergone a certain consecration.

The animal figure on pot N°. 63, (PI. II, fig. i and i a) was called ^ame\\ the same
as N°. 1320 the Triton shell (see Chapter XII), but I don\'t know what is the meaning of it.
The representation on potnbsp;65 (PI. II, fig. 2 and 2 a) may however be taken for a ray,

The pots of Lake Sentani (N°. 68—73, PI. I, fig. 22, 23 and 25) are shaped
like basins, as a half globe, sometimes with a rim somewhat bent outwards or broadened.
They are of a brown black colour and much coarser than those of Humboldt Bay.
The average thickness of the walls is 7—11 m.m., of the bottom fully 19 m.m., there-
fore the weight of these pots in comparison to the capacity is much more unfavourable;
pot N°. 69 f. i. has with a weight of 3.45 K.G., only a capacity of 9.5 L. Contrary to the
previous category, these pots generally have raised borders baked on, undulating and circular,
whilst scratched-in ornaments are absolutely wanting. All these pots were obtained in the
village of Abar, which, according to the guides from Humboldt Bay, owed a reputation
to this industry. I also saw here a pot being made, which had the „globequot; shape and it is
therefore very probable that not all the globe-shaped pots, which are also used on Lake
Sentani for the preparation of sago, are imported by the inhabitants of Humboldt Bay.

The next object (N°. 74, PI. I, fig. 24), the sago oven of Kwatisore, is also baked
out of clay and allows the preparation of sago-cakes. For this purpose the oven is previously
heated, after this the flour is poured into the partitions in a moist state, the whole is then
covered up and when the oven has cooled down the cakes are done, but still very soft.
Drying in the sun for a few days makes them dry and hard. In this state they can
be preserved for a long time, but they are very tasteless. To the east of Geelvink Bay
these cakes are quite unknown. A man from Tobadi who, following my example, tasted them,
quickly spat out every thing. This small oven is manufactured at Surue; De Clercq already
stated that it forms there a product of native industry, for which the necessary clay is pro-
duced by the neighbouring hills; it was also exported to Rasje (Wandamen). I remember

coming across it even at Angadi on Lake Jamur, where daily freshly baked sago cakes were
eaten. Sago-porridge on the other hand was not eaten here. The cakes have, as may be con-
cluded from the form of the oven, not all the same shape. The square oven which De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 61, N°. 286, PI. XIX, fig. 6] mention from Waigeu, yields exclusively
square cakes as can be seen on the photo of Meyer and parkinson [1894, PI. 54] of a group
of people from the South Eastern Islands, close to the feet of the man standing.

Sago-porridge is generally eaten from the same pot in which it is prepared; the pots
decorated on the outside with coloured figures represent dishes for serving up the food, these
are not placed on the fire. Besides, it is not the custom here to give each eater his share of
the porridge separately. They all sit together round the pot and help themselves.. At all
events this is what took place amongst the men on the platform in front of the temple at
Tobadi and at a watch-house at Ase amongst the people who had been at work on the
building of a house for the son of the village chief; fig. 93. The heads of the family do not
always take their food in the family circle; I often saw the master of the house at Ase sepa-
rately served on the staging in front of the house, where he often dined on sweet potatoes
and a dish of freshwater snails, P aludina-, at the same time other members of the household
were eating inside the house.

In connection with the pots I must mention, as certainly of very practical use, the
p aited rattan rings, which, of convenient width, serve as a support for the pots, to prevent
their falling over on the often very shaky floors of the houses (N°. 75—79). As the ordinary
pots are all of the same size, the rings, which come from Tobadi and Kajo are of the same
width as those which I met with on Lake Sentani. The height is such (see N°. 75, PI. Ill,
%• 12) that the pot is supported all round and that the bottom remains free from the floor.
In Its simplicity it is thus a useful piece of furniture. Those which come from private
houses, appear to be the property of the women, at least at Ase the persons, who wanted
to deal with me in these articles, mowda, were women.

It is remarkable that the three specimens (N^. 77, 78, PI. Ill, fig. 11 and 79, PI. Ill,
fig- 10), which were made in the temples, had rattan ornaments, described as snake and dog\'s
tails, whilst the small rings which are fastened on to the side of N°. 79, are possibly intended
for small pots with condiments. These last three objects again had something mysterious,
something holy about them, and the people were loath to talk about them. In the literature
at my disposal I find no mention m.ade of these ring-shaped supports for pots, neither did
I find them on the many very good photo\'s from K. W. Land.

In the Berlin Museum I saw rings twisted from thick strips of rattan and with some
loose leaves in them (N°. 9791) collected by Finsch in the Massim District of British N. G.,
which reminded me of small pot supports; they are however bracelets. The collection further
contains a round wooden vessel (N°. 80) from Manokwari and an oval, shallower one (N°. 81,
PI. Ill, fig. 2) from Kv/atisore, which possibly may also serve for sago or liquid food, as
stated by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 61].

According to these authors, the black colour of these objects is obtained by rubbing in a mixture
of charcoal and the sticky juice of a forest tree; after having been properly dried, the outside is smoothed
down with fish scales. Finsch [1888 a, 7] surmises that in K. W. Land a black mineral (graphite or man-
ganese) is used for the purpose. The wooden trays are here [1. c. Pi. III. fig. 3] often boat-shaped and

also higher, of which Hagen [1899, PI. 38] and Biro [1901, PI. VI] give good illustrations. Flat wooden
dishes, but circular, are found, according to Parkinson [1896, PI. XIV, fig. 27, 27 a] on the Matty and
Durour Islands, and Hagen [1899, 181] saw boat-shaped ones on the Tami Islands.

Differing from all these forms are the wooden dishes found by me on Lake
Sentani, (N°. 82—86, PI. Ill, fig. 13, 14, 15, 16) besides they furnish a, for the Netherlands
territory, isolated instance of dishes, which are ornamented with carvings over the outside
surface, sometimes in its entirety, sometimes in part (see schmeltz [1896, 114]). Flat and
round, more often oblong oval, somewhat concave and with a low standing rim, they were
used at Ase to dish up fish, which was also carried on these open dishes from the private
houses to the watch-houses, where the men eat together. The ornaments consist generally of
loop coils, but snakelike undulating lines also appear, and unfinished fish-ornaments. I am
not going to venture a disintegration of this style of ornament. The black, with which the
raised parts are coloured, appears to me to be soot, as generally obtained here from the
smoke of rosin, mixed with a liquid. The black colour of N°. 82 is perhaps only caused by
smoke and grease in the use, as schmeltz [1895, 242] supposes of the dishes from Konstantin
Harbour. Another dish for serving up the food, which I saw in use at Ase, consisted simply
of a kind of flat basket (N°. 87, PI. Ill, fig. 17), made out of the leaf of the cocoa-nut tree
and therefore, only available for dry food.

Before leaving the subject of culinary utensils I may still mention the sp atula\'s for
stirring up, N°. 88, Pi. Ill, fig. 9 and the spoons for scooping up the food (N°. 89—92),
articles which are used in the kitchen and never for the purpose of eating. The handle of
N^quot;. 90, PI. Ill, fig. 8 from Tobadi, represents a female figure, that of N°. 91, PI. Ill, fig. 7 and
7 a from Ingrau, a male figure.

In all cases where I found men in their own surroundings at meals, flesh food was
never wanting. It is not quite clear to me how many meals are taken in the space of twenty
four hours. My interpreter maintained that on Lake Sentani only one meal was custo-
mary, about 11 o\'clock in the forenoon, but I found that eating also took place about 4 or
5 o\'clock, only a few quarters of an hour after the women had returned from the gardens
with vegetables, HaGEN [1899, 244] talks of a morning meal at 8 o\'clock and an evening
meal at 6 o\'clock, Schellong [1905, 611] calls this the principal meal; it is prepared
by the men themselves. blro [1901, 92, fig. 41] gives an illustration of this, showing some
older and younger men watching a great many pots standing on the fire. In Humboldt
Bay this is not at all the custom, the meals are exclusively prepared by the women, even
the food, which on festive occasions is carried into the temple in a raw state by the men
amidst singing and dancing, is afterwards again taken to the private houses to be prepared;
the same thing is the case in the watch-houses on Lake Sentani. Of British New Guinea
Macgregor [1897, 72] mentions also one real meal a day, taken in the evening.

Generally speaking, these people eat much and often; already at the sight of a large
quantity of food, they become excited and Maclay [1873a, 242] mentioning the prominent
bellies of the children, states that in the case of the men, one easily notices after the meal
the increased circumference of the belly; fig. 3, a group of the Manikion, might also serve
as an illustration of this.

were immediately ready to tackle a second sago-meal of similar proportions, how some even
gathered round the porridge pot for a third time. During the meal no drink is taken, a
peculiarity which also struck Pfeil [1899, 41] in the Bismarck Archipelago, generally however,
they rinse their mouths after the meal. The Papuan from Humboldt Bay to the Amberno
River does not know any kind of stimulating drink. He best likes the milk from the cocoa-
nut and ordinary river or
well water and fortuna-
tely has no hking for our
fermented liquor or spi-
rits. Water-buckets
made out of the broad
bract of the wild pinang, \'
folded (N°. 93, PI. ni, fig.

turned upside down, on
the grave (fig. 168) of a
child, as it appeared to
me, not only with the
object to prevent the
accumulation of the rainnbsp;of Horna.

When the Papuans who were accompanying us, saw a piece of such a bract, lying
m the forest, they eagerly seized it and purposely took it with them to their houses, a sure
proof that this material was duly prized for the purpose. In K. W. Land these buckets are
also used, folded in exactly the same way, and sometimes only fastened with a thorn; they
can be seen on the photo of the village of Serr, by Meyer and parkinson [1900, PI. 7].
According to Macgregor [1897, 71], they consist of folded sheaths of the sago leaf.
Inside the houses the water is poured out into big earthenware pots; those of Tobadi must
be pretty large and in shape resemble the pots foi drinking water of Surue, of which De
Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 61]) collected a fine specimen, glazed by rubbing
rosm over the surface, after heating the pot. In Kwatisore, as well as in other parts of
Geelvmk Bay, a large calabash (N°. 94, PI. Ill, fig. i) is used as a reservoir for drinking
water; the specimen in the collection has a capacity of 12 Litres and is evidently very pre-
cious, as proved by the repairs which have been made with some sticky material (BiRO
[1901, 61] talks of a kind of pitch) and rattan. I doubt whether the thirsty person brings this
calabash directly to the mouth, as in the case of the cocoa-nut shell without a handle
of Angidi (N°. 95) and of the same article with a handle (N^ 96—98). The last are also
used occasionally in the preparation of food, not for the purpose of stirring it up, but only
to scoop up water, sometimes also in order to drink out of them, therefore as a drinking cup

with a handle; the name of ladle which De Clercq (De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 67])
gives them, does not take this latter custom into sufficient account. The strength and evident
technical perspicacity with which the handle is fastened on to the cocoa-nut shell, simply
with strips of rattan (N°. 96 and 97, PL III, fig. 4 and 5), is very well worth noticing. N°. 98
(PL III, fig. 6) a cocoa-nut shell, into which a handle is fastened, only by jamming, is a
poor piece of furniture of the Sekanto, a tribe in the interior behind Humboldt Bay,
which has got into a great state of decline by the persecutions of neighbouring tribes.
Possibly the article is still unfinished. A variety from all these objects is N°. 99 (PL III,
fig. 3) of Angadi where, instead of the cocoa-nut, a thin calabash shell is fastened to the
handle. Outside the house, the Papuan uses a leaf of the first shrub he comes across, folded
up, as a cup. Still more simple was what the people of Angadi did, who accompanied the
expedition; they stood still for a moment in a mountain stream which we passed on the march
and with their right hand, in quick tempo\'s, threw small handfulls of water into their mouths,
so cleverly, that they did not wet their faces. The same way of drinking is reported by
Stevens [1897, 184] from the orang laut of the peninsula of Malacca.

The mountaineers, as f. i. the Hatam, obtain their drinking water, according to VON
Rosenberg [1875, 104], by pressing the moist moss, which grows on the trees and bushes,
sometimes they also dig pits in which the rainwater remains standing for a long time. Where
the mountain bamboo grows, the water of the internodes is drunk in times of scarcity, as
experienced by van DlSSEL [1904, 952] in West New Guinea. The officers of H. M.\'s Ceram,
who in 1901 climbed the Dafonsero, top of the Cyclope Mountains, were offered this bamboo
water by the Papuans from Tanah Merah, who accompanied them. By the way I must here
remark that the offer of drinking water in trays or leaves was formerly intended in
Humboldt Bay and elsewhere as a welcome (see farther Chapter X).

In strong contrast with the sobriety of these people, is the abuse made of the sagueir in
Geelvink Bay. As well known, this palm wine is obtained from different palms, but by prefe-
rence irom Ar enga s ac char i f e r a, by cutting off the inflorescence, collecting the Hquid which
drips out and leaving it to ferment. According to Krieger [1899, 429] it is sufficient, with
Nipa and cocoa-nut palms, to bore a hole in the rind. As a rule the liquid is collected in a
bamboo like N°. 100 of the collection. A small sieve is procured from a piece of the bract
ofArenga, of which the softer tissues are decayed and of which the stronger nerves, running
in two directions, have been retained.

The inhabitants of the mountains, do not know the sagueir and we therefore presume
that the habit has been introduced from elsewhere; this I found confirmed by the Manikion and, as
far as the veracity of the people can be relied upon, also in Angadi (Lake Jamur). I did not meet
here with the characteristic appearance of the abuser of sagueir: a shining face, red nose and
swollen eyelids. But these people are none the less warlike for all that, as was proved by the
recent murder and robbing raids of the lake-inhabitants in the southern districts. In Geelvink
Bay, according to the experience of the missionaries and the government officials, the murderous
raids, rak, are generally planned on days when much sagueir is being drunk. Finally the Kawa
or Kial, as it is called in K. W. Land, the greenish juice, which is obtained by chewing the
root oi Piper methy sticiim and for which nicely carved cups of cocoa-nut shell (Biro [1901,
103, fig- 55I) are often used is, as far as I am aware, never used in Netherlands New Guinea.

Salt is not used in Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani; the food is prepared
with fresh water. True, the salt which BiNK [1897, 208] gave to the people of Lake
Sentani to taste, was much appreciated by them, whilst the short distance from the lake to
the Jôtéfa Bay (2 hours on foot), would offer no impediment to fetching salt water ; but they
apparently dont think it worth the trouble. Of a regular salt industry, by evaporation, I have
never noticed anything on the tours of the expedition. VAN DER Goes [1858, 149] noticed
the use of salt water in the sago-porridge at Doré; the ashes of beach wood, saturated with
seawater are here also added to the food. The inhabitants of Astrolabe Bay, according
to iRo [1901, 97,nbsp;often walk about sucking such a piece of charred wood and they

lave special bamboo cases to preserve the ashes. But this salt, according to Hagen [1899, 246],
be used quickly after preparation, as it liquifies very rapidly. Many of the inhabitants
fnbsp;are equally fond of salt and carry back to the mountains, when they return

rom le markets along the coast, bamboo\'s filled with seawater, in the same way as, accor-
Maclvy ^^^ ^^SENBERG [1875, 94, 104], the people of Hâtam and Arfak, according to
fi-om^thquot;nbsp;the inhabitants of the mountains in K. W. Land. It therefore appears

oT™alt ^^^^ Humboldt Bay and surroundings form a saltless territory in the middle
I fonbsp;to the east as well as to the west. It still deserves to be mentioned that

\' ««/rt spec. (Scitamineae), possibly used as food or condiment; the same bag contained
howevnbsp;masoi oi Sassafras goesianum (Massota aromatica Becc.) which

I know, is not used by the Papuans themselves, but collected here on
^e noith coast for account of the traders from Ternate, whose commercial relations have been
en e , during the last few years, across the Netherlands German frontier,
that quot; ^^^ quot;^\'^l^^iry as to the distribution of tobacco in New Guinea, has produced the remarkable fact,
same ^ ^ ^^^nbsp;recently quite unknown in several places along the coast, whilst it is found at the

man t^^ ^^^^ quality on the upper reaches of the Ply and Augusta Rivers. Besides, since memory of
of barternbsp;^^^^^ Mountains has a good reputation and serves on a large scale as an article

KRiE^Er\'r98] the plant grows wild in the deepest interior, for which reason
215] considers it without any doubt a native plant. Hagen [1899, 245] expresses himself

manner of quot;nbsp;People living in central New Guinea have introduced, together with the tobacco, the

actual/ ° ^^^^^i^ation. One feels inclined to conclude, from the fact that the people of the mountains
the coLt^^dquot;^^^^^ ^^^^ tobacco, that this luxury has reached the coast population from the interior to
with 0^ the^^quot;\'^\'^\'^quot;nbsp;^1894, 256] thinks, that in the propagation of the tobacco, which was met

with^thosnbsp;^^^nbsp;th® natives of the higher reaches have not only indirect communication

^^^ \'^orth coast of New Guinea, but that, along this river, the tobacco found its way to
orres Straits and the Gulf District, and thence to the south east.

Farlane [1888, 125] maintained just the reverse and thought, that the natives of the Fly River
IS ric acquired the habit of smoking from the Torres Straits natives and these in their turn from the
mother of pearl fishermen.

ihe experience of the expedition with regard to this question has not resulted into
anything new; everywhere it was found that the inhabitants, however much they appreciated
^uropean tobacco, cultivated their own tobacco, and also smoked it; of a trade in tobacco,
e ween people living on the coast and those in the interior, as occurs in a great many places

and f. i. is reported by Ellis [1888, 52, 56] of Tanah Merah and Tarfia, no new facts have
been ascertained. I have never seen large quantities of tobacco in the houses, and the small
quantities, which the people of Humboldt Bay and Lake Sentani carried about with
them, consisted generally of loose leaves, sometimes however of bundles of 5—7 leaves,
as Hagen [1899, 245] mentions of K. W. Land. Pieces of prepared bark (N°. 103—105) are
often used as tobacco pouch, sometimes sewn into a bag (N°. 104, PL IV, N°. 6) with or
without a piece of string wound round, as the case may be. Naturally this tobacco pouch
also serves to put away the fork or other small things and often a few pieces of dried banana
leaf, intended to serve as a wrapper (N°. 106). It is remarkable that tobacco leaves themselves
are never used as wrapper. In the west the young Pandan leaf is used; this is also the case
in the coast districts of K. W. Land, although here the fresh leaves oi Hibiscus tiliaceus
also serve the purpose. Between these lies the district with the banana leaf wrapper.

Still this has been seen used, in single instances, by the mountain tribes of German
New Guinea, according to Nachrichten [1891, 55], on the upper reaches of the Gogol River.
It is much thinner and less strong than the Pandanus leaf, a decimeter square not weighing
more than 470 m. Gr. Still it is easily torn and it is therefore carried about, wrapped up in
a strong piece of the sheath of a palm leaf, as N°. 107 of the collection, obtained at
Ingras, exactly corresponding with what Biro [1901, 98, fig. 50] reports of Astrolabe Bay.
N°. 108—III represent small tobacco baskets of Humboldt Bay and surroundings,
exclusively used by the men, who however also put away in them Areca-nuts and siri fruits.
The way these are manufactured out of two strips of a stalk of a palm leaf, of which the
blades are split lengthwise and twisted together, is, at the same time, simple and ingenious
and is also found applied to other baskets; (see the food basket N°. 87, PL III, fig. 17, of
Ase). As an ornament on the baskets, the black strips of quills (N°. in, PL IV, fig. 7) are
very effective, as well as the small pieces of black inycelium (N°. 109, PL IV, fig. 9). This
material calls for a little closer attention, as it is so widely distributed over New Guinea and
is used from west to east for ornamentation. Most ethnographers indicate it as a root fibre.
Mr. J. jeswiet, conservator of the Colonial Museum at Harlem, was kind enough to examine
it more closely, and by microscopical examination found it to be the mycelium of a fungus.
It could not be made out what fungus it was. It grows, amongst other places, on the moist
southerly slope of the Cyclope Mountains. A member of our expedition, there saw a couple
of Papuans, busy at the foot of a tree, digging out these black threads with their hands.
The vanes of the black Rhytidoceros feathers, attached as an ornament to N°. no
and in, PL IV, fig. 7, are, as is also often the case with the feathers of the hairdress,
cut in the shape of birds. Of quite a different shape is the basket made out of reeds, N°.
112, PL IV, fig. 8, of Angadi, with two handles of strips of bark, twisted into flat plaits,
as fig. 4,

It should be noticed that the margin of this basket is braided with cord, in the same
manner as basket N°. 623 of Kwatisore. It is shown in fig. 5, of which the vertical turns
pass through the twisted work of the basket, the horizontal ones resting on the margin.
Holmes [1897, 43, fig. i and PL XI] found the same pattern of looping cord, used in fastening
teeth of Papuan crania.

Besides baskets, bags made out of cord, are also used for carrying about the tobacco,

the collection contains some four very small breast bags (N°. 642—645) which are, no
doubt, exclusively intended for tobacco and betel nuts and are carried on a sling round the
neck and hanging down on the breast, but which, for the better technical survey, I intend
to consider together with the women\'s bags under agriculture (Chapter V).

After all, the bamboo cylinders are the best adapted for keeping the dry tobacco,
which is thus protected from being crushed and turned into powder. Of these the collection
contains a great number from Hum-
boldt Bay and surroundings and beside.s,
some from the western districts, visited
by the expedition. The first group (N°.
113—155) is principally obtained from
Lake Sentani, \'where to a certain
extent an industry of these cyHnders
exists for the bartering trade, at least
of some specimens obtained in Tobadi
and Kajo, the owners declared, that they
had been manufactured on the said lake.
Nowhere did I see the bamboo cylinders
so generally used as here. Sometimes the
cyhnder is simply carried under the arm,
sometimes it is lying in the bag, closed

r niaterial. I never saw here covers of bamboo, as often occur to the east in K. W. Land,
according to Hagen [1899, 184] and to the west in Geelvink Bay, as the next group
proves. Generally the cylinders are ornamented over the whole surface with carved ornaments,
^ against the little or not at all ornamented cylinders which BiRO [1901, 60] illustrates of
W. Land. Plain and loop coils, circles, zigzag lines, fish figures, etc. are used; the cut-out
parts being very rarely coloured.

I am inclined to suppose that ah these ornaments have their decided meaning, just as
With the tatooing in these parts every stripe or curve has its fixed meaning. The deciphering
of this writing in ornaments, demands in the first place the explanation of the Papuans them-
selves and therefore cannot as yet be undertaken, with the faulty knowledge of the Sentani
language; see Chapter XI. The second group of cylinders (N°. 156—168) is derived from
Geelvink Bay and surroundings and is characterised principally by the fact that here the
hatching and the hook and the curl, also some reversed coil figures appear, of which the meaning
has been studied by Uhle [1886, 7, PI. V], and of which, in order to increase the contrast,
tne cut-out parts are often smeared over with very dark red pigments. The human figure,
according to Uhle, only seldom appears on these cylinders and as such is only found on two of our
specimens N°. 159 (PL V, fig. 5 and 5a) from Wari and Nquot;. 165 (PL V, fig. 6 and 6a) from Kwatisore.

166—168 (PL IV, fig. 32—34) are obtained from Lake Jamur and prove by the
ornament, so entirely in the style of Geelvink Bay, that the district of this lake,
although belonging by language and intercourse to the south west coast, stands, as far as
technique and art are concerned, in close relationship to the said bay. It should be
Nova Guinea. HI. Ethnography.

remarked that all the ornamented bamboo cylinders are carved, but that burnt-in figures, as
appearing, according to finsch [1888—93, 202], on the cyHnders of K. W. Land and
according to Haddon [1894, 143] on bamboo pipes in the Central district of Br. New Guinea,
are absolutely wanting. To the east of the Amberno River, tobacco is smoked in the form
of cigarettes, by both men and women; pipes are equally unknown, as in K. W. Land. In
Humboldt Bay smoking by the young men in the temple is not allowed, on Lake
Sentani however, the boys smoke as soon as they serve in the watch-houses. These matters
appear to be arranged by fixed rules; young children with tobacco or pipes, as noticed from
other parts, are never seen here. In contrast with the experience of H. M\'s. Etna in 1858,
when, according to van der Goes [1858, 89], cut tobacco was declined by the Papuans,
the shag of the firm of Van Nelle in Rotterdam is now very much liked and was for
our expedition a very practical article of barter, as by the consumption the demand remained
always large. In order to roll a cigarette the necessary leaves of tobacco are held by prefe-
rence over the fire for a few moments to dry them properly and to enable them
to crumble somewhat when rolled up in the Banana leaf wrapper; the cigarette, of clumsy
shape, then often requires a piece of fibre to keep it closed. If this is neglected one is obliged
to keep the cigarette constantly firmly squeezed between the hps or fingers to prevent unrol-
ling. If it goes out, it is sometimes squeezed, for the time being, into the upper armlet, or
in the hole in the lobe of the ear, but often the smoker carries a piece of smouldering wood
to light again. The cutting of tobacco does not occur here. Extremely curious is the
custom, also reported from several other places in New Guinea, to hand the ciga-
garette now and then to others, who also have a few pulls. In Humboldt Bay as well as
on Lake Sentani it actually belongs to the good manners and Bink [1897, 192, 193] expe-
rienced on arrival there, when he was offered a freshly rolled cigarette successively by one
host and two hostesses, that, each time, they first had a few pulls at it themselves. It is
therefore quite natural, that a Humboldt Bay man asks for your cigar, after you have been
smoking it for some time. This he does now-a-days exactly as at the time of Van der
Goes [1858, 89]; after handing over your cigar, it generally is passed all round. Meanwhile,
it is not at all part of the customs, what an impertinent Tobadier once did, who, on taking
leave from three of us, very cleverly removed the burning cigars from our mouths, and
took them away with him. In Geelvink Bay, according to De Clercq (De Clercq and
schmeltz [1893, 71]), the tobacco is either or not cut or torn, dried above the fire, and
rolled in Pandanus leaves, and cigarettes made in this way are then sometimes spirally
wound round with a strip of bark. Finally, on Lake Jamur I saw fresh tobacco just cut,
lying on big mats, to dry in the sun, for the use of men and women; it had hardly any
smell. The basket N°. 112, PL IV, fig. 8, from Angädi, contains such tobacco. As far as the
smoking of pipes by the Papuans is concerned, we know since several years that on the
south coast of New Guinea pieces of more or less thick bamboo (the Berlin Museum pos-
sesses a very big specimen (N°. 4341) from the Central District, surrounded with a broad
plaited work of cord) are used as pipes. Finsch [1888, 268], chalmers [1885, 170], Edge
Partington [1890, PL 318], Macgregor [1897, 74] gave illustrations. They represent (joest
[1888, 176]) the supposed weapons of Cook, the signal tube of müller, Modera, etc. and
also pass round from mouth to mouth. Haddon [1901, 75] noticed the same custom on Murray

Island ; it is also remarkable that very young children are there allowed to smoke. Finsch
saw how such young children of Aroani were already quite accustomed to the narcotic influence
of this peculiar way of smoking see (annual report [1899, PI. I]). But also in the north
west tobacco pipes are found; by wallace [1869 II, 188], VON rosenberg [1875, 104,
PI. XIII], De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 73, N°. 384, PI. XIV, fig. 7] and others, they
have become known of Hâtam and Andai. These pipes, however, are not made out of bam-
boo, but out of a single piece of red brown wood, often with an ear-shaped handle. The
three pipes of the present collection (N°. 169—171) are brought from the same part of New
Guinea, but from other tribes, and to this probably owe the modified form, which comes to
this, that the handle lies as a straight stem in the prolongation of the head and in the
middle, transversely, a short mouthpiece is carved out. N°. 169, PI. IV, fig. 31 and N°. 170
of the tribe of the Manikion, which cultivates its own tobacco, have a somewhat sword-shaped
handle. The Amsterdam collection contains such a pipe (Ser. 103, N°. 3) with the origin
given as „Doréquot;, which appears to me to be wrong.

171, PL IV, fig. 30, from the Arfak Mountains has a bodkin-shaped handle. D\'Albertis
[1880, 132] illustrates amongst his pipes from the Arfak Mountains a similar specimen, only
provided at the end with a small button. When not in use, it is stuck in the upper armlet.
The Manikion do the same thing, thus diffquot;ering from the Hâtam people, who let the pipe
hang from a string round the neck in front of the chest. I have not noticed that the pipe
was allowed to circulate here. Instead of the piece of smouldering wood with which the
Humboldt Bay man lights his cigarette, a tinder box is used here, consisting of a small bam-
boo cylinder, on which a piece of superior earthenware, probably of Chinese origin and on
the fracture almost like porcelain, is struck, in order to set fire to a small piece of tinder,
all these things being carried inside the cylinder. Probably the kind of bamboo used is very
hard and rich in siliceous acid. The tinder, the guide said, was from the pohon bahru (Malay =
new tree); according to De Clercq (De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 72]) it is found on
the inside of the broadened lower end of the branches of the Nibung palm. The tinder of
the two tinder boxes (N°. 172, PL IV, fig. 29 and 29a and N\'\'. 173) of the collection is derived
from I^ycoperdinaceae, however, evidently on purpose, mixed with very fine fibres of
charcoal, which possibly increases the durability and the inflamability. When used, the bam-
boo is taken vertically in the left hand, the piece of porcelain in the right. In striking down
with a quick, strong and rubbing stroke, the spark shows itself behind the point of contact,
over the piece of porcelain, and it is therefore against this point that the fingers of the right
hand hold pressed at the same time a small lump of tinder. It is not difficult to make fire
in this way and the tinder burns very quickly. In the case of the primitive tinder box, found
by von Rosenberg [1875, 95] on the Arfak Mountains, a flint was used, and it is reported
that no tinder, but picked and sundried bark is used.

Just like the Malays, the Papuans appear to find the tobacco too strong to chew unmixed ;
still this habit was reported from Waropen by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 71]. The chew-
ing of betel is on the other hand quite common in New Guinea, as well by the men as by the
women and even outdoes in certain places the tobacco, as a popular luxury. In the district south
of Maccluer\'s Gulf, according to Van Dissel [1904, 958] no young man may chew siri before he
has killed somebody; in Humboldt Bay it is not allowed as long as the young men still

remain in the temple. For this and the surrounding district one would be justified in talking
of Are ca chewing, for one or two Areca-nuts,are first placed into the mouth, after that
some Hme is taken and then only a small piece of the si ri fruit, stdi- the mixture, which finally
fills the mouth, is principally derived from Areca. It is also reported from more westerly
parts (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 72]), that fruits, sometimes also the stalk, of Chavica
sirtboa Miq. [Piper sirtboa L.) are used and not at all always the leaves of Chavtca
be tie Miq. [Piper be tie L.), as mentioned by Grabowsky [1888, 191].

Therefore, a great difference exists between the way it is used here and the customary
use in K. W. Land as observed by Hagen [1899, 199] and Biro [1901, 99], where besides
the Areca-nut a little tobacco and some lime is folded up in a siri leaf. BiRO [I. c. fig. 54], like
Macgregor [1897, 74] in Br. New Guinea, found small mortars for pulverizing and mixing the
ingredients. According to BiRO gambir is also used in certain districts, therefore entirely a^or-
ding to the Malay prescription (Grabowsky [1888, 188]. All this appears to me to be very
improbable, for the preparation of gambir from twigs and leaves of Uncaria gambir Roxb.
is still unknown to the, by Malay influence more cultivated western Papuans and this material
is according to De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 72]. imported by traders, whilst the missionaries
sometimes, on religious festivals, distribute a little of it. How the people of Astrolabe Bay obtain
their gambir, is not reported by Biro, neither does he mention amongst the materials belonging
to the chewing of the betel, the siri fruit, although he has collected it under N°. 297. I
noticed in Humboldt Bay, that never the tobacco, and never the leaf but always the fruit of
siri is used; indeed the same thing proved to be the case in Oinake. Of Br. New Guinea
Wyatt Gill [1885, 316] mentions the chewing of the bark of Chavica betle Miq.
The mouths of the men on Lake Sentani and in Humboldt Bay are often so full, the segre-
gation of saliva so abundant, and the spitting so frequent, that these people, especially when
joining at the same time in the conversation, form very unpleasant company. Koning
[1903, 252] and others have already pointed to this, to the consequent indistinctness of the
speech and to the dark colour of the teeth. In fact the teeth, which, with the younger
people are beautifully white, become dark red by the use of siri.

Where, as in Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani, no caries of the teeth occurs (see
Chapter XIII), it is certainly more easily explained, that there is no objection to each other\'s
saliva and, like the cigarette, the siri quid is passed round. A used quid of a grown-up
person is chewed afterwards by the children with evident pleasure.

I remember a festive dance on the platform of Tobadi, where a number of boys and
girls joined in the dancing. An old man, who passed this group, handed his used quid to
a little girl, apparently no more than 5 years old, who immediately took hold of the present
with joyful eyes, but was all at once forced by the other young girls to divide the quid, after
which all rejoined the dance, chewing and laughing with evident satisfaction.

Whilst siri fruit and Areca-nuts are usually carried loose in the bag, it is the general
custom to the east of the Amberno River to use a small calabash with superficially btrnt-in
ornaments for the lime. At the spot where the stalk joins the calabash a circular opening
has been made into which a wooden or bone pin is inserted, closing the aperture. On Lake
Sentani they are generally egg- or pear-shaped, often more like a sausage, and in a finished
condition they are traded away from here to Humboldt Bay. De Clercq and Schmeltz

[1893, 79, N°. 389, PI. XIV, fig. 15] already illustrate such a typical object of Humboldt
Bay, of which the handle of the pin is carved into a human figure the same as with N°. 177
and 195 (PI. IV,

ng- 35 and 24) of the collection. The manufacture of these lime receptacles
out of calabashes is, jj^^ake Sentani, carried on by the men. With a long pointed piece of
wood the empty cal^^h is scraped out clean, whilst the outside skin is probably rubbed
o with sand. I saw them exposed to the sun, stuck upside down on wooden pins, on the
^^tsi e of the roof of a watch-house for men. In this way they obtain the nice yellow colour.

request the burning in of the figures was shown. For this purpose, on a certain
tlnbsp;a small wood fire was lit and close to it a large quantity of narrow strips of

Qnbsp;sheath of the cocoa-nut palm were deposited, so close that the points took fire,

a er another the sticks were now taken up and by knocking against them, the glowing
was removed as far as it was consumed, whereby a small stave was obtained with a
re or less hard, somewhat conical, glowing point, with which the design is drawn. By con-
time Pnbsp;the point of the httle stick is meanwhile kept glowing for a long

^^^ \'nbsp;^ darkness is necessary for this work, in order to be able to judge correctly of

burn^d^^^quot;^^ ^^^ Pencils, with which it is allowed to scorch thoroughly, but in no case to
are to ^^^nbsp;cannot be obtained by this means, for this purpose the glowing points

posed fnbsp;those parts where the design obtains an increase of plane, it is also com-

P o lines connecting sideways. The proceedings here described resemble closely those
o-lowquot; ^ ^^nbsp;Luschan [1898, 397] from the Bismarck Archipelago, where however

fe\' ng pieces of cocoa-nut shell were used, with which a much finer design can be obtained.

western^^^^ ^^^ ornament of the calabashes vary in different districts. Thus the calabashes in the
provic^d^^\'^\'*\' ^nbsp;generally without any ornament, but on the other hand they are often

noticed ^^^^ ^nbsp;^^nbsp;^^^ ^^^^ purpose of carrying, (Biro [1901, 60, fig. t]), which is seldom

ratioi^^ Netherlands territory. To the east of Venus Point the bottle-shape becomes general and the deco-
^^ sticking on seeds, etc. (Finsch [1888—93, 203, PL 11, fig. i; 1888 a, pi. V, fig. i];
burntnbsp;^^^ ^^^ Berhn Museum also possesses from there, ball-shaped specimens beautifully

west \' ^^nbsp;[1892, 170] illustrates of the Tugeri. The Museum at Leyden possesses of the south

Qf ^nbsp;^ club-shaped calabash (Ser. 941, N°. 61) without any ornament and with a sling for the purpose

arrying, whilst the opening is made sideways close to the upper end (Schmeltz [1904, PL XII, fig. 9]).

(N° 20quot;^ G-eelvink Bay the calabash is very seldom seen; I only saw one at Kwatisore
nicei*^^\'nbsp;bamboo lime cylinders are generally used. The cocoa-nut,

^ oarved, is also used for the same purpose, but as such does not appear to be very
wi ey distributed. The Berlin Museum possesses several of K. W. Land and the five
^^^^ ^^ ■nbsp;200), of the collection, all come from Lake Sentani and surroundings.

\'RCQ ) obtained an exactly similar object from Liki, provided near the opening with
a strap for carrying. My specimen, N°. 197 from Tobadi, has in the same place two small
conical holes, possibly intended for a sling for carrying.

In Humboldt Bay I was informed, that this kind of lime receptacle is exclusively
mtended for women, but this report requires confirmation. It is indeed curious that whilst in
t e language of Jotefa all lime calabashes are simply called naii after the lime, the lime

cocoa-nuts were always talked of as moinigwi, in which the word moi = monje
appears. The remark made in the case of the carved spoons made out of cocoa-nut shell, as
to the difficulty in working this hard material, is in a much higher degree applicable to the
entire nuts; the cut-out portions are also often covered with lime. The ornamental
designs offer some variations, but at the lower pole a star figure is often found; besides fish
figures {N°. 197), figures of crocodiles, snakes (N°. 200, PI. IV, fig. 20) and an abundance of
spirals (N°. 198 and 199, PI. IV, fig. 22 and 21). De Clercq thought that he could recognise
on his specimen two pairs of conventional hands, with the pulses joined together; this inter-
pretation however becomes improbable, as N°. 197 has the sam.e figure but without any indi-
cation of the fingers, ergo hourglass-shaped. The lime receptacle and the Papuan are almost
inseparable. When he leaves his home, it is his faithful companion, either in his bag or under
his arm (or attached to the sling, wherever this is used). For one and the same betel-quid
he repeatedly takes the pin-shaped bone or wooden, either smooth or cross-ribbed, spatula
out of his box and places the lime between his lips. More or less moistened, the pin is returned
to the receptacle and immediately a fresh supply of lime for the next occasion sticks to it.
As the pin must fit closely in the opening of the lime box, to prevent the loss of lime, many
specimens have a small, somewhat conical, hollow piece of brown larval envelope passed over
the pin, at the spot where it fits in the opening. In the case of N°. 200 simply a rolled-up
leaf is placed in such a larval envelope and thus used by way of a cork.

Bamboo lime cylinders are never used in Humboldt Bay, in the district of Seka or
on Lake Sentani, only to the east, in K. W. Land and also to the west where, accordincr
to N°. 201—202, they were already met with at Nimburan, with carved-in ornaments, the
cut-out parts blackened on purpose. A folded-up leaf sometimes serves as a plug, the specimen
from Wari (N°. 203, PI. IV, fig. 19) has however a cover, and the one from Kwatisore
(N°. 204, PL V, fig. 2) is ornamented over the greater part of the surface, which is unusual
with most of the lime holders from Geelvink Bay.

Both the lime boxes from Kwatisore (N°. 206 and 207, PL VI, fig. 5 and 5a) made
out of Pandanus leaf, in which pieces of gambir are also kept, are entirely in the same style
as those which De Clercq mentions from the western islands and the Gulf of Maccluer.
To the east of Geelvink Bay these boxes do not appear to be known. I have already
mentioned above that the gambir is imported by traders. The lime is probably manufactured
from burnt coral in many places, on the north coast (finsch [1888—93, 202]). On the island
as Tumleo (BerUn Harbour) according to Erdweg [1902, 323] shells are however used for
the purpose. On Lake Sentani, shells, gotja, from this freshwater lake are used, which for this
purpose, as I saw at Ase (fig. i), are packed in great quantities in an oblong bundle of
dry sago or cocoa-nut leaves. After igniting, the fire slowly creeps in the direction of the
stalks; in the compact glowing mass the shells can be seen in a state of white heat. The
whole of the bundle, which lies

on the ground, is now often shaken a little and each time
moved somewhat to windward by the boy in charge, who has selected for this work the
weather side of the island, and by this shaking, as the leaves are being turned into ashes, the
white burnt shells fall out and remain lying on the ground in a streak. After cooling down,

they can be reduced to powder between the fingers, sometimes however small pieces of the
shells are found unburnt in the hme of the boxes.

interwquot;quot;^^\'^^^^-nbsp;^^^^ stalks, each twice the length of the circumference,

ven With similar double strips, rising under 60°, and after winding spirally round the upper
thutnbsp;descending in the other direction, also under 60° and forming the bottom. The sides

horizontal rows of hexagons. The bottom and sides covered on the inside with
N^.nbsp;^ leaf sheath, presumably of wild Areca.

■ ^^ ^nd 15 on PI. 1, fig. 13, 17, 12. 2/7. Suwe or suwai. Ajapo and Ase; spoons
the shell of a cocoa-nut, ko^ as a sector from pole to pole, often with a germ-point at
^^^^^^ serves as a handle, koba^ gbbang, the other end broader and sharpened
onbsp;outside to inside. Length 9—14.5 c.m., width 3—7.5 c.m. Some are ornamented,

sino-le ^^^ inner surface of the handle with superficial incisions, the outer surface generally with

a chcle^^ \'■Multiple fish, ka, ornament, head and body united, long side- and tail-fins; eye, joche, as

eye ornanbsp;®Phal. Sometimes several fish figures gathered in one large fish form. Besides spirals,

jj^ g -nbsp;twisted lines, etc. The cut-out portions often covered with lime, au. Specially used

28 7=» - v-\'quot;nbsp;®^SO-porridge, ƒ t, also for drinking, ««j/, «z^^V, water,/?/. Generally carried in the bags.

^ ^^^ °nbsp;spoon made out of the forepart of the left femur of a pig, por-, an oblong piece,

, c.m. long, ^yith the head of the joint, 18 c.m. wide (V, of the circumference of the bone), the
end rounded off H v.nbsp;•

,nbsp;an^ sharp. Used for eating sago-, nas, porridge, for loosening the flesh of cocoa-nut

■ ^ «■^t\'obadi;^made out of right femur, length 16 c.m., the end irregularly broken off.
jQ-j^^ Lnbsp;tJ0,711, Ase; spoon made out of left femur of a pig, m, with head of

ft \' T\'fnbsp;^^^^ convex side, fha, with ornaments, sema, scratched in. For eating sago-broth,

jointquot;^\'with^^^^\' ^^^^^nbsp;^^^^ ^^^^^nbsp;consisting of the surface of the

Qf ^^^ ^ e-m. long and 1.2—2.3 c.m. broad, at the end a sharpened and rounded-off strip
diaphysis^-^nbsp;^^^^ diametrically opposite to this a narrow, 3.5 c.m. long pointed piece of the

PqJj^j. ^ \' etween both a slit 2.5 c.m. deep. Generally carried between the upper armlet, with the

33nbsp;£ a ƒnbsp;outside and with the slit resting on the armlet. Use as before,
before^ almost entirely as N°. 32, length 16.5, largest width 3, point 2.50.111. Use as

loneit dquot;nbsp;Nimbiiran; as W. 32, the head of the joint filed down across the

concavities. The end worn ofiquot; blunt by use.
^^nbsp;between the point and the spoon proper only i c.m. deep. Use as before.

I ■nbsp;as 32, but without a point and the surface of the joint halved; length 16.5,

quot; . quot;nbsp;a® 35 the surface of the joint with one concavity, length 15, width at the senii-

■\'nbsp;Niniburan; made out of the tarsometatarsus of a cassowary, the surface of the joint

sig ty filed off; the convex side of the 19 c.m. long, 2 c.m. broad diaphysis ornamented with
«cratched-in crossing lines. Use as before.

38. PL I, fig. 14. Kwdkidan. Saweh; made out of radius of Dendrolagus, capitulum and
tuberositas radii retained; half of the diaphysis removed lengthwise. Use as before.

N°. 39. PL I, fig. 18. V,. Tjam ox fitam. Ase; longitudinal piece of tibia of cassowary, abwachc the
rounded end sharpened. Used amongst other things for eating, fite, sago-porridge.

N°. 41. PL I, fig. 3. and N° 42. Dintong, sidoi ornbsp;IngrSs; wooden fork carved out on the

border of dark brown and light yellow brown palmwood. The handle with a knob and with two
encirchng mcisions, close to the base of the three diverging sharp prongs, placed in a triangle-
the middle prong turned towards the dark side of the palmwood. Used to prick the food, also to
eat the sago-broth, nas. Sometimes worn between the upper armlet.

N°. 43. Sidoi. Ingres; similar to 41, but the handle without a knob and quite cylindric, 12 cm
long, 6 m.m. thick; band-shaped broadening over the base of the prongs; spread of the pron-s
2.4 c.m. Found in man\'s bag N°. 634. Use as before. Bink gives to the same kind of fork, brought
from Humboldt Bay (Collection Utrecht Missionary Society 318) the name ofnbsp;(see

N°. 44. PL I, fig. 2. V7. Abar; like N°. 41, but carved at the end into a smah ring. Use as before.

45.nbsp;PL. I, fig. 7. Sidoi. Ase; made out of the 4 m.m. thick wall of cassowary tibia with three
prongs sidoi-Uo, (6i6 = lower limb), which, by the cyhndrical shape of the bone, are placed in a
triangle and are worn off at the end from outside to inside. Handle on both sides with incised
ornament, sema, of chevrons. For eating sago, also for pricking, s^rdnja, consistent food.

46.nbsp;PL I, fig. 6. 2/,. [/sume. Tobadi; of wood; the middle prong, somewhat thicker and longer
than the two outside ones, ending in two points. The broadened part of the handle on one side
flat on the other side transversely convex, here with two incised circles, between which diagonal
and horizontal incisions.

N°. 47. C/tail\'d. Kajo; three sided rib of the sago leaf, long 48 c.m. nipped in the middle, and
moveable hke a pair of tongs; one of the parts flattened, by paring off, over the last 6 c.m. of
Its length, whereby it comes into contact with the flat side of the other one. Exclusively used for
eating sago-, nas, broth. See De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 67, N°. 322, PL XV, fig 10]

N°. 48. PL I, fig. 8. CAaide. Tobadi; like N°. 47 but shorter; in Seka called/e.

N°. 49- PI. I, fig. 10. Kanjar. Ifar; like 47, the shafts 23 c.m. long; fitting exactly in an
open cylinder of bamboo, ornamented with incisions. Used by men as before.

N°. 50. Ganje. Waba; two dark brown wooden sticks long 18.5 c.m., thick 3 m.m. both from a
small knob at the end, 8 m.m. wide, pared off on both sides to 5 m.m. and from this point
again widenmg to 8 m.m. at the rounded-off end; placed against each other, and loosely held
together below the small knobs by two rings twisted out of fine rattan, 5 m.m. broad, by which

a spreading of the ends, ±4 c.m. wide, becomes possible. For eating sago-broth; taken from the
bamboo cylinder, pontsj^, of a man.

SI. PL I, fig. 4. Chaibe. Ingramp;s; hke N°. 50, only one rattan ring, spreading to ± 10 cm

N . 52. PL I, fig. 9. Kanjdi Ase; as N°. 50 and 51 but the knobs, koba, longer, two rings, diedo-
broadened towards the rounded ends; spreading to 9 c.m. For eating, dndnde, sago fl

N°. 53- Kanjdi. Ase; like N^ 52, three rings made out of grass; at the ends a point,1.3 cm
long IS obtained by paring away the edges concavely on both sides; spreading to 14 c.m. Used
for eating sago-broth, but also for pricking consistent food.

N°. 54. PL I, fig. 5. Kanjdi. Ase; like N°. 53, only one smah twisted rattan ring; the points
formed by the continuation of one of the edges, whilst the other edge is pared oflquot; concavely •
spreading to 12 c.m. Use as for N°. 53.

evanki. Ingras; a Cardiuin-û\\€i\\ 5.5 by 4.8 c.m. Used to scrape cocoa-mit kernel. Found
in man\'s bag N°. 634.

56. PI. I, fig. 20. Udrèrèrè. Tobadi; knife of light yellow brown wood, the round handle
carved with the same ornament as on N°. 580, PI. XX, fig. 16, and N°.. 581; at the end a human
ead, charcharau or charau, hairdress like a half globe, face triangular, eyes circular with lateral
triangle, nose like a vertical ridge, mouth like a transverse, concave sht with the points turned up;
in, cylindrical neck. The direction of the face differs 180° from that of N°. 580.
Under the handle graduahy flattening and narrowing; point rounded.

^^^ quot; \'.nbsp;^/y. Nahana. Jâmbuë; piece of wood, striped black brown, i c.m. thick, the

onguehke and sharpened end slightly bent out of the plane. Used for taking ofiquot; the husk, the
mesocarpmm, of the cocoa-nut. Often carried by the men in their bags.

59- /«r. Ingras; 1.4 c.m. thick, otherwise hke N°. 57. From man\'s bag N°. 634. Also used on
Sentani and there called

. ■ iiaKe; as before, 24 and 21.5 c.m. long; the blunt as weh as the sharp end compara-

aloncr th^nbsp;edges of two vertically placed pieces of the leaf-sheath of wild Ai-eca; as well

^ ^ ^ lower as along the upper edge a rattan ring, eniè, fastened with strips of rattan. The
baaing, hicha or buka, formed on the lower part by a layer of 12 parallel wooden pins, stuck
the ab\'^^^ ^ through the cylinder and a similar layer of 9 pins at right angles with and resting on
hollow ■nbsp;cover, honâncha, made out of sago-stalks, the convex sides fitting in the

fornbsp;connected by wooden pins stuck through, and rattan lashings. Two three-stranded ropes

from^^^Vr^*^™^\' ^^^^nbsp;^^^ upper margin through two holes in the cover, thus preventing it

I when the apparatus is suspended. Inside and below covered with a thin layer of soot.

\' I. /g and fig. I a. ^\\..Anene. Tobadi; brown earthenware pot, shaped like a globe of which
tio^^^^^^*\' ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^nbsp;^ turned outwards. Whilst the pot is still in a soft condi-

thenbsp;triangles bounded by a double zigzag line, are scratched in the outer surface along

\'nbsp;other one of which is ornamented with two horizontal rows of inclined lines, which

quot;P the triangle, or with two sets of parallel hnes at the top. At one spot, where the triangles
circlesnbsp;^nbsp;^S^i^e is scratched in (bird? fish? frog?) with symmetrically placed semi-

rednbsp;a-nd small circles (fish eyes). The coloured ornament, fig. i a, anem âne, made with

sentsnbsp;^^^ white hme, nati, almost occupies the whole of the convex surface, and repre-

fauHve \' \'nbsp;spines, chare, on the back also similar spines, sewi, several appendices,

calle\'dquot;^ ~nbsp;^^^nbsp;^ broad tail, chhmitje. Manufactured in Kajo Jenbi and here

64nbsp;Anh\'^\'^\'nbsp;^^nbsp;^^ temple of Tobadi. Used for sago-broth. Capacity ± 12 L.
witl\'^^\'^^quot; ^^ more red brown; shape and figures round the rim as on N°. 63 but
VI 1 eight triangles. The animal depicted on the outside surface (crocodile?) done in black,

quot;nbsp;■nbsp;Vo and fig. 2a. 1/.. A nine. Tobadi; as before, the colour more red. Along the

nm seven triangles, of which four with the same figures on the top as in N°. 63 and 64. Orna-

N°. 713) representing a ray. Capacity 12 L.
quot;^o^âdi; as 63, diameter of the globe 30.5, of the opening 20.6, height 23.3 c.m.

je scratched figures along the rim consist of four obtuse triangles, in the middle in the ton
^ova Guinea. ill, Ethnography.

angle and in the intermediate angles provided with two scratched W\'s. The colouring in black,
white and red represents a sawfish, teri. Capacity 10.5 L. Used as N°. 63.

N°. 67. Anène. Tobadi; lighter red, measurements 32.4, 22.7 and 25 c.m. Along the rim only two
diametrically placed marks: one a zigzag Hne descending from the rim, the other a compound
figure as in 63, to which are added two ramified lines, which somewhat resemble a limb with
fingers. Used as N°. 63.

68. PI. I, fig. 25. ^/g. Her ai or ébé. Abâr; dark red, in the shape of a half globe, thickness of the
sides 7—10 m.m., at the bottom 17 m.m. The rim broadened slightly, outwards and inwards; half-
way up a circular raised border of 4 m.m. height and width baked on; between this border and
the rim a similar raised border twisted like a snake, with twelve curves. Roughly finished, burst
at the bottom, probably during the baking; leaky. Manufactured by women out of moistened, dim
coloured, black clay. Weight 4.3 Kilo.

N°. 6g. Her ai or ébé. Abâr; like N°. 68, but the wall near the rim bent somewhat outwards, diameter of
the opening 37.1, height 19.4 c.m. Thickness of the walls average 7 (5—9 m.m.) at the bottom 13
m.m. Outside ornamentation only a circular, snakelike twisted border of eleven curves, baked on.
Roughly finished, many pebbles and cracks on the outside. Weight 3.45 Kilo, capacity 9.5 L.

70. PI. I, fig. 23. \'/g. Abâr; half globe as N°. 68. but smaller, thickness of the walls 8—11 m.m., at
the bottom 17 m.m. At two diametrically placed spots, just below the rim a couple of small holes,
made before the baking; parallel with the rim two baked-on borders (the upper one half lost) between
which a snakelike twisted one. On the inside some red clay is attached, the same as is used for
colouring the hair of the head. Weight 1.65 Kilo, capacity 1.5 L.

N°. 71. PI. I, fig. 22. Vg. Abâr; half globe, a little oblique, thickness of the sides 7 m.m., at the bottom
14 m.m. On the outside, along the rim a snakelike twisted, raised border of twenty curvatures.

N°. 72 and 73. Abâr; shaped like half globes; with thickness of the walls as before, resp. diameter 24
and 18.5 c.m., 3 and i Liter capacity. Without ornament.

74. PLI, fig. 24. quot;/g. Rartgrè. Kwatisoré; half globe, divided into four quadrants by two partitions
each I c.m. thick, which are carried through the axis at right angles; each quadrant again divided
into three spaces by two parallel partitions. Manufactured and obtained at Su rué; intended for
baking sago cakes.

N°. 75. PI. Ill, fig. 12. quot;/g. Mudâ (murâ) or medjuâ. Tobadi; ring twisted out of strong strips of
rattan, like a low, somewhat bulky cylinder. Lashed transversely with the end of one of the strips
at a single spot. Manufactured by men. Intended to be placed under globe-shaped pots.

76. Medjuâ. Tobadi; as N°. 75, 13 c.m. high and with 30 c.m. diameter, lashed in four places with
separate strips of rattan.

N°. 77. Medemâro. Kajô Entsâu; as N°. 76, but in the middle of each lashing a bundle of thin rat-
tan strips or grassblades, cut transversely to a length of 5 c.m. and sticking out horizontally like
four small brooms, nechonje^ (perhaps derived from chonje~àog). Manufactured in the temple.

N°. 78. PI. Ill, fig. II. \'/s- Medemâro. Kajô Entsâu; as N°. 76, only three rattan lashings, each with
small broom of grassblades; a long, i c.m. broad rattan strip, the whole of which is spirally entwined
by a narrower one, is fastened round the middle of the periphery, in six horizontal outstanding cur-
vatures, with small rattan lashings : representation of a snake, bâruaro, of which the head, bdruaro
perchore, sticks out of one of the curvatures, like a long loop (not intended for suspending). Manu-
factured in the temple and only intended for use there.

79. PI. Ill, fig. 10. ï/g. Medjuâ. Tobadi; as N°. 76 with four lashings, in three of these rattan
brooms, chijeto-, imitation snake, mâte, made out of liana with rattan twisted round, is fastened by

the lashings and stands out between these in four curvatures. The loop at one end represents the
bead, mâte chaMir, the little broom at the other end the tail, mâte châjuwétje. At the fourth lashing
as well as on one of the curvatures two more supports for a pot but of smaller size are fastened,
resp. with three and with two small brooms. Manufactured in the temple by the resident young
men, under the patronage of the spirit Krn. Was not allowed to be seen by the women.
N . 80. Sajer. Monokwari; vessel made from specific light wood, apparently cut entirely outside the
core ; mortar-shaped, largest measurement 33, depth 12.3, thickness of the walls 1.3 to 2 c.m. On
the outside half-way up a flat rim, ârauwè, 1.5 c.m. broad.

81. PI. in, fig. 2. Ditdje. Kwatisoré; oblong oval vessel made from specific light wood, with two
spouthke prolongations at the short curvatures of the border, the cavity of half ovoid form,
outside with flat bottom. Two strips of red calico, hibiè, in a loop of cord, wuârie, fastened in a
transversal opening in one of the spouts. Weight 415 gram, capacity 2 L. Made on the spot.
■ ^hlll, fig. 16. i/jQ. Soitje. Asé; brown black, oval, sUghtly concave, wooden dish, average thick-
ness 8 m.m., with a standing rim ± i c.m. high and broad. On the back at one of the ends of
t le long axis a handle, joi, with transversal opening, puru, in which a loop of yellow white two-
^^ stranded cord, .f«. Weight 269 gram. Used as a dish for fish.

^ • 83- PI. Ill, fig. 13. Soitje. Asé; as before, but no standing rim. Thickness 4—18 m.m. On the
acc at one of the ends a handle, joi, sticking out, with slitlike opening, puru, in which is a
loop, ebru^ made out of barkfibres, sa. The lower part, with the exception of an oval strip in the
middle, ornamented, seniâ, with three incised transverse rows of spirals; the spaces in between, with
j^o . scallops. Weight 600 gram. Used as above; scales of fishes, kci, sticking on.

4-nbsp;Soîtjè. Asé; long 69, broad 18 c.m., thick 7—20 m.m. slightly concave, with standing rim. At
one of the ends a longitudinally placed handle, joi, rim-shaped, with crescent-shaped opening, puru,
in which a rattan loop. The lower surface ornamented with transverse rows of carved longitudinal
loop coils; some fish figures. The relief parts blackened, as appears from the spilling over the
edges, with a fluid colouring matter (soot of rosin, kand, in water?). The cut-out parts have the

5-nbsp;PI. Ill, fig. 14.nbsp;Soitje. Asé; as N°. 84, thick 1—2 c.m. Rattan loop in the handle. The
carved ornament, semâ, which does not cover the end opposed to the handle, consists of spirals and
two rows of three fish figures, with circular or spiral-shaped eyes. Along one of the sides a

• Ph III, fig.nbsp;Soitjè. Asé; as N°. 85, thick 1—2 c.m. The handle, yW, placed endwise.

Carved ornament, semamp;, consisting of five transverse rows of longitudinal loop coils connected by
j^o n ^quot;^^quot;^^tmg lines; (snake motive, the spiral as head?) Evenly brown black by dust and smoke.

7- PI. Ill, fig.nbsp;^gg. ijj^gjjgt manufactured by twisting the obliquely placed lengthwise

folded up, side leaves of two stalks of the cocoa palm leaf, kg, each halved lengthwise and forming
the border. The ends of the leaves are lying like two plaits along the border and are stuck into
the same. On this sweet potatoes, fam^ and freshwatersnails, f ere, gere, (Paludina) anibii, (Melania)
were served.

N • 88. PI. iii^nbsp;Janchâru. Asé; spatula for stirring up, made out of a straight piece of

moderately heavy wood, the handle, koba, round; by carved encircling bands, for fori, a grip is
marked off. The blade, few, 1.3 c.m. thick, worn off round at the end by using it in the round
sago pots. Provided with a loop of cord, sa.
W . 89. Janchâ ru. Asé; household spoon made out of a flat piece of a fairly light wood, long
35J thick 1.5 c.m.; the handle 14 c.m. long, bulging in the middle, has near the end two

incisions, forfori, to which a cord loop, sa, is fastened. The blade, feiv, oblong oval, largest width
6.5 c.m. with a standing rim, except at the pared-off, semi-circular end. Used in stirring or dishing
up the food.

N°. 90. PI. Ill, fig. 8. 1/7. Jârii.. Tobadi; as before, made of heavy, dark wood, the handle round, a
female figure, charchârau,^\\\\hovX lower liinbs, carved at the top. The rounded end represents the
moplike hairdress, below, tapering off, the triangular face, the neck and the throat; the nose indi-
cated by a vertical ridge; eyes and mouth by transverse slits, the latter with the points turned
up. Shoulders and shoulderblades in relief, continued in slightly bent arms, the five-fingered hands
on both sides of a vertical incision (rima vulvae), mammae pendulae. Navel as a circle, the belly
surrounded by a carved line. In the middle of the back a longitudinal incision. The blade oblong
oval and concave, partly with a standing rim.

N°. 91. PI. Ill, fig. 7 and 7a. ^\\-.Jâru. Ingrau; as N°. 90, but the handle like a male figure, char-
chârau. On the rounded end (hairdress) a spiral is indicated in red on a black ground; face, trian-
gular with two carved circles for the eyes; mouth as above. Throat and trunk nearly cylindrical,
navel circular, a vertical ridge as penis. On the shoulders a carved spiral. Front of figure turned
towards the left, the five-fingered hands below the penis resting on the left edge of the spoon, one in
front, the other at the back ; seven triangles are also carved on the edge. On the back of the blade
a set of eye ornaments (with noses?); the cut-out parts covered with lime.

92. Jâru. Ingras; as before, of fairly heavy wood, long 29 c.m. of which 12 c.m. for the 1.5 c.m.
thick, 2.3 c.m. broad handle, with somewhat broader button. The transversely slightly concave
blade close to the handle 4 c.m., towards the rounded end 8 c.m. broad. Sago sticking to it.

N°. 93. PI. Ill, fig. 18. Sâbe. Tobadi; water vessel made out of the leaf-sheath of the wild Areca-
palm; the edges turned up 90°, the two ends erected into oblique sides, sâblûmui, and the folds
caused at the corners closed with four rattan sewings, oserige. The plane of the bottom rhomboid.

N°. 94. PL III, fig. I.\'/jQ. Edjiè. Kwatisoré; sheU of Lageiiaria vulgaris, in the shape of a bottle,
wall 2—4 m.m. thick. Cracks partly closed with rosin, a loose piece at the opening repaired with the
rattan lashings and a small strip of wood placed against it inside. Round the neck a rattan halter,
nadjia grè, spirally entwined. Weight 348 gr.; capacity 12 L. Used for water and sagueir (palmwine).
Obtained from Su rué on the south coast of the island of Japen. De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893,
63, N°. 291 and 294] show similar objects from Ron and Rasjé.

95- l^tirâî. Angâdi; dark brown, globe-shaped cocao-nut shell, lUiri, with a diameter of 14, at the
opening of 8 c.m., scraped smooth outside; around the opening the wall somewhat thinner and
surrounded with an incised line. Capacity i L.; used for drinking water, mi.

N°. 96. PL III, fig. 4.nbsp;Geas. Ingras; Waterladle made out of cocoa-nut shell; the plane of the

opening parallel with the botanical axis and the handle, reaching 5 c.m. inside a perforated germ-
pore, fastened with strips of rattan, in two ways: the first, to prevent its shaking in the vertical
plane, surrounds the handle over 8 c.m. of its length and then passes with a 4 c.m. broad plaited
work over the outer surface and edge to the inside end of the handle; the second, to prevent its
shaking in the horizontal plane, stretches from a horizontal hole made transversely in the handle
10 c.m. outside the shell, a flat plaited work in the direction of two small holes bored near the edge
at a mutual distance of 6.5 c.m. and reaches from here to the inside end of the handle. Capacity
0.65 L. By De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 67, 350, PI. XVII, fig. i] cahed kéasu.

N°. 97. PL III, fig. 5. Korei. Asé; the handle, me, with a hook, me seibo, made of a branch from
which the bark has been removed, caught in a perforated germ-pore, reaches 8 c.m. inside. At the
edge of the opening a point 3 c.m. long has been retained. A piece of plaited strips of rattan,
kè, stretches over the edge, (encircling the said point) from the inside end of the handle to

a horizontal hole in the handle at a distance of 3 c.m. outside the shell and prevents moving in
the vertical plane. A strip of rattan stretching between the same points, but running through two
small openings placed near the edge to the left and right, at a mutual distance of 5 c.m. prevents
movmg m the horizontal plane. Exclusively used for ladling, tègo, water, pu or bu.

axis, not scraped, with a ramified twig caught in a side opening for a handle. Possibly unfinished.

III, fig. 3. V. 0- Tirapu. Angadi; as above; shell of a calabash, 2 m.m. thick, wooden handle,

*^aught^ in two small diametrically placed holes, situated near the edge; no rattan fastening,

ste^Tnbsp;another place of the circumference, a small conical hole, from which two cracks

\'nbsp;apparently to a previous effort to bore a hole for the handle from the outside with a

thenbsp;quot;^ari; bamboo for sagueir, diameter 7.5 c.m. and length 1.05 M. with three nodes,

^^ partitions of the upper two perforated. Below the top node encircled by four twists of a strip
rattan through which a ring for carrying, äpar, of the same material. In the opening a small piece
a semi-decayed bract, aria, of which the nerves form the meshes of a sieve. See De Clercq
NO. roToTX\'^\'quot;quot;nbsp;303, PI. XV, fig. X4].

J^o ^^^nbsp;I\'hizom oiMaranta, {Scitamineae) tied up in a leaf Found in man\'s bag N°. 632.

3 in like, piece of prepared bark, long 30, broad 18 c.m. in which are wrapped up a few leaves

^ quot; \' %• 6- Vs- Marâ huwä. Abâr; strip of prepared bark, rnarâ, folded up and made into
^ ag by sewing it with a continuous, two-stranded cord of fine fibre. Rolled up parallel with the
^ o Its fibres; contains loose tobacco leaves, sabegai or sachebai, a dried Musa-\\ç^dS. as wrapper,
N°. xol Ch™^nbsp;Also contained the fork N°. 44 and the bead, siinboni, N°. 684.

usednbsp;mär. Ingräs; piece of prepared bark, mar or marä, sewed like N°. 104 and

stalk ^^ ^nbsp;\'^\'^^^taining two bundles each of seven tobacco leaves, chebâchai or säbächei, the

round ^^^^ together with vegetable fibres and dried Musa-lezMes as wrapper. Rolled up and wound
banbsp;^ brown string 1.40 M. long. Also contained the bone bodkin N°. 698. From man\'s

Weicïl t quot;nbsp;pieces of Mu s a-lesiYes, taken outside the midrib, average 7 c.m. square.

with^h\'^^^-quot; ^^^^ ^^^ spathe of a palm, (Musa?), 27 c.m. long, 23 c.m. broad, rolled up parallel

108nbsp;Oi ^iirection of the nerves, contains material, ttdau, as N°. 106. From man\'s bag No. 634.
lono-nbsp;basket for carrying tobacco, etc. made out of two strips of a palm leaf stalk 28 c.m.

to) i.^i c.m. broad, each with 10 side leaves which, deprived of the middle nerve and split
hio-h^^^nbsp;tour strips, form together, by being plaited, the body of the basket about 10 c.m.

^^^^quot;^ay up a horizontal row of black, shining strips of the scapus of the tailfeathers of
icei OS plicatus (hornbill) is interwoven; the four corners ornamented with the same. A carry-
othnbsp;three-stranded rope, runs through one of the upper edges to the

r, in which way, when suspended by the loop, the basket closes by its own weight. Used by

- IV, fig. g. Kaikari or kaikâri. Asé; as N°. 108, but the leaf niaterial,of the

ai^rquot; ^^^nbsp;basket is double, as all the strips have been plaited downwards on one side

anc lound the bottom upwards on the other side. Half-way up two horizontal interwoven rows of

lengthwise halved mycelium threads, nau. At both of the lower corners, jonio, the same threads
plaited crossways. Loop for carrying, ebui, out of two-stranded cord, sa poro.

N°. no. Tebra. Tobadi; as N°. io8 but smaller, the strips of the leaf stalks, tebra aidje, each with
seven side leaves. Suspended at the four corners, feathers, mane faii-ke, oi Rhyticeros plicatus,
tâbâr, cut into symmetrical bird(?) figures. Carrying loop, tar, 32 c.m. long.

N°. III. PI. IV, fig. 7. \'/g. La. Jambue; as N°. no but the strips of leaf stalk, laro, still shorter;
ornamented with strips of black feather\'s quills, pwamp;lai-, at the four corners cut Rhyticeros-
feathers, tengho. The carrying loop, ti, la-ti, in front with tassel of vegetable fibres, arong.

N°. 112. PL IV, fig. 8.nbsp;Etâhè. Angâdi; tobacco basket made out of a kind of rushes, mUômo,

(June ace a e)-, square bottom, the margin braided with rope, temani, according to fig. 5, pag. 17
and provided with two handles, as per fig. 4, pag. 17, plaited out of 5—7 strips of bark, kama,
contains cut green tobacco, kâpâû, and strips of Pandanus leaf, kapinâhè, used as wrapper. From a man.

N°. 113. Pose. Ajapo; carved with three horizontal circles of spirals, towards the ends with triangular
spaces and circular lines. Closed with a plug of vegetable fibres; length 23, diameter 2.5 c.m.

N°. 114. PL IV, fig. 5. Pose. Ajapo; two horizontal circles of spirals; below a hatched band.
Closed with a folded-up leaf

N°. 115—118. Posé. Ajapo; three to five circles of three or four spirals; below and above circular
carvings or hatched bands; 22.5—38.5X3—5-5 c.m.

N°. 119. PL IV, fig. 4.\'/y. P\'àsè. Ajapo; five circles of spirals, along the upper and lower edges carvings
of serrated semi-circles.

N°. 120. Posé. Ajapo; three circles of spirals with flagelli-forms between them; at the bottom and at
the top circular lines. Plug of vegetable fibres; 18.5 X 2.2 c.m.

N°. 121. PL IV, fig. 3. \'/y. Posé. Ajapo; four circles of spirals; below these, spaces with carvings in
different directions.

122. Pose. Ajapo; a circle of loop coils, with a smaU raised disk in each of the central curves;
above and below spear-shaped ornaments; 23X4 c.m.

N°. 123. Pose. Ajapo; two circles of spirals with spearpoint-shaped additions; above and below a
band of cross-hatchings with comb-shaped, toothed figures; 31.5 X 5 c.m.

N°. 124. PL IV, fig. 2. Y?- Pose. Ajapo; four circles of spirals connected by lengthwise running zig-
zag lines; along the lower edge toothed combs and a hatched band.

N°. 125. Pose. Ajapo; as N°. 115, four circles of spirals and circles, connected as in N°. 124; along
the lower edge carved squares and triangles, along the upper edge toothed disks.

N°. 126. PL IV, fig. I. Pose. Ajapo; five circles of incomplete spirals, the centra as toothed disks;
above and below a carved band.

N°. 127. PL IV, fig. 18. ^7- Posè. Ajapo; two circles of loop coils, between these, spaces with points
and small circles; three circles of zigzag bands.

N°. 128. P\'ôsë. Ajapo; as N°. 127, the intervening spaces with semi-circles and triangles; 21X2.3. c.m.

N°. 129. Posé. Ajapo; one circle of sprirals, the intervening spaces with triangularly compressed spirals,
the upper and lower band divided by spearpointlike figures; 27X4 c.m.

N°. 130. PL IV, fig. 16. Y?- Posé. Ajapo; three circles of partly triangularly compressed spirals, upper
and lower band cross-hatched and divided into spaces by spearpointlike figures.

N°. 131 and 132. Posé. Ajapo; six circles of four incomplete spirals, compressed in triangles; plug of
folded-up leaf; 40 X 5 c.m. N°. 132 at both ends a hatched band.

N°. 133. PL IV, fig. 15. 77- Posé. Ajapo; two circles of alternatively placed triangles, in each of which
near the base two spirals with ends stretching towards the apex.

N . 134 and 135. Pquot;ose. Ajapo; two circles of triangular spaces, in each of which four congruent

triangular figures with round base. Bands with transversely stretched ovals; 32 x 4-6 c.m.
N . 136. PL V, fig. I. ij^ and la. 1/.^. Fssè. Ajapo; as N°. 135 but three circles, divided by bands;
in each figure a small circle with spearpoint-shaped appendix.
\'\'ZI P quot; c ^ \\ ■ \'

ose. Ajapo; three circles of triangles with rounded apices; bands of circular carvings; plug

Vt- P \'ôsè. Ajapo; three circles of triangles, each at the base a toothed semi-

^39. 1. IV, fig. !ƒ__ pssè. Ajapo; more elaborately carved with a number of spirals, the small

in pairs. Bands with small circles; broad upper band divided by spearpoint figures into
three panels.

ug. 12. p^sè ox poke. Asé; middle part with ornament, semâ, of spirals compressed
in three- and four-cornered spaces ; close to the opening, puru^ and near the nodium, ji, a broad

in the middle with three loop coils which each pass at both ends into a triangular broaden-

3. PonsjL Waba; three circles of spirals between which bird figures; below a band
j^onbsp;toothed combs, the same at the top and here two holes for a carrying string.

quot;aba; four circles of transversely stretched ovals, between which circles of triangles,
e bases on the ovals; below a cross-hatched band. Cracked, and strengthened at the top by a

0 7ize or fonze. Tobadi; two circles of eight spirals, upper band of circular carvings;

onzc or fonze. Tobadi; in the middle a band of transversely stretched ovals, besides three

Kajo Entsau; two circles of loop coils, each with both ends ending in a triangle with

) Ug. II. 1/7. C/iS. Kajo Entsau; as N°. 148, the spirals passing into triangular broaden-
N°.nbsp;conventional fish figure. Manufactured on Lake Sentani.

Jambue; the carved ornament, pobobo, consists of two circles of triangles, in which trans-

■ make; no ornament, plug of vegetable fibres; contains European tobacco; 12X2.3 c.m.;
irom man\'s bag 632.

5 • ot^. Sägeisärä; two circles of five spirals, connected with the intervening triangles, in which

152. P^re. Sägeisärä; like Nquot;. 151; two of the triangles like those of N°. 149; 3° X 5 c.m.
S3. 1. V, fig. 2. 1/2. Pöte. Sägeisära; four circles of alternatively placed triangles which are
connected m longitudinal rows, between these lengthwise zigzag lines; at the bottom a hatched
1nbsp;circle of spirals with feathered centra.

• OS a. Tan ah Merah; three spiral circles, partly connected by snakelike relief borders.
N°. Inbsp;\'^^^gthened with plaited rattan; 24x4.3cm.

, fig. 10. B\'osa. Tan ah Merah; lower part smooth, upper part, between two
cross-hatched bands, ornamented with reversed coil figures in square and triangular spaces.

N°. 156. Aj?iï7i. Wâri; with cover, dokïr, out of bamboo, sosef-, ornamented,/ax^-, with five bands of
longitudinal scratchings, inoi\'y 26 X S c.m.

N°. 157. A^nïn. Wâri; seven raised bands, partly cross-hatched, between these, four bands quite deprived
of the rind and blackened and two bands with standing ovals; 19X4 c.m.

N°. 158. Amïn. Wâri; with cover, red brown; three bands of hook- and curl-shaped figures on a back-
ground, hatched in black; 31 X 5-5 c.m.

N°. 159. PI. V, fig. 5. 1/4 and 5a. 7,. Amïn. Wâri; lower part scraped and blackened, at the top a band
of hooks and curls; in the centre two human figures, the head towards the bottom end. Circum-
ference of the face, the eyes and the nose, with the wings of the nose, in relief; the limbs strongly
curved and with many curls, the feet turned up against the shins.

N°. 160. Odjiè or âru döbrè. Kwatisoré; length 18.5, diameter of opening, ödo grè, 3.4 c.m.;
lower part scraped and blackened, the incised ornaments, onu une or ochnu une, as bands of lying
and standing reversed coils and small circular disks.

N°. 161. Odjiè. Kwatisoré; red brown, upper and lower end scraped, the remainder with bands of
hooks, curls, spirals, circles and reversed coils; 27 X 6 c.m.

N°. 162. Odjiè. K watisoré; lower end scraped and blackened, the remainder with numerous hori-
zontal bands, of which nine with hook-shaped curls; 8.5 X 3-9 c.m.

N°. 163. Odjiè. Kwatisoré; upper and lower end scraped and blackened, also three bands of triangles,
small squares and curls; 23 X 4 c.m,

N°. 164, Odjiè. Kwatisoré; as 163, three bands of ridges and curls; at the top two diametrical
holes for carrying loop; 14.5 X 3-5 c.m.

N°. 165. PI. V, fig. 6. 6a. \'/j, 6b. i/j. Uhâmba ure. Kwatisoré; bamboo, odjd biè, ornamented with
bands of hooks and curls (fig. 6b); at the edge two squating human figures, jd^nenö idjè, (fig. 6a)
through which a loop for carrying made out of tanned cotton cord, w(u)âriè hibiè, with beads, nä
grè or nähab grè, and small cahco-tassel, hibiè.

N°. 166. PI. IV, fig. 34. 1/7. Pore rèbè. Angâdi; both ends scraped, the remaining surface with
reversed coil- and hook-shaped figures, in standing rows; the incisions not blackened.

N°. 167. PI. IV, fig. 33. 7-. P\'fire rèbè. Angâdi; as N°. 166, entirely covered with carved lines, curls
and hooks, near the opening diametrically two holes; not artificially blackened.

N°. 168. PI. IV, fig. 32. i/ß. Pöre rèbè. Angâdi; as N°. 166, with reversed coils and hooks; on the
edge two broad points, each with square hole, through which a loop of cord, tèmani.

N°. 169. PI. IV, fig. 31. ^s- Mapar; pipe made out of hard brown wood, conical bowl and sword-shaped
handle lying in a straight line. Where the transverse mouthpiece deviates, a circular relief band. On
one side of the handle a zigzag band is carved. Used by men and women.

N°. 170. Mapar; as N°. 169, but only 12 c.m. long, the handle with ridges on both side surfaces; no
circular relief band.

N°. 171. PI. IV,fig. 30. Aipiè. Pokémbo. (Arfak Mountains) shaped as before, but the stem, square
and pointed at the end, near the bowl with two rehef bands.

N°. 172. PI. IV, fig, 29 and 29a. 1/^. Mapar. Tinder box out of a bamboo cyhnder with nodium as bot-
tom; near the opening a circular band with cross-hatching; contents: a piece of blue porcelain
(China?, fig. 29a) and brown tinder {Lyc0perdinaceae) mixed with charcoal fibres. From the
bag carried by a man.

N°. 173. Mapar; as N°. 172, near the opening bands hatched with zigzags; two pieces of porcelain;
closed by a plug of leaves; 21 X 2.5 c.m.

^ ■ PI. IV, fig. 28. \'/y. Aubanka. Asé; calabash, banka, panga, pear-shaped; burnt ornament,
semâ, consistmg of three circles round the opening, puru, besides irregular spirals; contains Hme,
from shells, gôtjâ, kedjâ-, wooden lime spatula, ènii, with cylindrical handle.
175- PI- VI, fig. 1. ij^ g^j^ç]^nbsp;Aubanka. Ajapo; pear-shaped, two circles burnt round the

N° Inbsp;circumference the same figure repeated four times: fig. la; closed with plug of fibre,

^^a\'ltnbsp;Ajapo; pear-shaped, three circles round the opening; lower down four large spirals

a ing with four small ones. Bone spatula 20 c.m. long, round the spot where it fits in the

35- Vfi. Aubanka. Ajapo; no ornament, handle, kobâ, of wooden spatula, ènii,
into a human figure, totëre uno, rofere mid. On the head, farïm, a half globe, which indi-
es the mop, ma-, eyes, pre, joche, nose, joi, mouth, ôjâ, ôchwâ, hôwjâ, and ears, angai, ankai, in a
^nbsp;shoulders, nate, and shoulderblades, kanduru, in relief; hands, me, lying on the

178 PInbsp;^^tes, âwauwâu, thighs, pâdô, penis, niu, and scrotum, sârâ, in relief.

\' 27. V7. Aubanka. Ajapo; three circles round opening, below these, two circles of

j^Tonbsp;^piials, wooden spatula with encircling notches and perforated oval in which a vertical bar.

3 and 3a. Aub anka. Ajapo; two diametrically placed spirals, between which
180nbsp;small ones in dark (burnt) spaces; spatula with relief circles connected by ridges.

u anka. I far; pear-shaped, two circles round opening, below these semi-circular lines with
N° i8x \'p^nbsp;spatula Muth cylinder of larval envelope like N°. 176; 26X8.6 c.m.

I far; sausage-shaped, two circles of four spirals; handle of wooden spatula 6 c.m.

quot; ««/^a. I far; two diametrically placed spirals (prolonged upwards with a curvature at the
Pî o which a few small cross lines) between which two sets of three small spirals on dark burnt

« anka. Ifar; sausage-shaped, burnt as N°. 178 and 183 but with two sets of eight small

\' ^5. Vquot;. Auba7%ka. Ifar; pear-shaped, round the opening six pointed triangles, below
c and in between six spirals, connected in pairs; wooden spatula, with relief borders in zig-

• -VI, fig. 4.nbsp;2ƒ Aubanka. Ifar; as N°. 185, but with six toothed lines descending

e IS ara; sausage-shaped, without ornament; spatula with three notched bars, which together
ISS\'^D-nbsp;\'3-5X5 c.m.

Ojo, as N°. 188, but with lines reaching upwards, the ends bent back and with a few small
cross lines.

190.nbsp;JVau, nauânam. Tobadi; sausage-shaped; ornament, âne, (therefore: nauânâm) as N\'\'. 188;
wooden spatula, senor, seno, nau senor- 28 X 6.8 c.m. Manufactured on Lake Sentani.

191.nbsp;J\\au. Tobadi; as N°. 190, but two sets of five stars, chmerère-, wooden spatula.
92. . VI, fig. 2. 1/3 and 2a. Nau. Tobadi; ornament (see fig. 2a) descending from a circle

round the opening; wooden spatula. Manufactured as before.
193- . IV, fig. 23. i/_. Nau. Tobadi; round the opening three pointed triangles, between which
^ nee figures of Varanus, prom, and crocodile, fechom, heads towards the opening; wooden spatula,
in the opening surrounded with string of fibre, ime, of aerial root of Pandanus.
Nova Guixea. HI. Ethnography.nbsp;^

N°. T94. Laintsdno. Sageisara; pear-shaped, two circles of eight spirals, those of the upper one all
mutually connected, those of the lower one in pairs; handle of wooden spatula, njau-njau, with six
disk-shaped projections; 28X11 c.m.

N°. 195. Pl. IV, fig. 24. Vg. Laintsdno. Sageisara; without ornament; spatula carved into a man\'s
figure: head with eyes, nose, mouth, chin and ears well defined; arms a jour, elbows sideways,
hands on the hips. Muse, pectoralis on both sides in relief, navel circular, genitals large.

N°. 196. Mo(n)jnrgwi. Tobadi; diameter 13, of the opening 1.7 c.m., surface covered with carvings;
the lower pole a star, further with spirals, stars and circles; the cut-out portions with hme; near
the opening two holes for carrying string. Said to be only intended for women, mo(7i)je.

N°. 197. Mo(n)jnigwi. Tobadi; as N°. 196, diameter 8 c.m.; carved also with hatched planes and
ribbons; near the opening an hour-glass figure and two holes for carrying rope.

N°. 198. Pl. IV, fig. 22. \'/g- ^^ Ifar; poles without ornament, the remainder with meridianal series
of six spirals, between which triangular spaces, transversely carved and with spearpoint-shaped
projections; no holes for carrying string. Wooden spatula.

N°. 199. PL IV, fig. 21. \'/g. Au ko. Ifar; three circles of 8—9 spirals, the triangular intervening spaces,
with mouth-nose-eye ornament (?); the cut-out portions with lime. Wooden spatula.

N°. 200. Pl. IV, fig. 20. Kantjdno. Sageisara; lower pole with a star; remainder divided into
four spaces with crocodile- and snake-shaped figures and stars; near the opening many small spirals
and two hour-glass figures as in N°. 197. The opening closed with a rolled-up leaf stuck into a
conical piece of a larval envelope.

N°. 201. Klip. Nimburan; near the opening a band of zigzag lines between two circular ones; lower
down, three spirals, between these, longitudinal spearpoint-shaped figures; 15X4 c.m.

N°. 202. Kup. Nimburan; a spiral stretched lengthwise and a set of standing concentric ovals, the
cut-out parts black; plug of folded leaf; 24 X 4-5 c.m.

N°. 203. Pl. IV, fig. 19. Vr- Am in. Wari; tvi^o pieces of bamboo, dokir, each with nodium as bot-
tom; one piece widened by paring ofif imide, fits as a cover, sosef, over the other; both scraped
outside along the opening and blackened; carved, inoi, ornament, fase, curl-shaped.

N°. 204. Pl. V, fig. 2. 1/2. Odjie, aru dobre, adudobre. Kwatisore; lower part scraped and
blackened, remainder ornamented, mu une, ocJinu une, with bands of round disks, alternating with
bands of triangles, the rounded apices either or not with buttons. The cut-out parts black.

N°. 205. Pl. IV, fig. 17. 1/7. Odjie, edjie. Kwatisore; bottle-shaped calabash, neck strongly curved,
opening on the convex side with small lip; contains white lime, wipr^. Weight 24 gram.

N°. 206. Pl. VI, fig. 5. \'/.J and 5a. 2/3. Abobre. Kwatisore; box made out of Pandanus leaves; the
four turned-up sides formed out of one strip, but doubled by two crossing strips which also form
bottom and flaps; one of these flaps lengthened with a lip, intended for a slit of the opposite
wall. Sewn with imported thread. One side with a square of interwoven leaf strips in yellow, red
and black (fig. 5a). Manufactured at Mansinam. Contains lime, wipre, and gambir, paibre.

N°. 207. Abobre. Kwatisore: as N°. 206, height 3, width and length 5 c.m. closed with a lip
as above; the three remaining flaps with toothed edge. Without ornament. Locally^ made. Contents
as above.

. . ^^^^nbsp;of civilisation which is now-a-davs still found to exist amongst the most

_ ^ Known tribes on New Guinea, it is not easy to draw a line between the
neithenbsp;the head of this chapter. „By preference a Papuan does not dress, as

chapTe\'rnbsp;surroundings induce him to thisquot;; thus De ClerCQ \') commences the

P er lefeired to, acknowledging as the origin of clothing: protection against influences
^^e^t^^er, 2° a feeUng of propriety.

, ° ^^^ people of the north coast, as far as they are living on the level of the sea or
a little above it, the dimate does not ap-

P e of SageisSra, situated in a hilly coun-
at an altitude of 320 M., the men also slept
vithout covering, whilst the outside air was
^quot;ch cooled down by the night\'s rain. In
dwelhngs at Inagoi and Mapar (fig. 73),
\'esp. 142 M. and 125 M. above the sea and
^tuated pretty far in the interior, small fires

fa 1 ot the men\'s raised frames for sleeping. This arrangement, which Van Oosterzee

[1904, 1006] also met with in the dwellings of the related tribe of the Menam, may
be intended for driving away the mosquitoes and at the same time to warm the slee-
pers during the night, but there is no question here either, of any cover. On the island
of Angadi in Lake Jamur, situated 40 M. above the sea and in the deserted houses
of the other villages on the shores of this lake, I never saw such raised sleeping frames,
but here pieces of prepared bark, pau ura, served as a covering during the night. Such pieces
of bark. Van der Chvs mentions in his catalogue [1894, 162, N°. 6951] as blankets, which
are said to come from H. B.; I presume these are women\'s petticoats, at least our Papuan
carriers from Humboldt Bay were always able to manage without blankets on our expe-
ditions. Although no friends of rain, which c. q. may damage the hairdress, they bore it very
patiently when necessary. They covered, during a shower, as faithful servants, their load of
rice with leaves and usually allowed themselves to get wet. Their night-bivouac in the forest,
a sloping roof of leaves, under which they slept quite naked, as a rule protected them more
against rain than that of the Malay coolies. Usually they then slept on a number of branches
placed alongside each other; absolutely no use was made of a mat, as de Clercq saw
the western Papuans always carrying with them in the forest. During the fresh morning hours,
the Humboldt Bay man may sometimes, shivering on account of the landwind, stand with his
arms crossed over the chest, the hands on the shoulders, „wrapped up in his own skinquot;, when
presently the sun rises over the hills, this son of nature begins to unfold and his coffeebrown
catches with delight the rays, which caused blisters on the skin of the members of the expe-
dition, especially in boats on smooth water. The broad wooden rim (N°. 264, PI. IX, fig. 8)
according to original reports in the village of Ifar (Lake Sentani) used against the rays of
the sun, proved afterwards to be a painted ornament for festivities and in a modified form
also occurred elsewhere. The same may be said of similar, entire or half rims twisted out of
rattan, which occur here (N°. 270—276, PI. IX, fig. i, PI. X, fig. 2) and therefore I can only
take the corresponding headcovering collected by De Clercq 2) and according to him used
to keep off the rays of the sun, to be an ornament. willemoes-suhm [1877, 161] called it
„a diadem of basketware, in which they stick flowersquot;. The hat of De Clercq, originating
from Humboldt Bay 3), is probably unique. For if this headcovering was really intended
for the said purpose, namely „for protection against the rays of the sunquot;, and used other-
wise than in exceptional cases, the members of this expedition should certainly have seen it
worn on the numerous occasions when they saw close upon a hundred fishermen, at the most
trying hour of the solar day, occupied with fishing on the banks. The Berlin Museum
possesses a still larger hat (N°. 7312) from Prau(?), Netherlands north coast, and another one
collected by Finsch at the mouth of the Tami River, described as „basket hatshapedquot;
(N°. 9240).

The browband of the island of Liki composed of hairtresses, and as understood from
the Papuans intended as a protection against the rain, is, I found out (N°- 221, PI. VII, fig. 13),
worn out of attachment towards deceased or living persons, and thus one looks in vain in

i) De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 82]. 2) De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 18, N°. 36, Pi. IV, fig. 6],

these parts for any form of clothing as a protection against climatic influences. The same
was experienced by Miklucho Maclay [1873, 248], during his stay on Astrolabe Bay,
wiere night covering was also not customary, but where under the bamboo sleeping frames
in the houses a fire could be made. Afterwards a cap has been met with on the upper Ramu
stitThnbsp;Museum, N°. 15024) which was made out of rope with the simple „figure eightquot;

fo \'^b Mnbsp;^^ could not yet be made out whether this was intended as a protection

^ people or as an emblem of dignity for the seniores.
^^ woman\'s cap from Finsch Harbour (Berlin Museum,

worn by ^^ ^ ^quot;^\'^ted bags. Caps made out of matting to be
women over the head and seen on Tugeri women

From thos^^nbsp;^^ ^^^ position with regard to the feeling of shame as a motive for dress?

the spot hquot; hnbsp;contact with a primitive race, data are expected, collected on

ments Hnbsp;^^ the old quarrel whether shame is inborn or not, can produce new argu-

with insuffi ^^ exchange of thoughts on such an abstract topic is utterly impossible
knowledge of the language and insufficient interpreters, observation remains
The conta-t ^nbsp;source. Humboldt Bay is in this respect no longer a „pure groundquot;,

traders \\ndnbsp;niorals is already much too plentiful there; Chinese and Ternatian

^re alreadnbsp;^°me of them married to Papuan women, who wear sarong and kabaia,

the villaaes^ living there since a long time. And now, that fourteen young men from
tunity to^s °nbsp;Ingras, engaged as carriers by the expedition, have had an oppor-

modified tTnbsp;civilisation at Ternate, the ideas about dress will no doubt be further

costume quot; ° P^^^^^s clothing was evidently their greatest desire, but meanwhile their daily
home as ^^^ ^^^^dly changed; everything being evidently kept in order to use it later on at
illustratednbsp;^^^ ^^ the women and girls are concerned, since Finsch [1888, 354]

vigj^Q^g ^ . ^^ quot;indies of Humboldt Bayquot;, the situation has changed so much, that when
selves with^^ ^^■ ^^^ quot;^i^^^S^s, the naked girls hide themselves entirely or quickly cover them-
see fig 5 ^ piece of bark or calico. The girls, with the exception of the very youngest,
advice^quot; \'nbsp;of curiosity, for the purpose of barter, medical

wis ing to utilise a few pieces of white cotton bandages as objects of barter, I called

the attention of the people to the fact that they could use the calico, in imitation oi some
men in Humboldt Bay, as a pubic covering; but they left it quietly on my hands, as it
was not red, indicating however that a large piece would be accepted if my servant were
allowed to make a small jacket with sleeves out of it. Indeed it appeared that with these
people a small jacket, even if it only reached to the navel, was much more in demand than
a pair of trousers, in which they had soon discovered a tasteless object. The girls and
unmarried women, of whatever age they may be, are here and in many other places seldom
visited (see fig. 7 and 10), going about quite naked. But on the day when the bride is led
towards her bridegroom, she wears a petticoat of prepared bark, which reaches one turn and
a half round her waist, here supported by a girdle, and hanging down below the knees. This
petticoat she further continues to wear as a married woman and also as a widow. The ques-
tion therefore arises, why, of all the persons here forming the society, only one category wears
a dress which one would feel inchned to take for a pubic covering.

It can hardly be imagined that this dress was introduced at the desire of the women
themselves. The petticoat is put on, after the amount of the purchase money has been verified
by the parents of the girl and before the bride is handed over to the bridegroom. The
maiden herself has certainly no voice in it; for girls have nothing to say in this society. The
social order is ruled by the views of the male population and it is therefore very improbable
that the men, who give no indication of possessing themselves the sexual feeling of shame,
would formulate an instruction for dress of married women, which would be connected with
a feeling of propriety. Alongside of cases in which, at the approach of members of the expe-
dition, first of all young and unclothed women hid themselves in the houses, other cases
occurred, where unmarried and therefore undressed women, moved about amongst us with
perfect ease, there being therefore no question of a sense of propriety on account of conscious
nakedness. Thus an adult girl of Ajapo was induced by a promise of tobacco to be led
before the photographical apparatus which was erected for anthropological purposes. During
the preparations however, the men standing round raised some objections and at their insti-
gation the girl suddenly ran away, after which there was here no further chance of taking
photo\'s of undressed women, no doubt in consequence of the prohibition by the men.
The Malay name of Papua Talandjang (= land of the naked Papuans) by no means, as
supposed by Finsch [1903, 133], an arbitrary new name, therefore has this historical
and biological meaning, that the civihsing influence of the Malay coast traders and
navigators, who have long ago introduced the sarong into Geelvink Bay (fig. 11), has
until now only partly influenced the naked customs of the said country. The man from the
West, arrived in these parts, finds himself at first confronted by these conditions as by a
psychological problem and very likely he considers the protest arising within himself, as a
spontaneous expression of wounded\' conviction, perfectly justified. Even Finsch [1888, 136]
allowed himself to be influenced thereby, when he wrote of the people of Parsi Point that, although
behaving themselves in a very orderly manner, they made an unfavourable impression on
account of their deficient clothing. But after a short time the European, Hving amongst these
people, has to face another problem, when he discovers that, with regard to the Papuans, he
has already entirely abandoned the demand for a pubic covering. He then feels, that his
opinion of the inhabitants becomes fairer, that his former protest did these people an injustice.

^aked^^^ ^^^^ population of Papua Talandjang also, no connection could be found between

na e ness and respectability. When he wishes to satisfy his natural wants this Papuan with-

\' laws or at all events turns away from the others, and behaves himself like a man of good

e were never shocked in this respect. Nor have we ever noticed anything improper
of sexual emotions.

all th ^^tt\'^^^fnbsp;^^^^ Ratzel [1894, 89] nakedness as moral degeneration, would be

with ^the^^P^\'\' ^ ■\'Somewhat lengthy stay amongst, and a more than superficial acquaintance

, \'nbsp;apuans of Lake Sentani. Their nakedness is sexually purer than many a western

still mentionbsp;expedition owe their friends yonder, this word of protest. — I must

o-enerairnbsp;quot;^^^edness, we all found the calabash really „shockingquot;. The yellow calabash

^^^hough hiding the sexual organs, called, according to our feeling, in an impu-

clothingquot; h\' hnbsp;sexual sphere. We were even surprised that this piece of

the judo-me T ^^nbsp;™et prudity half way, had such an opposite effect upon us, confirming

It howev^^quot;nbsp;[i89Igt; 186] that in opposition to nakedness, clothing is indecent.

sexuarfirpnbsp;\'■^quot;^ains a question whether this wearing of the calabash is caused by a

the wear h ^^nbsp;It is indeed not always possible to buy instantly such a calabash of

„nri ^nbsp;^ appears to be ashamed to take off the object. On one of the expeditions

«f Hr. Ms. Ceram, a guide from
^eka broke his calabash and decla-
red, on this account, to be obliged
to return home. This Papuan was
then however suspected of only
t\'-ying to find an excuse in order
to be relieved of the troublesome
journey. Taking it, for a moment,
for granted that the calabash is
worn on the ground of a sexual
fcehng of shame (and as an in-
dication of higher civilisation?), it
\'\' quot;^deed remarkable that this cus-
tom was not adopted by the men
of adjacent Humboldt Bay. People
from the village of Thae, (district
of Seka), all wearing the cai^ba^h

rnbsp;,nbsp;^nbsp;«-dKiDdSnnbsp;12. Three men of Seka, one (to the right) of Humboldt Bay.

days at festivities in Tobadi; on the other hand I met in May 1903 a great number of men from

unuTual^^\'nbsp;^^ ^ wedding-feast in Seka (see fig. 12), where apparently nobody found it

unusua tnat, also in the presence of girls and women, the guests were going about quite
na^ed, and where they were not at all treated like people of less civilisation. On the contrary,

the inhabitants of Humboldt Bay are looked upon in the whole neighbourhood as of
higher rank. Often they also procure for themselves such calabashes, probably however exclu-
sively on account of the ornament worked on, for never is such a calabash worn there. For
the same reason such an object is then again offered for sale to the western visitors. See
Chapter X.

If the supposition is correct that originally the calabash has been worn on account of
the ornament, the case of the Seka people illustrates once more the opinion of Westermark
[1891, 211], Grosse [1894, 95] and others, that the feeling of shame, far from being the
original cause of man\'s covering his body, is on the contrary a result of this custom. The
opinion that clothing has originated with ornament is indeed very acceptable and relieves me
of the difficulty to indicate a line between both.

Hagen [1899, 169] became convinced by observation that a breast ornament can cover
the whole chest by increasing density and thus pass into clothing. Thus De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 31] also report the communication of the Papuans of Sègèt that the tattooing
of the girls served as an ornament, to take the place of clothing, in order to charm the young
men. I consider therefore that I may not separate all these matters: clothing, ornaments\'^
tattooing, scars and painting of the skin and firstly deal with:

TATTOOING AND SCARIFICATION. — The judgment of MaGITOT : „L\'action de se faire
tatouer indique presque toujours une mentalité spécialequot;, combines in its generality the
partisans of the religious meaning of tattooing as well as those who consider tattooing as
a means to draw together, by increasing the outward charm, the individuals of both sexes.

The religious as well as the amorous meaning of tattooing has numerous expert followers. The above
cited information from Sègèt is, no doubt, confirmed in a very pronounced manner by the custom which
according to Parkinson [1898, 194] exists on the Ongtong-Java Islands, to decorate the girls before mar-
riage from the navel to the knee, and only later on over the body and the limbs, as Kubary also mentions
the particular care, with which the genitals of the girls on the Nukuoro Islands are tattooed. Thus Joest
[1887, 18, 25] does not mention religion, and thinks tattooing is nothing else but an amusement, a kind
of adornment which at the utmost is connected with the arrival at the age of puberty. Inhabitants
of the Polynesian Islands declared of their tattooing, according to Thilenius [1903, 49—51], „that it
only represented an ornament and a proof of courage. Whoever is not tattooed is considered a coward, it
is said of him that he cannot catch fish, and when he wants to get married, he finds at the best a widow,
willing to follow himquot;. Meanwhile this author still believes in the religious meaning of tattooing as well as
Schmeltz [1888, 114] who, replying to Joest, argues that the festivities at the age of puberty are gene-
rally connected with the religious contemplations of primitive races and that sufficient cases are known
in which totem-signs, of which the religious meaning can at all events not be denied, form the subject of
tattooing. Ten Kate [1895, 3] also wishes the chapter „tattooingquot; to be brought under religion, where
he met on Timor the figure of the crocodile, without any doubt of religious meaning, as an ornament on
the arm of a woman. Stratz [1904, 76] mentions a whole list of explorers who are of a different opinion
and calls it as objectionable to derive the painting of the body and tattooing from symbolical and religious
customs as the clothing from a feeling of propriety, as in both cases cause and effect have been mixed up.
It may be mentioned at once that the observations on the subject of tattooing by the present expedition
have, I am sorry to say, not led to such results as either to accept or to decline the above mentioned

1) La Pratique Dermatologique. Ernest Besnier, L. Brocq et L. Jacquet. Tatouage, par Barthélémy, p. 435.

opinions. But I must agree with Wyatt Gill, when he says [1885, 288] that a beautiful tattooing of a
^ - person creates in our mind the same impression as a beautiful dress. Tattooing did not appear to
e equally in use amongst all the tribes visited by our expedition. This varying frequency has also been

Fmscn [1888—93, 86] met with frequent tattooing in South and South East
■^^Anbsp;^^^^^nbsp;i- as an indication of achievements in war, but still more with women, a.o.

ri^aquot;]\'\'^^^ ^^^ Maltese crosses — and Haddon [1901, loi] noticed illustrations of plants (cocoa- and
only T ™arfnbsp;animals (crab, cassowary and crocodile legs) as indications of totems, tattooing

dina to^^\'^^ ^^^^ seldom in K. W. Land. It seems limited here to the Berlin Harbour district and is accor-
Ne^herl nnbsp;24] almost exclusively found on the face and the chest of women. Concerning

^jj ■ • • It IS f. 1. known that the inhabitants of the Arfak Mountains do not apply any tattooing at

very iirrdCTatel^\'^^^nbsp;^^^nbsp;ofAdi, situated on the S. W. coast [1. c. 112] only

[1 cnbsp;h\'^\' ^^^nbsp;Ajambori, in the interior of Doré, more often on chest, arms and forehead

Qjj- ^^^nbsp;bay of Kaimani the forehead of the men is fairly generally decorated. The report

the skin a^ d \'nbsp;^^^^ ^^^ coast people of Doré allow figures without any meaning to be pricked into

[1893 \'^nbsp;indicate no mourning, has since been improved by De Clercq and Schmeltz

^^nbsp;cases, without any doubt, mourning is intended, which is also reported by Ling

most dat ^^^ ^^ ^^^ inhabitants of Humboldt Bay are concerned, of whom I collected

^ ^^ttooing is in use with both sexes. On account of the dark colour of the skin of

^^^^nbsp;^ design is not very easily noticed and it is necessary to look very close if one

[187 T^^^nbsp;overlook a figure. Thus it was possible for casual visitors like MoSELY

thenbsp;Finsch [1888, 362] (see also Joest [1887,40]) not to notice any tattooing of

en ; t insch (see Joest [1. c. 37]) states however, no doubt somewhat carelessly : „on the skin of

catanbsp;^^ttooing shows ofif very wellquot;. This is usually the case when no tinea imbri-

^^^^nbsp;^^^ light to penetrate, but the design in the long run becomes indistinct with

^^^^^ eiers, at all events one of my patients, suffering from this disease, who was nearly

an aheady showed a smooth skin, now possessed a more faded drawing than his fellow-
villagers of the same age.

place onbsp;certain ornaments. In considering the designs of tattooing it is best to

jud^ld^Tr^^ ^^^ standpoint occupied by Preuss [1897, 83]: „The tattooing must be

^e together with the whole of the ornament of the tribe, with the lines of which it
generally agreesquot;

tribe of th \' \'nbsp;^^ i®nbsp;difficult to discover this agreement amongst the

^^^^ ^ Jotefa; on the contrary it would appear that for tattooing, motives are generally
e , v^^ic 1 for other ornaments are seldom or never applied.

^e motive occurring most, for the tattooing of the men, is no doubt the fish-eye,

^nbsp;\' quot;^entuge, — windii, represented by an exactly round circle of 2—3 c.m. in

of^th^^ ^^^ backs of the hands, the thighs and generally in large numbers on both halves

r^ Qoo^nbsp;distributed amongst other ornaments. Without knowing their meaning, Finsch

natural fish-eye must have struck these fishermen, but whether it derives its use as a motive
for tattooing, only from this cause and whether special importance is to be attached to the
peculiar position of such an eye above the root of the nose, excites the curiosity, but could
not yet be made out. In the case of some of the young men, besides this small circle, a
kidney-shaped figure was also met with in the same place, the concave side upwards, either
or not connected by a small vertical line from the middle of the convex side with the
small circle; sometimes the latter is also wanting. Fig. 13, z—represents the various figures
noticed. Fig. 13,^ I also saw on the forehead of men from Lake Sentani, the small line conti-
nued on the root of the nose. Sometimes the word ^dndtequot; was pronounced at the same

time, but I could not make the meaning clear. One of the most intelligent young men of
Tobadi was to give me, at my request, a further explanation of the design and then sketched
fig. 11,6 which, judging by the satisfaction of the drawer, was a success and again called
idje windû. Possibly, the added curved lines represent the lines of the jaws, but this is a
mere guess. As far as I can remember the small circle does not occur amongst the tattooing
marks of the women, who, it may be useful here to remember, do not in Humboldt Bay
participate in the fishing.

Another motive consists of some parallel dashes, 4—5 c.m. long, with a mutual
distance of 2—3 c.m. on the extensor side of the forearm. The largest number noticed in one
row amounted to eight, on the right forearm; they are however met with as well on the
left as on the right arm, also with the same individual. The usual number is three; the
figure is then generally close to the wrist. Once it was found that the proximal dash\'was
longer than the two others and its two ends were curved round in the direction of the
shoulders (fig. 14, /). All these dashes are always called sâbe, but in explaining the above
eight, the word ,ânâtequot; was again heard. With a man of Tobadi three parallel longitudinal
dashes with a cross dash below (fig. 14,2) were met with on the front part of the right
thigh; whether this ornament had the same name, I omitted to make a note of.

The leech, chine, forms a third motive, which is often applied and in this
respect comes close to the fish-eye. It is represented in two ways, namely, as a
semi-circular curved line, but also as a reversed coil (fig. 15,/ and 2). Both represen-

tations are found on men almost exclusively in the skin of the back, often in great numbers,
with some fish-eyes in the neighbourhood of the large figures which generally decorate the
back, but apparently without being connected with these and only to utilize the open spaces.
Once two semi-circular leeches were met with on the back
t e 2nd and the 5th metacarpo-phalangeal joint, the concave
side turned towards the fingers. The back of the hand itself
was taken up by a larger figure. Why the leech is so much
used as a motive for tattooing, I have not been able to
ascertain and it is therefore only a guess when I express the
suspicion, that it is on account of the elegant curves which
this httle animal can assume.

Indeed, the forest leech, with which
everybody who has travelled in New
Guinea has no doubt become acquainted,
and to the attacks of which the Papuan
IS also exposed (once I came across a
leech which had fastened itself to the
mucous membrane of the eyeball of a young
girl), is a graceful animal. When it moves
about quickly, the whole body stands at
times in an elegant curve and when taken
hold of, it twists itself in all directions.

Another very common motive for tattooing is that of Rhyti-
ceros plicatus Forst. the hornbill, in most cases represented
by a square with two small, hook-shaped lines as a tail, the oppo-
site corner with a small circle as a head, whilst the wings are repre-
sented by a small hook at each of the obtuse angles, fig. 16, /. I saw
this ornament exclusively on the wrist and the back of the hand, always
with the head end turned towards the fingers; on several occasions both
hands of the same individual were decorated in this manner. The bird is
represented flying, at the moment when the wings are stretched out
forward, a manner of representation very common amongst the people of
Papua Talandjang and for the ethnographer the most reliable characte-
ristic that he has a bird and not a fish before him. In single instances the
body had the shape of an oval (fig. 16, 2), whilst on another occasion a
a. deviating figure, to some extent a disintegration of the drawing, was met
with on a man from Tobadi (fig. 16, j) where it would appear that at
point a a couple of legs or a second pair of wings is indicated. The wearer
was not suffering from tinea imbricata, and no doubt this is the figure
Fig. 16. 1/3. Tattooing that was originally applied.The total length was 9.3 c.m., the breadth 5.8 c.m.;

HumboldTray ^^^ other cases, the length varied between 9 and 10 c.m., the breadth be-
,,nbsp;tween 6.8 and 7.3 c.m. The ornament is called in the language of the

Another tattooing decoration, also sometimes met with on articles of clothing or
ornament, consists of a small circle 3 c.m. in diameter, to the periphery of which five
hooks have been added at regular intervals; the hooks curved differently. If the infor-
mation obtained has been well understood, the whole is to represent a crab. Once it was
met with on the front side of the right upper arm in the lengthening of a series of paired
curves, as in fig. 17.

Of the larger decorations the frog, in the language of Jotefa „^rActraaquot;
is the most common. It is found, to the length of 23—30 c.m. and to the
breadth of 11—13 c.m. in the skin of the backs of a great many men, at
the side of the vertebral column, sometimes to the left but more often
to the right. Although I only examined a limited number of men, I
found on three occasions that both halves of the back were ornamented
with this figure and in one of these cases, a third smaller specimen
had been drawn in the region of the loins to the left. It can rarely be
made out which end represents the head of the animal, because the
figure is as a rule symmetrical, the explanations given however indicated
the end reaching upwards to or on the angulus scapulae as the head.
Fig. 18, / gives the most familiar form where a represents the head,
chabur, b the hind part of the body, mediwa, c the back or vertebral
column, oikoini, d the fingers, charau ie, e the young ones (or eggs)
chdrau natu. As a rule the intervening space between each pair of legs
is filled up with a leech figure, ƒ = chine, so symmetrically that one is apt
to take them for a part of the frog figure. Generally a similar set of

Fig- 17- Vs- Tattooing semi-circular leeches is seen at the side of the dashes which represent
figure, the lower part

a crab; Humboldt Bay. young ones, the concavity turned outwards. Fish-eyes and reversed
coil-shaped leeches, which, as stated often, occur in large numbers in
the skin of the back, sometimes also go astray inside the frog figure. Fig. 18, 2 represents

another common form; here also the ch\'araiL natu are not wanting, and at each of the limbs

three or four fingers are added, of which the most outside one is called, charati aie, like the
small finger of the human hand. Fig. i8, j of the left half of the back of a man is provided
with hooks as well in front as at the back, and one feels inclined to think of a doubling or
joining of two animals. The small figure indicated above, drawn in the loins and reaching
as far as the nates, resembled fig. i8, 4. and once the cKarau was found in the shape of
fig. 18,5 on the middle of the forehead, only 5 c.m. high and 5.3 c.m. broad. In mentioning
e great predilection with which the figures here enumerated are used in tattooing I should
remark that the word ^chdrau\\ sometimes „chdrcMrmiquot;, is also often used for the human
emg. The figure therefore merits the attention of a further inquiry.

The same is the case with dbekwe, also called b\'egwe, representing a mollusc living in a
spira shell. This drawing is almost met with as frequently as that of the frog, always in the skin
Th ^ \'nbsp;^^^nbsp;the right, but never two on the back of the same individual.

e engt varies between 18.3 and 25.5, the width between 9.4 and 12.5 c.m. Fig. 19, j repre-
Often h^nbsp;common form, of which the head, chUur or cMhure, is always pointing upwards.

the^sheU^^^^quot;^ hooks, isj, have been added to the spiral, which possibly represents parts of
e s e , whilst a short dash along the neck, noticed now and then, (fig. 19, 2), presumably
represents, as in the

case of the frog, young
ones or eggs. This mo-
tive was also met with
several times on the

± 13 c.m. in length,
7-5 c.m. wide, reaching
with the head on the
lower arm, sometimes
with the spiral twisted
to the left, once (fig.
19. J) with an inter-

figurenbsp;\'representation of the head, at another time so reduced (fig. 19,4), that the

th^ dra^ should be curved in the same manner; when this became somewhat irksome to
but tlT^^^\' ^^ \'^^de, evidently for his own convenience, a curvature in another direction,
The ^^ turned the piece of paper round in order to go on in the right manner,
thenbsp;^^^^^ stated that foreigners, amberi, call the object mdregwa (emphasis on

^ e second syllable), possibly the Ternatean name for a shell with commercial value. With
^^^ ^^^^ tattooing figures taken from the animal world is closed; it was only met
gt; once and then to a length of ±23 c.m. on the left upper arm of a young man. What
animal it represents has not been found out; the name, ndnlgi, told me nothing.

tioned, exclusively intended for the back and as it appears, by preference, for the right half.

A man of Tobadi who was decorated on each half of his back with a large
frog, had, besides numerous fish-eyes and leeches, two bows to the right
and one to the left. One of his fellow-villagers decorated in the same manner
with frogs, had added above it a horizontal bow in the middle of the skin of
the back, thus extending over both halves of the back. This formed an excep-
tion to the rule, to treat each half of the back as a separate space. The most
common design is reproduced in fig. 21, / in which the wood of the bow,
pembi-thii, is represented at both ends with a large curl; both rattan strings,
pembi-chi, (when travelling and therefore presumably also in war a reserve
string is always carried) each only fastened to the bow by one end, have an
ornament at the free end, which, in reality only occurs on the wood of the
bow, whilst the arrow, pembi-natu = child of the bow, stands with a forked
line against the concave side. What this forked line means: a third
string, drawn by the arrow placed on it (in casu behind), or the indi-
cation of a double pointed fish arrow or perhaps the representation of the bundle of arrows
has not become clear to me. It must here be noticed that the forked line
appears repeatedly without the straight piece. Fig. 21,2 of the right half
of the back of a man from Tobadi pleads in favour of the first supposition,
an undulating line being here substituted for the forked line, probably a
slack string standing in curves, on which no straight piece as a represen-
tation of the arrow now occurs either. The curls at the bow are also
differently appHed here. The bow as a tattooing motive occurs much less
in the case of the men of Ingras and Ingrau than with those of the ruling
village of Tobadi and if it does occur (fig. 21, j of Ingras), the arrow and
the forked line are wanting and this space is then generally filled up with
leeches. I myself began to notice this difference too late to determine by
a closer and more extensive investigation whether the tattooing with an
armed bow, probably a symbol of fitness for war, was forbidden to the
inhabitants of Ingras and Ingrau; a similar prohibition issued by Tobadi
would be entirely fitting in the existing relations.

All the above mentioned figures were met with equally on young
and adult men, and according to current reports they were made in
youth by an old woman. All the young men who had been admitted
to the temple (see Chapter XII), had already an equally abundant tattooing
as the older men. The fact that the tattooing takes place so early in life and
moreover by a woman, to whom no part in the religious life can be ascribed,
makes it very doubtful whether in the villages of Humboldt Bay any religious
importance can possibly be attached to it. Leaving this in the middle, it no
doubt appears that the opinion of De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 32] „special
figures have no separate namesquot;, cannot be applied here; on the contrary
it must be positively formulated that with these people not a single dot or dash occurs
in the skin, which has not got its distinct meaning. At other places visited by the expedition

I seldom or never met with tattooing designs which corresponded with those of H. B.;
somethinc. which to some extent resembles the bow is illustrated by De Clercq and ScHMELTZ
iisq.nbsp;fi- iii of Jamna, where it occurs on the chest of a man; the name Mna^

given for\'thir by the natives to DE CleRCQ. probably refers to the rosin, which when burnt
provides the soot for the tattooing and which is called „^..aquot; in the closely alhed language of
Lke Sentani. On the face of the women of Nagramadu, a settlement half-way between
Kwatisore and Lake Jamnr, I saw a drawing hke fig. 22, a crossing of two reversed coils, but
where, probably as a matter of convenience, the drawer has placed one of the
curls in the wrong way. Similar reversed coils are mentioned by De Clercq and
schmeltz [1893, 32] on the faces of men and women at Wendesi and Wan-
damen as well as [1. c. 31] on the chest and shoulders of people of Bonggose
and Sirito; it has however not been ascertained whether these curls hav the
same meaning here as in Humboldt Bay. FiNSCH [1888, 362] gives an illustration of ^^
the tattooing of the women in H. B. amongst which the leech, the bow and the Hag.am.du.
hornbill can be recognised, I however, believe that he can only have seen the
W on the men. Besides the chest and arms, the back, the hands the upper and the ower
leg, the forehead, the cheeks and the chin are also tattooed, but the two latter places always

remain free in the case of the men. These tattooing designs of the H. B. women have not

escaped the notice of a single visitor, a clear proof that tne sKin onbsp;, , , .

On Lake SenLi tattooing isnbsp;much less used by men; a great many are e„tu-ely

without it, but some designs of H. B. amongst others the fish-eye (by preference rn the
Imdle of the forehead) ^re found back here. When I had -t.mated m the vUage
of As4 the desire to be allowed to witness the tattooing of a boy. the athers declared to
be unawe to assist me in thrs matter, as there happened not to be a smgle boy who w.shed
to be tattooed. Evidently the choice of the proper time, is left to the boys themselves, even
f between certam hxed Lits. 1 here remember how DE clekcq and schmeltz .893. 3^]
reported that children were never tattooed at the request of the parents, but entirely accord-
ing to their own choice. In the village of Waba, which, although s.tuated m H B.,
belongs to the tribe of the Sentani, the tattooing customs are the same as on the lake.
The women have commonly an abundant tattooing of the front ol the body, otten
consisting of a quantity of parallel zigzag Hnes, often only the bosom is decorated In the
villages of Nacheibe and Sageisiri I found on the chest ofthe men a drawing as fig. 23,/
extending from shoulder to shoulder, on the back generally a symmetrical drawing
called ndturard (perhaps the word naiu here means: child). Some calves were also decorated,
but the diversity of the designs did not appear to me to be very great. Here it was again
said that tattooing was the work of the women, these, themselves, were, as well as on Lake
Sentani tattooed abundantly on the backs and the lower legs but especially between the
mammae This latter tattooing, that on the backs of the men, the name given to this and
no less the design, illustrated in fig. 23, 2, give rise to the supposition that the meaning of
it°all will on further examination, prove to be more or less identical with the breast plate-shaped
LttooTng\' {\'ratio) which, according to Finsch [1888-93, 89, fig. 5] indicates with the Motu

women of the S. E. coast the married state, but which is sometimes already applied during

the engagement, and of which the inside one is called natuna (child) the outer one stnana

(mother^ Thilenius [1902, 47] illustrates the tattooing of a woman of position of the

Fig. 23. Vt- Tattooing figures of (/) back;nbsp;^^ ^^e back was too indistinct to be made out.

square-shaped design with a small circle in the middle (fig. 24). The arms were without any tat-
tooing, also according to her statement (she was wearing a sarong), the legs, but another woman
laughingly betrayed the secret that her legs were also tattooed. The whole of it was done in her
youth, and apparently, in her case, no mourning tattooing had been added at the death of
her husband. The population of Siarf has probably originated from a crossing of Wendèsi and
Numfor people. The missionary jens thinks [1904, 54] that tattooing of the forehead,
and also that of cheeks and upper arms, are sometimes distinctive of certain families and in
the case of girls is executed at the age of 14—16, whilst some inhabitants of the coast attach
to it a preserving force. Not improbably the idea of „totemquot; is hidden
behind this. On the occasion of a short visit to the village of Wari on
Wiak I found the tattooing of the men plentiful and sometimes very elegant,
the women also were here more tattooed than was reported of the other places
on this island (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 32]). At Kwatisoré, on
the contrary, I noticed no tattooing on the men, but the women were
tattooed on the face. The men of Nagramadu had simple dashes on the
Fig. 24. V2- skin of the arms and their faces were decorated in the same way as those

Amongst the tribe of the Sekanto, living on the Jafuri, (the outflow
of Lake Sentani to the Tami River) with whom, during this expedition, the first intercourse
was obtained, according to the government official P. E. Moolenburgh [1904, 185] tattooing
does not occur. As further on amongst another inland tribe, the Manfkion, I did not notice
any tattooing, (the inhabitants of the Arfak Mountains according to Van der Goes [1858,
165] and Von Rosenberg [1875,89] also entirely abstaining), the supposition arises that the
inland and mountain population generally do not make use of it, or at all events, to a smaller
extent; and, as far as they do, the custom may perhaps have been taken over from the coast
people; a question which from an anthropogeographical point of view deserves every
attention.

It is hardly possible to give here a review of everything that is worth noticing concerning the custom
of tattooing in Enghsh and German New Guinea, all the more as, superficially considered, the customs in
this respect vary a good deal. Thus, it is very remarkable that in the Berlin Harbour district, in the imme-

diate vicinity of Humboldt Bay, tattooing is so very rare. Erdweg [1902] makes no mention of it concer-

~ squot; ^^^^^ of Msb New Guinea that each tattooing mark of the men indited a life
« tLn/the black people of the west do not practise tattooing (Macoreoor [1897, Sx])-

The manner in which tattooing is appUed, and the instrument used for the purpose

also differ locally. Db ^-^^ra ds X^w i\'cha\'cil. I Hun.bo,dt Ba, and su„o„.-

appeared to exist xn all the different P^^^jjf ;nbsp;^ ^ave not been able to discover.

skin ornament, a less cared for impression than^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^nbsp;^^^ ^^^^

{PL XLV, fig. 3) but very often amongst the womennbsp;but provided at one of the ends

coil figure, not unlike the leeches noticed —nbsp;^^^ ^.^.^es of this size, so regularly
with a loop (PL XLVII and KLYIII^s

smooth of surface and raised so much (3-^ J j^^^.^^r of wide distribution ; thus in British

anywhere else amongst women. This scar P^quot;nbsp;^elow the loins (Reports [1904,

ornament with men, snakes, which h^yjquot;nbsp;^^ ^en of the district Sekä on the

skin of the backs and also with a young 1nbsp;^^ g^itish N. G., the spot where the tribal

decorated with it (according to thomson [1892nbsp;gt; accidentally been torn right across

and 192 and with a man from Süuwär on Liki (Arimoa Islands) on both buttocks, to the

R o u n d, r a i s e d s p o t s are also often met with in Geelvink Bay, in groups of small circles

of 6 or more on the shoulders and upper arms of the men (see fig. 27, with the second man
from the left also round the navel). In the case of some men from Kwatisoré I saw, on the
front of the body, two rows of such slightly raised scars, starting from the navel, hke a
letter V extending to both shoulders, where they joined groups of those spots on each of both
upper arms. At Wâri also the raised scars occurred on men. It appears that raised scars can
be produced in different ways. From information obtained in Humboldt Bay I gather that the skin
is first cut and the granulations arising in the wound are scorched at intervals, by holding red-
hot strips of the leaf stalk of the cocoa-nut palm over them, and the epidermis is only allowed
to grow over it after the granulation tissue has been raised by extensive growth. This cer-
tainly corresponds with the information of MÜLLER [1857, 69] from the south coast, where the
skin was cut with a stone or shell and the wound caused was burnt; according to Modéra
[1830,7s] these scars were lying on the skin to the thickness of the little finger. A trader at
Siari\'told me that the raised stains in Geelvink Bay are obtained by placing on the skin,
without previous incision, a somewhat moistened plug of cotton of the pohon baru (Malay
for „new treequot;) and then lighting it, that some then walked up and down with pain, but that
the operation was always continued for the sake of embellishment.

De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 32] call the material „fungusquot; and state that each time after a

distant journey the number of the raised spots is increased by one, - a peculiarity, which was communicated

to Horst [1889 238] on the island of Japen, as also, that the girls at dances give the young men such
wounds with burning wood. Robidé van oer Aa [1879, 168] turns these matters round where he writes
of Karas, on the south west coast: „On these islands they are fond of giving proof of manly strength, a
sport is made out of it and one man challenges another to see who can best endure pain.nbsp;^^

of cocoa-nut husk are placed on upper, arm \' or chest, and then ignited; whoever can stand the deepest

Finsch [1888-93, 345] who found the round, raised stains often on women of Astrolabe Bay on
shoulders and arms, was told that they serve as a memento at the death of near relations, but also as a
proof of courage, whilst in the Gilbert Archipelago he saw young girls causing such scars on themselves
with a red-hot nut shell, „out of funquot;. He states further on [1888, 333] that in K. W. Land as well as on
New Britam [1888-93, 14] a repeated incision leads to the same results, but_ that several months are
required for the purpose. Mc Farlane [1888, 126] however writes, concermng this, of the Gulf tribes „by

cuttin. and inserting into the wound powdered shell, which gives it when healed a swollen, rib-like appearance .

Much more common than the raised scars the flat scars occur in Netherl. New
Guinea, as well lineal, as in the shape of round spots. Lineal ones I found with men of
Nagramadu; in still larger quantities and distinguished from the surroundings by a somewhat
lighter colour, in the skin of the backs of the women, apparently without regularity, to the
length of ±8 c.m. mixed up anyhow; so narrow, that they can only have been obtained by
incision. On a man at Liki I found, on the other hand, such Uneal scars in the skin of the
chest and the belly very regularly placed, all running vertically and 4-6 c.m. long to the
number of 20, and on another, about eleven shorter ones, vertical and parallel, distributed
over the whole breadth of the forehead. With the object of this arrangement I have not become
acquainted. The wide distribution on the individual is opposed to the idea that they have

served for the local abstraction of blood. Where th.s .s usual, as m K. W. Land according to

Hageh [■899 257] deep insertions are n,ade with pieces of glass, m cases of head-ache, f. u

K ri, t of he nose sometimes down to the bone, whereby deep scars are caused [1. c.
above the root o thenbsp;^„j .„o^ing to Pakonson

[■900. .4] eas,ly \'^■f\'Ekdweg [.902] does not report it of this
this custom does not appearnbsp;^nbsp;^^^^nbsp;,nbsp;no therapeutic

the arm-pits; from a point just ^ quot;7\' V ™ ^Julder was covered with the same

Geelvink Bay. Iquot; Humboldt Bj quot;jITs T 1 thTks « fL^nbsp;of the expedition

means rarely as Van der GOES [1858, i/\'j \'hm«nbsp;„^„eipally on the skin of the

from the villages of this bay six were ornamen enbsp;.tZng Thusnbsp;of Ingres had.

besides 3 stains in the region of the stomach J- \'quot;f ^ quot;avicle and running down along
the left one in a double row from quot;^=/houlder und^^ Te half of the breLt and in the

than was assumed by De Clercq and ScHMELTZ 1893, 214] and bemg by no means iimi
the~;e wist of Arimoa (Kumamba) [1. c. 33], - probably most handsome ,n Humb^l

lOEST 1.887. 21] is certainly right when he says that man has painted h.mse^ before he began

^ , 2 alLugh a proper washing with soap can have the same effect on a Papuan. Purposely
washmg, altnougn a piopnbsp;gnbsp;i-nbsp;Mam\'kion- compared w th the or g nal

7 f the other half of the face, it appeared as if the washmg had brought on a hght
J wi h whL the said person was walk.ng about not a little prond; the demand for
\' wSch followed, may therefore not be suspected to have or.ginated from a real principle
TdeaJ^LesfNext io the information by Finsch [.888-93. -6] that everywhere in K. W.

Land and in the whole of Melanesia [1. c. 14], black appeared to be the sign of sorrow, I
mention the report of Erdweg [1902, 289] that in Tumleo (BerHn Harbour) the yellow white
clay (probably the [quot;yellow clay also mentioned by finsch [1888, 318]) is decidedly the only
mourning colour. HaGEN [1899, 263] found on his territory the same as finsch and adds that
red stands for more joyful emotions and that, when there is any cause for it, both colours
are applied at the same time on face and body. Those pigments are mixed with oil from the
seeds of Calophyllum inopkyllum and oiAleurites Moluccana, or according to
Nachrichten [1884, 24], boiled out of the pith of the cocoa-nut. From British New Guinea,
black is also ! reported as a mourning colour, sometimes clay is used (annual report
1900, 63]), whilst chalmers [1885, 37] saw besides, how mourners smeared themselves

with ashes. TheTugeri also like to paint themselves; the Leyden Museum possesses a spatula
out of cassowary bone (Ser. 941,nbsp;42) which was carried with a string round the neck,

specially intended for smearing the colours (here red, black and white) on the face.

Besides red, black and white, yellow and grey are applied to the skin; when
other colours become available, as the washing blue imported in German N. G., these are also
gladly used. On Lake Sentani small pieces of red and blue dermatographical pencil were at
a premium in the bartering trade, whilst the men of Tobadi eagerly demanded the favour of
being painted with blue oilpaint. In Humboldt Bay and surroundings the red consists of
powdered clay. The colour is brownish red and there is some exaggeration in the repre-
sentation which Van der Goes [1858, 82] gives of the hairdress coloured with this clay,
which is said to stand out against the green of the forests, like the red feathers of a bird
shine through the green leaves. Where the clay is obtained by the inhabitants of Humboldt
Bay, I have not been able to find out, but certainly not from the adjacent steep mountain
Mer on the inner bay, which was already appreciated by FiNSCH [1888, 348] as an excellent
landmark. It demands some explanation, why he adds „and it received the distinguishing name
_ red, because ;in the thick forest a tile-red stripe is already noticed from afar, which
is caused by the red dayquot;. As a matter of fact, the mountain Mer consists of limestone and
the debris have by dissection obtained a reddish colour. But it was impossible to make out,
what the name „Merquot; means, which also occurs here as a surname of persons; with the
Malay .meraK\' = red, it has however no connection and red is in the language of the people
of the country according to BiNK [1902, 19] ^metsje^, according to myself ^misjr or
That the clay of Mer is not used for the making of pots (FiNSCH [1. c. 353]), I have already
stated above.

The village of Nacheibe prepares red clay for the bartering trade, possibly therefore
also for the people of Humboldt Bay and Lake Sentani, with which latter it is said to be connected
by a mountain path over the Cyclope Mountains. The sample of the collection (N°. 208, PI.
VI, fig. 6) originates from the above village, where two women were occupied, one powdering
the\' rough pieces of clay by hammering them with a stone, whilst the other made small
puddings out of it (either or not provided on the top with a small button) and round balls,
about the size of a fist, wetted the surface with water and then with the wet fingertop made
two circular, horizontal stripes, connected by about four vertical ones. After this the produce
was put out to dry. The lines impressed, hastily, with divided attention, I shoiUd feel inclined
to consider as a trade mark, not as an ornament, in which latter respect Nacheibe, as can

be seen on some objects of the collection, produces much that .s beaufful. The .dea trade-
be seen some o ]nbsp;t^at also from elsewhere, inside the same tradmg radms,

reports that the red clay /quot;T\'\'-quot;®nbsp;i\' Ly know how to prepare in H, B.,

the liquid rosm- or gumhke juïce from a wild kannbsp;j^^^^ere for doing up the hair,

which according to Db Cle.CQ and schmb.tz f^^^lTh^j \' ased for tattooing, obtained
The black pigment is the same soot, chan. kan .^^nbsp;Fvidently. it is very

to limit the admission of air, and to increase the gatnenn» „nbsp;„„„„tion out of cocoa-

collection show, the blacking is kept in small bamboo cylinders,nbsp;^de fon.e, gen

ding to bink [,897, .63] with cocoa-nut oil; henbsp;yello pigment (Nquot;. 228) finally is the

brought on board by the inhabitants as eatable earth and as an object for bart p

been mistaken for the movement of the hand in indicating eating m which ase the hand

were even consumed in his presence [.888^93. -«l- DB Clekcq and ScHMELTZ [ 893, .6, N 30]
eoort f 0- H.B. a piece of similar shape, only used for gluing on the hair; I have not een
ru e made of it now. In the language of JotSfa it is callednbsp;whilst the place where

t t found was still further indicated asnbsp;meaning presumably belonging to the

. of Kaioquot; Barkfibres, out of which the rope for the bags (Chapter V) .s prepared
\'quot;quot;to CO oured wi\'th this clay. Mixed with oil the colour would become much darker. The
Tay f Humboldt Bay consists, according to the analysis of V1.AANBBREN [1874, 179].

principally of silica, 38.08°/,, magnesia 34-427o. protoxide and sesquioxide of iron 8.i9°/o and water
16 32°/ (CrÉtier [1877, 71] did not find any magnesia in eatable earth of Admiralty Island, but
on the°other hand much alumina, 35-44°/o)- The grey, the red and the yellow clay have, ac-
cording to Prof. Dr. A. wichmann, notwithstanding the difference in colour, a great similarity
in the composition. In Humboldt Bay black and red, and especially the first, were the favorite
colours with which to paint one self. When any thing special was taking place, the number
of black painted men noticeably increased. Thus with the religious feast at Waba (fig. 179
and 180); but never did black come so much to the fore as on the occasion of a competition
in shooting with bow and arrow, organised by the expedition. At the appointed hour the
competitors approached our dwelling in double quick time, not in a straight Hne but with
great curves, they threw their bodies forward and backward, lifting high their legs, and moving
wildly their\' arms with bow and arrows, shouting loudly all the time. All this created the
impression of warriors rushing to the fight. From this quite unexpected and purposely arranged
representation, during which, most of the Papuans had a wild expression in the face, it might
be concluded that they wished to interpret the shooting competitions as actual war, and the
general use of black, would then stamp this as the colour of war. Tugeri youngsters who are
being initiated into manhood in seclusion, are also often blackened (Schmeltz [1905, 197, S])-

But after this experience, I consider it unimaginable that black could be here a colour of
mourning; —during our stay nobody died and I attribute it to this that we neither saw the
yellow colour used, which on the adjacent Tumleo is the mourning colour. The white, I have
only seen applied to the skin on some few occasions. The designs of fig. 25, in black are
all taken on the occasion of the shooting competitions, the three figures to the left in the
upper row, of people from Ingres, the others from Tobadi. Evidently, the opening of the mouth

„,e of an axe or a sago duo. F. . 2nbsp;j;nbsp;,he top to the bottom, the hair at

red haired people occur, it is indeed auonbsp;^ ^^^ ^^ regular intervals out of the skin,

outward influences, the more or less stubbornnbsp;^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ the head like a mop.

required at the root and, supporting each othernbsp;^^^^^^ ^ \' ^^i^dress of the Papuans a book

MEYER [1873, 307] justly wrote to V-CHOWnbsp;aboutJhe^^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^^

observations and what is connected with tne .nbsp;^ity of lice. Probably the frequent

abundance of hair is accompanied with a P\'^^P^\'J®^quot;^ ^^^^^ itching demands the frequent
shaving is sometimes connected with this, m onbsp;^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^

scratching with the scratching sticks and com ^^^ ^^^^^^^^^nbsp;89I, of British New

seen by myself at Tobadi, it is sometimes cunbsp;^^^^^^ [1873^234]) or the smearing

rubbing in of the hair of the head -^^h ashe a ^^^^^^^^^nbsp;efficacious against

Thus the first care the Papuan can b ^^^^^^^ ^^ disentangling and stretching with
circumference of the mop given him by monbsp;^^^nbsp;^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^

his fingers, with scratching sticks (^^ratchers) ornbsp;anything else the hair is frizzledquot; must

windings. The expression of BiROnbsp;^Jquot;^ « originally is already so frizzly, that notwith-

therefore not be misunderstood. For tnenbsp;^^ missionaries to their followers, it still

standing constant combing, as sometimes p^^nbsp;compressed, as is done by many inhabitants

remains more or less spiral. If, on the connbsp;hairdress is created, as already compared

of the Berlin Harbour section, annbsp;Jnbsp;. ^j^h an old fashioned allonge-wig,

a boy behind them. In Asé, see.fig. 29, the boys just admitted into the men\'s watch-houses,
m are charged with this work; in Tobadi, those that are apprenticed in the temple, Mrê\'z^ar..
The young hairdresser rubs a little of the prepared red clay between the palms of his hands
and pulling out one tuft of hair above the others, rolls it between both his hands. Ihus most
hairs remain black at the roots, only the hairs of the margin are coloured over their total
len-th. After the colouring, the fingers of both hands are actively introduced into the hair,
whkh is thus pulled up to the utmost extent; curls which are sticking out too far are agam
pressed back, whilst the busy young man is constantly bending forward to survey the hair
from different points, trying hard to discover irregularities in the red, curly surface. This
scrupulous care is constantly controled by the man sitting with a small piece of looking glass,
who by holding this sloping in front and above the forehead, judges the course of events.
The\'fear of mirrors, stated at the time of Van der Goes [1858, 182] in Humboldt Bay, has
disappeared and small pocket mirrors are here of great assistance to the ethnographer. In
accordance with this custom, the manual used when a mirror was desired, consisted in holding
the left hand at a certain distance in front of and with the hollow turned towards the fore-
head, and looking into this as in a mirror, with upturned eyes, quasi at the reflected hairdress.
The men of Tobadi, the swells of these coasts, sometimes only apply the colouring to certain
parts, whilst the remainder is left in its natural, black colour, the partitions generally running

A figure of one spiral twist and a half in red, as also described on the handle of a
spatula (N° 91) is considered as an artlstical achievement of a very high order. To retain a
sharply defined border of red and black, the tufts of hair which are to be coloured red, niust
be pulled up far above the level of the surroundings ; the natural, spiral winding of the hair

The use of red clay, previously baked, as a powder for the head, has never been men-
tioned again by explorers of Humboldt Bay after van der goes [1858, 169]; - finsch
[1888-93 227] however talks concerning K. W. Land also of „powderingquot; and D\'Albertis
[1880, I, 239] describes minutely how on Darnley Island red clay is roasted beforehand with

It appears that the use of red clay in the hair, is a privilege obtained in Humboldt

Bay after admission into the karewdrz-, once obtained, it is used as long as the years of vanity
last in most cases for life; the grey haired old man here finds back his youth. But some of
the\' older people, give up the care for their appearance, which particularly characterises the
people of Tobadi. Whilst the impurity of the skin increases and the red siri saliva is only
insufficiently removed from the corners of the mouth, the hair is left to itself and then often
shows quite plainly the arrangement of the tufts. On Lake Sentani these types are more
numerous. Maclay [1873 a, 235] stated that old Papuans did not use red, but black m the
hair which use of soot according to finsch [1888-93, 227] and others, just as the use of
lime\' (Biro [1899, 2]) however also occurs in K. W. Land at other times of life. But from
Netherlands New Guinea neither the use of soot nor that of lime for the hair, has ever been men-
tioned and I have never come across it either. To the constant use of the red clay. Van DER
Goes [1858, 169] has ascribed the early appearance of baldness, which indeed occurs more
than elsewhere in Humboldt Bay and even still more on Lake Sentani; in the case of the

It is well known that here in the case of the children bo^ ex , ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^

from the front to the back (hg. i, .8, loi, andnbsp;--^ofat year of their hfe, whilst

the boys in H. B. are once more entirely shav on enterin.^ ^^P^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^

are allowed to wear all the hair at an equal len.tn. ,nbsp;^^^^^^nbsp;^^^^^^^ ^^^

true mop gradually develops itself. I cannot conceiv ^^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^^ ^^ Raddon\'s commu-
for the sake of a connection possibly to be discovernbsp;^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^nbsp;^^^ ^^^^^

met with in the men\'s watch-houses -nbsp;saw the cock\'s comb worn by boys in the

are situated to the west quot;f quot;\'JJ\'nbsp;, „„„^ New Mecklenburg (New Ireland)

and schmelt. [,893, ..] of H. B., the wearing of a P\'-\'nbsp;h^ an only have been

,72 and BINK [1897. .6.] thought that these tresses were tw,sted; accordmg to the

latter they weie cnnbsp;^^^^^^i j ^^^^istsofa natural tuft or ringlet, entirely saturated

^Tlt ~ ^ evJn m the case of girls about 5 years old, who still
with red Clay,nbsp;^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^nbsp;sii^^ilar tresses. Fig. 10, PI.

wore the cock\'s com , ^^ ^^^^^^ j^^^^y ^ith day. On account of this weight they also hang
VTI shows such a tiess pnbsp;\'nbsp;g

down on all sides of the head, as can be noticed on Pi. IL, fig. i. When in motion they
dangle along the forehead and the neck, and often stain the skin a good deal. Horst [1889,
248]^could not disguise his dislike, VAN DER GOES, I.e. however did not think it ungraceful
and I can share this opinion, but may not conceal that FiNSCH [1888—93, 227] who, much
taken with it, illustrates this hairdress (1888, 108, 362), grants the palm of beauty amongst
her Papuan sisterhood, to the woman of Humboldt Bay. The choice between the two hair-
dresses appeared to me to be entirely left to the taste of the women.

Again it is characteristic that on Lake Sentani, as well as along the coast to the west-
ward, the wearing of the clay tresses never occurs and is considered here as a prerogative of
Humboldt Bay, which one does not dare to attack. When nevertheless I noticed this
hairdress at Asé, it appeared that the wearer was a lady from the Sentani district married
in Humboldt Bay and now entitled to and not a Uttle proud of the much envied dress. The
hairdress of the boys and men does not difi^er here from H. B. — A hairdress not noticed until
now in Netherl. N. G. was met with at Sawéh as well as amongst the Sekanto. The adult
men here wear the hair short, with the exception of a round spot on the top of the head,
where it has its full or at all events a greater length, which gives the impression of a wig
which is too small for the wearer. A similar dress is mentioned a. o. by HaGEN [1899, 168]
from Finsch Harbour and Huon Gulf, where round the plume of hair a ring of rattan is worn
like the brim of a hat. Such rattan rims are also in the present collection, but are not original
from Sâwé or Sekanto. One single man of the Sëkânto wore a small beard ; the women had
short hair.

Men with very short hair were met by the expedition at Kaptiau, where in this case
almost always an ornament (N^ 259, PI. VII, fig. 15) or a wig was carried on the top of the head,
and also on the island of Mios Kôrwâr, where, owing to raids, people from Sowek near Supiôri had
fled with women and children and constructed some primitive dwellings. Still people wearing
all their hair also occurred here; I cannot, however, decide whether this was an indication of
social position, the latter being the masters, the former the slaves, as mentioned of Doré
by Van der Goes [1858, 149] and of Tâbi (to the east of the mouths of the Amberno
River) by robidé van der Aa [1879, 109] the same as for Wari, where yet another kind of
hairdress is observed amongst the men. This consists in all the pretty long hair being gathered
into a bundle, round which, close behind the crown of the head a string is laid, by which
the shape of the head becomes more apparent, the bundle sticking out in the shape of a
large plume. It is questionable whether this dress, which as is well known, is prescribed by
the Missionaries to the frizzly haired Christian ladies, originates with the Papuans themselves.
It is a fact that De ClERCQ saw on the men in the Maccluer Gulf the same kind of hair-
dress, also at Wéwé [I.e. 17, PI. I, fig. i] where a handsome ring was used, and I myself on
the women at Sian\', who used a string of beads for the purpose.

It may be mentioned in passing that KrUYT [1898, 10] saw the same hairdress on
people from the interior of Celebes, who had come down to Paloppo; here the string was
made of rattan.

A corresponding effect is obtained when instead of the string a short bamboo tube,

m\'u dobre, is substituted, like the five nicely carved specimens (N°. 213^—217, PI. VI, fig. 7
and 7a) from Kwatisoré. Often two are used; from each a hair plume, like a tassel with a
handle, then projects (fig. 32). This female dress also noticed at Napan (fig. 11), already known
of several places in Geelvink Bay through De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 17], is also,
according to the same, adopted at Ansus by the men, sometimes to the extent of four small
tubes, of which on Japen one is then worn in front, one on each side, and one (the widest)
behind, but only on festive occasions (horst [1889, 236]). D\'Albertis [1880, I, 48] saw on
the men of Hatam, no fewer than five or six of these tubes in use.

The boys and men of Kwatisoré, wearing the mop, do not use these tubes, but
made them for the women and in order the better to show off the carved ornament against
the yellow colour of the bamboo, the intaglio portion is filled up with a black substance.
N°. 217 is a piece of bamboo, 28 c.m. long, on which a set of three tubes is marked off, but
of which one is still unfinished, which possibly proves that here in Kwatisoré three tubes are
sometimes Avorn together. The Mam\'kion often wear the hair short, sometimes the mop, but
more often the division in different small tassels, mentioned and illustrated by De ClercQ
and Schmeltz [1893, 10, PI. XL, fig. 5]; the tassels however have, according to fig. 34, a
somewhat longer handle, wound round with vegetable fibres and are standing to the number
of 15—25 spread over the entire surface of the head. No
instructions exist in this respect, every one, I was told,
is free in choosing his hairdress. The men of the neigh-
bouring Ménam tribe have, according to the report of
Van Oosterzee [1904, 1005], a similar hairdress, but the
Arfak, again living somewhat more to the north, dress the
hair in 4—5 round balls (Van Hasselt [1886, 577]);
illustrations of this are given by von rosenberg [1875,
PI. X] and also by D\'Albertis [1880, I, 92] but only with
i—3 bundles, which are also, according to the description
of van der Goes [1858, 164] simply created by stringing
them together at the base. The men of Tarfia obtain
through the abundance of the tresses of hair, which hang
down regularly over the back and shoulders like manes,
a well cared for appearance, to which the illustration of
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PI. XLI, fig. i] does
not altogether give due credit. I was unable to find out
whether these tresses were formed by plaiting. No doubt ^^^ Papuans of the Manikion tribe,
the most curious hairdress was the one of a man from

Tarfia (fig. 28, man in the middle; PI. L, fig. i and 2) who had joined all his hair in a
sagittal row of plaits (one of these, N°. 211, shown in PI. VII, fig. 11), which stood up straight,
tied together. Robidé van der Aa [1879, 109] refers of Tabi, Horst [1889, 241] of Anus, to similar
pyramidical dressing of the hair; also remarkable is the hairdress of a Mawes man, shown
in fig. 28 and in PL L, fig. 3 and 4. The beard, generally speaking, is not desired by the
men of H. B.; the growth is not luxurious by nature and besides they pull out the hairs.
A striking but practical method for this, is to catch hold of the stubbles between

the top of the index and a small piece of pumice stone, pressed by the thumb against the
index, the rough surface of the pumice stone preventing the sHpping away of the hair. Small
pieces of pumice stone, taar, like N°. Ii8 of the collection, were found by me for said pur-
pose in the bags of the men. MacGREGOR [1897, 51] and Krieger [1899, 273] report this
method from British N. G. where the hair is caught between the nail of the thumb and a pumice
stone. Maclay [1876, 296] of his territory and macgregor, I.e. of British N. G. describe
a method by which the hairs are caught between two thin fibres of twine, twisted together
and which must be very painful; this method as well as the small bamboo tongs used on
the South Eastern Islands, have nowhere been met by me. Older men finally often give up
the trouble to pull out the hairs of the beard and then show, partly owing to the previous
treatment, a patchy beard. On Lake Sentani the beard is seen more often (see fig. 163); the
older men of Sageisara wear, without exception, a beard, although part of the face may be
shaved. Thus I noticed at Kwatisoré how the cheeks were kept free and the beard was
allowed to grow almost exclusively under the margins of the lower jaw. The full beard is
indeed not at all Hked in Geelvink Bay; besides, in some parts it must be shaved off
on the occasion of the death of a relation (De Clercq and SCHMELTZ [1893, 45]). The
moustache is seldom seen; only at Kwatisoré it was allowed to grow over the whole of
the upper lip, together with a small imperial exactly under the lower lip. The chief of Tobadi
often allowed nothing else to grow on his face but the final ends of the moustache
above the corners of the mouth (see fig. 187), which curious habit I afterwards also
saw at Wari.

In British N. G. (MacGREGOR [1897, 52]) and in K. W. Land the beard is not hked
very much either. In the neighbourhood of Astrolabe Bay the older men often allow the
beard to grow as a matter of convenience (HaGEN [1899, 169]); in the Berhn Harbour section,
according to parkinson [1900, 25] it is never met with, but the island of Tumleo must then
form an exception, where every young man must have a beard before he is allowed to think
of marriage (Erdweg [1902, 279]). The. decoration of the beard with small pieces of clay,
shells, beads, pig\'s tusks, with vegetable fibres or other hair plaited in, as FiNSCH describes
and illustrates [1888, 292, 299, 302, 317; 1888-93, 231, PI. 6, fig. 17; PI- 9. %- 3]gt; was never
reported of Netherlands N. G. nor ever noticed by me.

The pulling out or shaving of the hairs of the e y e b r o w s is reported by Haddon
[1894, 246] of British N. G., by Maclay [1873 a, 237] of his territory, by Schellong
[1891, 160] of the people of Jabim and by FinscH [1888—93, 231] of other coast districts
of K. W. Land and it may therefore cause surprise that this custom has never been noticed
in Netherl. N. G.

The removal of the hair can be done in three ways, namely by pulling out, by
cutting and by shaving. The first named method was aheady described above, the second,
under which therefore must be understood the cutting of the hair at an arbitrary length,
Finsch [1888—93, 228] has seen in K. W. Land, where a stone hatchet was used.

For the shaving proper the following articles are here used: obsidian (schellong
[1891, 160]), sharp-edged grass (Maclay [1873 ^ 234]), bamboo (MaclaY, 1. c., nachrichten
[1888, 225] and Finsch [1888—93, 227]), pieces of glass (Hagen [1899, PL 21]) and knives.

The most interesting method, that with the bamboo, still apphed at Asé but condemned

,0 disappear, I did not find more fully described m the literature at my conamand. It requires
a green bamboo 2-4 c.m. thick, of which small, superficial, lengthw.se strips about , c^m.
brid, are torn off, f. i. with the teeth, as I saw myself. The transverse section of such a
Irip las the shape of a segment with very sharp corners, of which further advantage is now
Ln The ends of the strip are, with the green surface outside, bent towardsnbsp;other and

whilst the left hand of the barber supports the skin, or at all events prevents the folding
the right hand scrapes with the bight of the strip in an oblique position over th skin Tl e
result appeared to me to be unimpeachable and if my own razor,
«^havinp- round wounds, often roused the desire of the spectators squatea rouna,

nly because the work advanced more quickly nr this way; - for the s-ping move
meL with the bamboo are only short and oftennbsp;ƒ\'nbsp;„

cutting of the skin does not occur; neither does this natural ra..nbsp;f ^TJ^^^.^ni

was substituted for the soaping,
which operation was repeated
a couple of times during the
treatment.

The extraordinary cut-
ting power of the bamboo strips
is caused by the silica, which
is contained in the walls of
the cells of the bamboo tissue,
particularly with those of the
outer layer, the collenchym,
to such an extent that when
burnt the shape of the cel-
lular skeleton remains intact
(SpoRRY [1903- 4, 126]). The
usefulness of sharp-edged grass-
es for the same purpose willnbsp;^^ sometimes been
astonish nobody, who has walked in the tropics thiough Ion, ,iass,

cut by it; here also the presence of silica is the causenbsp;^^ ^^^^^ ^y the Papuans on

their stones, that they can use them for fnbsp;barber wipes his knife now
see at Waba, shaved dry and the expert, but above all practic

hanging down in front of the ear over the left temple of a young man, who would at first
c^ive me only the beads, and some commotion was caused amongst the bystanders when the
whole lock was cut off. The custom, which f. i. exists amongst the Arfak people (VON Rosenberg
[1875,92]) to cut off at the death of a near relative, all their hair except one lock above the forehead,

to which beads are then attached and of which the lower end is passed over the left ear, may pos-
sibly be connected with this. van Balen [1886, 562] reports this custom also of other tribes m
Geelvink Bay and it is not improbable therefore that to the bead ornament noticed by Horst
[1889, 238] at Serui and to the one which robidé van der Aa [1879, 196] mentions of
KÖrid\'o, a village on the south coast of Supiori, a similar meaning may be ascribed. In the
latter case the end of the tress of hair was fastened to the opening of the septum of the nose!

The custom of wearing feathers in the hair is very general; in the adjacent
German territory it is however only Hmited to festive occasions (parkinson [1900, 25]). On
the islands of Geelvink Bay and on its shores the number of those feathers in the hair or
attached to the handle of the combs is, it is said, to be considered as a numerical statistic
of the heads cut off by the wearer (Van der Goes, [1858, 160], De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, ii, 12]). In Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani the feathers own no such bloody
reputation, at the utmost they form the trophies of the chase of the hunter.

What I want to point out, however, is that all feathers worn in the hair collected at
Tobadi and. at Kajo Entsau (N°. 219-220, PL VIII, fig. 6 and 3) consist of two parts. The
lower part, the carrying-feather, intended to be pushed deeply into the bushy hair, is formed
by a black tail feather of a hornbill, of which the stubborn, on both sides somewhat narrow-
cut webs prevent, like barbs, the dropping out, — so effectively, that the removal of these
feathers, necessary when measuring the heads, proved to be very difficult. At the top, the
carrying-feather, over a length of 6—10 c.m., only consists of a narrow strip of the convex
side of the quill, which is very pliable and elastic and over the pointed end of which the
show-feather proper is stuck, often consisting of the top end of the yellow white feathers of
Cacatua triton Temm. or of the black and white-striped flight feathers from the tail of

The webs of the show-feather, sometimes pared into a bird figure, differ ± 90° in their
position from the webs of the carrying-feather. In this way the desired elastic waving of the
show-feather on the thin strip of quill of the carrying-feather is as little as possible hindered
by the resistance of the air, because the plane of movement corresponds with the plane of
the vanes themselves. This peculiar combination of carrying-feather and show-feather is cer-
tainly not devoid of cleverness. With the slightest movements of the head and with the
least wind the show-feather now quivers easily. In K. W. Land such feathers are more
rare, here several feathers tied together into a bunch are generally worn (parkinson [1900,
25])\'. Still they are reported by Erdweg [1902, 318] of Tumleo, and he also observes that
the object is the „hin- und herschwingenquot;, but he does not mention the pecuHar mutual position
of the componeii parts. Fig. 33 shows some men of Kajo, partly decorated with cockatoo
feathers in the manner described; the person from the left wears a cock\'s feather, for
which purpose cocks are here as well as, elsewhere specially kept. Several have also bunches
of ferns in the hair, with which the man of fig. 38 has covered his whole head (see also PL

HorST who after his visit in 1886 to Humboldt Bay wrote that men and women had
few ornaments, nor adorned themselves with leaves
or flowers, has certainly met with an exceptional

The flowers of Hibiscus rosa sinensis
are no less sought after in H. B. and on Lake
Sentani than in eastern parts and seldom anybody
will pass a flowering shrub without ornamenting
himself with some of the flowers which, with the
pointed leaves of the calice, are easily caught in
the hair (see Pl. XXXIH and XXXVII, fig. i and 2).
Only once I noticed women with flowers in the hair ;
this occurred at Asé with two grown-up girls, who
in a boat brought fruit from the gardens; the
motive for this ornament however remained un-
known to me.

The strips of reed (according to SCHMELTZ
[1904, 203] strips of leaf of the Nipa palm) which are
twisted into the hair in large quantities by men
and women of the south west coast (Leyden Museum,
Ser. 941, N°. 81), whereby the whole hangs down
like manes on the shoulders and back (ScHMELTZ
[1895, 158]) and according to the opinion of Netherl.
naval officers probably intended as a protection
against the head hunting, is met with nowhere on
the north coast.

It is interesting to notice the use of wigs
made of human hair, especially because this
custom is in vogue in coast districts situated at
such distances from each other, that mutual
intercourse is excluded. Thus De ClercQ and
Schmeltz [1893, 11] report wigs of Tarfia and Liki,
which places together with Kaptiau, where the
present expedition noticed the frequent and daily
use of wigs by men as well as by women, may be
counted to belong to the same culture territory.
On the other hand wigs were seen at Finsch Har-
bour (Finsch [1888, 179]) which showed a striking

others, in use at Kaptiau. But caution should be exerted, in judging the wigs of the Papuans
according to our modern, western notions. In this way the assertion was arrived at, that
wigs were in Humboldt Bay a dress for old men to hide their baldness (Van der Chys
[1885, 190, N°. 3203]). De Clercq and Schmeltz illustrate four wigs, of which one, tresses

of hair threaded as a fringe on a string [1903, N°. 58, 19, PL II, fig. 2] originating from
Tarfia, was taken as an ornament, so much hked by the women, that, indifferent to the
abundance of their own hair, they allowed themselves to be shaved in order to wear the
wig along the forehead like a fringe. The wig (browband) of Liki (see pag. 36) fell under the
category of „head coveringsquot;. The third wig, shaped like a cap, of tresses of hair fastened to
a rattan hoop and large enough to be drawn over the whole of the head, originating from
one of the temples of Humboldt Bay [I.e. 16, N°. 38, Pl. II, fig. 15] was said to belong to
a war-dress. Of the fourth wig of Wandisiau [1. c. 16, N°. 37, Pl. II, fig. i], De Clercq
heard that the hair was always shaved from another person and never from the male or
female wearer of the wig, and on Liki he was told that the hair was from people who had
died a natural death [I.e. 12].

However much these reports differed, they showed that here the hair of slain enemies
was not worn and they already contained an indication of what has now been proved to be
the case, namely that the use of wigs occurs in commemoration and adoration of blood or
close relations. Thus a dark haired young man may be seen with a wig of grey hair, obtained
from the dead body of his father, an elderly widow with a wig of dark hair, obtained from
the early deceased husband. But it appears however that the married woman also sometimes
wears hair of the still living partner and even generally, as a further mark of esteem of her
master, must have her own hair shaved. It does not appear that mothers are thus remem-
bered by their children, nor wives by their widowers, neither do the fathers appear to
wear the hair of their deceased children and there is never any reason for an aged man to
wear a wig. For, this must be noticed in the first place that here originally mixed feelings
as well of attachment, as of respect and submission are brought to a visible expression.

Almost the same was reported by Finsch [t888, 283] of the hair worn by a woman of Teste
Island on the left breast and he praises her for not wishing to part at any price with the mourning orna-
ment, which consisted of the hair of a deceased sister. Very probably the small rings of human hair on
the exceptionally fine comb of Cape de la Torre, which Finsch [1888a, Pl. XVII, fig. 2 b] illustrates and
his handsome browband with interwoven human hair [1888—93, 235], must also be considered as mourning
ornaments. Biro [1899, 15] however, thinks that the fastening of human hair to browbands originates out
of poverty, because he generally saw dog\'s teeth, the jewellery of these people, used instead. I also point to the
cap-shaped wigs of Finsch Harbour and to the „Schnürequot;, twisted out of human hair which are worn
over the forehead and the generally clean shaven front part of the head (Finsch [1888—93, 236]). Doubtful
however is the meaning of the human hair which in the shape of large plaits with shells hanging on is
attached like a porte-epee to the pubic girdle of a man of Chads Bay [1888a, PL XVI, fig. 6], of the
wig of Brumer Island (Edge Partington [1890, Pl. 292, fig. 3]) and of the hair-tresses on a Tugeri
basket in the Leyden Museum (Ser. 941, N°. 71), (Schmeltz [1895, 161]).

To wear a wig of human hair in our sense, either from vanity, or to hide baldness, never seems to
enter the head of the Papuan; in these cases old men use, possibly as a hygienic measure, pieces of hairy
cuscus skin (Maclay [1873a, 233]), to which sometimes the tail and claws are retained (Finsch [1888,
369]). Smaller pieces are occasionally used as an ornament by those people who still possess the whole of their
hair (Biro [1899, 7]).

Both the fringe-shaped wigs belonging to the collection, N°. 221 (PL VII, fig. i3)andN°.
222 of Kaptiau and the corresponding wigs N°. 35 and N°. 58 of De Clercq\'s collection,
therefore all have the meaning described before and are worn along the forehead (fig. 39, first

boy from the left) close to the limit of the hair and again at other times t.ed transversely
ovlr the top of the head (fig. 36. 40, 5quot; woman from the left, andfig. 213). That he^weanng of
wigs, with ?he accompanying frequent shaving, destroys thenbsp;P-«^ ^ ^^ quot;

sion- the wigs of the collection are literally covered with n,ts. N 38 o de Clercq, the
o-cllled war dress of Humboldt Bay, closely resembles the caplike «g of N.mburan, N .33.
m V I fig. .4) which was worn by a woman of middle age over her own fa,r^y short ha r
India indrcatd by the namenbsp;which word reminds me of (Malay =

Ind oni^framp;, which Lr adjacent Lake Sentani is the term for v.llage ch.ef. Evidently people

intended to intimate that the wearer was the
wife of the village chief. If afterwards this
suggestion should prove to be correct, namely
that this peculiar shape of wig is connected
with certain dignity, the analogy ofthe Finsch
Harbour wigs (FiNSCH [1888, 179]) would then
come very much to the fore, of which FiNSCH
j-iggg—93, 230] writes: „such coverings ofthe
head appear to be a distinction of the chiefs,
for generally they are rarequot;.

In the hair ofthe Papuan we often find ob-
jects which might becalled c o m b s, but of which
the use is not covered by our idea of a comb,
as they are never used for combing. With its
usually long teeth the object is very well
adapted, to pull up the mass of hair to its
greatest extent (De ClerCQ and schmeltz
[1893, ii])- Fo\'quot; this reason and in connection
with the interpretation mentioned pag. 55,
biro [1901, 32] calls the combs „Haarkrauslerquot;,
simply stuck in the hair and thus carried about,
in order always to have them at hand. The long
points also make it possible, if necessary, to use
the combs as scratchers. The frequent deco-

western civilisation, here for women, whilst therenbsp;;nbsp;r^tl.ch in its simplest

o:llrs:r:nf elsewhL, wom generally in the
L,quot;:\'er\\»he Lhead. straight from the f^t «war. -nbsp;a^^^ ^S-fM^^ri

iranTtft: S«rn:irrnors::i^ iL^Len? however, wh.h Be Clerc. , c.
,6 and .7T found at Wewi. consists of two small sticks, between which the pedrcuh^capitis

are killed by squeezing and which reminds one of the small single stick of the South Eastern
Islands in the Amsterdam collection (Ser. 2, N°. 231), intended to divide the hair, when
looking for vermin, and to kill what is found by pressing it on the head. I have never come
across anything similar. A young man of Tobadi had a scratcher of which the blunt end was
carved into a figure of a cassowary.

The collection of the Utrecht Missionary Society contains some (N°. 545—547) with differently
carved handles, collected by Bink, who, alas, with regard to ethnographica, has made no distinction between
Humboldt Bay and Lake Sentani. On the other side of the Netherl. German frontier the scratching stick
is also much used, especially where the hair of the head has been turned into a collected, almost impene-
trable mass (Parkinson [1900, 25]) and it is here so regularly ornamented with feathers that Hagen [1899,
171] calls it simply „Zierstabquot; (ornamental staff); remarking besides, as well as Biro [1899, 13] and Erdweg
[1902, 347] that it is also used as a fork. Sometimes it is manufactured out of the tibia of a cassowary and
in single instances out of tortoise shell (Biro [i.e., 10—13]). In the western parts of New Guinea I did
not see the object.

The multi-pointed comb is in so far an object of importance, that the wearing of the
same f. i. according to the customs of H. B., is not allowed to the young men during their
prescribed stay in the temple. The collection contains a great number of combs, amongst them

three specimens (N°. 229—
231), of Jap-coolies on the
Mapia Islands, where we
called on the way, made of
small sticks joined by cross
pins or lashings, described
by Kubarv [1895, 194] as
Jeleolquot;, of the people of
Pelau. The combs collected
in New Guinea itself are all
made of wood; tortoise shell
combs, as met with by
Finsch [1888—93, ^59]
Teste Island, or combs out
of kangaroo bones, as repor-
ted by him [1. c. 93] and
others from Br. N. G., were
not found. Wooden combs
in use in New Guinea may be distinguished in two kinds, according to whether they
are made of one single piece of wood or of several pieces tied together. The last kind
must again be subdivided into two categories, namely those of which the material is bamboo
(S. East N. G., see Finsch [1888—93, 159]) and those of palm wood (North N. G.). Of the
first kind, those of one piece of wood, commonly bamboo, also two categories are to be
distinguished. In the case of the one, fairly common in German as well as in British N. G.,
the comb is made of a longitudinal strip of bamboo of proportionate breadth and bent trans-
versely, according to the circumference of the original bamboo, whilst the points are obtained

«n^ vt7 to remove as much m^aterial as the distance
by making longitnd.nal furrows at one end.nbsp;^nbsp;„f

between the parallel points of the comb must amount \'^e oltenbsp;y
this comb (see f. i. Ft.sCH a, Pl. XVIll fi. ; ;; J^»

just as broad as the row of the pomts and has at the base o Pnbsp;^^^^^^^^^nbsp;^

category, with the area of its distnbufon Inmted . N.nbsp;^^ ^^ ^^^
narrower piece of bamboo, by spHtting rt over ^ PJ\'it a strong lashing

of string or metal wire is applied, to preventnbsp;quot;nbsp;; finally small wooden

is retained in its place by notches cut out on the s.d snbsp;^nbsp;^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^

wedges are introduced into the sphts. ^ quot;\'\'-VLi rllnls fthe original piece of bamboo,
the comb is obtained. In consequence of henbsp;fnbsp;„„^inm the handle

with the diverging points, as far as their area d.stnbut,on ,s concer .nbsp;^^^^^

coast, on the Netherlands German frontier, enfrely -P^f;,^quot;//,j^JJ^^at in the vicmity
made out of loose palmwood sticks; a separation so complete

of Humboldt Bay by no manner of means a single ^of t Tbamboo comb
of New Guinea, Geelvink Bay and thenbsp;\'bject. sent in as a comb

from Has, Geelvink Bay (probably As, north coastj, wi ^ \' ,nbsp;„„d appearing

(N0..33_.35). the last one (Pl. VII. fig. 6) shows the -h-a» ,,,nbsp;wooden wedges,

Tthir\'m olcurs Xtly on a bamboo ramrfication. a peculiarity whi^h I also met with
of this combnbsp;(Amsterdam Museum. Ser. 67, N . 4).

Th aooearrce of the human figure on this comb may possibly stamp .t as an amu et.

r r cau a ntTon to an occurrence, which I witnessed on the of August ,903 when
a„d I here caUnbsp;^^^^ ^^^^^^^nbsp;„„oded shores of Lake Jamn, and after

the exped.t.onnbsp;^^ ^^ ^^^nbsp;„f Angädi by the smoke of a fire, three of us were

being conveyed to tlie said island. When passing from the calm water, enclosed between
reeds and clods of turf, towards the open surface of the deeper lake, a freshening south-east
breeze caused a somewhat dangerous swell for the heavily laden boat, whereupon a foreward
rower of Angadi pulled the comb out of his hair with his right hand, and holding it by
the handle, in sober earnest struck with it about four times ahead, against the wind, a little
above his shoulders. Almost certainly he thought that thereby he would allay the wind. But
the influence on the beating of the waves was not immediately noticeable and wishing also
to take precautions against this, the same rower stopped again and now struck with the flat
of his paddle a few times in front on the approaching waves. I had already loosened my
shoes and gaiters in case the passage had to be continued by swimming, but this now appeared
unnecessary and baling all the time, we arrived savely under the lee of Angadi.

The use of the comb, here described, finds an analogy in a communication of jENS
[1904, 57] that the Papuans of the west coast of Geelvink Bay, when at sea with bad weather,
endangering the boat, beat the air with their korwars and amulets to pacify the
elements.

The case is also curious because the want of proper amulets was generally noticed
amongst the inhabitants of the interior. At Angadi I did find them and evidently the comb
may belong to them. Under this category of combs, those of Kwatisoré, N°. 239—243, should
also be placed, of which N°. 241 (PL IX, fig. 5) is distinguished by special carving and orna-
ment of the handle, in this respect showing a great resemblance to a comb (N°. 6683) of
the Rotterdam Museum; — N°. 242 (PI. VIII, fig. 4 and 4a) is striking on account of the
link connection on the handle and the special length and ornament of one of the 7 points.
N°. 243 (PL VIII, fig. I and i a) finally, is an example of excessive comb ornament, as not
mentioned until now. De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 12, PL III, fig. 5] mention combs
ornamented with caHco and beads, which are worn by bridegrooms and state besides, that in the
territory of Waropen, young men and girls who like each other, sometimes exchange combs.
From this it would appear that girls also wear combs, and the information given to me with
regard to comb N°. 243 becomes admissable, viz. that the object had been intended
for a bride.

The combs now following are made out of a number of pins tied together. De
Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 12] already called attention to this deviating form, overlooked
by Van DER Goes [1858, 196]. As far as the pins, always diverging and forming the points
of the comb, are standing free, they are round, straight and sharply pointed, — forming
higher up the handle, flattened\' and tied one alongside the other, with lashings of thin fibre,
but always separated by the interwinding turns of the fibre. The regular divergence is exclu-
sively obtained, by the gradual increase of this double-sided flattening of each of the pins,
inside the broad lashing at the base of the points. It is evident that this demands great skill
on the part of the maker and if for no other reason, the technique of this kind of combs
must be considered to be of a much higher order than that of the bamboo combs. In the
case of those combs, of which the pins have also been arranged in a transverse curve instead
of a flat plane, a new technical difficulty has been conquered; — for in the handle each pin
has been carved in such a manner that the section forms an equicrural trapesium. I only
foundj this on Lake Sentani, with comb N°. 254 (PL VII, fig. i) of Ajapo and N°. 255 of Ifar •

r.i,rp vaulting. These combs have also a strikingly
especially the first one is an example of pure vaulting.

formed by the continnation of a group of the pms.nbsp;Th-squot;ral a .nbsp;^^^^ ^^ ^^^

258) they are. according to the researches of Mrnbsp;J. J^ ™ \'nbsp;^^^^ leaf-sheaths

Musenm at Harlem, nothing else bnt the woody p.ns t L Icular bnndles entirely
of Arenga saccharifera; the pecnhar drstrrbnfon o the b ack

correspond with this. EkDWEG [1902. 3.8] (about Tnmleo)nbsp;f ;nbsp;^„.eed very

practical, it saves an enormous amount of f^s bnbsp;erfectly
to these people in the recently ended stone period, that these p y

lengthwise on the border of dark wood (rich in vascular bundless) andnbsp;^^^ ^^ ^^^

Areca-nut. after removing the kernel, stuck on thenbsp;^ .trip of hairy
black sticking material, forms a very common and fastened with a bark

cuscus skin (N°. 246. 247. 249, 2;., 256. 257) wound round ^^ ^a^nbsp;^„t cut into
fibre tied round, also strips of red calico (N«. 245. ^bove pag. 62). coloured

beads 255) and Coix seeds (N». 253). also sweet scent ^nbsp;Finally
245, 248, 250) are fastened on to the combs and form the mo t comrn

K. W. Land, and this is entirely in accordance wi h the \'«s ^n ^^ ^^^
which distinguishes those people from the luxury loving inhabita ^^^^ ^^^nbsp;^^^^^^

wanting on this side of the Netherlands German frontier, even already at Oinake.
Another ornament met with on the hair, originates from Kaptiau (N°. 259, Pl. VII,
fig. 15) and consists of an oval piece of bark, covered with Nassa and black seed rings. A
man with short hair (but not bald) wore it transversely over the head. No red clay can be
traced on it. Similar objects are in the possession of Rotterdam (N°. 6700), Leyden (Ser. 435,
N°. 17) and Berlin (N°. 3204, Geelvink Bay—^Tanah Merah) but as forehead ornament, in
which way D\'Albertis [1880, 86] also describes the Juezaquot;, von rosenberg [1875, 89,
103, Pl. XII] the ^bureaquot; and the .„usu\' of the Hatam, the ^seruap\'\' of the Arfak.

N°. 260 (Pl. X, fig. i) and Nquot;. 261, helmet-shaped, were found in a private house in
Tarfia and it was not necessary, when they were removed, to hide them from women and
children; therefore the festive occasions, on which they are carried by the men, the rattan
ends sticking out in front, have probably nothing to do with religion. The two rows of
stumps of feathers on N°. 260, suggest an intentional imitation of a bird; besides, such an
object was already mentioned by foy [1902, 380, fig. i] of Humboldt Bay under the name
of man (= bird). N°. 261 covered with red calico and indicated by another name, is possibly
an imitation of something else. Both the helmets of Oinake (Attack Harbour) N°. 262 and
N°. 263 (Pl. X, fig. 5 and 6) were found there in the darkness of the temple, hanging on
the centre pole and evidently belonging to the fittings of this building and to be used on
the occasion of religious festivals. The exchange against steel knives was not very difficult,
still the bargain could not be closed before some young men who had been sent out,
returned with a quantity of large leaves, in which the helmets, including the long plumes,
were wrapped up beyond recognition. And to prevent the objects being seen by the women,
they were brought by a couple of men along an inner road to the boat. By want of know-
ledge of the language I could not get to know anything more about them, which is to be
regretted all the more, because these helmets are new for the whole of this territory. The
collection of the Utrecht Missionary Society does indeed contain as N°. 644 a „dance hatquot;,
aburpe, made out of the shell of a large fruit, according to the catalogue intended for
young men in the kdrewari, and according to BiNK [1897, 171] „worn by some men at
certain feastsquot;, but it is not distinctly stated that it must remain hidden from women. No
such „dance hatsquot; are now used. Foy [1901, PL XVII) and Meyer and Parkinson [1900,
PL XLII] give such articles from the Bismarck Archipelago, which, like those of Oinake, are
placed over the head down to the shoulders, but these are lined and also arranged as masks,
whilst the helmets of Oinake are entirely open.

Worthy of notice also are the broad, painted wooden rings, N°. 264 of Ifar,
PL IX, fig. 8 and N°. 265 of Thae PL IX, fig. 7 made out of disk-shaped flat pieces of light
wood, with an opening too small to admit the whole of the head, but large enough to pull
through the whole mop of the men, who wear these rings round the head at feasts. Till now
they were known of South and East New Guinea (SCHMELTZ [1895, 164] FiNSCH [1888—93,
159], Berlin Museum, N°. 12923 and 12924 of the Massim District).

The collection at Utrecht contains however already for a long time (N°. 642 and 643)
two similar wooden rings painted with triangles and with two snakes, collected by Bink in
1893 in Humboldt Bay, on which, at two diametrically placed points of the outer edge the
head and the tail of a bird occur and which, according to the catalogue serve at the dances

in the temples. They were not published until now. Schekpbier, eaptain of the steamer
CAMPHUIS, with whieh BxnK travelled to and from HnmboWt Bay. offered to the Leyden
Museum as original from this place, objects, ascribed by Schmeltz [rSgS, «4, H- XV,
fi. 3 and 4], to whom the find by BlNK could not be known, prov.,onally and under
resserve to the Tugeri, but according to the preceedrng information, ongmafng from Humboldt
Bay. Along the circumference of N». 932/H fo- dogs are shown whdst the head and he
lu of the bird entirely remind one of the Utrecht specimen. In the case ^nbsp;the

head with the small, square-shaped addition must, according to my expenence, be taken for

temple at Thaë (Nquot;. 266, PI. XI, fig. .4, 267, PI- IX, fig- 9 and N . 268, K, «g-
and^in that at ^^aba (N«. Bk XI, fig. .2,. The Peo^ «re - ^

of wings. I was shown how these objects, with the painted side turned towards the ace a„d

fig 3 and N». 274) and Asé (N». 275, PI- X, fig. 4 and 276, PI. IX, fig. 6 and 6«) I he
ntir rts justly compared with a cut-off rim of a hat, consist of numerous spiral tw, ^
strip Vf Lttan all lying in a plane, which are keptnbsp;Xn

dings, oroducing a pleasing effect (PI. IX, fig. . ■). In the case f = quot;\' \' ^\' fi quot;
of these continuous spiral twists changes regularly, producing with N . 272, 273 ir . ,

Enthe rattan rings were not published of Netherl. New Gumea before
VANDEK CHYS [.894, .61, 6925], with .rattan head ornamentquot;, means besejquot;«^ ^^

Utrecht collection, however, contains under N». 232 a very J^^ ^tsel;
having a remarkable resemblance with a specimen of the T m Mand ( ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^
N». ,7.96). Whilst similar rings do not appear to occur m Br.t.slnbsp;- r

Ly (N. 9379). and even of the district between \'^e quot;PPe^ ^-u and the c st ^N ^

It may still be mentioned that the same kind o rin^ n.e^ quot;nbsp;r^Ir the head and worn
Bismarck Archipelago (FlHSCH [,888-93, .6]), »f ^o bear arms, from

the rising youth. For the purpose of wearing the.se nngs,nbsp;consequently lying

the hair is shaved along the margins,nbsp;; ^ ^fr\'is pulled through the ring, the

margin of course reaches at the back as far as the neck; — if only one side is painted, this
is turned towards the face. Of the crescent-shaped rattan rims, which like the wooden ones
are worn over the forehead, De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 18, N°. 36, PI. IV, fig. 16]
mention a specimen, used „to keep off the rays of the sunquot;.

It has in front a projection which reminds one of the head of a hammerhead and is
not flat but curved hke the specimen of the collection (N°. 272, PI. X, fig. 2), of Tanah Merah,
which worn with the convex side in front, was only intended for an ornament. The Utrecht
collection (N°. 229) and the BerHn Museum {N°. 13142) however contain specimens mentioned
by Bink of Humboldt Bay as a festive dress, flat and exactly like N°. 273, now collected
by me in Tobadi. Here they are sometimes (willemoes-suhm [1877, 161]), ornamented wdth
flowers. The two objects of Ase are besides ornamented with Coix and cassowary feathers,
thus reminding me of similar ones found in Collingwood Bay (Berlin Museum, N°. 17497),
and also on the -Upper Fly. Here, according to thomson [1892, 138], they were mounted
with cockatoo feathers.

Such objects are also reported as neck and breast ornaments of K. W. Land (Attack
Harbour, BerHn Museum, N°. 9156 and 15183) for which purpose the same kind of rings, with
dogs\' or dolphins\' teeth, are also used by the Tugeri (schmeltz [1895, 159]).

The ornament composed of cassowary feathers, in the typical brushlike shape,
as occurring on Lake Sentani (N°. 277, PL X, fig. 7) and in H.B. (N°. 278—286), sometimes
containing uncut feathers,. appears to be only of Hmited distribution; further to the west
than Jamna it assumes a finer shape and then consists, like N°. 287 of Wari, (PL X, fig. 3)
out of a single string, as illustrated by De Clercq and schmeltz [1893,20, PL III, fig. 17]
of Wewe, which is also occasionally worn as a bandolier over the breast. Towards the east
it is still met with in its typical form up to Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 322, fig. 221]), curiously,
as an ornament for the back. Further to the east it appears to be altogether wanting. In
Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani it is a war-dress, as De Clercq (De Clercq and Scmheltz
[1893, 21, N°. 67] reports of Jamna; the name „wigquot; (MoSELEY [1879, 439J) is confusing.
I only saw it worn once, when the men of Tobadi and Ingras were to hold a contest in
archery and fired by the martial character of the feast, several of them had ornamented them-
selves as for war. Besides, N°. 277 (PL X, fig. 7) of Ase was found with several others in
one of the watch-houses, which here have the character of an armory, whilst of English N. G.
Finsch iUustrates a headman in war-dress [1888—93, 93- 85, fig. 2] who v/ears the feather
coronet standing on the top of his head, a way of wearing it which I have also noticed on
photo\'s of the Merauke River, but the Tugeri Hving there, wear similar coronets also along
the forehead (ScHMELTZ [1895, 158], Leyden Museum, Ser. 941, N°. 37). To the war-dress
also belongs the tail of Goura Beccari Salv., as worn at Ase (N°. 290, PL X, fig. 8). With
regard to forehead ornaments Oinake offquot;ers the greatest variety. I was able to collect two
good specimens of these. The first N°. 288 (PL VIII, fig. 2) out of bark, ornamented with
Nassa and Abrus, closely resembles the object obtained by finsch in Attack Harbour;
Biro [1901, PL IV, fig. 11] with his specimen of Berlin Harbour means something else.
The young man who presented the above specimen to me, taking it from his own person,
had pomaded his hair excessively with red clay and the object is consequently greasy and
red. On the Netherl. territory, at Jaur, DE Clercq has found something similar, but without

the Abrus beans (De ClERCQ and Schmeltz [1893, gt;9, Nquot;. 47. Pl- I. -Sl- The seeond, NV^,
Pl VIII, fig. 5 and 5-, consisting of rows of Coix seeds, joined into an oval, the way they are fastened

deserving attention, was found in Seka just on this
side of the NetherL German boundary. It was met
with by Finsch [1888-93, 236] in Attack Harbour
and by Parkinson [1900, 26, PL XVIII, fig. 14] near
Berlin Harbour, where it is fastened higher up
on the forehead, about three inches above the
eyebrows, thus preventing the hair from dropping
over the forehead. On the island of Angail it is worn
by the married men (Meyer and parkinson
[1900, PL 20]) still higher up, pressing back the
hair. The Berlin Museum also possesses some
specimens from the territory Attack Harbour —

Browbands of cuscus skin, like N°. 289
of Kaptiau, are also known of British N. G. (MAC-
gregor [1897, 50]); in K. W. Land large pieces,
with tail and legs still attached, are worn on the
head (Finsch [1888, 333, 369])\' ^^ps are made
from it (Hagen [1899, PL 20]). N°. 292 and
293 (PL XI, fig. 2) of Ingres, are strings of Nassa
and black seed rings, which look very well, altho\'
the boarV tusks hanging down the temples cer-
tainly do not soften the appearance of the wearer.
edge Partington [1890, PL 290, N°. 3] illustrates
this frontlet with the tusks pointing upwards. It
is a dress for the men, which I did not meet with
outside H. B., but the Berlin Museum contains two
specimens (N°. 3201 and 3202) with the notice:
north coast between Geelvink Bay and Tanah
Merah. Ornaments as N°. 294 (PL XII, fig- 10) of
Nimburan, consisting of boar\'s tusks, g-^d do-nbsp;^^

in such a way that only one side (the convex
one) of the three remains, joined together mnbsp;^^^ ^^

t I saw worn by women at Horna, still more to the south and further m the interior.
:nbsp;m Ibrthat this ornament for the forehead, as well as that of shell disks of

fi \'\' Ti^ ^^^^nbsp;^^ mountaineers, also by the women, and it is not improbable

that they still serve now-a-days as an article of barter with the inhabitants of the coast, who
themselves have already given up this dress. At Horna they would not part with the ornament

at any reasonable price. These Conus
disks perforated in the centre. Van der
Goes [1858, 165], also saw worn by the
women of the Arfak. The ornament
for the forehead of the women ofH. B.
consisting of seed rings and Nassa, which
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1. c. 20,
N°. 63, PI. iv, fig. 9] describe,
has not been seen any more now.
Also at the marriage ceremonies wit-
nessed in Seka, the forehead of the
bride remained unornamented. That the
men generally wear more head orna-
ments, is owing to their greater desire
for show; one will very rarely find it
stated, as in the case of a head band
of Andai, ornamented with Nassa, in
the Amsterdam Museum (Ser. 9, N°. 9)
and of the forehead band, biirea, (von
Rosenberg [1875, 103]) of the Hatam,
except in the case of the men with
three, in that of the women with one shell piece, that the object is intended as a protection
against arrows.

Nose ornaments. The use of nose ornaments is very general in New Guinea. The septum, the alae
nasi and sometimes also the ridge of the nose are pierced for this purpose.

The custom is most limited in K. W. Land, where by no means all the men and still less the
women wear a nose ornament, the length of the bolt-shaped ornaments (Tridacna, coral, cane, bones,
cassowary primaries, etc.) being also unimportant, but the thickness up to 1.6 c.m.; in the eastern part many
beautifully decorated pieces of mother of pearl (Finsch [1888—93, PI. 1, 2; 1888a, PI. XX, fig. sand
6]) in the west the sets of boar\'s tusks and parts of shells [1888 a, PL XX, fig. 7] are numerous, as well as
dogs\' teeth, Conus- and tortoise shell rings and strings of beads, for which purpose the alae nasi are
also pierced.

In British N. G., with both sexes, almost exclusively the septum is pierced, and the smah bolts made
of wood, bamboo, coral, quartzite, Tridacna, Hippopus, pig and kangaroo ribs, sometimes surrounded
by small rings of human hair to a length of 20 c.m., are principally used by the men. On the south
west coast, amongst the Tugeri, the septum is however seldom pierced, although sometimes a long piece
of cassowary bone is worn in it; more common is the piercing of the alae nasi with slitlike openings, which
converge towards the point of the nose and in which boar\'s tusks are worn (Haddon [1891, 181, PI. XV])
with the points upwards, also small cylinders, bolts of cassowary bone to a thickness of 2 c. m. (Schmeltz
[1895, 158; 1904, 203; 1905, 198, fig. 3, 207, fig. 12 and 13]). These hang down parallel past the opening
of the mouth, sometimes below the level of the chin, and the question may be asked whether it is intended
thereby to imitate the projecting incisors of the male dugong.

In the northern territories of Netherl New Guinea the piercing of the septum only is
customary. Sawe, a village situated on the Borowai River, forms an exception to this.

hL our expedition found in the case of several men, a mutilation, which amounted

to this that commencing exactly below the nasal bone, the ridge of the nose was pierced

sitting in front. Not improbably the report about the Marem gi, nvingnbsp;, , ,,,

the nasal bones. _nbsp;L^^d), that
Finsch [1888—q^, 237I once saw m the case 01 a ouy d

and parkinson [,894. PL 39]) all have m the Pquot;quot;\'ƒnbsp;«rhmeltz [ 904 204-

fathers,nbsp;ofnbsp;which,nbsp;thenbsp;meamngnbsp;wasnbsp;actuallynbsp;unknownnbsp;butnbsp;wnbsp;^^^

Besides, missionaries in Geelvink Bay heard that ^-^P^ .^^^\'Xady in early youth, the
pierced, cannot enter into theirnbsp;tfm ^nbsp;is thL^sed for

N». .96 through the opening in the septum.nbsp;^nbsp;^^^ of finery more or less

and on Lake Sentam that old men.nbsp;^ quot;nbsp;\'ed on examination to be still

wearing a very narrow but fairly wide bamboonbsp;^^s hi« n^weaHng of a totaUy unorna-

occasions, the fitting preciosa (Finsch [ 888-93. 95 •nbsp;^ „^.„.^ ^hat the septum has not

„ation. Moreover, concerningnbsp;Neth^k w.st ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^nbsp;^^^^^^^^^

the worn«nbsp;mentioned, where, for instance, in Angadi a ,0 years old girl wore a

nose peg ol shell material, kiirâpa-, at Nagramâdu it was called agôgnobè. Putting aside
the personal tress of hair, which is sometimes fastened to the septum (RobidÉ van der Aa
[1879, 196], it then appears that the following articles are used in Netherl. North New
Guinea as nose ornaments: flowers, leaves, stalks, bolts of bamboo, bone and shell
material, fragments of shells in pairs and boar\'s tusks, tortoise shell and shell rings, beads
strung on small bits of string or on bolts as well as all such other things as call
forth the admiration of the Papuans. Thus at Asé a great demand sprung up for the
glass tubes of photographic tablets (see PL XXXVIII, fig. i and 2). The most highly-
treasured and the most widely distributed are probably the small bolts of Tridacna
(N°. 297—302).

The heaviest I collected weighs 27 gram, but they occasionally run up to 70 gram;
H. B., Sëkâ and Oinake are famous in this respect. The brass wire of N°. 302 (PL XI, fig. 5)
of Kwatisoré indicates foreign influence, probably of traders on this ancient custom ; also the
small bolt with beads of Mapar (N°. 303, PL XI, fig. 4), probably obtained by barter from the
inhabitants, of the coast, who use such nose ornaments (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 22])
and obtain the beads through foreign traders. Besides the unornamented bamboo rings and
the small bolts referred to above, the collection also contains a specimen (N°. 307, PL XII,
fig. 3) ornamented with very faint scratches of Wari and a set (N°. 306, PL XII, fig. i)
with burnt-in ornament of Seka, 2 c.m. thick, and showing much similarity with an
object illustrated by FiNSCH [1888 a, pi. XX, fig. 4] who also mentions the great thickness
[1888, 338].

The name Jomo\'\' reminded me of an ornament of the ear; for ear I made the note:
l\'o\\ Moolenburgh [1904, 187] however gives for ear: ré.

The bone bodkins of Lake Sentani (N°. 308 and 309, PL XII, fig. 2) were used at
meals as implements for eating and also in the plaiting of arm bands in order to make
room at the desired spots for the fibre to be interwoven. Possibly also they serve for the
first piercing of the septum.

Nquot;. 310 and 311 (PL XII, fig. 14) are compound objects made out of sea shell, already
known of H. B. through Van der Goes |-i858, PL A A] and since found in the districts of
Sëkâ (Finsch [1888 a, pi. XX, fig. 7]) and Tarfia (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 24,
N°. 81, PL V, fig. 4] and which, according to the use now stated to be made of them at Nim-
buran and Lake Sentani, also find their way to the interior. Here they are treasured partic-
ularly; the specimen from Dojo I could only buy from the proud wearer, for much steel. The
way in which it is worn, described by De Clercq, with the pomts forward, is certainly the
most customary and can be seen on the second man from the right in fig. 171 ; but on Lake
Sentani the points are turned more upwards, thus lying against the bridge of the nose. The
presence of this nose ornament eastwards does not seem to extend beyond the
Netherl. German frontier. Finsch [1888—93, 237] thinks that this ornament might be an
imitation of the one, composed of two boar\'s tusks. On Lake Sentani the so-called imitation
is however very much more costly and rare than the orighial, of which I was able to obtain a
great many (N°. 312—321). This object (PL XII, fig. 20) is originally a hunting trophy, and
therefore never found on women or children, as HaGEN [1899, 173] also positively states of
the breast ornament made out of circularly grown boar\'s tusks of the Bogadjim, in contrast

With the chains made of dogs\' teeth, which, not being the produce of the hunt, may be worn
by women. The nose ornament here meant consists on both sides of the flat lateral surface of
an incisivus, and therefore does not represent a single tusk, but a complete set of two tusks,

On purpose asked about it, it was said nr H. B. that these p.eees were obtamed by gnndmg

the tusks on stone; whether the medial side of the original tusk is then sacnfced, th.s did not

become quite clear to me. DE Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 23, 79, P ■ V, fig. 5] wnte

of the object collected in H. B. that it consists of two ground down boar s tusks. FiNSCH

[■888s Pl. XX, fig. 8] who illustrates a set of Lektre in K. W. Land, speaks in the tex

page 36 of .cut lengthways and smoothly groundquot;, elsewhere [^888, 333] of boar s tusks split

lengthwise and ground thin, biro [1899, 21] of boar\'s tusks cut mto two halves Parkinson

[■c^o, 26] of split boar\'s tusks for the breast war-shield, which he saw being manu-

actured, lltho\' he does not mention the technic followed in the splitting, any more than

ScHELLiNO. who in his interesting technical description [.888, 220] does not mention an

According to Brno [1. c., 22], the lateral as well as the medial side are indeed ob-
tained undamaged from one tusk and both halves of one tusk, it is said, are always
placed regularly opposite each other in the breast fighting ornament. By the way, it may
L remarked that the latter view of BiRO is not correct, as for this ornament the med al
transversely convex surfaces are exclusively used. It appears from the

interesting question as to how the material was worked during the stone period, still remains

insufficiently solved.^^^^^ at the lower end of each piece are obtained by boring bo^h

fibres or rope made from the same, sometimes covered with gum to reduce quot;ughn-
and to make the thickness at this spot agree with the width of fte opening of ^y^P^
Sometimes each of the parts is ornamented in the middle of its kngth with ^ ^^ \'
of the black mycelium. De Clercq and schmeltz [.893, 23, N . 79. H- amp; 5JJJ
example of this, and in the Utrecht collection such a specimen also occurs quot;quot;der N . 284 .
both are from H. B. and the object is not mentioned from anywhere else. CharSctenst c

the tusks; Nquot;. 32. (PI. XII, fig. 20) of Abar has four such small rings The mos too
way of wearing the object is probably with the points turned up nearnbsp;^

it is however left entirely to the wearer, now and then somebody is seen wearing ttem
pointing downward. Both ways, side by side, are given in fig. .98. The ornament is very often
temporarily suspended on the bags; on Lake Sentani it was very much worn on a necklace
plaited in different ways, by preference after the pattern of fig. 4. f«m which it was
Ln hanging down on the breast. The same thing occurs in k. w. Land (Biro [.899, .]),
where also it is sometimes fastened to the beard. The eastern limit is Dampier Island
(Finsch [1888-93, 650]) and De Clercq has collected a set of unground boar s tusks as
ar west as W^we (De Clercq and Schmeltz [.893. ^3. 7^. PI. V, fig 6]), now m Leyden
(Ser 929 72), which on closer examination appears to be a frontlet of cassowary feathers
at either end with a large unground tusk, which however never serves here as a nose

ornament and besides, being connected by the slack string, it would not retain in the nose the
position, which is represented in the illustration. The same thing holds good for the set of
H. B. [1. c. PI. V, fig. 8], indicated by the name fia or fiai. For this in Tobadi is the name
of ground tusks, immaterially, whether these are found in the nose, on a bag or as a part
of the breast fighting ornament. The pig itself is called: por (in the village of Waba (— Nafri)
purd). Single tusks, like those used as scrapers or as an ornament were always called: por
cheab, two such tusks with the bases and the points fastened to each other as a necklace :
tliode, as an armlet (De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 38, 195, PI. VI, fig. 4]): baja. The
abundance of these names proves no doubt that this article is important in the life of the
Papuans. Nose ornaments for women in H. B. and on Lake Sentani are exclusively small tortoise
shell rings, and the small strings of beads already mentioned above, in a single instance, also
real simbbni (see Chapter VII).

In Chapter XIII I will refer to the alteration caused in the shape of the nose by the
wearing of ornaments.

They occur least of ah in British N. G., where in many parts even the piercing of the lobes of the ear
is omitted and where therefore also (Finsch [1888—93, 96 -97]) less variety exists in the nature of the
ornamental objects. On the other hand the use here of bamboo ear pendants, which serve at the same time
as tobacco boxes, is very remarkable, as well as the custom, also seen with the Tugeri (Pratt [1906, 49]),
of widening the opening of the lobe by an elastic strip of cane bent round. In K. W. Land the variety of
the ornaments is already larger. Everywhere however the lobes of both ears are not pierced and sometimes
only the outer rim of the ears, and one finds different herbs (Finsch [1888, 299]) the cassowary primaries,
mostly of local distribution, shell rings, balls of cuscus skin (Erdweg [1902, 319, fig. 213]), Nassa, dogs\'
teeth, Coix seeds with rope fringe and tortoise shell ornaments in four shapes: 1° small flat disks (Finsch
[1888a, Pk XVII, fig. 5 and 6]), 2° rings obtained by boring (Schellong [1888, 222, PL XIX, fig. 10 and
14]) or 3° bent from very narrow strips (Biro [1899, PI. XV, fig. 4]) and 4° from broad beautifully
carved strips (Finsch [1888, 87; 1888a, Pk XVII, fig. 4; 1888—93, PI. 9, fig. 7, PI. 13, fig. 4J; Hagen
[1899, PI. 18, 24, 39]), sometimes also used as armlets.

The still larger variety in Netherl. territory is, in the first place, due to the almost
universal custom of piercing both lobes of the ear in the case of both sexes. The men
of Tarfia form an exception (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 25]) and pierce only one lobe;
while no holes in the outer rim are noticed in Netherl. territory. The meaning of the
piercing is not yet known; I only point to the peculiarity (HorST [1889, 243]) that in Walckenaers
Bay on the occasion of a burial feast, one of the lobes of a young man, who was dressed
up most beautifully, was pierced. In other parts the piercing takes place at the age of 3—5
(De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 25]) but in H. B. where, in contrast with most other places,
the women wear more ear ornaments than the men (see also koning [1903, 256]), I often
saw female babies with numerous and large ear rings. Probably this is largely due to the
mother\'s vanity. Towards the marriageable age the ear ornaments are also often very
abundant here. That the oldest women wear most ornaments, as remarked by Van der
Goes [1858, 172], may occur in the case of widows, who may be rich having many daughters
married or by the sale of knitted bags.

The collection contains two new objects obtained from Lake Sentani and other known orna-

ments from new sources. New is a comparatively long, small cane bolt (N°. 322, PL XII, fig. 6)
of Ase, nicely carved, in a manner as occurs on the arrow N°. 994 (fig- 150) and in accord-
ance with the ornament of some bamboo cylinders. The reel-shaped object of SeisSri

(N° 323 PI XII, fig. 11) much resembles the specimen which De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 28,
N° i2i\'pi V, fig. 32] mention ofMoki, situated still more to the west. Bamboo ornaments which

are never worn in H. B. and on Lake Sentani are still in use more to the west (N°. 324-329,
PI XII fig. 4, S, 7, 8 and 9) provided with scratched Hnes and bird or fish ornaments. They
served here as ornaments and not only in order to lengthen the lobe of the ear, as De Clercq
(de Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 28]) was told of Wandisiau. Even more than these objects of
a vegetable nature, animal products are turned into use; amongst them sometimes balls of
hairy cuscus skin, also worn by women in H. B.; more often only loose pieces which are

Very abundant however is the use made in the whole of Papua Talandjang
of tortoise sheH; but here one never finds the ring obtained by boring, known in K. W.
Land (Schellong [1888, 222]), but always the kind which consists of a small, narrow
strip bent round (N°. 333-335) and which is even traded away to the interior, also to

A small ring hanging on to a bigger one was called in Tobadi: entsp natu, literally

„tortoise childquot;, probably on account of its small size, but I must allow the possibih.y
that such small rings, through their number, refer to the number of children of the wearer.
The collection contains all sorts of ear ornaments which are suspended by these simple tor-
toise sheU rings. I have always endeavoured to keep the whole ear ornament of one individual
separate, and it is thus possible to control what and how many one person wore in the
interior, according to N°. 338, ornamental pieces made from sea shells are suspended by the
tortoise .shell rings, sometimes traded away in a finished state, but the rough sea shells are
also obtained from the inhabitants of the coast and the people of the interior themselves
make their ornaments from them. Thus I saw in Ase a boy of 13-14 years old employed in
knocking and crumbling a Conus shell against a hard stone, to such an extent, that practi-
cally only the round bottom was left (N^ 360), of which, afterwards, he would grind oil
with water on a flat stone the central projecting point, in order to obtain at this spot an
opening. These operations took place on the stage of a men\'s watch-house, but I lear not
for the benefit of the young workman himself. By rubbing with smaU atones trans-
versely over the circumference of such a flat shell ring, a star is obtained, as on r^ 3^4
from the newly visited village of Mawes, the same as appears on the object ot
Tanah Merah (N°. 365), an ornament very much in demand; the number of points on it has

quot; quot;\'smTu glass rings as occur in N°. 339, are imported and are in fair demand in order
to be suspended from the earrings, also the mother of pearl shining rings from Trochus mlo-

Hcus iW. 340-342, 349, PI- XII, fig- I3^ ^S^)- SmaH bamboo nose rings (see pag^75)
N° lo 345 359 ^ XI fig I) are sometimes only suspended for the time being. Once
fsaJN^tefo; t^ tl\'toLiie shell ring itself, namely in N. 344 XI fig. ^^^^^^^^^^
from the medicine man at Tobadi. In Sekd (N°. 345-349. H- XI , fig- 13^) small hollow
bone rings, according to the inhabitants, of cassowary bone, frequently occur on the tortoise

shell ear rings. FiNSCH [1888—93, 250, N°. 567] here obtained an ornament with bone rings
of pig\'s bone and small hornbill bones. In Nacheibe, not visited before, mother of pearl
(N°. 350, PI. XI, fig. 11) was also seen in use and in Sâgeisârâ, more inland, many women
had large chains of tortoise shell rings hanging from ear to ear with the bight reaching half-
way down the chest. This ornament, which according to PARKINSON [1900, 27] is charac-
teristic of Berlin Harbour and surroundings, does not appear to have been met with any-
where else in New Guinea and now all at once reappears in this mountain village.

Here I also found, exclusively with women, the upper mandible (N°. 351) with the
point turned down, suspended by tortoise shell rings. At Jachonto the men wear the point
turned up, as shown in N°. 352 (PI. XII, fig. 16), with a set of phalanges of Pteropus
serving as suspenders. At Ifar (N°. 353) glass rings were suspended, whilst a man of
Tobadi had stuck a number of loose phalanges, two and two together, in the shape of
rings and wore several of these (N°. 354, PI. XII, fig. 12) in one of his ears. The fine
small, plaited rings, mentioned by FiNSCH of Lektre [1888—93, 283, N°. 332] and found
on combs [I.e. PI. 7, fig. 4c; 1888a, pi. X, fig. i and PI. XVII, fig. 2 e], are also attached to
the ear rings at Tobadi (N°. 355) and at Asé (N°. 359). The ornaments with beads, Coix
and long rope fringe suspended by a plaited rope band, as mentioned by FiNSCH
[1888—93, 239, N°. 329] of Attack Harbour, which De Clercq does not appear to have
found in H. B., are however very common, here as well as at Sëkâ {N°. 356—358), both for

men\'s and women\'s wear. With all these specimens
the said small band is plaited according to the
pattern of fig. 43, which is also often used for
other purposes here and elsewhere. A similar ear
ornament of Asé (N°, 359) has a small band,
according to the pattern of fig. 44, which is quite
unique in the collection. Ear rings made from the
primaries of the cassowary (Biro [1901, 36, fig.
7,2]) were also met with (N°. 361—363, PI. XII,
fig. 17).

As is well known, the inhabitants of the
northern coasts of Geelvink Bay and adjacent islands
are very skilful in the working of tortoise shell
(De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 26, N°. 90, 27,
N°. 104, PI. V, fig. 29 and fig. 28]), a reputation
which was now found confirmed at Mios Kor-
war (N°. 369, PL XII, fig. 15) and at Kwatisoré;

fig. 9, N°. 367) occurred, which, however, are
worn by young men, instead of by women. Glass bugles (Edge Partington [1890, PL 290,
N°. 10]), which often occur on them {N°. 367, 368) are not always manufactured by the wearers
themselves from molten beads, but form an article of trade. The people of Lake Jamur said
that these bugles, brlmbe, were thus imported from Ternate, in which they were probably
deceived by traders or other persons from Geelvink Bay, who cast these articles (De

Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 24]). On Lake Jamur I also saw men wearing silver ear
pendants from Ceram, as only met with by De Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1. c.
fig 5]) on the Papuan Islands and on the coast of Amberbaken. The people here declared
that they obtained these .hirawdnr from Kaimira (probably Kaju Merah) on the south west
coast situated to the west of the delta formed by the rivers which are fed by Lake Jamur,
whose inhabitants carried on a direct trade with Ceram. The women wore

In Nagramadu, situated half way between Lake Jamur and Geelvink
Bay, the men called their ear pendants, small silver bolts bent into loop-
shapes, ,nambr and declared that these, as well as the silver ear pendants,
kumetabi, (fig. 46) of the women, came originally from Ternate.nbsp;^^^ ^^^^^^^^

Neck ornaments, which do not also serve to suspend breast or back ^far women^
ornaments, are not very numerous in New Guinea, unless one wishes to
classify amongst ornaments, the simple string which the boys, often when
quite young, wear round their necks as well as round their wrists. Amongst
the men of Lake Jamur such a neck string was fairly common.

Where a strip of calico, by preference of a red colour, can be got,
it is twisted spirally into a cord and gladly tied round the neck; amongst
the Manikion these red strings, 7msz, indicate mourning. Once tied round,
such a cord is never again laid aside; it often serves to suspend, on occasion,
nice looking or sweet scented weeds. At Tobadi, such grasses hanging down Silver ear^pendant
at the back, were called ndnsosh-a (fig. 199 and anthropological plates). By Nagramadu.
tying Nassa to a simple string, a necklace is obtained, which is found over anbsp;^^ ,

wide area. FiNSCH [1888-93, 97, Pl- 6, fig. 6 and 7] mentions them at Port Moresby,
as „shell moneyquot;; those in the collection (N°. 372 and 373) are from Thae and are long
enough to be twisted close round the neck several times. On Lake Sentani I met with two rea
necklaces, N°. 370 (Pl- XIL fig. 18) two strips of rattan cleverly braided round a centre o

bark fibres, N°. 37^ (H- XH, fig- 19) broader, consisting of two rows of erect Coix seeds between

plaits of white Pandanus fibres, on which a plaited work of black mycelium makes a pleasant etlect.
I also saw at other places in the interior, necklaces manufactured entirely from indigenous

On Lake Sentani neck rings made from two boar\'s tusks (N°. 378, H- Xm, % 9) tied
together, are also used by the men, like those found in Humboldt Bay (N . 377 an^ of
which the name thMe or tsMe is probably connected with the name for neck, a cording to
bink [1897, 2] ,,tohte ^.au^. Formerly they were more common and

to the top of the breast shields, to be mentioned hereafter (Van der goes [1858, Pl ZZ, fig. 8]
Otherwise this ornament appears to be only locally distributed. FiNSCH did not meet
with it to the east of the Tami River (Sechstroh-Fluss), and neither PARKINSON nor Erdweg

Another diiference from the adjoining German territory is the great scarcity of the

necklaces made from dogs\' teeth, which are so commonly worn in the latter territory even

gt; . rrnakes them very valuable; a man of Tobadi would not part with
by women. Iheir rarity makes tnem veiy

Necklaces made from human ribs, according to Parkinson [1900, PI. XVI, fig. 2]
often used in the Berlin Harbour district, have nowhere been seen on the Netherl. terri-
tory. When I say that the neck collars of plaited string, so characteristic of the
south east and of which the Leyden Museum (Ser. 764, N°. 17) possesses a specimen,
manufactured according to a pattern similar to fig. 67 (see Uhle [1888, 175, fig. 3]), are not
reported from the Netherl. territory, some characteristic differences in kind and distribution
of the neck ornaments are enumerated. The increased navigation and foreign trade, which
now-a-days reach nearly all the coast districts, occasion the very common use of coloured
beads as neck ornaments. Hence the industry of Tarfia, which formerly (De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 29, PI. VII]) produced so many ornaments, amongst them neck-
laces, made from Coix, Adenanthera and black seed rings, has been modified by the
use of beads, with which really pretty effects are obtained. De Clercq fortunately saved
specimens of the lost culture.

Our modern beads are however by no means valued as highly as the old currency-
beads (see Chapter VII). By rubbing them with corals and an endeavour is sometimes made,
as with the necklaces of Ingras (N°. 374), to give the modern beads the dull appearance of
the valuable old beads. From Sawe (N°. 376) and from Sageisara (N°. 375, PI. XIII, fig. 3),
places at \\yhich steamers do not call, I collected necklaces on which there were beads as well
as shells or black seed rings, those of Sageisara however of a peculiar make, also date from
an old industry, for which reason I further refer to them with the currency-beads. With
most of the other neck ornaments in the collection, the decoration of the chest with suspended
articles, is the main object. Thus with N°. 379 (PI. XIII, fig. 8) from Seisara, where
seven ground-off boars\' tusks form a poor sort of breast shield; it is to be noticed that the
conically bored holes all start from the back, for which reason the opening in the hard enamel
of the front surface is very small.

It is improbable that this ornament is of any worth as a breast protector. True,
the bearing of the inhabitants of this village on occasion of our visit on the of April 1903, was
very suspicious, somewhat unfriendly, and some of the men drove the women inside the
houses, but of a direct preparation for war there did not appear to me to be any question.
Nor were there any active hostilities at the meeting on the iS\'li of April either. That on
Lake Sentani on ordinary occasions the set of tusks, which is used as an ornament for the
nose, is generally worn on a neck string, either plaited or not, on the breast, has already

been mentioned. N°. 3^5 (PI- XIII, fig. 5) of Lake
Sentani consists of a neck band plaited from rope according
to the pattern of fig. 47, otherwise seldom used and further
it is ornamented with Coix and with rope fringe.

and cannot stand comparison with those of the coast
districts, this object is also poor when compared with
Fig. 47. Pattern of rope loands.nbsp;that of Kajo Entsau (N°. 386, PI. XIV, fig. 2), not occur-

ring in the otherwise so complete collection of De Clercq.
It is generally worn at dances. KoNING [1903, 264, PL 3] gives illustrations of some people
of Tobadi, decorated with the ornament in question. I myself saw it on the visitors from

the district of Sëkâ, who executed dances on the large stage near the kdMr^ of Tobadi
for their hosts, fig. 198-200, where the rich contrasting colours of the ornament and the
rhytmic movement of the suspended objects created a pleasant impression; the neck collar
is plaited according to fig. 48. At Tarfia a similar ornament also occurs, under the name of
ban-, but it does not appear to be met with to the east of the 141^^ degree of longitude
Still more beautiful is N^ 387 (PI- XV, fig. 3 and 3^) from Sâgeisârâ, where the contrasts of
colour between the yellow pieces of cane, the black mycelium, plaited according to fig. 43,
and the white Nassa are very pleasing. The manufacture of an ornamental piece hke this
demands a great deal of labour and explains why Van der Goes [1858nbsp;sounded

the praises of the inhabitants of this coast on account of the taste and skill with which
they applied themselves to fancy-work and art. As a protection against arrows the object

The neck ornaments of more western districts are represented by four specimens. That

from Liki (N°. 380, PI. XIII, fig. i) decorates the
breast with Conus-shell rings, whilst on the back
a shoot of Zingiberaceae is suspended by it;
N°. 381 from Kwatisoré is admirable on account
of the irreproachable manner in which the small
coloured beads are strung together, as already met
with in comb N°. 243 (PL VIII, fig. i^) and accord-
ing to De Clercq and Schmeltz customarynbsp;Yig. 48. Plaiting pattern,
throughout the southern part of Geelvink Bay,

both on ornaments for the back [,893, 44.nbsp;232. H. XIII.nbsp;■] -d on g.rdle

[1 c 46 226. PI. XI, fig. 8 and 42. N°. 224. PI. X. fig. 6]. armlets [I.e. 37, N . .82. PI.
VIII, fig. 2] and belts [,. c. 42. Nquot;. 228, PI. X, fig. .2]. N^ 384 (H- XI, fig- 6) from the same
settl ment, shows a pair of hunting trophies, strung on a brass wire. P^^a^ly ,mp r e
by way of Doré, like the crest of a gaura and a boar\'s tail, whilst N». 382 and N . 3«3 H-

XIII. fig. 4) both consist of strips of Pandanus leaf on which small shells ofnbsp;^ quot;

are strung as occur on the ankle ornament mentioned by De Clekcq and Schmelt.
[■893. 50. 268. PI. VII. fig. ..]. the whole hanging down from a neck strmg. rn front of

(N° 388-391) called breast shields in accordance with the purpose for which they
lin de protection against arrows, as is consecutively ascertained by Mh™ Macla.
fin CH biro parkinson and others. The strongest proof in this respec is the fact that
I insch, 1311 u,nbsp;warriors in Arrop, who acted as outposts against the

parkinson 1900, 26 saw e a c h of the warriors mnbsp;p,nbsp;p^nerience of the exoe

adiacent hostile village of Warrpu, provided with this object. The experience of the expe-
aajacent nobtuc vx gnbsp;i-nbsp;1 ■ j wVi^n nn the lot^ of julv 1903 some members

1 IrT^rr^rdt^^^^^^^^^^^ IVoVthis oUct: Hat.feldthafen (B.o [.899. 22], to Tanah
M rlh Bay (De Clercq and schmeltz [gt;893. 39)), they were stopped by half a dozen heavdy
armed and excited Papuans, who were expecting people from Drum, w.th whom they were
It war In the excitement of this state of war they treated the expedition in a very unfriendly

manner, but not one of them carried the said breast ornament or any other special orna-
ment of the breast. When on the other hand on the 7th of May 1903 our rowing boats
entered the bay of Oinake, I was unpleasantly surprised at the sight of some men pro-
vided with the breast war-shield, who came running towards the beach. But before the
boats had yet arrived within an arrow\'s shot, the men had placed their bows
and arrows against the trees on the margin of the forest and endeavoured to point out
to us the proper passage between the reefs, close to the fresh water creek here entering
the bay. Therefore here the breast shield and yet no hostility. Tortoise shell as a layer,
as for instance characteristic of breast shields of the south east part, between Redscar Bay
and Hood Bay, does not occur on the present breast shields; the construction, described
under the numbers referred to, which can be recognised on PI. XIII, fig. 6a in front and
6b on the back, is the one commonly used. With the specimens in the collection, the
ground-off halfs, which are placed to the right and left, do not belong together to one
and the same tusk, as is indicated by biro [1899, 22]. Most pieces, if not all, consist
of the medial tooth surfaces. The glue with which the Abrus beans are fastened on the frame
Finsch calls [1888a, 37, PI. XXII, fig. 2] „black puttyquot;, elsewhere [1888—93, 236]
„Kitt Oder Wachsquot;, by de Clekcq and schmeltz [1893, 39, N°. 187, PI. VI, fig. 11 ;
N°. 196, PI. VIII, fig. 10;nbsp;197, PI. IX, fig. 8; 236] „rosinquot;, by biro [1899, 22, 23]

„pitchquot;, according to this author [1. c. 23], consisting of a mixture of rosin of Canarium
trees and Cocoa-nut soot. In fact it is not as brittle as pure rosin and when heated it be-
comes kneadable.

The shape of the rattan plaited work is, according to Preuss [1899, 170], derived from
the flying fox, according to BiRO [1899, 21] it represents a human face. The question can
only be decided in k. w. Land, the home of the object, (parkinson [1900, 26]) whose
wide distribution towards the west is due to barter. This might also explain how the
imitations met here deviate from the original.

Van der Goes [1858, PL ZZ, fig. 8] found such an object in Humboldt Bay with
small crocodiles\' teeth instead of boar\'s tusks, whilst instead of the neck string there were two
un-ground boar\'s tusks; FiNSCH [1888—93, 245] found in Seka two deviating forms, one with
crocodiles\' teeth, the other with a number of small boar\'s tusks, along the margins and the
middle space simply made from bark, and it could therefore have only little value as a
breast protector.

On the breast shields of the collection, some small articles, tied on to the rope fringe,
are also to be found, as e. g: the leg of a bird, a small piece of engraved wood, a hook-shaped
piece of shell, etc. which according to FiNSCH probably form mementoes [1888—93, 245]. I have
been unable to find on Netherl. territory, as pendants, parts of the human skeleton met
with by Finsch in Sëkâ, or small, wooden figures as amulets or talismans. The breast
shields with small cross sticks, held by the teeth, to challenge the enemy and to
appear more formidable to him, (Finsch [1888a, 18]) were also wanting here. N°. 392
(PL XIV, fig. I and ja) from Tobadi, a rough imitation of a bird of paradise, and having a
striking resemblance to the object described and illustrated by FiNSCH [1888—93, 242,
PL 8, fig. 3], can no longer be of any importance as a practical breast protection. It was
said that it served for festivities; it might offer some support to the opinion of Preuss, who

wishes to see the breast shield interpreted as a bird. The piece of feathered cassowary skin
of Ingrâs (N°. 393) also served as a breast ornament at festivities. Finally it may
still be mentioned that South New Guinea possesses no breast shields as referred to; but in
its stead crescent-shaped objects composed of rattan strips, with dolphins\' or dogs\' teeth
on the convex side (schmeltz [1895, 159])^ ^hich strongly remind one of the rattan
breast ornaments in the Berlin Museum collected from Attack Harbour (N°. 9156) and from
the territory between Cape Croisilles and Hatzfeldt Harbour (N°. 15183), both of which objects
again closely resemble the half rattan rings mentioned above (N°. 272—276) as forehead
ornaments.

The Tugeri wear on the breast many bundles made from the skin of pigs tails,
possibly hunting trophies, but at the same time a nâ unsuitable protection against arrows
(Haddon [1891, PL 15], Schmeltz [1904, PL XH, fig. 2]). It appears however that
women also wear this ornament. Further I wish to point out the great similarity m the
names of the variously shaped breast ornaments amongst themselves in the different locahties
and different dialects on the northerly coasts of the Netherlands territory; thus N°. 386
of Kajo Entsau is called chandorz, N°. 387 of Sâgeisârâ chatndri, N°. 388—391 of Tobadi
chendori N°. 196 and 197 of Wandisiau kamdoH (De ClerCQ and schmeltz [1893, 39] )•
Perhaps with a fuller knowledge of the language more light may be thrown on the meaning
of these objects.

Bandoliers are very commonly worn, especially in Netherlands New Guinea, some-
times singly, sometimes as a set, forming a crossing in the middle of the breast and
in the middle of the back. The Tugeri men (ScHMELTZ [1895, 160; 1905, I99] o^en wear more
than one set, the one broader than the other and generally decorated with Coix seeds; I have
also found double sets on the Netherl. north coast. In only very few places they are entirely
wanting, at all events they are much more often seen in daily wear than was formerly sup-
posed (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 207]). In German and British New Guinea they are
much less used. The woman of Angel, occupied in boring, illustrated by parkinson
[1900, 37], however wears a set of bandoliers. Sometimes they are intended as a mourmng
dress (Finsch [1888—93, 158]), a pecuHarity which has not been ascertained of the bandoliers
of the collection. Amongst these, none appear with dogs\' teeth strung on, such as met by De
Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 39, N°. 186, PL VII, fig. 12 and N°. 201]) on
Jamna and on Liki; these are very rare, at least I never saw them. In many coast
districts, for instance in Humboldt Bay, bandoliers are worn by men as well as women, by
the men close under the armpits, often fitting somewhat tight and in the case of the women
(PL XLVII, fig. 3) passing sometimes below (fig. 6), more often, above the mammae. Un Lake

The three sets of Tobadi (N°. 394-390) apart from the different width, are entirely

like the set which De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 39, 200a, PI. VI, fig 5] mention,
plaited according to fig. 48 and with halved Coix seeds strung on lengthwise. On the other
hand I found the set from Asé (N°. 397- PI- XHF fig- 2) with an wavy line of entire
Coix seeds, the stringing twine running zigzag between two-stranded, parallel strings, as
may be seen in fig. 49- In the case of a set of Thaë (N°. 398), soiled by much red
clay a wavy line is formed in the same manner with Nassa seeds, also noted of Berlin

Harbour (parkinson [1900, 27, PL XIX, fig. 8), whilst the BerHn Museum possesses the same
article fi\'om the upper Ramu. N°. 399 of Ajapo (PL XIII, fig. 7) also is peculiar, small
rolls of sweet scented leaves tied by thin bits of string; I got it from a young man: — young,

Finally at Kwatisoré
I collected two sets of
bandoliers (N°. 400, PL
IX, fig. 4 and N°. 401),
according to the inhabi-
tants, obtained from the
industrious Serui and
corresponding entirely
with those which De
Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 38] mention about
Goras and Saükorèm. The Rotterdam Museum also possesses such a set (N\'^. 4703). The
black fibres in these bandoliers taken by De Clercq for leaf nerves, consist of mycelium
(see pag. 16), which is not used for bandoliers further to the east; (see also fig. 206).

Sometimes used as a bandolier, sometimes as a belt, bands plaited from cord, see

pattern fig. 43, but fully twenty times broader (in fig. 50
it is represented three times the breadth) are characteristic of
Papua Talandjang. De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 39,
192, PL VIII, fig. 16] give a specimen of Wan-
disiau under the name of sjioso; the specimen of the Berlin
Museum (N°. 21172) is also originally from De Clercq. Of
these the collection contains only one specimen N°. 404 (PL
XVI, fig. 3) from Kaptiau and fig. 114 (the man to the right),
shows how it is worn.

Although the technic according to which this ban-
dolier is made and which creates longitudinal ribs, is
used in K. W. Land for the manufacturing of the wings
on a kind of armlet, tsaue (Biro [1901, 43, fig. 40, j]) and
also for these armlets themselves (Berlin Museum, N°. 11396
and N°. 17163), the use of bandoliers made in this way is
apparently only limited to a small district.

The same thing may be said of the peculiar „harnessquot;, as N°. 402 (PL XVI, fig. 2)
of Oinake and N°. 403 (PL XVI, fig. i) of Kajo Entsau, each consisting of a band v;hich
fits horizontally round the body and is held in its place by two shoulder bands.

De Clercq has described a similar object as „bandolierquot; (De Clercq and schmeltz
[1893, 39, N°. 202, PL XI, fig. i]) collected at Masi-Masi, which was said to be worn only
at festivals in the temple.

This was not the case with the two objects in the collection, they were worn at least
in public by young men apart from any festivity or mystery, and of the four Papuans from

Liki and Lansutu who came to visit our ship, one wore this dress (fig. 51; j^st visible
on the breast of the person on the left hand). The object of De Clercq, now in the Leyden
Museum (Ser. 929, N°. 202), is worked according to the
pattern of fig. 52; in the case of N°. 402 and 403 the
patterns of figs. 43, 4 and 9 are used.

Similar objects were met with Sekanto people, but
as far as has been discovered, they only appear in a
limited territory (Erdweg does not mention them from
the adjacent Tumleo), worn simply as an ornament by the
vainest of the young men, never by women.

are very often used by the men to fasten the apronnbsp;stitch of bands, aprons and bags,

belts are pushed down, .slipping over the iliac crests on to the great trochanters and in front
below the navel. Proper ornamental belts are worn round the smallest part of the body, on
the soft part between the curvature of the lower ribs and the iliac crests.

Mourning belts made of cord with cross rows ofthe simple „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9),
as reported from CoUingwood Bay (BerHn Museum, N°. 21589) I have never seen worn.
However it is not surprising that everywhere in the territory of the Netherl. north coast,
and wherever else the smaU bark petticoat is used, more belts are worn than in the eastern
part of K. W. Land and in British N. G. where the leaf petticoat, with strings attached to it, is
customary. The coUection contains two women\'s belts (N°. 405, PI. XVI, fig. 4 and N°. 406)
from Humboldt Bay made of hard unbeaten bark, never yet coHected in Netherl.
N. G. and of the occurrence of which on our territory, biro [1899, 89] was also unaware.
An IHustration by Koning [1903, 268, PL 4] shows, how they are worn over the upper margin
of the bark petticoat; owing to the limited length of the belt, the ends, as a rule, do not
meet in front, but are tied together with a string.

I suppose that these belts are manufactured by\'the women themselves, at all events
they were offered for sale by women, and one of them, who was accompanied by her husband,
who had also something to seH, wanted to be paid separately. A similar male belt of thicker
material (N°. 407), decorated outside with white (lime) figures, was obtained at Tobadi, where
however I have never seen it used. It may be of but little value as a protection against
arrows, being much thinner and narrower than the stiff bark belts, which in K. W. Land,
25—30 c.m. broad and 2—2.5 m. long (parkinson [1899, 30, pl xv, fig. 2; pl XIX,
fig. 16], Meyer and Parkinson [1900, pl 9]), are long enough to be wound several
times round the body (Erdweg [1902, 308, fig. 206]) and are classed by Biro [1899,
89] under armour, although they also appear in daily use. I have not found any engraved
figures on these belts, as reported by Erdweg [1. c. 309, fig. 207, 208] both of the
in- as weH as of the outside, and I have seen no evidence of certain ceremonies, such
as reported by Erdweg 1. c. of Tumleo, when these belts are put on for the first time. N°.
408—413, belts of Kaptiau, are manufactured from strips of bamboo or reed and serve

to fasten the petticoat on the hips. The pattern of N°.
408—411 is shown in fig. 53, every strip passing in turns
over and under three cross strips.

Very long strips are required for their manufac-
ture, long enough to go round the belt three times whilst
plaiting; the plaiting of the first turn produces the pattern
of fig. 4, the second moreover forms throughout a second
intervening strip and then produces, as in the case of N°. 412
(PL XVI, fig. 7) and N°. 413, the pattern of fig. 48; the third
turn produces the pattern of fig. 53, the herring-bone
pattern (see kubary [1895, 210, PI. XXVII, fig. 15 and 16];
Schmeltz [1905, PL IV, fig. 2a]). Besides, systems of super-
ficial, longer stitches, as in the Tugeri belts [1- c. PL IV, fie. i

three over threequot;; herring-bone pattern, and jaJ, are added for Ornament; with the same object, in

Pujo (N°. 416, PL XVI, fig. 8) the black mycelium has been used, which is fastened between

the superficial stitches. These objects, collected from the women wearing them, were then

quickly superseded by a small piece of rope and carried over the shoulders and the head, a

sure sign that these ladies did not lace themselves in. As a matter of fact these belts are made
of a fixed width in proportion to the measurement of the wearer, but so roomy that, passing
over the bony pelvis, they do not transgress hygienical principles. The same cannot be said
of the stiff bark belts of the men of K. W. Land (Finsch [1888a, 333]) nor of those
of the S. E. coast (Finsch [1888—-93, loi, fig. 24 and 25].

Tight lacing, (sometimes stomach and liver project and hang over the belt, Macgregor
[1897, 46]), is shown in illustrations by Haddon [i901, PL XXI] and Pratt [1906, PL i].
For our own territory the Sekanto men are an example of tight lacing (fig. 54).

N°. 417 and 418 are beautiful ornamental belts for men; they are worn round the
middle, are not intended for suspending the wrapper, and decorated with Nassa and black
seed rings only. The manufacturing of these objects is a monopoly of Tarfia, and the specimens
which De Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 42, 43gt; PI- XII, fig. 22 and fig. i])

found on Jamna and Liki, with the place of origin given as Tanah Merah, must therefore
have originally come from Tarfia. The people of Tarfia also very often ornament themselves
with belts, arm-, wrist- and brow bands of this make, (fig. 55), but derive great benefit from
this monopoly, the maintenance of which is of vital importance to them. Other villages
acknowledge Tarfia\'s existing rights in this respect and war with these quarrellous
people would irrevocably be the result, if another village, even if it were only for its
own use, dared to manufacture the same. On the other hand every war in the neighbour-
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;12

hood, which interfered with the free intercourse, would be disadvantageous to Tarfia.

The strained relations between Tarfia and Muris made it difficult in June 1903 to persuade
men from Tarfia to accompany the expedition into the interior, but they willingly availed
themselves of the opportunity to penetrate the country, provided with a great quantity of
these objects, under the protection of the armed expedition and its peace promoting efforts,
as far as ^the village of Nimburan, in order to re-open the long interrupted trade in their
ornamental produce. And indeed, such a demand existed in the market, that the expedition
itself could only get hold of a few things with difficulty.

It was for instance impossible to obtain the brow bands which De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, Pl. I, fig. 8] illustrate. All these articles produced at Tarfia, consist of a
piece of tissue of previously prepared cord and are woven with the weaving frame N°. 716
(Pl. XXV, fig. I ; see Chapter VIII) ; on this tissue the ornament is tied with separate strings. In vain
I tried to discover a similar product in other parts of New Guinea; — the belts, ornamented
with Nassa, Coix and Abrus, which PARKINSON [1900, 28, Pl. XX, fig. 6—12] found in
K. W. Land, are not woven from cord, but plaited from thin barkfibres.

Another ornamental belt is N°. 419, made from Coix seeds strung together, from
Seka, where, as is well known, no aprons but calabashes are worn. N°. 420 of Tobadi, a
girl\'s belt, is also only intended as an ornament, used at festivals. Made from mycelium,
they are, when somewhat broader, like those of the Leyden Museum, rather valuable. Formerly
they also appear to have been worn by the men, at all events Van der Goes [1858, 171] men-
tions as such „a band of black coloured cord, cleverly covered with regular figures in small
white shellsquot;, — evidently the mycelium was then mistaken for black coloured cord. How
widely they are distributed I don\'t know; outside Jotefa Bay they have not been noticed
by the expedition. Finsch mentions a belt made of „black vegetable fibres, probably
liana\'squot; from Attack Harbour [1888—93, 249, N°. 561], without doubt, judging by the further
description, this also means a mycelium belt. The belt of Sâwé is also peculiar (N°. 421, Pl.
XVI, fig. 19), to which, besides sago palm kernels and small pieces of pig\'s bone (see also
Finsch [1888—93, 112, N°. 567]), a small bag is fastened, manufactured with the „figure
eightquot; stitch (fig. 9) and filled with some Adenanthera seeds and dried leaves, probably
with some talismanic meaning; similar bags are often seen in these parts worn on a neck
string. Neither to the west in Geelvink Bay, nor to the east in Humboldt Bay, has
the wearing of anything similar ever been seen; on the other hand such bags, containing
talismans, often occur in K. W. Land (FiNSCH [1888—93, 258]). N°. 422 and 423 from Kajo
Entsau are men\'s belts which, although ornamented with beads, are intended for suspending
an apron ; they are quite exotic, the rope is a tanned cotton-cord, such as the Malays use for
their fishing lines and is, like the beads, obtained from the traders on Meto Débi. A certain
number of the blue and yellow beads show a dull surface, as mentioned on pag. 82. N°. 424—428
are thin, plaited, belt ropes of small red coloured strips of sago palm leaves, sire (De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 42, N°. 235, PL XII, fig. 19]), and the same material as that from which small
petticoats in K. W. Land are manufactured. In Humboldt Bay, also in Attack Harbour (FiNSCH
[1888—93, 250, N°. 563—566]), very fine strings are plaited from it, which, often ornamented with
Coix seeds and fringe, are tied round the middle to fix the bark petticoat. The longest one
in the collection measures 35 M.; the way they are used, is shown on PL XLVII, XLVIII and IL.

The women of the adjacent Lake Sentani use, as shown above, the closed bamboo belts.
When however a girl of Lake Sentani is married in H. B., she at once adopts the stre-
fashion and when on a visit to her native village, she will wear the sire-he^ with undisguised
pride. The women themselves collect the material and do the plaiting.

Pubic covering of the men, it must be remarked, offers more variety in the
Netherlands territory than elsewhere. Leaving unnoticed for the present the cotton dress,
consisting in its most simple form, as with the Manikion (fig. 42), of a blue strip of
calico and extending to the east in the shape of the loose, red calico apron, it appears
that, with the married Tugeri men, the plaited waist belts (schmeltz [1895, 160]) to
the number of two: namely a broader one made of rattan strips (Leyden Museum, Ser.
941, N°. 70a) and over it in the middle a narrower one made of reeds (N°. 70b), serve
as pubic belts; — when meeting women (ScHMELTZ [1904, 201]) the praeputium of the
vertically pulled-up penis is caught between the broader girdle and the belly, whilst a
shell, Semifusus p r ob 0 s cid e us, tied on in front sometimes covers the glans
penis. Modera [1830, 29] saw the same custom in the Marianne Strait. According to
Bik (Schmeltz [1903, 204] the praeputium is here pierced and held up by a strmg; —
this however is not the case (ScHMELTZ [1904, 200]). Haddon\'s statement [1891, 180,
PI. XV], that a shell [Melo diadem a, schmeltz [1904, 200, PI. II, fig. 4]) suspended
by strings from the girdle hangs over the genitals, only holds good for marriageable
young men; the apprentice, oklivide, of the club-house wears nothing at all. Somewhat
more to the west, bamboo cyhnders are used as penis holders (Van der goes [1858, 45,
PI. TT, fig. ii]). A piece of bark, passed between the legs and kept in its place by another
one twisted round the hips, according to parkinson is the only proper covering in the
eastern part of the Berlin Harbour district, the part hanging down being ornamented on festive
occasions with painted figures (Erdweg [1902, 307. fig- 204]); more to the east it is covered
by both sexes with a plain apron of bark. From Siebu De Clercq and schmeltz
[1893, 48, N°. 252] mention also a coronet of cassowary feathers, worn round the neck on
man hunting expeditions, and after the successful termination fixed round the waist and
used as a pubic covering. When home-made
pubic coverings are used in Papua Talandjang, they
are usually as in N°. 430—444. — N°. 430 from Liki
is a girdle rope, doubly festooned, as illustrated
in fig. 56 and to which bunches of bark fibre
are fastened (fig. 51, second man from the right),
entirely corresponding with the object mentioned
by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 49, 257, PI. XIII, fig. 2] of Tarfia (see also fig. 55)
and of which the distribution certainly does not extend far beyond the coast territory limited
by both places. In Geelvink Bay, the men use the long narrow strip which can be obtained from
the stalk of the banana leaf and of which 431 contains seven, tied together, and in this
way kept in stock at Mios Korwar. Such a light yellow strip is extremely thin, sufficiently
pliable when in a dry condition and long enough (1.25 M.) to reach round the body; it descends
over the left buttock, passes between the legs and with the broadened part (corresponding
with the leaf sheath), is drawn up in front of the pubic region and fastened to the circular

(girdle) part. N°. 432 (PL XIV, fig. 3) is a similar perineal band from Kwatisoré, ornamented
with coloured calico and used on festive occasions.

The most remarkable wear of the men on the north coast is however that of the
calabash, the distribution of which is again rather limited; the western limit being Cape
Bonpland. Humboldt Bay therefore falls outside of it. That most travellers nevertheless
ascribe the use of the calabash to the inhabitants of Humboldt Bay (see Van der Goes
[1858, PL B B]), can be explained from the fact, that the people of Seka, who all wear the
calabash, whenever trading or other vessels call, often come to visit the bay. The amicable
relations existing between Seka and Humboldt Bay lead to large groups of people exchanging
visits on the occasion of marriages or other festivities, and often for several days dances
are held (fig. 198—200) on the platform of the temple or even inside. In this way it was
possible for De Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 47]), who bought a calabash in
a temple at Humboldt Bay, on which occasion a certain mysterious behaviour was noticed,
to report that the wearing of calabashes was connected with the participation in certain
festivities in the temple. Meanwhile Horst [1893, 177] based on this report far reaching
conclusions with reference to circumcision and the necessary protection of the wound by a
calabash, which conclusions are by no means verified. And where he states further on,
that the calabashes are no real pubic covering and can only serve to protect the glans
penis, his observation is incorrect, as in fact the whole of the penis is inserted and even the
scrotum is hidden behind it for the greater part. In Humboldt Bay the calabash is considered
an ethnographical curio, as such kept in stock, and also sold to the European collector (see
for instance Schmeltz [1903, 242, Pl. XI, fig. 2]). I remember a case of one of the
notabilities of Tobadi, who had a calabash for sale and in order to induce me to buy, he
took it out of his bag, put it on and began to dance with it, putting it away again when
I refused to buy. According J. M. Dumas\' report, the inhabitants of the upper reaches of
the Tami River do not wear calabashes; but on the Augusta River, where otherwise most
men wear no pubic covering, the calabash is also worn by some people.

Along the coast the use thereof is universal for adult men in Seka and Oinake, more
to the east it occurs as far as Lektre, but here only sporadically.

The usual calabashes can be distinguished in egg-shaped ones (Preuss [1899,
Pl. VI, fig. 34—36]), larger and heavier (15—31 gram), with the opening very close to
the blunt pole, and pear-shaped ones, lighter (4.6—8.3 gram), with the opening more
in the middle of the length. The three men to the left in fig. 12 and the man of
fig. 200, all wear pear-shaped calabashes. The opening is often somewhat larger in trans-
verse direction than lengthwise and so narrow that the Papuan, when about to dress
himself with this article, pushes the penis in through the opening with a thin stick (for
instance a scratching stick as N°. 232) until the member has entirely disappeared in the
calabash. The weight of the egg-shaped calabash then causes it to drop with the sharp pole
somewhat forward until the blunt pole finds a support behind and below the root of the
penis against the scrotum. The principal ornament of the calabash, adjusted between the
opening and the sharp pole, is not therefore hidden against the belly but is turned upwards
and can be plainly seen by the wearer. In the case of the pear-shaped calabashes, where the
opening is placed half waj^ the male organ finds room in the lower broadened part and the

calabash is therefore not pushed down in front, but remains in the vertical position, as
illustrated by Finsch [1888a, pi. XVI, fig. /]; hence, their principal ornament is applied on
the side opposite to that of the opening. Finsch states [1888—93, 225] that the calabashes
also contain leaves, intended for the protection or enlargement of the penis, in drder
to prevent the calabash falling off when the wearer moves about. I have not met with
these leaves.

The old gentleman spoken of above, without using leaves or anything else, was able to jump
about, without dropping the calabash and that immediately after putting it on. At another
time, when I bought a calabash, directly from the wearer, which took my particular fancy
on account of the ornament, I did not see any leaves used either. On this occasion the wearer
turned aside for a moment, pretending to replace his calabash by another; when however I
looked at the object handed to me I noticed that it was a different one and that he still
wore the desired calabash. The deception having been found out, he finally gave up the desired
object to the hilarity of the company squating round. The laughing on occasions like this is
never derisively levelled at the deceiver, on the contrary it applauds his commercial spirit,
even though it failed; at the same time it is intended for the person who is clever enough to
see through the deception.

It appeared to me that the egg-shaped calabashes were worn by older, the pear-shaped
ones by younger people; but I dare not surmise whether social position, difference of tribe or
anything else decides in this matter. The ornament however, is probably connected with
such differences. With both kinds of calabashes, there is always considerable variety, although
that of the egg-shaped ones offers, according to the place of origin, mutual differences which
however apparently do not effect the meaning of the representation. It represents flying or
hovering animals, either birds, as supposed by PreuSS [1899, 172, PI. VI, fig. 34—36], or
Pteropus or Petaurus, as, I fancy, the figures of the egg-shaped calabashes of the
collection (N°. 433, PI. XV, fig. 4; N°. 434, 435, PI. XVI, fig. ii; N°. 436, PI. XVI, fig. 12)
indicate. The head generally corresponds with the opening, the contours surrounding the
same. That the three plain animal figures of N°. 436 represent Petaurus, seems to follow from
the intentional broadening of the burnt-in contour on both sides between the front- and the
hind leg, by which the flying membrane is represented, whilst one of the figures has a curled
tail. I must however remark that Finsch [1888—93, PI. 10, fig. 5^] illustrates of another
calabash from Seka, an ornament, taken by him (after Preuss [1899, 174, i] perhaps with
good reason) for a lizard, where the thickening of the contour as an indication of the flying
membrane does not appear either. The small circle with radiating lines on N°. 434 (see also
Preuss [1899, PI. VI, fig. 35 and 35 a]) may probably be taken for a crab (see pag. 44,
fig. 17). The ornament of the pear-shaped calabashes (N°. 437—443)- diffquot;ers considerably from
the previous one and is distinguished by the delicacy of the design, which can only have been
done with hard, sharp, heated instruments. PreuSS [1899, 170, I73, VI, fig. 1—8] has
ingeniously analysed these ornaments and described them as birds and snakes. According to
this idea, the three centipedes represented on N°. 437 (P^- XV, fig. 5 and 5a) should be
considered as birds with several pairs of wings.

The pubic covering of the women offers a fairly large variety. In British N. G.
(Macgregor [1897, 49]) and the greater part ofK. W. Land a front and back apron of vegetable

fibres, is most generally distributed. When in K. W. Land a small petticoat is worn over
the common narrow strip of bark fibre, it consists (FiNSCH [i888a-, 15, Pl. XVI, fig. 8]) of
the split leaves of the cocoa- or sago palm. Using a set of aprons [1. c. fig. 9], a shorter
one in front, a longer one behind, according to Hagen [1899, 173, Pl. 25, 39, 40], they are
made of Pandanus fibres, worn up to three and more sets in layers one over the other,

in the case of widows uncoloured, by other women with horizontal, red stripes; _ sometimes

also with black and yellow ones (biro [1901, 51, fig. 20]). A short survey of the female dresses
in Netherl. New Guinea teaches us that such double aprons, which leave the hips free, have been
also met with on the south coast of the Mac Cluer Gulf (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893,46])
and on the south west coast with women from the mountainous country near Lakahia, and
here also, as quite an independent observation, aprons of cassowary feathers have been noticed,
strung together in a similar manner (VAN der goes [1858, 45, Pl. XT, fig. 12]). Curious
ethnographical islands, in the middle of the perineal band of the epidermis of banana leaf
or of coloured cahco, commonly used here! This caHco, imported in the west by Ceram
traders, is generally dark blue; amongst the Manfkion great parcels of it form a kind of
currency (see Chapter VII). The Mohammedan and Christian influences, cause a constantly
increasing use of the more complicated dress in the western parts (see fig. 11, fig. 32 and

De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893,
46]). Van der Goes [1858, 29]
found on the S. W. coast near
Arguni Bay, as well as in the
district of Kaimanni the „sarongquot;
fastened by the girls above, and by
the women below the bosom. The
cotton sarong was also met with
at Nagramadu (where it is passed
between the legs, fig. 57) and at
Angâdi, fig. 201, territories, opened
up by the expedition; as far as
the last named place is concerned,
it is imported along the southern
waterway with the sea; as for
Nagramadu, it was obtained from
Geelvink Bay and during the work
in the gardens, just as elsewhere,
replaced by the strip of bark. In
Geelvink Bay, where several missionaries are established, the sarong is gaining ground, also
with the men (fig. 59); this has even become the case to the east of Cape d\'Urville and in
the heart of Papua Talandjang, since the opening of regular steamship intercourse. At
festivities in Humboldt Bay, in which women and girls participate, the imitated Malay dress
was sometimes seen, the more coloured the better. On Lake Sentani however they had not
got as far as this in 1903; — at a wedding feast at Asé (fig. 128) not a shred of cotton was
to be seen and the bride wore her bark petticoat with much grace. These petticoats, of

which the collection contains half a dozen (N°. 444—449), have almost become the common
covering of women between Cape d\'Urville and a point on the north coast to the east of
Oinake. Where this eastern limit really lies, cannot be exactly ascertained from German
literature, as the small fibre petticoats and aprons met with there are often considered to be
generally distributed over the whole of K. W. Land; FiNSCH [1888—93, 225] states that he has
seen these aprons in H. B. The natives here, however, wear,
without exeption, the bark petticoat, the same in Seka and,
in German territory, at Oinake, Tumleo (ErdwEG [1902,
307]), Seleo and Angail (Meyer and Parkinson [1900, PI.
14 and 19]). Loose bark aprons, as mentioned by Erdweg
of Tumleo and, according to figs. 60 and 65, worn by
the women of the Sekanto, occur in isolated instances
(De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 48 N°. 256]) also in
H. B., either ornamented or not with Nassa in rows or
circles [1. c. PI. XI, fig. 5].

The bark cloth of Humboldt Bay is heavy and thick
and with few or no „knotquot; holes; it is prepared on the
spot, or only the best qualities are bought from elsewhere,
and the people of Lake Sentani and the remainder of
the interior, who use thinner, more beaten bark, even if
with many „knotquot; holes, are scoffed at. Cloth with many
holes must necessarily be taken in greater lengths, to wind
it several times round the body, in order that a second turn
may cover the holes of the first winding. A comparison of
the mara of Ase (N°. 447) with that of Tobadi shows imme-
diately, that the first is longer, broader and more beaten

out, therefore, looser and thinner than that of Tobadi. Mara from Ase weighs 2.7 gram per
d.M.2, that of Tobadi on an average 3.3 gram, therefore about 25 heavier. With reference to
the preparation, see Chapter VIII. The bark cloth is worn in such a way that the fibre runs
horizontally, the breadth of the cloth determines how far the petticoat reaches down the legs.
This breadth is limited by the circumference of the trees and the degree of beating and as
in H. B. only moderately beaten cloth is in demand, the best petticoats here are only
short, reaching about to the knees (see figs. 6 and 207); on Lake Sentani they always
reach lower down; with the bride at Ase (fig. 128, the woman next to the flagstaff), it reached

The collection still contains three knitted aprons (N°. 450—452) worn in front
and at the back by women (fig. 40) as well as by men (figs. 41, 5^ and 214; PI. L, fig. 3
and 4), which are purposely manufactured from previously prepared cord, indicating
a degree of civilisation which is particularly surprising at this place. True, Finsch
mentions [1888—93, 225] large, sacklike coverings of „Filetarbeitquot;, worn by women (ac-
cording to HaGEN [1899, 263, PI. 39, 40J as mourning), and netted bags, which women
of Finsch Harbour wore in front and at the back, fastened to the belt, instead of the fibre
apron. If however these were ordinary bags, knitted as loosely as the coverings, of

which on the photo\'s of Hagen, the ordinary „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9) can be easily
recognised, this dress cannot be placed on a line with that of the more closely worked
aprons (not bags), to which reference is made here and which are not used for any
other purpose than as a pubic covering. thomson [1892, 95] also mentions a small net bag,
from nine to twelve inches in length, worn in front as an apron by the native moun-
taineers near Mount Victoria. Van der Goes [1858, 172], however, deliberately states that

he saw in Humboldt Bay aprons for
women of very fine knitted or plaited
network, which were presumably worn
by visitors from elsewhere; at all events
the expedition has not seen anything Hke
it in H. B. Ne\'ither De Clercq nor
Horst [1889, 217], who both visited
many places on the north coast of
Netherl. N. G. and also Papua Taland-
jang, mentions these aprons. The only
thing known to me, which resembles it, is a girdle ornament in the Berlin Museum (N°. 2440)
obtained from Jamna, 30 c.m. long and 6 c.m. broad, entirely of cord and made with the
stitch of fig. 52. The strings and straps occurring on the three aprons, are according to the

pattern of fig. 43. N°. 450 is manufactured according to the pat-
tern of fig. 9, which is found distributed throughout New Guinea from
west to east and in this case, for this special purpose, is made
as close as the men\'s bags, therefore much closer than the well
known women\'s bags (see Chapter V). N°. 451 (Pl. XVI, fig. 13)
and N°. 452 consist however principally of a kind of stitch which
is much less common and illustrated in fig. 52.

The peculiarity here occurs, that the turns run to the right
and to the left and at the margin the thread passes from a
higher turn without interruption to a lower one. How this is done
in the case of the apron of Kaptiau (N°. 452), fig. 62 shows,
where the passage of turn b on to turn and from turn d on to
turn é- can be traced; — it goes without saying that at the other
Fig. 62. Run of threads on the margin of the apron, the passages are from a on to b, and from ^
margin of pubic apron. ^^ to d. The loop at one of the top comers is festooned according

The back apron of Sâwé (N°. 451) which, as far as the top part is concerned con-
sists of twelve turns of the „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9) and besides of turns of the stitch
in fig. 52, provided at the upper and lower margin with a binding according to fig. 43,
is peculiar. For on a closer inspection it appears that in manufacturing this cloth, two
threads are always used at the same time and that the passages at the margins are
formed according to two different methods, which can be each executed in two ways, thus
forming according to the run of the thread four different patterns, illustrated in figs. 63,
I, 2, 3, 4.. Such passages naturally occur alternately at the left and at the right margin. Why

the work should be done with more than one thread at a time, remains an open question.

The territory from which these aprons come, has still other peculiarities respecting
textile industry, for instance a kind of woven cloth, to which I refer under Industry (Chapter

VIII). The front apron of the woman on the left in fig. 40 appears to me to be such a woven
cloth; it is worn in that manner.

The custom of ornamenting the limbs is very comm.on in New Guinea. From what I
could learn amongst the most primitive inland tribes, the arms
especially, even more with the men than with the women, are decor-
ated and three spots are indicated for this purpose, l° on or just
above the thickest part of the upper arm 2° the upper arm just
above the elbow joint, 3° the wrist.

Often according to its nature or to the period in which it
is put on, the ornament has a special meaning, the discovery of
which forms the most attractive part of this kind of study. The
temporary wearing of an armlet of Pandanus leaf on the upper \'\'[![[]
arm, to carry small articles, is customary in different districts of pig. 64. Festooned loop.
Geelvink Bay (De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 30]). The fixed

armlet, which is generally worn on one of the upper arms, is also commonly used for this
practical purpose. All sorts of objects which must be kept handy, as the dagger (fig. 124;
PI. XXXVII and XXXVIII, fig. 2), the bone spoon of pig\'s femur, the head of the joint
preventing it from slipping through (PI. XXXVII, fig. i, Pi. XXXVIII, fig. 3, PI. XLVI,
fig. 2); the spoon of the lower part of the tibia, on which a small hook at the end of the
joint is purposely retained, hooked on to the upper edge of the armlet; the trident fork
(PL XLV, fig. 3); the tongs (PL XLIII, fig. 4, PL L, fig. 2), which are often astride the
upper edge (PL XLVI, fig. 3 and 4). Right handedness prevailing, it is not surprising that
the armlet of the left upper arm is chosen for wearing in all these articles. Young men
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;13

from the temple of Tobadi, who wore an armlet on both sides of the upper arm, have orna-
mental or sweet scented leaves jammed in them. In this manner, and moreover with bundles
suspended from a small necklace down the back, they were covered with green foliage (see

fig. 199). After these leaves are withered and yellow
brown, they continue to go about for a long time
with the rustling and scented ornament. Figs. 30,
31, 188—190 illustrate such dresses and koning
[1903, 264, Pl. 3] gives illustrations of the same.
It has been further observed that the left wrist
or lower arm is provided with rings, bands or
cuffs, in order to prevent accidental wounding with
the string of the bow when shooting. FiNSCH
[1888—93, 117] describes the broad bow-guards
of split rattan (Berlin Museum, N°. 21031) used in
British N. G. (ANNUAL report [1899—1900, 99]),
corresponding entirely with the specimen, fully 20 c.m.
in length, which the Leyden Museum (Ser. i, N°. 49)
possesses of north west New Guinea (Van der
Goes [1858, 160]). The wooden armlets which occur
here, are according to schmeltz (De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 234]) intended for the same pur-
pose. On the south west coast, amongst the Tugeri,
long cuffs made out of cane fibres (Annual Report
[1897—98, Pl- 26]) and ornamented with feather
plumes (Haddon [1891, Pl. XV]) occur, like those
in the possession of the Leyden Museum (Ser. 941,
N°. 2), but long, stiff cuffs, consisting of bark
(Schmeltz [1895, 160]), both on the right and the
left arm, are also used here (Leyden Museum, Ser.
941, N°. 74). It is however curious (Schmeltz [1904,
201, figs. 5, 6], Seligmann [1906a, 66, fig. 2]) that
the Tugeri women also wear such cufis.

As regards K. W. Land, Finsch [1888—93,
248] has not been able definitively to fix the actual
purpose for which the wrist band is intended,
whilst Biro, Parkinson and Hagen do not mention
it at all. Erdweg [1902, 32ij mentions the cuffs
made out of plaited work of Tumleo, but without
the desired information. The Berlin Museum however
possesses broad and heavy cuffs from the upper
reaches of the Ramu (N°. 22131), very fine objects,
probably unique in their kind, made of cord, according to the pattern of fig. 52, which most
likely serve for the said purpose. Whether the „gehackeltequot; armlets, which Erdweg [1902, 322]

and the „geknüpftequot;, which parkinson [1900, 27, pi. XVIII, fig. 5 and 6] mentions, are the
same objects cannot be positively stated without further details.

On Lake Sentani I was struck with the use of round rings of unsplit rattan, such as
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 37, N°. 188, PI. IX, fig. 10] mention from Tarfia, sometimes
to the number of eight on the left wrist and lower arm, to which custom, I fancy, I must
ascribe the same purpose. Such rings {N°. 453), used on both arms, in several adjacent
districts (N°. 454 and N°. 455), are wide enough to be pushed over the elbow (see figs. 65
and 66; PI. XXXIX, fig. i ; PL XLV, fig. 2). Thus a young man from Ase wore the set
N°. 456 (PL XVI, fig. 6), regularly entwined with strips of rattan, and N°. 457 (PL XVI, fig. 9)
not composed of rattan, but of liana\'s, was worn in
the same manner.

Another specimen of armlets with a special meaning,
is the tsaue (Finsch [1888 a, Pl. XVII, fig. 4]), which
Hägen [1899, 170, PI. 18 and 19] describes of the Bogadjim
people, and which is placed by the father on his boys after
circumcision, stamping the boy as a man, instantly giving
him the right to retain any valuables he may procure. It
is reported of Adi on the south west coast (Van der
Goes [1858, 112]), that in the case of young men, an armlet
of fine rattan is placed round the upper arm, which remains
there as long as arm or band can bear it; at Kaimani on
the same coast [1. c. 118], shell rings, which are placed
on the boys at an early age, cannot be afterwards removed
over the hand. At Mapar amongst the tribe of the Mani-
kion, I saw how all boys without exception wore a strong,
tight fitting, plaited armlet, 3 c.m. broad, made of yellow
and black material (mycelium?) which they called ira, but
of which the more definite meaning I could not ascertain.
The armlets also of the so-called black coral {P lex aura),
the akar bahar of the Malay, which are worn by the
inhabitants of Geelvink Bay should still be mentioned,
(De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 38, N°. 198, PI. IX,
fig. 9]), because they are a protection against accidents at
sea and particularly against drowning. At Waba in Jotefa

Bay the armlet with two boar\'s tusks could not be bought, because, as we were told, these armlets are
put on by the men on their wedding day and may never be removed. Nothwithstanding this De Clercq \')
managed to secure such an armlet in H. B., which was known by the name of baja. Such rings, several
even tied together (the Leyden Museum contains, as Ser. 941, N°. 3, a specimen composed of eleven
rings), are well known in connection with the Tugeri (Haddon [1895, PI. XV]; Schmeltz [1903, 213]),
who also fasten on the upper arm the scrotum of shot boars (Schmeltz [1903, PI. XII, fig. 13]). This
probably represents a trophy of the hunt, as on Lake Sentani, where the lucky hunter had fastened
the tail of the booty on to the upper arm by means of two small strips of the skin. Of another kind

again the custom in Geelvink Bay is (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 30]) to fasten a rattan band
round the wrist of the male relations on the death of a father, wife or child, for which afterwards, when
it is removed, a certain amount has still to be paid to the relatives. Van der Goes [1858, loi] states that
at Tobadi a sweet scented leaf was fastened round the right wrist of all visitors before their departure, as
a mark of friendship and brotherhood, whilst the Papuan of Anus, out of gratitude for presents received,
tied round the arm of Horst [1889, 241] a leaf torn in two, in order, it is said, to recognise him thereby
This suffices to show that much is still to be learned about the meaning of armlets.

As far as the material is concerned, it must be observed that the beautifully worked,
often very broad tortoise shell armlets, which are often worn in K. W. Land and as far
west as Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 321, figs. 217 and 218]), do not occur in the adjoining
Netherlands territory. De Clercq, however, mentioned one specimen of Ansus, as an ornament
for women (De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 38, N°. 199, Pl. IX, fig. 3]) and some of
Jamna, probably obtained by barter from the German territory; at all events this ornament
does not occur in Humboldt Bay and its surroundings. The narrow tortoise shell earrings, often
large enough to be passed over the hand, are never used as armlets, as is supposed by Edge
Partington [1890, Pl. 290, N°. 6]. Armlets of rattan strips which, made of reeds (N°. 458—463,
Pl. XVI, fig. 5), are so plentiful in Kaptiau and Sâwé, are principally remarkable on account
of the different methods of plaiting, adopted in the manufacture and of which the technique
may be seen from N°. 464 (Pl. XVI, fig. 15) of Nimburan; (the scale of the illustration turned
out to be too small).

Another material, very much in demand in the territories visited by the expedition,
both by men and women, is the black mycelium. Some armlets (N°. 465 and 466) are
plaited entirely from this material; to which Nassa is often attached and forms (N°. 467, Pl.
XVI, fig. 10) a pretty contrast to the background; white shell rings (N°. 468—470) are also
often attached (Pl. XXIII, fig. 2 ; Pl. XVI, fig. i and 2). On Lake Sentâni these armlets are
very frequently met with. In conjunction with the yellow white aerial root fibre of Pandanus,
typical armlets (N°. 472 and 473) are made out of it in Asé, such as are also collected from
Muris (N°. 474) and from Ingrâs (N°. 475, Pl. XVI, fig. 17), often with the ends of the
material hanging in bundles. In K. W. Land the mycelium is used very much less, still I
saw in the Berlin Museum e. a. a tsaue (see pag. 86 and 99) of which the ring-shaped part
(not the wing) was made of mycelium. At Kwatisoré this material does not appear to exist,
at least the armlets there collected (N°. 477—479), plated of small strips of Pandanus leaf (?),
according to fig. 4, with borders of mycelium plaited on, and other beautiful drawings also
formed of mycelium, are here imported from the industrious Serué. Possibly we have here
also a trade monopoly, for exactly the same kind of armlets seem to be worn at other places
in Geelvink Bay (see fig. 206). .

Pandanus fibre together with red calico, see N°. 476 (Pl. XI, fig. 13) of Ingras, is
indicative of the influence of foreign traders.

As specimens of the widely distributed ornamental armlet made of Trochus niloticus,
the collection contains two rough examples of Thaë (N°. 480 and 481) and one better polished
specimen of Wari (N°. 482). Especially as an ornamental armlet for women, I sometimes saw
it worn in places on the eastern coast of North New Guinea in great quantities (see fig.
207), 10—15 pieces on each arm; in the case of a bride in the district of Seka the arms

were almost covered with it. Here it was explained, how the weather-beaten, sandy coast made
it difficult to collect the shells and the Trochus rings were therefore obtained from the west.
Specimens with engraved figures along the outer surface, such as are known of K. W. Land
and elsewhere, were not noticed here; as a rule this surface is not even stripped of the lime;
the specimen from Wari on the other hand, which was worn by a man, is almost entirely
stripped of the outer layer and provided with radiating carvings.

I did not discover that in H. B. the number of Trochus rings to be worn must
always be odd, as De Clercq (De Clercq and sclimeltz [1893, 30]) says, nor does the
photo of a girl of Tobadi by koning [1903, PI. 4] confirm this rule. Their number is here
an indication of the prosperity of the wearer. The collection contains a number of Tarfia
armlets, products of Tarfia\'s monopoly, all manufactured after the manner of the instrument
N°. 716 (PI. XXV, fig. i) and ornamented with Nassa and black seed rings, the same as
in the above ornamental belts. They are heavy, solid, and highly intricate pieces of work-
manship, exclusively intended for the upper arm, which I not only found at Tobadi (N°. 483),
but which, perhaps through the intermediary of Tobadi or Engras, also find their way to
Waba, which is not situated on the sea coast. Similar armlets, which De ClerCQ obtained in
Tanah Merah (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 43, PI. X, fig. i, 3, 4 and 5]) must also
originally have come from Tarfia.

The collection contains only one specimen of the abnormally bent boar\'s tusk used
as an armlet, thus far only found in K. W. Land (BiRO [1899, 25, N°. 119 and 120, PL I,
fig. 14]). Such tusks are amongst the most precious breast ornaments for men, so precious, that
imitations are often made from Tridacna. The curvature is said to be obtained by pulling out
the upper tusks of boars, and thus enabling the lower tusks to grow freely in a circular form.
This may also occur in the natural state, if the mutual position of the upper and lower
tusks allows it. In the case of the specimen from Ajapo (N°. 491, PL XVI, fig. 21) it is
evident that contact with the upper tusk has worn down the lower one, the former having
been there some time already. These armlets however are certainly very rare here; finsch
[1888, 346, 1888a, PL XXI, fig. 2] even thought, that they did not exist in Netherl. territory.
N°. 492 is a wooden armlet rounded off on the inside and with a more or less sharp
ridge on the outside. This pecuhar shape, also found by De Clercq (De ClerCQ and
Schmeltz [1893, 36, 174, PL VI, fig. 17]) on Waigeu, reminds one greatly ofthe shape
of the glass armlets, described by Rumphius [1740, 241, PL LII, fig. A] and also met with
now in Humboldt Bay as a very precious object, and therefore referred to under Chapter VII.
Meanwhile other shapes of wooden armlets also occur in North West New Guinea (see De
Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PL VI and IX]; N°. 176, p. 36, PL IX, fig. 19 of Usba, taken ,
for akar bahar (Plexaura), has since been proved also to consist of wood).

Finally the collection contains some four armlets which I have never read of before,
as for instance the open armlets from Ase N°. 493, (PL XVI, fig. 20) of Pandanus fibres with
rows of Coix seeds between them. Further a 5 c.m. broad armlet of cocoa-nut shell (N^. 494,
PL XVI, fig. 20) also from Ase. Only once before did I meet with an ornamental object made of
this material: in the Berlin Museum I came across an oval forehead ornament of the upper Ramu.

The outside of the armlet is shining black, such as may be caused, according to some,
by metallurgised colouring matters, according to others, by long

and the smoke of the dwellings. The engraved ornament, which may be interpreted by more
capable ethnographers, is filled up with lime, whilst along the margins small holes occur, which
possibly serve for the purpose of fastening this very wide armlet, which is worn by women
as well as by men.

The bone armlet from Mios Kórwar (N°. 495, PL XVI, fig. 14), apparently made out
of the breast bone of a sea turtle, may also for the present be called an „unicumquot;. Whale
bone armlets, (see N°. 496, PL XVI, fig. 18 from Kwatisoré) have also never been mentioned
hitherto. The Leyden Museum contains two specimens, Serie 53, 21, from the north coast
near Doré and Ser. 929, N°. 165 (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 36, N°. 165, PL IX, fig. 13])
from Salawati and taken for akar bahar (Plexaura). The Utrecht collection contains under
N°. 204 an armlet from Geelvink Bay, also described in the catalogue as akar bahar, but really
made out of whalebone.

When his attention was called to it, Mr. W. L. Jens, conservator of the collection,
remembered having heard from the Papuans, during his long residence in Geelvink Bay, that
whalebone armlets were imported from Salawati, where the material was sold by foreign
whalers, who called there.

As far as is known, only the toothed whale [Odontoceti] and especially the sperm
whale or Cachelot [Physeter niacr 0 c ep h alu s) was hunted in those waters. The Papuans
themselves do not hunt Cetaceae, nor do the Malays. Only the inhabitants of the village of
Lamakera on Solor and those of Lamararop on the neighbouring island of Lomblen people of
Indo-Malay origin, go whale hunting, as has only recently become known (Max Weber
[1902, 89]). Therefore, unless foreign (English but especially American) whalers have hunted
Cetaceae, which may very well have been the case during the last period of this occupation,
now ended because of the scarcity of the Cachelot, it must be assumed that the whalebone
of the armlets is obtained from Balaenoptera, which has stranded now and then on the coast,
especially in the bays. It appears from Finsch [1888—93, 190 and 219], that this occurs on
the north coast of New Guinea also; and besides, Kwatisoré Bay is in this respect very
favourably situated and has a low sandy beach. Neither was it stated that specimen N°. 496
was obtained from elsewhere, but only that the name given, hciro bave, was the name of an
animal, which lives in the sea and furnishes the materialquot;. As the other whalebone armlets
are without ornament, I can make no further comparisons; the reversed coil ornament of
N°. 496 is entirely in the style of Geelvink Bay and need not originate from Salawati. The
Leyden Museum contains another armlet (Ser. 602, N°. 2ij, obtained from the German Nether-
lands frontier territory, represented as being made of tortoise shell, which proved to be of
whalebone. If the statement as to its origin is correct, the object is unique; for it is in these
parts that our expedition has done much work and never has anything similar been met with.
The stranding of Balaenoptera on the low sandy beach of a great part of Humboldt Bay
must however be regarded as highly probable.

The wrist is often ornamented, perhaps, lest it should interfere too much with the
freedom and usefulness of the hand, in a much smaller degree than the upper parts of the
arm. Wrist bands are (see pag. 100) sometimes used in Geelvink Bay as signs of mourning,
also (N°. 453—457) as bow-guards. In the eastern coast parts of North New Guinea the signi-
fication thereof as mourning wear was not clear to me. N°. 497 (Pl. XVII, fig. 8) of Kwatisoré

is plaited from mycelium; at Nagramadu I also saw wrist bands of this material and I remem-
ber to have seen them at many other places. Schmeltz supposes that wooden wrist rings,
some carved in the shape of a neck vertebra of the Dugong, (De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 34, N°. 149, PI. IX, fig. 17]), sometimes serve as a protection against the string ofthe
bow, (1. c. [1893, 234]). This purpose is also ascribed to the wrist ornaments, which only
consist of fragments of shells, attached to wrist strings festooned as per fig. 56 or not; — in
contradiction to which I would however point out that in ordinary circumstances the ornamental
fragments of shells are arranged on the back ofthe wrist (figs. 28, 37, 39, 51, 55; PI. XXXIII,
XXXVII, XL and XLVI). Generally speaking, wrist ornaments are not much used in Papua
Talandjang (see PI. XXXI—L), towards Geelvink Bay however women and children often
wear fairly heavy shell rings round both wrists (see figs. 11, 27, 32, 42, 57, 174). The broad
rings of Conus as met with at Wari (N°. 50 f, PI. XVII, fig. 5) are here rather rare, and
appear to be the product of a special industry established on the western islands. De Clercq
(De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 35, N°. 163, PI. VIII, fig. 14; 36, N=. 175, PI. VI, fig. 7]
found both his specimens on Salawati and Waigeu, whilst specimen N°. 501, called samfdre,
was also declared to have been obtained from Salawati, where the name is samfar. Generally
it is worn, just as Martin [1894, 123] observed of the mountaineers of Ceram, round the
left wrist, as it would be too troublesome on the right. In the west wrist bands of silver are
hammered out of pieces of guilders, but on Ron, according to what missionary W. L.
Jens told me, the art of moulding silver articles is also understood, the material being heated
m potsherds. Fingerrings, some made of bone (shark), others of tortoise shell, very com-
mon in the west, (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 40 and 41, PI. XII]), do not occur in
the eastern parts of the north coast. Regarding Br. N. G. see Macgregor [1897, 46].

The lower limbs obtain only a small share of the decorations of the body, with
which the Papuan especially is very lavish.

De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 50] mention bands with shells attached, as a thigh ornament of
Humboldt Bay, which have not been met with
before or since and from British New Guinea the
Berlin Museum contains e. a. from the Central
District a fine band (N°. 4307), made after the
pattern of fig. 67 (rare for the Netherl. territory),
out of fine cord, described as „Schenkelschmuckquot;;
It is a closed band and therefore would have to
be passed over foot and calf.nbsp;Fig, pattern of a rope band.

A band worked after the same pattern,
3-5 c.m. broad, 21 c.m. in length, open, provided with strings for tying, from the Papuan Gulf District
20852) has extra intercalated, straight running cords. Parkinson [1900, 27] referring to the Berlin
Harbour section, mentions „geknüpftequot; leg ornaments, which are worn under the knee, but the closed
shape makes it difiicult for me to understand how these bands can be passed over the foot. Possibly they
are plaited on the body of the male or female wearer. Finsch [1888—93, 250], at all events, mentions from
there bands of grass, threads or split rattan, which tightly fit round the leg below the knee; but the very few
fine specimens met with by him [i88Sa, PI. XVIII, fig. 2] are open, like those of the present collection and
provided at the ends with strings, with which they are to be tied. Erdweg [1902, 323] describing the
Papuan in festive dress, ornamented from head to foot, does not mention any ornament of the lower limbs.

Perhaps, calf bands have been taken for neck ornaments and described as such; but it remains curious
that for instance calf bands were never mentioned in connection with H. B.

The most simple form of calf band is a plain bit of string under the knee and this
is frequently met with. Probably on account of its simplicity, it was generally overlooked,
the albums of Meyer and Parkinson prove however the frequent occurrence hereof in
German New Guinea, sometimes also in the case of women. I do not know whether it serves
any purpose. By plaiting together several small pieces of cord and stringing on Coix seeds,
beads, etc. the calf bands sometimes become so beautiful, that, as in Humboldt Bay, they
are only worn at the highest festivals, and when not used, are suspended, together with
valuable simbbni, as an ornament, on the outer side of the men\'s bags (N°. 637—640).

A special set is that of Tobadi (N°. 502, PL XVII, fig. i) where, on bands plaited after
the pattern of fig. 43, a large quantity of shells [Area pilula Reeve) are suspended, which,
at dances, create a not unpleasant high sound; they can be placed on a line with the rattling
anklets of the Tugeri (Pratt [1906, 50]) and the dancing rattles of Konstantin Harbour (Finsch
l^jggg—93, 253]; Schmeltz [1895, 243, PL XVI, fig. i]), which, held in the hand, must also
be in time with the dance. The small shells are pierced near the hinge and are, very practi-
cally, strung on large loops in such a way, that they hang in pairs with the concave side
turned towards each other, which prevents their lying soundless inside each other like spoons.
Probably the name chne-chne or chneng-chneng is onomatopoetic. The Berlin Museum contains
a similar set from the German-Netherl. frontier. Hagen [1899, 188] reports such rattles from
the Le Maire Islands for knee and arm, as well as for the neck and the hips; biro [1899, 58,
PL I, fig. 7] for arm, waist and foot (ankle ?). Here the shells are of Cypraea, the arrangement
is more in the way of bundles, but the sound is also mentioned as not unmelodious. The
model of the bands merits the attention; I am sorry that I am unable to say whether these
ornaments, exclusively intended for men, are also manufactured by them, or whether they
are made by women. The manner in which the bands of N°. 503 of Tobadi are plaited, can
be seen from fig. 68, /, in which for the sake of clearness, the threads have been drawn
somewhat wide. On the obhque, upper twists of the zigzag running cord a Coix seed is each
time strung; the obhque position of these seeds is therefore not accidental, but is the neces-
sary consequence of the technique followed. N°. 505 is on the same principle, also N°. 513
and 514, both from Ingras. On N°. 504 (PL XVII, fig. 3) of double breadth, two rows of Coix
seeds have been fastened; fig. 69, a variation and extension of fig. 68,/, shows how the
different incline of both rows of seeds has been obtained. N°. 506 combines the patterns of
fio- 68, I and fig. 68, 2. All these bands have at one end a loop or eye (festooned or not
according to fig. 56), which appears to be formed from the bights of the longitudinal cords,
from which it may be concluded that at the outset these were calculated to be twice the length
of the whole. It is evident that the cord on which the ornamental Coix seeds have been strung,
forms an integrate part of the band, and that the seeds must be strung on during the

N°. 507 from Tobadi shows the simple plaiting of fig. 4; the small Coix rings of these

In N°. 508—512, all from villages in Jotefa Bay, again quite a different pattern has
been followed; which is very characteristic on account of the whole band having been made

with one long cord. The run of the thread (see fig. 47) is explained under the said No\'s.
These calf bands have a number of loops at each end, which are often festooned into one

loop by the beginning (resp. the end) of the thread, besides being long enough to enable the
calf band to be fastened with it. The calf bands here referred to, are, by means of the bead
ornament, Nassa, cuscus skin and cord fringe, the most beautiful of the collection and it may
be concluded from this that the people of Jótëfa regard pattern fig. 47, as their most beautiful
product of rope plaiting; hence the cord of these bands is always made of very fine white
fibre. The same pattern was already mentioned above of the breast ornament N°. 385 (Pl. XIII,
fig. 5) and can also be found on the man\'s bag N°. 639, srorsror, of Tobadi; elsewhere however
I did not find it and as far as the inquiry has now advanced, the pattern appears to be
localised here.

The set of calf bands of Kajo Entsau (N°. 515, PL XVII, fig. 4) is again manufac-
tured in another manner. From the pattern, enlarged for the sake of clearness in fig. 70, it
is easy to recognise the weft thread, which passes between the warp threads, of the latter
each two being twisted together. In reality this
pattern forms a good close tissue.

The collection finally contains another leglet
of Tarfia (N°. 516, PL XVII, fig. 2) manufactured
just like the waist girdles (N°. 417—418) and the
arm bands {N°. 483--490) of this place after the
style of the weaving frame N°. 716 (PL XXV,
fig. i), to which Nassa and black seed rings are
attached. A similar set with place of origin „north
coastquot;, in the Berlin Museum (N°. 3225) can also only originally have come from Tarfia; —
they are all men\'s wear. De Clercq does not mention this calf band, but collected fine
specimens from Napan in Geelvink Bay (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 44, N°. 234 and
234a, PL X, figs. 7 and 10; N°. 234^]) of threaded beads, in the same manner as on comb
N°. 243 (PL VIII, figs. I and la) from Kwatisoré.

Decoration of the ankles is often seen with the Papuan. In British N. G. ruffles of

fibre (Macgregor [1897, 46]) and strings of cassowary feathers [FiNSCH [1888—93, loi)] are
worn, in K. W. Land, in Finsch Harbour, coarsely twisted rings, which at Gragat (Raketa)
Island and Hatzfeldt Harbour reached from the ankles to halfway down the calf [1. c. 250]. The
collection contains nothing in regard to these objects, as generally only unimportant pieces of
rope or string were seen. Yet in some of the photo\'s ankle bands and ankle rings may be
noticed, specially on men; adult women very seldom wear these things. In the eastern part of
the Netherl. north coast several small strings are sometimes joined into a small band; as may be
seen in fig. 28 in the case of the three men to the left. More to the west, shell rings are not
rare, see fig. 57, the standing child. They are passed over the foot at an early age. Van
der Goes [1858, 165] also met with these amongst the inhabitants of Arfak. For the rest one
sees men (fig. 27 and 57) as well as women (fig. 57) wearing metal rings of brass or silver
round the ankles. I am unaware whether some of these objects have any special meaning.

Ornaments for the toes have never been noticed with the Papuans, neither has the
use of any protecting foot covering been mentioned.

The collection further contains some objects from Papua Talandjang, which serve as
ornaments for different parts of the body. N°. 517—519 (PI. XI, fig. 7), already noticed on comb
N°. 249 from Oinake, sometimes worn in the ears, but above all on the bags, are curious
ornaments, which in this form: a couple of dogs\' teeth, fastened in a S ap o t a c e a e-samp;ed
and hanging by a plaited string, are very popular on the Netherl.-German frontier territory. The
Leyden Museum already possessed the object in 1865 (Ser. 53, N°. 98). FiNSCH, who took the
seed for a fruit shell or peel, cut lengthways, found it in Attack Harbour [1888, 338; 1888a, 34,
PI. XVII, fig. 3]. What the ornament means in its peculiar combination, I do not know, but
that nevertheless, some special meaning is connected with it, I feel inclined to conclude from
the inclination to manufacture such an ornament, even when the necessary materials are not
available. Thus a specimen was found on a comb in Humboldt Bay (De Clercq and schmeltz
[1893, 16, N°. 22, PI. Ill, fig. 11] where, as with comb N°. 249, the Sap 0 ta ceae-se^d was
imitated in tortoise shell; I also found such a tortoise shell imitation (N°. 520, PI. XI, fig. 10)
in the basket N°. 108 of Oinake, and with N°. 517—519 it is imitated in brown wood. The
seed in question is certainly very rare in these parts. It has occurred, that on the tours of
the expedition in the forest such a seed has accidentally been found and the disputing
among the Papuan carriers from Tobadi for the possession thereof was remarkable and the
happy finder was envied for his luck. The dogs\' teeth form a no less important part of the
ornament; on Lake Sentani the whole object w^as named after these teeth Jochutje\\ d^tlohidi
for the same reason ^chonjoquot; and where they are not found the shape is imitated in pieces
of shell (N°. 519) or pieces of boar\'s tusks (N°. 518). The typical form of the string of beads
is such that three small strings each carry a number of small multicoloured beads, but at
certain distan6es jointly run through a large bead. Penally it is worthy of note that BiRO
[1901, 40, fig. 12,2; 41, N°. 106] has found in Astrolabe Bay a breast ornament, which also
consists of the seed and a bundle of dogs\' teeth.

N°. 521 (PI. XVII, fig. 15) consists of five seeds with an ornament scratched in them,
as already illustrated by van der goes [1858, PI. ZZ, fig. 7] also of H. B., as a neck ornament.
I have not found this mentioned from anywhere else. According to Mr. J. M. Dumas these

seeds, which have a somewhat thin shell and in which a hardened kernel rattles, are obtained
from a not unpalatable fruit, like an apple. It was said that these ornaments were worn on
the throat, on leglets, but also on the bags.

Another ornament, sometimes worn on the comb, at other times in the ear, in
this manner also by women, and also worn on the bags, is the ball formed from a stuffed
strip of hairy skin of Phalanger (N°. 522—523, PI. XVII, fig. 16), suspended by a piece of
cord, over which sometimes by way of a handle a hollow piece of cane, or a hollow quill is
passed close to the ball. In this form it also occurs in Berhn Harbour (ErdweG [1902, 319,
fig. 213]), but strips of the same skin, shriveled by drying, with one end stuck in the lobe
of the ear, forming a ball-shaped impression (N°. 330 and 331), are seen here and more to
the east (Finsch [1888, 333]).

The shell of Ovula ovum (N°. 524), ornamented the bag of a man of Seisara on
Lake Sentani and must therefore have been obtained by barter from the coast, possibly from
Tanah Merah; in K. W. Land this shell is a favourite for breast shields (Finsch 1888—93,
PI. 9, figs. I and 2).

A shell like a bell with a pig\'s tooth as a clapper, the whole suspended on the bag,
I only met with (N°. 525—527, PL XVII, fig. 7) near the Netherl.-German frontier. The sheU,
generally Conus, hangs below the bag, and in all cases suspended by a string, which is
longer than the one from which the clapper hangs; both clapper and shell swinging not
isochronic in walking, the small beU, as also described by Erdweg [1902, 323], keeps on
ringing constantly. What Finsch observed in Blanche Bay of the Oliva shells, there used as
bells, namely that the small hole for the suspending cord in the top of the shell was not
bored but filed out in the shape of a slit, can also be noticed in N°. 526 and 527; with
N°. 525 however a superficial slit has first been filed and in the middle of this a conical
opening has been bored, the opening on the inside being therefore round. The most probable
explanation of this method of working is this, that a pointed bore would slip on the slippery,
curved surface of the shell. In the slit however a place of support for the bore is easily found.
The apex of the pig\'s tooth serving as a clapper is sometimes broken off in order to fasten
the string in the root canal, or small conical holes are bored in it.

As a common ornamental material, the white seeds of Coix lacryjna are met with
everywhere in Papua Talandjang; most common is the oblong kind, but not seldom more
bulky ones are seen, almost round ones even. It is not surprising that this plant is culti-
vated in the gardens and the seeds are kept in stock; for this purpose sometimes a bamboo
cylinder is used (N°. 528), at another time (N°. 529 and 530) they are wrapped up in a leaf,
and again twigs with the fruit attached (N°. 531) are met with hanging in the houses, in
order to dry.

Finally the collection contains (N°. 532) two bunches of seeds as used in making the
black seed rings; they were found in a dried state inside a dwelling. The nature of these
small, hard, black rings does not appear to have been understood at first, when the seed
Itself was unknown. Finsch only came across these seed rings in the western part of K. W
Land and took them sometimes for seed kernels [i888-—93, 240], supposing that they were
perhaps artificial and then made of Cocoa-nut shell [1. c. 249]. Erdweg [1902, 320] reports
that the people of Tumleo obtain „the smah, black fruitsquot; from Sissano, which is situated 30

nautical miles more to the north. Perhaps a monopoly of the said Sissan6 is the cause of
this, and perhaps Erdweg was never shown the rough seeds in their yellow brown rind, nor
the \' manufacture of the seed rings on Tumleo. For the openings are not caused by boring,
as Erdweg supposes ; the small and very hard seed would hardly lend itself to this ; but on
two opposite spots a part of the seed is simply ground off, as stated by parkinson [1900, 27]
and the inner soft kernel is removed through the openings thus created. I saw it done in
this way at Sâgeisârâ, where an old man on a sort of grinding stone rubbed the small seed,
caught between the thumb and the index. The man said, that generally the seed is held in
wooden tongs. If the seed is not ground down exactly at two opposite poles, a ring of unequal
thickness is obtained. The ornaments provided with large quantities of these small rings,
represent, as may well be imagined, many an hour passed in grinding down the seeds.

N°. 208. PI. VI, fig. 6. V2-nbsp;Nacheibe; hard, dry piece of red clay, cone-shaped, with rounded

point and margins; near the top, impressed with fingertop and nail, an encircling, superficial line,
6—7 m.m. broad, from which at 4 places similar lines descend to lower encircling line. Manufactured
by women, intended for export. Mixed with water or oil, used as a pigment. Weight 648 gram.

N°. 209. PI. VII, fig. 9. Vs- Jóbjobè. Nacheibe; Turbo marnioratus L. containing red clay, niïre, pre-
pared with cocoa-nut oil; the opening of the shell closed by a plug of vegetable fibres. The contents
used as a hair paint, had at first the consistency of soft butter.

N^. 210. PI. VII, fig. 10. i/j. Tobadi; tress of hair of a woman, consisting of spirally twisted hair, stuck

N°. 211. PI. VII, fig. II. \'/2- Tarfia; plait of hair, plaited from 10 spirally twisted tresses, from
a Papuan, caUed Merâsimâ, wearing 14 of these plaits, tied up together. Fig. 28, man in the middle
and PI. L, figs, i and 2.

N°. 212. PI. VII, fig. 12. 1/2-nbsp;Wâri; tress of hair, lower end split and each part together with a smah

sirip of birk fibres spirally twisted and passed through 4 large, white beads, prevented from slipping
off by a piece of red calico. Above the spht another 2 white beads. Bought and cut from a young
man, from whose head it was hanging down in front of and near the left ear.

N°. 213. Adu dobrè. Kwatisoré; bamboo cylinder, carved with 6 encircling bands of curls and reversed
coils, which in the broadest band are placed partly in triangular spaces. Manufactured by the men,

N° 214 PI VI, figs. 7. V2nbsp;V/i-nbsp;döbrè. Kwatisoré; as before, a narrow, carved band, with

perpendicular and horizontal reversed coils, a broad band with obliquely placed ones. Use of this

N°. 215. Adu dobrè. Kwatisoré; as before, 4 bands of hooks and curls; very greasy; 5-3 X 3-4 c.m.

N°. 216. Adu dobrè. Kwatisoré; as before, along each of the margins a narrow band and between
both 7 erect spaces, the whole carved with curl-shaped ornaments; 7-t X3-4 c.m.

N°. 217.nbsp;Kwatisoré; set of three, each 8 c.m. long, and together in a bamboo, 28 c.m. long

and of 2.9 c.m. diameter. Two finished and carved with two encircling bands, between which 4 inclined
spaces, the whole with curls and reversed coils; the deeper portions black.

N°. 2x8. Tâar. Ingrâs; two irregular, small pieces of pumice stone, from man\'s bag N°. 634; used in
pulhng out the hairs.

N°. 219. PI. VIII, fig. 6. V2- Tobadi; four sets of combined feathers, the lower part formed out of a tail

feather of Rhyticeros plicatus Forst., tiibar, soiled with red clay, on both sides only with a
narrow strip of the vanes and ending in a narrow phable strip of the convex part of the quill, on
which another feather: a yellow white tail feather of Cacatua triton Temm., jcib, or a tail feather
oi Zoo en as Westernianni Schleg., wâfè, cut into the shape of a bird, is stuck, whilst also a
cock\'s feather is jammed in a small slit. Formed the hair ornament of one man.
220. Pl. VIII, fig. 3. 1/2- Klajo Jenbl; as before, nineteen sets: with two, the lowerpartsof Cacatua,
with the others, oi Rhyticeros, maidje, the ornamental top parts of Cacatua, tjabo, Zooenas,
onta, or other birds.

N°. 221. Pl. VII, fig. 13. %. Pededo or pïdïdau. Kaptiau; two principal ropes about i m. long, each
in the middle with \'58 bundles of 2-4 plaited, dark red hairtresses and 10-16 c.m. long, forming
a fringe 8—9 c.m. in length. All the bundles fastened by a cord just below the place of suspen-
sion; the two mainropes tied up for a head band of 52 c.m. and in the middle united by a small ,
cross cord. Enormous quantity of nits of Pediculus capitis. Worn round the head by a woman,

the fringe reaching down to the eyebrows.
222. Pededo Kaptiau- like N°. 221, out of two strings, 30 c.m. long, of respectively 59 and 68 bundles,
hanging down on an Average 9 c.m. Both ropes joined at the ends by plaiting and locally strung
tight by a small lashing for a circumference of the head of 50 c.m. Worn as N°. 221.
N°. 223. Pl. VII, fig. 14. 1/7- Bene ûndefrâ. Nimburan; cap-shaped wig for head circumference of
58 c.m., of pkits as N°. 2ir, and tresses as of N°. 221, twisted together parallel to the edge; some
loose hiir tresses at the top; the inside with grease and clay. Worn by woman of middle age.
N°. 224. Jecheju. Tobadi; rosin (like dammar), found on trees; used as a sticking material and by

burning producing the soot, chan, which serves as a colouring material and for tattooing.
N°. 225. Kanâ. Asé; as N°. 224.

N°. 226. Ide, ide fonze. Tobadi; bamboo cylinder with soot, chan or chane- closed with plug of

fibres, semis-, 21 X 1.6 c.m.
227. Ide. Tobadi; as N°. 226, closed with rolled-up piece of prepared bark,nbsp;16 X 2-5 quot;n.

N=. 228. Ame Tobadi - grey clay, obtained from adjacent hill Dei Mâge. Exclusively used for colouring.
N=. 229. Rôwai. Mâpia; comb worn by people from Jap. Length 36 c.m., consisting of 17 pieces
of bamboo tied one against the other, nowhere broader than 1.5 or thicker than 3m.m.; the points
13 c.m. long with a spread of 7 c.m. Between the handle and the free points two lashings of yellow

and black fibres {Hibiscus tiliaceusî).
230. Rowai. Mâpia; comb as 229, length 28 c.m., 14 points 11 c.m. long, spread 6 c.m.
N°. 231. Rôwai. Mâpia; as before, length 25.5 c.m.; 15 small pegs joined together by piercing across
5 small, wooden pins into a handle 4 c.m. broad, 8 c.m. long; no lashings; spread of 6.2 c.m.
232. Pl. VII fig 8. Vt- Umsjèri. Tobadi; two small, round sticks of palm wood, one of the ends
pointed; red clay, niwe, sticking on. Used by the men to scratch themselves; also used as impie-

N=. 233. Andai- length 43 c.m., with 7 teeth 23 c.m. long, together at the base 2 c.m. broad, here caught
by a cord\'lashing, supported at the back by a notch; spread 7.6 c.m., obtained by introducmg small,
wooden wedges and red calico into the cuttings. Handle with nodium, white beads stuck on end.

234.nbsp;Andai; length 35 c.m., 10 c.m. of which used for the six sided handle; at the top and below a
nodmm, broadened to 2 c.m.; lashing of 7 turns of brass wire supported on the sides and at the
back by notches; 7 points with a spread of 10.5 c.m. Red calico and wedges in the cuttings.

235.nbsp;Pl. VII, fig. 6. Vr- Andai: handle with white bead stuck on, upper part round; below nodium
iicely carved, broadening towards joint bases of points and here with lashing of brass wire.

N°. 236. PI. VII, fig. 7. V-- Inagoi; 4 points between which wooden wedges; cord lashing supported at
the sides and back by notches, handle above this, ornamented with zigzag lines; above nodium
carved, five or six sided, concave or band-shaped; the end with square opening, to which, with bark
fibre, a chain of 4 links, carved out of a single piece of bamboo, the last link with a ball of the
skin of Phalanger maculatus and feathers of Cacatua triton Temm. Of a young man.

N°. 237. PI. VII, fig. 5. Vt- Mapar; 5 points, lashing of fine string supported by side notches, the handle
below the nodium triangular, with carved curl ornament; above this partly six sided and with
human figure, front turned aside; eyes, ears, nose and limbs raised; six sided head covering; the
arms, resting on the knees, reach with the hands under the chin; feet double curl-shaped.

N°. 238. PI. VII, fig. 4. Take. Angadi; 5 points, take natu, lashing of brass wire, nai ini-, side
notches; triangular space below the nodium with curl ornament; the handle formed by a bamboo
ramification, pointing backwards 60°, carved with human figure, tiha-, limbs represented by 4
reversed coils, between which in front an oblong shield up to the chin. Head covering seven sided,
with 3 encircling carvings.

N°. 239. Mähe ert. Kwatisoré; 35.5 c.m. long with 5 points, ingri, ingrè, 22 c.m. long and a spread
of 6 c.m.; handle without ornament, lashing out of Gossypium twine.

N°. 240. Mähe èrï. Kwatisoré; as N°. 239, 32 c.m. long and with 6 points 25 c.m. long; spread of
8.4 c.m.; handle at the end with blue bead stuck on.

N°. 241. PI. IX, fig. 5. Vs- Mähe eri. Kwatisoré; 5 points, lashing of twine made from bark fibres;
handle along the back with small round and large crescent-shaped openings, brära gerï-, back border
scalloped accordingly and with garlands of differently coloured beads, uru brè, and small tassels
of calico, hlMe. Worn at festivities by the men.

N°. 242. PI. VIII, fig. 4, Vs;nbsp;Va- Mähe erï. Kwatisoré; 7 points, an outside one (much

longer than the others), with 7 sharp oval openings and 2 eight sided buttons; lashing of bark fibre,
warie or wu ariè\', handle at the end with a carved ornament, möhun do here, connected Imkhke;
both with oval openings and cafico tassels. Used on festive occasions.

N°. 243. PI. VIII, fig. I, V?; IS Vr Mehäi tongere. Kwatisoré; with 5 points, the lashing out of
roughly made rope; handle with a window of 4 horizontal and 2 vertical bolts of bamboo, the whole
entwined by small beads, regularly strung on a twine net of vegetable fibres (fig. la); at the crossing
points of the window tassels of red and brown cafico, with a large, white bead, natu abdgrè. From
the tops three red and brown calico stri-^^, hibü, 1.15—1.40 m- long, hanging down. Said to be
worn by women (?) at dances. Weight 145 gram.

N\'. 244. PL VII, fig. 3. Vv- Chrar. Kajó Entsäu; made of 8 smaU, pointed bolts of ^ « N\'ibung{7)
on one side black, on the other side yellow white and placed alternatively; lashing 2.5 c.m. broad,
of monocotyle fibres, unites the sideways flattened bases of the small sticks; handle with 19 lashings
and slightly bent in the plane; the end with Areca-husk stuck on.

N\\ 245. Chrar. Kajó Entsäu; like N°. 244, 3T c.m. in length, 6 c.m. spread; 8 bolts ah turned
with the same colour towards one side. Sweet scented leaves (Amomum Cardamomum) jammed
between the points and fixed with strips of red calico; handle decorated with calico and two tail
feathers of Lorius Lory (L) on strips of quih. Areca-husk on the end.

246. PL VII, fig. 16. 2/g. Chrar. Kajó Entsäu; 10 bolts, pins from the bract oi Arenga sac-
char if er a, joined by numerous fine lashings into 2 handles, bent in different directions, partly
wound round with hairy skin of cuscus, hn-, Areca-husk as end ornament. On the longest handle
a feather of Cacatua triton Temm., tjäbö, cut into the shape of a bird, on an elastic strip of
quill of Rhyticeros, maidje.

N°. 247. Chrar. Kajo Entsâu; 30 c.m. in length, spread 7 c.m.; 10 bolts; handle slightly bent, wound
round with cuscus skin and with 2 Cacatua feathers cut as above, stuck on strips of quill.

N°. 248. PI. VII, fig. 2. Laf i. Thaë; 8 bolts of palmwood, greatly flattened, bent in the handle to
^/s of the circumference of a circle; stuck on the points, ii, 10 dry, sweet scented leaves oi A mo-
mum Car dam 0 mum-, Areca-husk,/lt;a;, at the end.

N°. 249. Oinake; 7 pins of the bract of Arenga s ac c h ar if er a-, length 30 cm., spread 5.5 c.m.; the
handle wound round with cuscus skin and red calico. Out of the opening of the Areca-husk
4 cords hanging down, with an ornament like N°. 517—519 (PI. XI, fig. 7).

N°. 250. Tanah Merah; length 25, spread 7 c.m.; 11 palmwood bolts, arranged according to colour;
handle, by adding an additional bolt on each side, consists of 13, the middle one the longest and
gradually decreasing in length towards the margins; 12 transverse fine rattan (?) lashings. Jammed
between the points sweet scented leaves (Zingiberaceae).

N°. 251. Dójo; length 28, spread 6 c.m., 8 bolts; foot lashing partly of string, partly of rattan; handle
broadened in the middle by larger width of the component bolts; at the beginning and at the end
surrounded by strip of cuscus skin; Areca-husk at the end.

N°. 252. Dójo; length 30, spread 6 c.m., 7 palm wood bolts; handle, slightly curved towards the end
(Areca-husk), by excessive flattening of the bolts only 7 m.m. broad; 7 lashings.

N°. 253. Dójo; length 27, spread 5.2 c.m. with 7 points, in the handle 5 loose bolts are added; here
smeared with a layer of a black material, which when heated becomes soft and sticky; entwined
by a string to which at each turn, on both flat sides of the handle, a Coix seed has been strung;
feather of Cacatua triton Tenim. stuck on small strip of quill and 4 feathers of Trie h 0-
glosstis cyanogrammus Wagl., cut open on both sides along the quill.

N°. 254. PI. VII, fig. i. 1/7- Mahiroi. Ajapo; 20 pins of Arenga saccharifera, arranged in a
transversely curved plane; foot lashing, kèmè, 5 c.m. broad, of yellow grass stems (?) and black fern
roots (?), bordered towards the points, jomo, and towards the handle, kobâ, by a transverse rattan
lashing; higher up a zigzag one. Middle pins longest, provided with Areca-husk, prau.

N°. 255. Mahiroi. Ifar; as N°. 254, 29 palm wood bolts, only the middle 4 of full length: 28 c.m.;
spread ± 13 c.m. On handle, convex side, 4 transverse strings of differently coloured beads.

N°. 256. Mahiroi. Ifar; as N°. 247, length 29, spread 6 c.m.; 10 bolts; handle broadest on the middle
of its length by the greater thickness of each of the bolts at this spot; higher up entwined with
cuscus skin, the end with Areca-husk.

N°. 257. Mahiroi. Ifar; length 34, spread 7 c.m.; 10 bolts, entwined near the foot lashing with cuscus
skin; two diverging handles, (Areca-husk at each end), of different lengths, each formed by the
prolongation of 5 prongs, but broadened by intercallation of resp. 6 and 3 other bolts.

258. PI. YIII, fig. 7. Vj. Angur. Tobadi; ornamented with bird of paradise, tear-, comb, chrar,
itself out of 8 pins of Arenga; passed over handle up to bases of prongs a rattan shield,
ni7itè, along the margin with 2 rows of Nassa, dèr, in between with red seeds oi A brus pr aec a-
torius, unasi, glued on with a sort of black putty, chère,-, at the back a piece of the soft pith of
Alstonia scholar is, sui, in which the long, yellow tail feathers, ónje, have been stuck fast, but
also, fan-shaped, some wooden strips, to which, with Pandanus fibres, ime, Amomum leaves and
the smaller, red feathers, nmmisi, are fastened; head, tear châbûre, and neck also filled up
with sui and passed over handle, up to shield. Worn by the men at festivities, stuck in the hair
right above forehead.

259. Pk VII, fig. 15. Vy- Nimeris. Kaptiau; oval piece of prepared bark, on one side Nassa,
sewn on imbricatedly, in 8 continuous, spiral turns, leaving open spaces, occupied by transverse

strings of black seed rings. A rope of 75 c.m. uniting both oval ends, fitted for head circumference
of 57 c.m. Worn by a man with short hair on the top of the head.

N°. 260. Pk X, fig. i. Vg. Marpuikai. Tarfia; sausage-shaped piece of bark entwined with bark strips
and cotton cord; convex side mounted with 2 longitudinal rows, each of ±30 black Rhyticeros
feathers, cut down to 6 c.m.; provided with rattan strips for transversal and horizontal head circum-
ference, strips sticking out abt. 40 c.m. in front. Festive dress for men.

N°. 261. Sjikai. Tarfia; as N°. 260, but on the top with longitudinal strip of red calico and in the
middle, erect, a 50 c.m. long, whiplike strip of rattan and 3 Cacatua feathers, cut in herring-bone
pattern. Festive dress for men.

N°. 262. PI. X, fig. 5. Vio- Tai{}) Oinâke; head ornament consisting of a long rattan, surrounded by
9 bunches of cassowary feathers fastened with thin reeds, placed on the top and with the lower
split end participating in the formation of a helmet of three horizontal, oval, rattan rings and eight
vertical ribs of split rattan ; red clay sticking on inside. Found in the temple and only to be used
there ; was to be kept out of sight of women and children.

N°. 263. PI. X, fig. 6. Vio- Taii^) Oinâke; as N°. 262, but with 4 erect feathered rattans, with their
lower extremities participating in the formation of the helmet; rattan string for suspending.

N°. 264. Pk IX, fig. 8. i/e- Chore. Ifar; flat, oval, wooden rim, 1.2 c.m. thick; on both sides by a carved
line a peripheric strip demarcated, in which deepened, white spaces alternate with red and black
raised spaces; remainder divided by zigzag carving into triangles; inner ones white, outer ones red.
Weight 350 gram. Worn at festivities ; the whole of the hair to be pulled through opening.

N°. 265. PI. IX, fig. 7. Ve- Tjari. Thaë; as N°. 264, 1.2 c.m. thick, nearly round and with a kind of
handle, in the shape of a reversed equicrural trapezium (bird\'s tail ?) ; one side with deepened, white
triangles with concave bases; these and the standing sides akernatively: i red, 2 black, 3 red, 2
black. Festive dress as above; coloured side turned towards the face.

N°. 266. PI. XI, fig. 14. Ve- Tjari. Thaë; crescent-shaped, of 0.8 c.m. thick wood, at both points
a small hole, in which a string of bark; one side carved with 4 toothed, parallel ribs, alternatively
coloured red and black, on white ground. Obtained in the temple, pla, wrapped up in bark. Worn
on festive occasions by men, on forehead along hmit of hair, coloured side in front.

N°. 267. PL IX, fig. 9. Vs. Tjari. Thaë; as N°. 266, but with 3 projections on the outer circumference,
the middle one pointed (bird\'s head?), both side ones broadest towards the end (bird\'s wings?);
one side with 2 sets of 8 deepened, white coloured triangles, separated by 2 paraUel, zigzag, relief
lists, the inside one red, the outside one black. Found as N°. 266.

N°. 268. PL IX, fig. 2. %. Tjari. Thaë; as N°. 266, near the ends with 2 wing-shaped projections,
small, narrow, elevated, red rim along the convexity ; both wings also with black and red raised rims
on white ground. Found and used as before.

N\'\'. 269. PL XI, fig. 12. \'/i. Waba; as N°. 266, thickness diminishing towards the convexity (fig. 12a);
one side with 14 deepened, white coloured A A, with bases along the outer circumference, varied
with 13 relief A A, alternatively red and black, with bases along the inner circumference; at each
of the corners a small string of Gnetum bark fibre. Obtained in the temple. Use as above.

270. Erat. Asé; flat ring 6 c.m. wide (diameter outside circumference 30, inside circumference
18 c.m.) of 15 spiral turns of rattan, kept together by spiral entwining with rattan strips; inner
margin, ïne, strengthened with 3 extra rings; coloured with radiating stripes of hme, au, red clay,
mïre, and soot, èbèi^). From a men\'s watch-house; used on special occasions.

N°. 271 PI. IX, fig. i. Vt- E,rai. Asé; as N®. 270, inner margin only with 2 extra rings; the spiral
entwining very regularly (fig. la); at the back red clay sticking on. Found and used as before.

N°. 272. Pl. X, fig. 2. i/g. Sawè. Tanah Merah; as a part of the rim of a hat, gutter-shaped; zigzag
turns of a single rattan strip, laid parallel to the curved margins and each fastened to the other with
continuous spiral turns of rattan. The ends of the inside margin joined by a vegetable fibre of
42 c.m. Worn as N°. 262, convex side in front.

273. Pl. IX, fig. 3. \'/-. Chöre. Tobadi; as 272 but flat; 16 curved strips joined according to
fig. 3a; inner bend strengthened with extra rattan strips, which at both corners form an eye, in
which barkfibres closed with flat knot for a head circumference of 53 c.m. One side with 13 white
triangles, separated by red and black stripes; red clay sticking on back part and string. Worn by
men at festivities.

N°. 274. Chore. Tobadi; as N°. 273 with the number 14; tied string with circumference of 580.111.

N°. 275. Pl. X, fig. 4. ^/j. Fersiini or fersjûm. Asé; crescent-shaped rattan plaited work, erai, along
the outer circumference 32 bunches of short feathers, aimai, of the cassowary, aâwache, tied in fine
Artocarpus or Antiaris fibres, fastened with continuous rattan lashing; front plane with 10
groups of seeds of Coix lacryma, kèmberi, fastened with white, fine cord, made of the same
fibre. From a private house. Ornamental wear for men on special occasions.

N°. 276. Pl. IX, fig. 6. \'/j. Fer sum. Asé; as N°. 275, with 19 unsplit rattans, of d= 3 m.m. thickness,
entwined as per fig. 47. Along the outer circumference with 48 bunches of long feathers, tebhn,
of cassowary, abwache-, on front part, with twisted Pandanus fibres 3 strips of prepared bark are
fastened, on each of which a row of Coix (fig. 6a) with spiral turns of thin liana; strips of red
and blue calico, ambèri marà, are stuck on with a resinous matter, kanä. Loops of bark in the eyes
at both corners.

277. Pl. X, fig. 7. \'/y. Aimai. Asé; 8 strings of rope made of Gnetum bark fibres, tsa or sa, on
which 60 bunches of cassowary feathers, fastened with twine out of Artocarpus bark fibre,
the 8 strings kept together by spiral entwining with a white string, tsum, made of Antiaris fibres.
The ends of the strings plaited, tsajobe, serve as binding strings.

N°. 278—286. Châtuâr arû. Tobadi and Ingris; as N°. 277; 25—370.111. (average 32) in length,
the number of strings from 3 to 12 (average 7); the feathers cut at a length of 4—8 c.m. like
brushes; in some specimens, parts left uncut on purpose. From N°. 284 of Ingrâs a set of ground-
down boar\'s tusks, fiâ, as worn through the septum, is hanging down. Found in houses as well as
in the temple. Are manufactured by the men and used by them with the war dress.

N°. 287. Pl. X, fig. 3. \'/e- Manswar. Wari; 61 equally long bunches of cassowary feathers fastened as
above to a double, longitudinal string made out of fine Antiaris fibre, which returning at one
extremity, entwines consecutively all the bunches with a circular twist. Used in war dances.

N°. 288. Pl. VIII, fig. 2. Vs- Nèting. Oinake; strip of bark, towards both ends passing into a plaited
string and finally in 3 resp. 4 twisted cords; row of Nassa tied on imbricatedly along circumference;
besides by a double row divided into A spaces, partly with Abrus and Erythrina beans glued on.
Worn horizontally over the forehead by a man of abt 25 years; much red clay sticking on.

N°. 289. Nebum. Kaptiau; a i—2 c.m. broad, 31 c.m. long, hairy strip of the skin of Phalanger-,
the ends united by brown, two-stranded cord, for head circumference of 53 c.m. Worn as N°. 288.

N°. 290, PL X, fig. 8. Va- Ajâm. Asé; tail feathers of Goura Beccari, all still on urostyle; provided
with a 60 c.m. long loop, ugoi, of rattan. From a men\'s watch-house, obe. Worn vertically in front
of forehead, feri, on special occasions.

N°. 291. Pl. VIII, fig. 5. \'/lo; 5a. quot;/a. Hitong. Sëkâ; 7 rows of stringed Coix seeds fastened between 8
horizontal, double cords; the transversely continuous thread makes at times a turn round each set
of cords and, arrived at the edge, returns transversely along the back, passing between both cords
of each set; in the middle a string of blue between two strings of red beads, âlâtô. The 16 cords
Nova Guinea. IIL Ethnography.nbsp;ic

form at one end an eye, at the other end two plaits. Worn by Sëka men, who performed dances
at Tobadi (fig. 198—200).

N°. 292. Kant jo. Ingras; two 22 c.m. long strings of Nassa and black seed rings, kantjo, united in the
middle; depending from both ends a small boar\'s tusk, por cheab, pierced at the base. Each
string made from two threads, to which Nassa disks, each with one natural and one artificial
opening, are strung in zigzag position between the seed rings (and a few coloured beads). The
strings for tying, war, plaited. To be worn by men along edge of hair over forehead.

N°. 293. PI. XI, fig. 2. 1/2. Kant jo. Ingrls; as N°. 292; the middle connection obtained by a larger
Nassa disk, which allows the upper string to pass through upper opening, the lower one through
lower opening. Close to the tusks also glass beads. Found in bag N°. 634.

N°. 294. PI. XII, fig. ID. -/g. Aiba. Nimburan; 4 sets of 2 ground-down boar\'s tusks; only the convex
side retained, perforated at both ends; in one set the base-ends connected by a short string, at the
other ends a cord for head circumference of 51 c.m. Worn by men (fig. 41).

N°. 295. Sintai or sintain. Pokèmbo (Arfak Mountains); two pieces of Tti-rbo olearius, shining
like mother of pearl; connected lengthwise by 3 vegetable fibres, passing through 3 sets of holes;
total length 17 c.m., the ends joined by calico strip for head circumference of 54 c.m. Dirty, but
not with clay. Worn by women.

N°. 296. Chainiandi. Ingras; nine (one red, eight blue) globe-shaped, non-transparent glass beads of
abt. 7m.m. diameter; on strip of brown fibre, tied into a knot. For women or girls; hanging down
before the mouth (fig. 207).

N°. 297. Nari. Thaë; irregular cylindrical boh of Tridacna-, length 7.2, thickness in the middle 1.5
at the ends 0.9 c.m.; weight 27 gram. Worn by men through the septum.

N°. 298. Oinake; as N°. 297, more purely cylindrical, length 4, thickness 1.4 c.m.; weight 15 gr.

N°. 299. Éjne or ime. Tobadi; as N°. 297, length 7.9, thickness in the middle 1.3, at the ends0.5 c.m.;
weight 16 gr.

N°. 300. Erne or ime. Tobadi; as before more purely cylindrical, length 4, thickness 1.3, c.m.; weight
14 gr. De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 23, N°. 77] call it sia or tsia, the name of the shell.

N°. 3or. Orómbob. Wari; pure cylindrical, slightly transparent shell, ain, length 7.1, thickness 0.6 c.m.

N°. 302. PI. XI, fig. 5. i/j. Nörè mdgrè. Kwatisoré; milkwhite shell material, with a few brown spots,
not quite round and at each of the curved ends 6 lashings of brass Wire, jondo wd-fc,

N°. 303. PI. XI, fig. 4. 1/,. Mapar; 49 small, differently coloured beads, strung on a rattan strip. Worn
by a man of abt. 24 years.

N°. 306. PI. XII, fig. i. \'/j. Lömö. Jambuë; set from bamboo, each with 3 pairs of burnt-in, circular
lines, each pair with opposite small rectangular lines; on one of the pieces an encircling line of
dots is also burnt in. Use as nose ornaments doubtful.

N°. 307. PI. XII, fig. 3. 1/2- Doktr. Wari; piece of bamboo, delineated at regular intervals by 10 paired,
circular scratchings, between which, by cross scratches a design of squares; middle part blank.

N°. 308. Chamba or katnba. Asé; pointed piece of fibula of Dendr 0 lagus, 7 c.m. long, one end
1.2 c.m. broad, shows part of the lower joint.

N°. 309. PI. XII, fig. 2. \'/2- Chaniba. Asé; as N°. 308, was said to be derived from a pig.

N°. 310. Wake. Nimbiiran; two flat, claw-shaped pieces of Conus, the broad, 3 m.m. thick, perfo-
rated ends united with vegetable fibre, smeared with gumhke material. Worn by men, points
upwards. Size as with N°. 311.

311. PI. XII, fig. 14. Dójo; as N°. 310; at the broad ends abt. 2 m.m. thick. Worn by a man
of abt. 30 years, points upwards, on the right and left against the ridge of the nose.

N°. 312. Fiâ or piâ. Ingrâs; pair of two lateral planes of circularly bent (abt. of circumference of
circle, radius of abt. 6 c.m.), boar\'s tusks ±2 m.m. thick, the ends bluntly pointed; at the middle
of length 1.5, at the base 1.3 c.m. broad, here perforated and united by strips of fibre, distance
between the points abt. 3.5 c.m.; round each tusk a leather ringlet, cut transversely out of the skin
of a snake or of a lizard tail. Weight 17 gr. Worn by men, the points downwards or upwards.
313—321. PL XII, fig. 20. Obo tend. Ajapo, Asé, Simbârâ, Seisârâ, Abâr; as N°. 312,
some provided with leather ringlets (1—4) which, in N°. 321, still show plainly the scales; not in
daily use, but hanging down on chest suspended by neck strings plaited after fig. 4, pag. 17.

N°. 322. PL XII, fig. 6. -/g. Painka. Asé; piece of cane, one end pared off; carved as arrow N°. 994,
fig. 150. Worn with pointed end jammed in hole, puru, burn, of lobe left ear, ankai, and hanging
down before shoulder.

N°. 323. PI. XII, fig. II, a and b. Seisârâ; cylindrical piece of sofi, white, monocotyl wood, reel-
shaped; at one end the ring-shaped thickening can be passed off or on.

N°. 324. PI. XII, fig. 5. 1/2. Suru. Maré; bamboo cylinder at one end transversely cut off, the other
with 2 diametrically placed, pointed projections. Worn with cylindrical part in lobe of ear.

N°. 325. PL XII, fig. 7. i/^. Nokwâ. Sâwé; like N°. 324. Scratched-in circles and triangles.

N°. 326. Tainebân. Kaptiau; as before, diameter 2.4 c.m. cut off transversely at one end, at the
other oblique; here at the long (6 c.m.) side continued by a narrow tongue, 7 c.m. long, with
incisions at the margins. Scratched-in line, along oblique opening, up to tongue.

N°. 327. PI. XII, fig. 4. Tainebân. Kaptiau; as before; the projection as beak of a bird figure,
scratched in on the cylinder.

N°. 328. PI. XII, fig. 9. Taineba7i. Kaptiau; before, at one end with 2 tongues.

N°. 329. PI. XII, fig. 8. Tainebân. Kaptiau; as before, but at one end cut off obfiquely and here
with narrow, tooth-edged tongue on both long and short sides.

330—331- E^ne. Kajo Entsâu; 2 sets of two, i c.m. broad, 7 and 15 c.m. long respectively, strips
of cuscus skin; curved, hair outside; worn by men.

332. Erne. Sëkâ; piece of hairy cuscus skin, 30 X 10 c.m., at the narrowest end a fibre, by which it
was probably suspended in the smoke of the fire. Intended to be made into ornaments.

333-nbsp;Entsji. Tobadi; ring of a strip of tortoise shell 6 m.m. broad, diameter 5.2 c.m., the ends
reaching 3 c.m. over each other. Of a man.

334-nbsp;Dójo; as before, diameter 4 c.m.; imported from Tanah Merah. Of a man.

N°. 335. Entsji. Tobâdi ; set of 4 rings, of rfc 4 c.m. diameter. Of a man, 2 rings in each ear.

336. Entsji. Tobadi; set of 2 rings; the large one (±8 c.m. diameter) for the right, the smaller
one (± 6 c.m. diameter), from which dangles a small (2 c.m.) ringlet, entsji natu {natu = child), for
the left ear; of the village chief, karesöri, of Tobadi.

338-nbsp;Ptirâ. Asé; tortoise shell ring (diameter r.7 c.m.) depending from it a Conus ring, foto, with
central opening of i c.m. diameter, outer circumference with 12 points, kar a.

339-nbsp;Entsji. Ingrâs; set: 1° tortoise shell ring, to which shell ring with 8 points, cMnierere chârini-,
2° tortoise shell ring to which a small one and to this a blue glass ringlet, chaimândi. For a man

N . 340. Entsji. Tobadi; set of three large tortoise shell rings, one with a small one entsji
natu, depending, one with shell ring of Track us miotic us, p%chke, pidje, the third one with
bamboo ring, ide, i c.m. broad, 2.4 c.m. diameter, intended for opening in septum of nose. For a man

N°. 341. Entsji. Tobadi; tortoise shell ring with Trochus ring as above. Only ear ornament of a man.
342. Asé; set of two tortoise shell rings,/«r«, each with Trochus ring, ku, hanging on.

N°. 343. Ingrâs; four tortoise shell rings, one with blue glass ring, chaimândi, and fine shell ring of
Fissurella{}), sârêntje wöri. Worn by a woman; each ear 2 rings.

N°. 344. PL XI, fig. 3. Tobadi; tortoise shell ring; tied on imbricately to outer circumference 2
groups of 4 Nassa disks, der, between which continuous strings, war, fasten a blue bead, kâr uwL
Only ear ornament of Pörèw, medicine man.

N°. 345. Ti. Thaë; tortoise shdl ring with blue glass ring, beads, to, and piece of bamboo, lönio, 1.5 c.m.
long, I c.m. thick; red clay sticking on. Of a young man

N°. 346. Sëkâ; set of two tortoise shell rings, one with 4 coloured glass ringlets, to kamâdike, the other
with blue green ring and 2 rattan rings, lömoch, lömok, 1.2 c.m. diameter, 0.7 c.m. thick; red
clay sticking on. Of a young man from the temple, pla.

N°. 347 and 348. Sëkâ; 2 sets as before, the second with ring from long bone of cassowary, fdro, with
diameter of 2.5 c.m. Of young men.

N°. 349. PL XII, fig. 13, a and b. Ti. Sëkâ; as before, one with Trochus rings, kâ, depending, the
other with one Trochus ring and 2 bone rings of cassowary, tard.

N°. 350. PL XI, fig. II. Vi. For a. Nâcheibe; tortoise shdl ring with piece of mother ol jóbjobè,
from Turbo marnioratus, in the shape of an animal head with opened mouth, and blue bead^
ard duè, on cord loop. Only ornament of a man; left ear.

N°. 351.^ Sâgeisârâ; tortoise shell ring, para, (or chain of 2 rings) to which an upper mandible of horn-
bill, labdri, with 4—8 year-rings, the point down. Worn by women; 5 pieces.

N°. 352. PL XII, fig. 16. 2/.. Jachonto; mandible as before, suspended on 2 phalanges of Pteropus;
end phalange bent round and stuck in hollow of proximal phalange. From right ear of a man.

N°. 353. PL XI, fig. 8. Ifar; set of 2 phalange rings, as with N°. 352, each with 2 blue glass rings.
Worn by men.

354- Pk XII, fig. 12, 2/5. Chibântjo. Tobadi; four phalange rings as before; each carrying 3—4
terminal phalanges formed into a ring; to one a glass ringlet, chaimdndi. The whole from one lobe
of the ear, tinji, sinji, of man of middle age.

N°. 355, Tobadi; set: for right side, ring of bent iron wire, sigtchâbai, to which 2 blue beads, chaimdndi,
and chain of 9 rings, plaited from yellow and black vegetable stems, kâde-, for left side, Pteropus
pendant as N°. 352 with blue and white beads, chaimdnsjo, chibântjo. Of a man.

356. Tobadi; tortoise shell ring to which circular band, sugwai-sugwai, made from cord,
according to fig. 43, of 8 c.m. circumference, pierced by 7 strings, which on both ends wear a
tress of beads, mUi, prevented from slipping off by a knot. From right ear of a married woman

N°. 357. Undnke. Tobadi; two sets with bands, war sen:osi, as with N°. 356, tresses with Coix seeds,
urudr, and small beads, nioti, the strings depending as fringe, tmrfrà, one of the rings with another
three small, Ftssurella or Patella, and one large Cardium shell ring. Worn by men
and women.

358.nbsp;Ti. Thaë; set as N°. 356, the band with 28 and 20 tresses of beads respectively, with a 15 c.m.
long cord fringe; on the last ring also a piece of cuscus skin. Of a young man. = turtle.

359.nbsp;Pk XI, fig. i. Asé; Set as 356, the band, tsa, plaited according to fig. 44, surrounded by
a small blue glass ring, pur kèwkèw, each tress with only 5 small beads, mainje or mènjd, below
which the strings, saputai, hanging down; one of the rings with small ring of hoop-iron, tdme, and
bamboo nose ring, pohè, of 2.3 c.m. diameter and i c.m. broad; the other with glass ring, Conus
ring, indûm, and tortoise shell ring, pura, again with Conus ring and ring from plaited grass, km.

^60. Entû. Asé; Conus shell in the making for an ornamental ring, thus leaving only the bottom
with erect, broken-oif edges, i c.m. high. Also called entiun, intû, iitdwn.

N° 361. Mambrâr. Nimburan; set of 2 cassowary primaries each bent into a ring the thin end
stuck into the thick one.

N°. 363. Pl. XII, fig.. 17. V,. Casipedè. Kaptiau; as 361, 7 pieces; 2 of them suspended from
ring made of Pteropus phalange.

364. Sekâwir. Mawes; tortoise shell ring, sekâwir, of 4-5 c.m. diameter, on which stars ground
from Conus, warina.

N°. 365. Tanah Merah; 5 tortoise shell rings each with Conus ring, ondûm, with 6—n points.

N°. 366. Pk XI, fig. 9. i/j. ingu àgerï. Kwatisoré; horseshoe-shaped tortoise shell object, with
broadened ends, suspending from a tortoise shell ringlet.

N°. 367. Na err. Kwatisoré; small ring of iron wire, a small perforated mother of pearl, himberö ribrè
disk and a small chain of ±30 tortoise shell links, as on 366, na erï, alternatively round or
sideways compressed, at the end of which a loop-shaped ornament as N°. 368, brègërï, of light
blue, non-transparent glass. Worn by a young man.

N°. 368. Bregërï. Kwatisoré; bugle of green blue glass. See Edge Partington [1890, Pk 290, N°. 10].

N . 369. Pl. XII, fig. 15. 1/2. Släfrö kânani. Mios Kórwar; three chains as of W. 367, one with an
hatchet-shaped ornament of thin tortoise shell. Worn by men.

N°. 370. Pl. XII, fig. 18. Vs- Sörckä. Asé; collar from a strip of bark, folded double, plaited round
by the two ends of a single strip of rattan, erai, the bark forming at one end a loop, puru, at the
other end loose fibres, sabörö, to close the band. Of a man.

371. Pl. XII, fig. 19. 1/5. Sötote. Asé; collar from two rows Coix seeds, khnberi, placed sideways
against each other, applied with a continuous ascending and descending string between 3 plaited
cords of Pandanus fibres,/a««, at the ends twisted together as binding strings; at the middle with
a longitudinal plaiting of 3 black mycelium threads, nau.

N°. 372. Te. Thaë; 94 c.m. long string of Nassa disks, fe, each provided with one natural and one arti-
ficial opening, fastened imbricatedly by the bights of an upper cord on a stretched lower cord. Of
a young man, for 3 times the circumference of the throat.

373- Te. Taë; like N°. 372, but with a double lower cord, length 130 c.m.; for four times the cir-
cumference of the throat.

N°. 374. Kantjo or Chantsjö. Ingrâs; pair of cords, 1520.111. long, each with small strings of black
seed rings, kanjtó, between which both cords pass together through a large blue bead; at the end
a boar\'s tusk, por cheäb. Worn by men, several times joining round the neck.

N . 375. PL XIII, fig. 3. 1/5. Atjînâ. Sageisârâ; string of black seed rings, kantjo, between which 14
white beads, on the surface with rounded meridional ribs. Worn by grown-up man, three times
round the neck. See also Chapter VII, Pl. XXIV, fig. 7.

N . 376. Sar an or Sadan. Sâwé; string of 27 blue beads, alternating with 26 small shells {Cypraea
annulus), the string entering by the natural opening and passing out by a small hole at the corner
of the round side; tied up for neck circumference of 39 c.m.

• 377- Thöde or Ts öde. Ingrâs; two boar\'s tusks, each end conically pierced, the bases connected

^ 378. Pl. XIII, fig. 9. Seisârâ; as N°. 377, tusks of unequal length, not unequal in the curve-

bases connected by a six fold cord in a movable manner, at the points by double cords, for neck
circumference of 27.5 c.m. Of a man.

379. PI. XIII, fig. 8. 1/5. Seisârâ; breast ornament from 7 ground boars\' tusks, (medial surfaces)
arranged in two vertical rows, the tusks of each row placed along side each other, the concave
edge turned upwards. A strip of rattan in the middle at the back; in front with 2 rows of Nassa.
A neck string, 55 c.m. long, through the openings of the free ends of the tusks. Worn by a man.

N°. 380. PI. XIII, fig. I. 1/3. Liki; two heavy Conus rings, boblè, joined by a lashing of reed, transversely
caught by a narrow leather band; each ring provided with a band plaited from 3 cords, ninlalu,
which, to be tied on the back, here enlaces a shoot of Zingiberaceae, mdmh\'d. Of a man, the
shells to be worn in front.

N°. 381. Ambo âàribrè. Kwatisoré; six longitudinal cords of Pandanus fibre, to which differently
coloured beads, urubre, are strung in pairs, see comb N°. 243. At each end 4 large beads and
the cords plaited together into bands. Length 75 c.m. Neck string worn by men and women.

N°. 382. Nadja ârè. Kwatisoré; as N°. 383, strip of Pandanus leaf, ambrarè, 2 c.m. broad, 90 c.m.
long, one extremity forming a loop of 5 c.m. diameter, the remainder folded and enclosing a rattan
strip; 42 shells of Cypraea annulus, nadja ârè, strung on, all twice perforated on the back. Worn
by a man in front of the chest, suspended by a neck string.

N°. 383. PI. XIII, fig. 4. Vs- Kârombo. Sengé; like N°. 382, but the strip of Pandanus,nbsp;without

loop and not folded, with 25 shehs, kârombô, and at the end with baU of cuscus skin, kapa. Of a
man born at Mafor, living at Sengé. For manner of wear see fig. 206.

N°. 384. PI. XI, fig. 6. 72- Kwatisoré; brass wire necklace on which 17 beads, namp;gre, among which 2
larger muUicoloured ones (fig. 6a and 6b), a black Nipa fruit, adje urè, a tail, lûbie grè, of wild boar,
podjie, and an upper mandible of Goura, ore mogrè, with crest, mabru grè. Worn by a young man.

N°. 385. PI. XIII, fig. 5. Vs- Soto wutai. Asé; collar of light yellow brown cord, made according to
fig. 47. Outer side with 2 rows of parallel Coix seeds, khnberi, inclining in opposite sense, the rows
separated by a narrow plaited work of black mycelium, nau\\ along lower margm a row of Coix
seeds, suspended from loose strings, putai, wutai^ carrying also ball-shaped Coix seeds (each sup-
ported by a small knot). Worn by men on festive occasions.

N°. 386. PI. XIV, fig. 2. 3/,. Chandori. Kajó Entsau; collar plaited from Pandanus fibre, ï;«, according
to fig. 48, joined at the ends into 2 strings for tying, pedebUe. On front side, 3 rows of Coix seeds,
uriiar, inclining in different directions, interrupted in three places by transverse zigzag rows of
beads. Along lower margin 23 strings, each fastened in the middle and the 46 projecting ends,
toânesosi, forming a network with beads, chainiândi, pieces of cane, piar, Coix and Adenanthera,
pèrehi-, monocotyle leaves, senchor, tied on to the fringe. Worn by men at dances.

N°. 387. PI. XV, fig. 3, 3a. 1/3. Chainâri. Sâgeisârâ; rattan, irai, plaited like N°. 370, to which a
frame of 4 vertical mycelium, plaits, nau, ending below at 2 horizontal pieces of cane, along
which another plait of mycefium; pieces of yellow cane, pedinko, along the side margins; here and
in middle space (with row of Nassa, dèri), Coix, threaded on transverse strings, projecting along
outer margins as a fringe, kantjûrâ-, similar fringe with Coix along lower margin. Worn by men on
special occasions in front of the chest.

288—39r. PI. XIII, fig. 6, a and b. ^/jg. Chendori. Tobadi; 4 breast shields of about equal
size, consisting of a rattan, anchor-shaped basket work; space between shank and arms on both
sides taken up by ground boar\'s tusks (medial surfaces), piâ-, shank formed by 4—6 wooden
pins, diminishing towards lower end in number and thickness; arms of strips of rattan, ending parallel
at the outside margin, the whole connected by transverse rattan lashings; tusks with conically bored
holes, and tied to these with rattan strips, curving in front, convex bend upwards, joining each other.

Along circumference of basket work, at the back a rattan, spirally entwined and often rattan eye
for neck string, tare, tarî-, in front along the circumference double row of Nassa, dèr, the surface
trimmed by several, partly symetrical rows of Nassa, between which Abrus, iimisji, and Erythrina
glued on with rosin. Along circumference, cord fringe, wârfrà, on which in N°. 388 a large
blue bead, simbóni, and a hook-shaped piece of shell, line, with a double conical opening; with
N°. 391 a bird\'s claw and a small piece of wood with remnants of carvings.

N°. 392. PI. XIV, fig. I and la. Urâ gregâbe. Tobadi; imitation of a bird, from a piece of material
hke elder pith, sui, entwined with thin brown liana (?), war-, on the back and along both sides
3 double rows of Nassa, dèr, the strings of which continued in a plaited neck string, tar, in which
dogs\' teeth, gonje njö-, and on fibres, we noche, stuck-in, small cylinders of banana leaf, to which
yellow Bird of Paradise feathers, liar, and red ones, mantisi, are stuck. On the back, red and blue
beans, umïsi-, at the tail-end rope fringe, wârfrâ-, with Coix, uruar, strung on.

393- Chatewari. Ingrâs; piece of cassowary skin, 44 c.m. long, 19 cm. broad, with holes, in which
remainder of neck strings; worn by men in front of the chest.

N°. 394—396. Mè-mèjau. Tobadi; three sets, the narrowest (i c.m.) from 9, the broadest (1.5 c.m.) from
12 Pandanus fibre strings; plaited as per fig. 48; circumference 75—100 c.m., overlapping at the
closure, where the ends of the fibre form a fringe. At regular intervals 2 transversely halved Coix
seeds, tied on alongside of each other. Worn by men and youths.

N°. 397. Pk XIII, fig. 2. 2/,J. Sadi. Asé; set of 14 parallel cords of Pandanus fibre, jana, on which
an undulating row of transversely placed Coix, kèmberi, with continuous thread, which on the back
runs between the strands of the cords (fig. 49). At the closure a fringe, an go, as above.

398. Hitong. Thaë; set of 5 parallel cords, on which in a wavy line, each time passing one cord,
Nassa, te, is tied imbricately. Closed by a knot. Worn by men.

N°. 399. PL XIII, fig. 7. 1/4- Haué. Ajapo; set of thin two-stranded cord, in which at certain distances
small rolls of sweet scented leaves are tied with a single knot. Of a man.

N°. 400 and 401. Pk IX, fig. 4. ^/j. Nai gijè. Kwatisoré; two sets, plaited after fig. 47 of mycelium,
jè hire. By entwining superficial stitches with yellow and red leaf-strips, ambrarè, two parallel lines
with intervening zigzag lines have been formed. Width 57 and 66 c.m. resp. Worn by men. Obtained
from Serué.

N°. 402. PI. XVI, fig. 2. Tjorofi. Oinâke; chest ornament, consisting of a breast girdle, made with
the „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9), supported by 2 shoulder bands plaited of 7 cords, according to
fig. 4, running from the middle in front, to the middle at the back, ending in cord fringe. On
shoulder bands and along margins of girdle, Coix seeds are tied; fore and aft, to the left and to the
right on the girdle, spirals of threaded Coix seeds; those on the sides with cord fringe. Of a man.

N°. 403. PL XVI, fig. i. 2/,,. Wâruwâr. Kajó Entsâu; as N°. 402 but after pattern of fig. 43, pag. 80,
from brown cord, war-, shoulder bands joined to girdle by „figure eightquot; stitches (fig. 9), row of Coix
along upper margin of girdle and outer margin of shoulder bands. Along lower margin two rows of
Coix, between which zigzag placed idem. Of a man.

N°. 404. PI. XVI, fig. 3. 2/g. Tantege. Kaptiau; of yellow brown cord after pattern of fig. 50, in seven
fold breadth, whereby on both sides longitudinal ridges and furrows are created; at one place, closed
by two transverse rows of „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9), at five places provided with two grey and

brown coloured, transverse stripes. Used as bandolier but also as waist band for women in order to
hold up the bark petticoat.

N°. 405. PI. XVI, fig. 4. ^/j,. Chlntsjôike. Ingrâs; longitudinal strip of bark, 0.5 m.m. thick; at both
ends transversely a wooden pin, chïtjaifit-, in a hem, sewn in zigzag line with brown cord, war-,
both in the middle with cord loop, tlnja-cherch\'ore, one of which with a cord, i m. long. Circum-
ference 61.5 c.m.; for women to hold up petticoat.

N\'. 406. Chmtsjoike. Ingrâs: as N°. 405, somewhat broader; cord 1.40 m., circumference 64.5 c.m.

407. Dèbori, dèb\'ôrike. Tobadi; as before, but i m.m. thick, harder, tougher, no hems; close to
each end an entwined rattan ring, at one of which a string, war, 30 c.m. long. Outside surface
decorated with figures, àne, in lime. Worn by men.

N\'. 408. Uaida. Kaptiau; closed girdle, plaited from 2 m.m. broad bamboo strips in horizontal herring-
bone design (see fig. 53); circumference 76, breadth 3 c.m. For women to hold up petticoat.

Nquot;. 409—411. Uaida. Kap tiau; as N°. 4*^8, but vv^ith a system of longer, superficial stitches; 76, 70
and 67 c.m. in circumference resp., 3.5, 3 and 4 c.m. broad.

N°. 412. PL XVI, fig. 7. Uaida. Kaptiau; of yellow rushes, 3—4 m.m. broad, plaited as per fig. 48.
Of a woman.

N\'\'. 413. Uaida (?). Kaptiau; as N°. 412, longer stitches on inner and outer surface.

N°. 414—415. A bar; from strips of bamboo, plaited to horizontal herring-bone design; at 4 places with
standing herring-bone design, in Avhich spirals of black mycehum are fastened; in the intervening
spaces mycelium fastened lengthwise; circumference 81 and 83, breadth 4 and 6 c.m. Use as before.

N°. 416. PL XVI, fig. 8. ^/jj. Pujo; as N°. 414, circumference 68, breadth 4 c.m.

N^. 417. Maker fau. Tarfia; open girdle, from two double, longitudinal, red brown cords, entwined
by „8quot;-shaped turns of similar cord, after the principle of weaving frame N®. 716, PL XXV, fig. i;
at both ends an eye formed by the entwined strings; outside ornamented with 2 longitudinal rows
of Nassa and black seed rings; the strings of which are at the end twisted into string for closing;
length 70, breadth 1.5 c.m. Worn by men.

N°. 418. Make faige. Tarfia; as N°. 417, but with 14 double cords, at both ends 3 eyes, one with
binding string, 45 c.m. long; outer surface with 3 double rows of black seed rings between 4 double
rows of Nassa, forming triangles and squares. At one end the strings pass into projecting tresses
of Nassa and seed rings. Length 62, breadth 6.5 c.m.

N°. 419. Mabo dodo. Sëkâ; open girdle, of 2 rows of transversely placed Coix-seeds, hitjong, tied on
with continuous, transverse string between 3 parallel double cords, forming at one end an eye, at
the other a binding string. Length 70, breadth 2 c.m. Of a full grown man.

N°. 420. Nau mermâre. Tobadi; open girdle of mycelium, nau, in horizontal herring-bone design; at
each end a transverse wooden pin, chïtjai fûge, plaited in, entwined with rattan and provided with
3 rattan eyes, dindè-, one with binding string, war, 75 c.m. long; at 5 places 2 cross rows of Nassa,
dèr, with projecting mycelium fringe, nau prdw, intervening spaces with spirals of Nassa. Length 44,
breadth 4.5 c.m. Specially worn by young girls.

N°. 421. PI. XVI, fig. 19. \'/v- Dobandan. Sâwé; strip of red calico with perforated sago seeds (hard
endosperm of the fruits of Sagus Rumphii), three pieces of a long bone of a pig, fastened with
its ends to a small bag, biieda, worked with the „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9), containing dried leaves
and ± 20 seeds of Adenanthera pavonina. Worn by a man.

N°. 422. Chartidr. Kajo Entsau; tanned cotton string, chhnbawar, with beads, dark blue, chaintândi,
light blue, sinibôni, yellow, chârisje, red, naschori, green and white, pusaima, partly with dull surface;
length 163 c.m.; for men to wind round twice, c. q. to suspend apron.

N°. 423. Châruâ7\\ Kajó Entsau; as before, 75 c.m. in length, row of beads 25 c.m. lorig; i black,
33 white and dull blue, aröchi. Of adult man who wore on this his apron.

N°. 424. Sire. Tobadi; girdle string, i m.m. thick, 2 m.m. broad, of 3 twisted bunches of shining, red
brown strips of sago palm leaf; 31 m. long. Made by and for the use of women; was hanging in
the smoke of a fire place.

N°. 425. Sire. Ingras; as N°. 424, 35 m. long; string for suspending with a dark blue bead.

N°. 426 and 427. Sïre. Tobadi; as before; N°. 426, 30 m. long, over 7 m. of iniddle part Coix seeds,
at distances of 2—3 c.m., threated on one of the plaiting strings; N°. 427, 35 m. long, over 10 m.
of the length at distances of ± 5 c.m. with rows of 8—12 halved Coix seeds strung on.

N°. 428. Sire. Ingrau; as before, 10.5 m. long, over 3 m. of the length with pairs of Coix seeds threated
on as above; besides at 4 places a plait with Coix hanging down, split at lower end. Use as
before, the plaits depending in pairs on the hips.

N°. 429. Sire. Ingrau; strips for the manufacture of girdle strings 424—428, mostly 1.50 m. long.

N°. 430. Liki; apron, 22 c.m. broad, 55 c.m. long, from 22 bundles of double long, yellow white strips
of bark, söbor, suspended by their middle over an 85 c.m. long string, (three-stranded cord, laid
double); loop festooned (fig. 56), by thinner cord, at the same time entwining the bundles below
the suspension cord. Alongside each side of apron projecting strings, nimu, 3 and 4 respectively, of
black beads, nèningè. Man\'s wear (see figs. 28, 51 and 55).

N°. 431. Mär. Mios Kórwar; seven strips (epidermis with sclerenchym fibres and vascular bundles)
of leaf stalks of Musa species, mbief-, 1250.111. long, 14 c.m. broad in the middle, 450.111. at the
foot; transversely and longitudinally folded and rolled up; tied to a bundle by vegetable fibre;
kept in stock, suspended in the smoke of a fire. Perineal bands for men (see fig. 76).

432. Pl. XIV, fig. 3. JS^au ure. Kwatisoré; strip as N°. 431, over 35 c.m. of the length at
9 places entwined with strips of red calico, äku babrè, and black strips of Pandanus leaf,
ambrare, the ends hanging down like fringe; strips of nati ure, of red calico and black and yellow,
murugre, Pandanus leaf hanging on to it. AVorn by men on special occasions.

N°. 433. PL XV, fig. 4. %. N°. 434, N°. 435, Pl- XVI, fig. 11. U. Kajo Entsau; egg-shaped, long
16, 13 and II.5 c.m. resp., broad 7.5, 6 and 6 c.m. resp., with opening of 2—3 c.m. diameter,
near blunt pole, örong. Wall thickness 2—4 m.m., weight 31, 17.5 and 15.2 gram resp.. Scorched-in
ornament, sa, principally-situated between pointed pole and opening, representing a flying or hovering
animal, the head surrounding the opening; pointed pole often surrounded by several ovals, in con-
nection with design on the other side. Obtained from Sëkâ.

436. PL XVI, fig. 12. U. Sëkâ; as before; ornamented with 3 quadrupeds, one with thickened
contours between the legs of each side, one with curled tail. Weight ±16 gr.

437- Pk XV, fig. 5 and 5a. U. Thaë; pear-shaped, nearly circular opening of 2.5 c.m. diameter
at the middle of the length; wall thickness ± i m.m.; opposite to opening ornamented with fig. 5a.
Worn vertically, thin end above. Weight 8.3 gr.

N°. 438. U. Kajó Entsau; pear-shaped, 12X4-5 c.m., opening a standing oval, 3.5X2.60.111., thickness
of wall abt. I m.m.; burst and repaired with fibre lashings; scorched-in ornament. Weight 6.4gram.
Obtained from Sëkâ.

439- Oinâke; pear-shaped, ii.5X4c.m., opening as before, 3X2.50.111., scorched-in ornament. From
bag 632. Weight 7.4 gr.
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;16

N°. 440. U. Kajô Entsâu; pear-shaped, stem end somewhat bent; 13X4 c.m.; opening and wall as
N°. 439, ornament as N°. 438. Weight 4.6 gram. Obtained from Sëkâ.

441—443. Waba; of elongated egg-shape, long 13, 10 and 9.5, thick 4, 4 and 3.5 c.m. resp.
Weight 8, 8 and 6 gr. ; the first two with oval (long axis vertical) opening in middle of length,
3X2 c.m.; unornamented; smallest one only perforated at pointed pole, as toy, the others not in use.

N°. 444. Mär. Tobadi; yellowish white, one knot hole; long 136, broad 55 c.m.; weight 252 gram.

N°. 445. Mär. Tobadi; yellowish brown, 3 holes of knots; long 142; broad 65 c.m.; weight T91 gram.

N°. 446. Mär. Tobâdi; reddish brown, 5 holes of knots; long 125, broad 90 c.m.; heavy and close;
weight 463 gr. Obtained from Aro(?), district of Sëkâ.

447. Mara. Asé; yellowish brown, looser, 8 holes of knots; long 225, broad 100 c.m.; weight 612
gram. Prepared on the spot,

N°. 448. Jaurèn. Kaptiau; reddish brown, fairly close, 4 pieces long 115—145, broad 40—70 c.m.
Prepared on the spot.

N°. 449. Pau urä. Angâdi; brown, very coarse, long 200, broad 95 c.m.; weight 839 gram. Also used
as a cover when sleeping, ètè kä imèri. Prepared on the spot.

N°. 450. Déba. Sâwé; manufactured from yellow brown cord with „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9) breadth
44, length 24 c.m.; Along lower and upper margins a binding according to fig. 43, the latter
towards one side continued in a 8 c.m. long loop, towards the other in a 30 c.m. long tying
string also, as per fig. 43. Worn by both sexes hanging down in front of genitals.

N°. 451. Pk XVI, fig. 13. Déba. Sâwé; upper 12 rows with „figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9), below
these 73 rows with stitch of fig. 52; loop, upper and lower binding as before; tying string made
of transverse rows of „figure eightquot; stitch. Worked with 2 cords at a time (see figs. 63, i, 2, j, ^
for run of threads). Was worn by a woman, hanging down over nates.

N°. 452. Tamtege. Kaptiau; of yellow white cord, repairs with yellow brown and blue cord, worked
with one continuous cord; alternating breadths (each of several rows) as per fig. 7 and fig. 52;
passages at the margins as per fig. 62; halfway up a horizontal row of small beads; upper binding
as per fig. 61, lower as per fig. 43; girdle string as per fig. 9, to be fastened to a loop, festooned
as per fig. 64. Width 48, length 26 c.m. Worn in front of genitals.

N°. 453. Seisârâ; ring plaited like a grommet from un-split, 7 m.m. thick rattan, in 8 twists for arm
circumference of 27 c.m.; worn by a man just above left elbow joint. Weight 44 gram.

N°. 454. Kaptiau; as before, only s^h twists; for arm circumference of 24.5 c.m.

N°. 455. Subun. Sâwé; set as before, 5 twists, for arm cii\'cumference of 24 c.m.

N°. 456. Pk XVI, fig. 6. V5. Erai. Asé; set as before, 4 twists, spirally entwined with strip of rattan.
Worn as above by young man.

457. PI. XVI, fig. 9. \'/g. Nocha. Thaë; 16 twists of liana stems, which form at 3 places of the
circumference 7—10 transverse spiral twists. Worn as above by village chief, on left arm.

N°. 458 and 459. Kaptiau; set plaited from 2 m.m. broad, rattan strips, after fig. 53; breadth 2 and 4 c.m.
circumference 21 c.m.

N°. 4Ó0. Moki. Liki; from rushes 2 m.m. broad after fig. 48; circumference 21.5, width i.óc.m. Of
a man, on thickest part of left upper arm.

N°. 461. PI. XVI, fig. 5. 1/5- Tahari. Sâwé; after fig. 53, from rattan and black rushes.

N°. 462 and 463. Tahari. S a wé; as before, circumference 24 and 26 c.m. width ± 3 c.m.

N°. 464. PI. XVI, fig. 15. 1/5. Nimburan; in the making; 34 strips, of rattan all knotted on to, and
issuing from a transverse double strip and long enough to go round the armlet twice in plaiting;
first plaiting after fig. 4, the second plaiting (half finished) completing the pattern of fig. 48.

N°. 465 and 466. Jakà. Nimburan; from mycelium, nau, after fig. 53; circumference 22, breadth 2 c.m.;
at one place mycelium plaits, 10 c.m, long, hanging down.

N°. 467. PI. XVI. fig. 10. Nau. Sâgeisârâ; as before, at 3 places of the circumference with 2 trans-
verse rows of tied-on Nassa, deri. Worn by a man, on thicknest part of left upper arm.

N°. 468. Na. Thaë; as before, circumference 22.5, breadth 3 c.m.; parallel with the edges 2 rows of
longer stitches ; between 2 transverse plaitings divided over 6 c.m. of the circumference in 3 narrow
bands, each carrying a Conus ring of 3—3.6 c.m. diameter. Worn as above.

N°. 469. Na. Thaë; as before, circumference 20.5, breadth 1.5 c.m.; 3 Conus rings. Of a man, worn
just above elbow.

N°. 470. Nau. Ingrâs; from mycelium, breadth 1.2, circumference 20.5 c.m. (originally larger but narrowed
by transverse fold) along edges 2 strings of Nassa, dèr, black beads and seed rings, kantjö-, 2
Conus rings, chenidèr. Worn by a married woman just above right elbow.

N°. 471. Chamerer. Ingrâs; Conus ring (diameter 4.5 c.m.) intended for armlet ornament; found in
man\'s bag N°. 634.

N°. 472 and 473. Asé; circumference 21.5, breadth 0.5 c.m., from yehow white fibre of aerial root of
Pandanus, janâ, and mycelium, nau-, plaited after figs. 48 and 53 resp.

N°. 474. Muris; as N°. 473, circumference 24, breadth 1.7 c.m.; 2 bundles of fibres depending.

475. PI. XVI, fig. 17, Ijne nau kwi. Ingrâs; as N^ 474, Pandanus fibres, ime, ending in a
bunch, inie-dïgi-, one Conus ring, kosija.

N°. 476. PI. XI, fig. 13. 1/2- Ingrâs; as N°. 464, from Pandanus fibres, ime-, transverse ridges divide
circumference in 4 parts, where below long superficial stitches, strips of red calico, umisi, wârige,
are fastened; bundle of fibres depending. Of a man, for right upper arm.

N°. 477 and N°. 478. Hâgd trè. Kwatisoré; set, circumference 19, breadth 3 c.m. plaited after fig. 48
from the fibres of one strip of Pandanus leaf, ambrarè, (part of the un-split leaf still visible on
inner side); borders plaited in same way from 6 mycelium threads; 3 tassels of red, ahu babrè, or
blue calico, Mbride-, hook-shaped mycelium figures plaited along the middle. Manufactured at
Serué. See fig. 206.

N°. 479. H ago trè. Kwatisoré; set of open bands, material as above, plaited after fig. 4, 2 c.m.
broad, 20 c.m. long, binding strings of red calico; plait of mycelium, jè hire, along lower margin;
middle part as above; calico tassels. Manufactured at Serué. Worn by men and women.

N°. 480 and N°. 481. Ka. Thaë; two rings from Trochus niloticus, from outer edge the lime has
hardly been removed; circumference 25 and 26 c.m.\' weight 61 and 84 gram resp. Of men, worn on
upper arm. Said to be imported from Humboldt Bay or Tanah Merah Bay. See De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 37, N=. 180, PI. IX, fig. 22].

N°. 482. A du or. Wari; as N°. 480, more finished, shining like mother of pearl, provided with transverse,
shallow carvings. Weight 48 gram. Of a man.

N°. 483. Mâk berke. Tobadi; from ro double cords, woven with apparatus N°. 716 of Tarfia; breadth
4.5, chcumference 27.6 c.m.; covered by 6 rows of Nassa, dèr, sewn on imbricatedly and rows of
black seed rings, tiruar, forming figures. Of a man at top or on thickest part of left upper arm.
Obtained from Tarfia.

N°. 484—490. Mâk berke. Tarfia; as N°. 483, but from 4, 6, 8 or 18 double cords, breadth 1.9—
6.5 c.m., circumference 21—24 c.m.; here and there green, blue, orange, red and yellow beads; short

pendants of threaded Nassa and beads. For upper arm. Produce of local industry and article of trade.

N°. 491. PI. XVI, fig. 21. \'/s. Ajapo; ring formed by circularly bent tusk of a boar, obo. Close to apex a
hole, conical on both sides; base pierced at two opposite places, conical from outside to inside;
apex and base connected by strips of rattan. Weight 75 gr. Worn by a man on upper arm.

.N°. 492. Ai daris. Wâri; ring of yellow brown wood (spec. grav. gt; i), breadth (radiary) 1 c.m., thick-
ness 7 m.m.; inner side rounded, outer edge sharp; circumference 23 c.m. Weight 21 gram. Worn
by a young man.

N°. 493. PI. XVI, fig. 16. \'/g. Masogi. Asé; set of open armlets; 3 rows of Coix, chemberi, threaded on
liana fibre with transverse turns, placed between parallel strings of Pandanus fibres, ïnè janâ-, cone-
shaped seeds placed alternatively erect and upside down, in order to fit better; Pandanus strings
continued as binding strings, or Xoo^, puru) a Cardium shell, karâ, pendant. Worn by men.

Nquot;\'. 494. PI. XVI. fig. 20. 1/3. Asé; from shell of a cocoa-nut, kö, both poles having been removed; shining
black, many carved figures filled up with lime; (eye-nose-mouth ornament?) along each edge 3 small
holes bored. Weight 67 gram. Worn by men and women.

495- PI- XVI, fig. 14. 1/-. Wau kowèr, wau kormondâ. Mios Kôrwâr; from breastbone of
sea turde, nearly circular; ± 9 m.m. thick and broad. Of a man.

N°. 496. Pk XVI, fig. 18. 73. Haro berè. Kwatisoré; strip of black whalebone, bent round, the ends
pared off; outer surface with carved-in reversed coils, grasping each other like links. For upper arm.

N°. 497. PI. XVII, fig. 8. Jew r a uwaidje. Kwatisoré; plaited from mycelium,/^ kïrè, after fig. 53,
borders with horizontal, middle part with standing herring-bone design. Obtained from Serué.

N°. 498. Thaë; red brown rope, a, i m. long, with 2 Conus rings, tai jibi, 4.3 and 3.7 c.m. diameter resp.
Of a young man; twisted several times close round left wrist; Conus rings on back of wrist.

Nquot;. 499. Pk XVII, fig. 6. Bon g au. Tobadi; cord, festooned after fig. 56, at one end a knot to be
passed through eye at other end; carries 2 milkwhite shell disks. For left wrist of a man. Said to
be obtained from Tanah Merah.

N\\ 500. Böblè. Liki; fourfold string, nènlâlô, 13 c.m. long, one end with eye, festooned after fig. 56,
other end continued into 10 c.m. long, twisted binding string; carries 2 centrally pierced Conus disks
böblè, as with N°. 499. Of a man.

N°. 501. PL XVII, fig. 5. Yr- Samjâre. Wâri; from the base of Conus millipunctatus-, opening
of the shell winding filled up with black sticky material, kârofè, obtained from dead wood, anjau,
in which beads are pressed; along margins 2 scratched hnes, between which 7 scratched circles
each with one small hoUow in centre and others around. From village chief of Supiori, temporarily
on Wiak. Obtained from Salewati.

N°. 502. PL XVII, fig. I. Chnè-chnè, chneng-chneng. Tobâdi; set of opennbsp;jèneti, ènedi,

made from brown rope after fig. 43, each end .with binding string, along lower side 18 and 21 rope
loops respectively, each with 4—6 perforated, brown shells {Area pi lu I a. Reeve), in pairs with the
concavity turned towards each other. On outer side 5 blue beads,nbsp;Worn by men at dances.

N°. 503. Uruar. Tobâdi; set of 4 bands, 21 c.m. long and ± 6 m.m. broad, made of longitudinal
twines which twist round each other in pairs, between which, zigzag turns of another twine (after
figs. 68, I and 68, 2)-, oblique front twists each bearing one Coix seed, uruar-, longitudinal twines
form at the ends an eye and a plaited binding string. Worn by a man; 3 to the right, i to the left.

N°. 504. PL XVII, fig. 3. Enedi. Tobâdi; set, twice as broad as N°. 503, with 2 rows of Coix seeds,
iiruar, inclining in different directions, according to front turns of 2 zigzag twines, after fig. 69.

N\'. 505. Pl. XVII, fig. 9. Enedi. Tobadi; set of 2 as N°. 503, double, made of Pandanus fibre
inie, both parts of a band only connected near the eye, at the joint binding string and at half-way;

N°. 506. Enedi. Tobadi; one band made of 2 parts each after fig. 68, 7; 3 fringe bundles as above;
parts joined after fig. 69.

507.nbsp;Enedi. Tobadi; set, i c m. broad, 27 c.m. long, from 11 bits of twine, plaited after fig. 4,
mounted with 3 rows of rings (2 m.m. broad), cut transversely from Coix seeds and threaded on
the stitches of the plaited work; 3 and 4 fringe bundles respectively.

508.nbsp;Pl. XVII, fig. 4. Enedi. Tobadi; set manufactured of cords of pretty light yellow fibre,
after fig. 47; 9 and 13 parallel strings respectively, 70 and 62 spiral turns; broadest band with

4nbsp;transverse rows of blue beads, threaded on the longitudinal cords; 3 bundles of rope fringe with
Coix seeds. Men\'s wear.

N°. 509 Pl. XIV, fig. 5 and 5a. \'/j. Enedi. Ingrâs; as N°. 508, after fig. 47; 16 longitudinal cords, 76
spiral turns; eye at both ends; zigzag strings of black beads, ntöti-möti-, along lower margin net-
work of strings of beads with row of pieces of cuscus skin, èm, suspended by rope fringe, wârfrâ.
N=. 510, a and b. Pl. XIV, fig. 4. 1/,; Pl. XV. fig. 6. Enedi. Tobadi; set after fig. 47, 13 longitu-
dinal cords passing into festooned eyes; network as above, suspending Nassa, lower down pieces
of cuscus skin, em~arû. Fastened as ornament to bag N°. 639, srorsror, from Tobadi.
511, a and b. Enedi, jèneti. Tobadi; set as N^ 510, 22 c.m. long, no dependent strings. Hori-
zontally fastened to front of man\'s bag N\\ 638, srorsror.
N°. 512, a and b. Enedi. Jótëfa Bay; set as N°. 511, blue beads tied on in zigzag line. One along
upper, the other along lower margin of bag N°. 640, srorsror.
513. E7iedi. Ingrâs; as per fig, 68,7; i c.m. broad, 18 c.m. long; halved Coix seeds (pole upwards)
transversely strung on; along lower margin garlands of green and white beads, the strings hanging
down, warfrâ, with pieces of cuscus skin, em. On man\'s bag N°. 637, sögeri.
N°. 514. Enedi. Ingrâs; as N°. 513, consisting of two 5 m.m. broad bands, made after fig. 68, z; entire

Coix seeds strung on. Also from bag N°. 637, sogh-i.
N°. 515. Pk XVII, fig. 10. 2/a. Ka. Kajó Entsau; set manufactured after fig. 70, 8 and 11 pairs of
twisted twine respectively, also forming eye and 2 plaited binding strings; bands, warâ, with zigzag
row of Coix seeds, bôriâri-, fringe of twine, wârâ seróngè, with Coix. One of the bands with 3 more
such fringe bundles. Said also to be worn as neckornament.
N=. 516. PL XVII, fig. 2. Vé- Baba. Tarfia; after system of apparatus N^ 716; 2 parts, connected in
the middle and at both ends, provided with eyes; 4 rows of Nassa and coloured beads, forming at
one end small strings. Along lower margin 4 double twines, with beads and Nassa in zigzag
position; pieces of cuscus skin. Manufactured on the spot.

Joe hutje. Asé; string made out of 3 parallel strings of beads, bearing a horizontal piece of
wood, ohacha, in the shape of a turned-up canoe, 5 c.m. long, 1.2 c.m. high (imitation of a Sapo-
taceae seed), 2 dogs\' incisors, jdchu tenâ, reaching with the roots into the perforated bottom; the
piece of wood with transversely tied-on Coix, khnberi, and Nassa, ikeri, of which the strings hang
down like fringe, sa wutai. Worn by men on bags, combs, etc.
N\'. 518 and N°. 519. PL XI, fig. 7. Ajapo; as N°. 517; N°. 518 with a piece of ground-down boar\'s
tusk; N°. 519 with 2 crescent-shaped pieces of Trochus niloticus, shining like mother of pearl.
Both from the middle of the binding on man\'s bag N°. 630.

520. Pl. XI, fig. 10. Oinâke; imitation in tortoise shell of the Sapotaceae seed, pierced in the
middle; found in basket N°. 108.

N°. 521. PI. XVII, fig. 15.nbsp;Ingrâs; five egg-shaped seeds, pointed end v^^ith indication of stem;

inside with rattfing kernel; on dark outer surface, by scratching away upper layer a fourfold spiral
design, dog âne, ending, at the points in another ornament, (snakes?); strung on vegetable string.
For ornamenting the body (calf?) or objects.
N°. 522. Pk XVII, fig. 16. 1/,,. Oinâke; dark brown, hairy ball of rolled-up piece of cuscus skin, suspended
from three-stranded brown cord, on which a quill is strung up to the ball, kept in its place by a
knot. Ornament for men and women on comb, ear, bag, etc. Found in bag N°. 632.

523- Em. Kajó Entsâu; as N°. 522, 3 pieces, 2 depending from plaited bark,fibres.

N°. 524. Seisârâ; shell of Ovula ovum, close to one of the poles provided with an opening. Found as
ornament of a man\'s bag.

525. Pk XVII, fig. 7. 2/9. Chârindè. Tobâdi; shell of Conus Striatus, bottom broken out,
small conical hole in filed slit at the top; here, suspended by a cord, a 5 c.m. long pig\'s incisor
por cheap, apex broken off, the cord jammed by conical comb-point in tooth canal. Double suspending
rope, lüür, in the above conical hole. Of a man\'s bag.

N°. 526. Oinâke; as N°. 525, at the top only a horizontally filed slit; incisor close to apex transversely
pierced, conically from both sides. Was hanging on to a corner of upper margin of bag N°. 632.

N=. 527. Charinde. Ingrâs; as before, incisor, suspended as in 525; slit in shell as in 526.

Nquot;. 528. Sâgeisârâ; bamboo cylinder, potè, 31X4-8 c.m., nodium as bottom, along which a circle of
carved bird tail figures; containing seeds of Coix I a cry ma, kankâniè, closed with jadkûwa.

529.nbsp;Kankâme. Sâgeisârâ; seeds of Coix lacryma, kankâme, formed by means of a large
leaf into a parcel of 16X6X6 c.m., tied up with strip of vegetable jadtikwa.

530.nbsp;Kèmberi. Ifar; as N°. 529, smaller, with pointed wooden pin (to pierce the seeds lengthwise).
From cylinder N°. 141.

531.nbsp;Kankâme. Sâgeisârâ; twig with Coix lacryma, found in dried condition in dwelling.

532.nbsp;Kantjo. Sâgeisârâ; bunch with seeds, of which black seed rings are made; found in dried
condition in dwellings.

The manner in which the people are housed offers important differences in the various
parts of N. G., and it is, indeed, a moot question, whether all are really in possession of
fixed houses. The information of the people of the tribe of the Manikion may serve as
an answer. A certain number of men and women of this tribe were acting as guides and
carriers from the seashore to their settlement, Mapar. The head of the family, styled „Majorquot;,
walking usually at the head of the long column, uttered on the march, at certain intervals,
long, sounding shouts. This is also customary elsewhere, in order to give notice at the
approach of villages and not to frighten the inhabitants at the sudden appearance of strangers
(D\'Albertis [1880, I, 292], Van Oosterzee [1904, 1004]). But our Major did this every-
where on the road, also on days, when we were apparently passing through quite uninhabited
parts. Asked as to the intention of his shouting, the Major informed us that in the wooded
parts of the country, through which we were passing, quot;bush-menquot; were living, without
fixed abode, who did not practice agriculture, fed themselves with what the fauna and flora
could produce and only in case of heavy rain sought shelter under joined leaves. These people,
having no connection with the settled inhabitants, were exceedingly shy, went out of the way
of everybody and therefore were quite harmless. If however such people were surprised, the
fright might induce them to make use, as a premature defence, of their bows and arrows and
therefore it was safer always to make noises, in order to enable them to get out of the way.

Consequently, there was no chance for the expedition ever to get a sight of these
nomads. Where ashes and the remains of meals were found alongside the path, it always turned
out to be places of call used by the settled inhabitants; the inhabitants of the forest shun the
beaten (!!!) tracks. According to the above account, regular nomads would be meant here,
who, in the shape of dwellings, had nothing more than what every one can compose at a
moment\'s notice in primeval forests.

The informations of Meyer [1873, 36] concerning the nomadic way of living of some Negrito\'s,
agree, to a large extent with the above mentioned. Many tribes of the S. W. coast (Van der Goes
[1858, 63]) are also supposed to be nomads. The roaming Tarugare, which De Clercq and Schmeltz

[1893, 112] report from the south east coast of Geelvink Bay, are said to be not so shy, at all events not
without danger to people walking alone. I still mention that the Tugeri, supposed to be nomads (Thomson
[1892, 157], Krieger [1899, 377]) have, on the contrary, permanent settlements, forming villages with beautiful
gardens. As far as the nature of the different kmds of dwellings is concerned, cave-dwellings appear to
be entirely unknown in N. G., tree-dwellings, on the other hand, appear to be very numerous, especially
in British New Guinea; according to D\'Albertis [1880, I, 390] pleasure houses, but according to the
unanimous opinion of others (Chalmers [1885, 92], Mac Farlane [1888, 119], Thomson [1892, 52],
Macgregor [1897, 62], Webster [1898, 126], Haddon [1901, PL XX], Pratt [1906, 233]), as look-out
houses and places of refuge in case of attack and also generally provided with a large quantity of stones.
In Gennan New Guinea they are very rare, but still met with on Gragat (Rakèta) Island (Biro[i90i, 19]),
whilst Krieger [1899, 152] illustrates such a dwelhng of Finsch Harbour.

On the S. W. coast of Netherl. N. G., Modéra [1830, 22] saw nadves of both sexes in the trees, who,
with their weapons on their backs, climbed from one branch to another; Van Oldenborgh also saw, on the
Utanata River the people seeking refuge in the trees (Haga [1884,11,370]), but dwellings were not noticed
in them; neither have they been seen elsewhere in Netherl. N. G. The other dwellings can be distinguished
in two categories: those of which the floor is level with the ground, not supported by poles, as in the
eastern part of K. W. Land, for fear of earthquake (Hagen [1899, 201]), and those of which the floor is
supported by poles, built on terra firma or in the water.

In Netherl. N. G. permanent dwellings of importance are built on poles; only
the most primitive dwellings have the earth as a floor. Thus a dwelling at the Sekanto
River (fig. 71), deserted for the time being, but still, judging by the fruit trees surrounding

it, a permanent estabhshment. It only had on one side part of a wall of sago leaves, a roof
thatched by the same material, little more than a man\'s height above the ground, a fire place,
a sleeping frame of branches, whilst some pieces of firewood were lying on the rafters. The

houses in a village of the same tribe on the Jafuri River, draining Lake Sentani, are little better.
They have a square-shaped roof with rounded-ofif corners, the eaves reaching down to within
i meter above the ground. The walls made from sago leafstalks and piled-up dead wood, had, at
two opposite places, a low, narrow opening. In the darkness inside, where pigs and dogs were
running about freely, a couple of raised sleeping places, some earthenware pots from Poë, a
water bucket, like N°. 93 (PI. HI, fig. 18), but only held together by a thorn, bamboo cylin-
ders like N°. 100, for drinking water, also mentioned by Pratt [1906, 189], and the ladle
described above under N°. 98 (PI. Ill, fig. 6) were seen.

These are the first permanent dwellings which have been met with in this part of
North New Guinea, not belonging to the pile-dwellings.

Temporary dwellings, and this „temporaryquot; can be very elastic, are, on the
other hand, very often without the floor raised on poles. This was found by the expedition
to be the case with the small houses in the gardens and also in a settlement on the island
Mios Korwar of people from Maudor on Supiori, who had abandoned their homes on account
of continual attacks. Although a good „rum sëramquot; (fig. 196) had already been built (see
Chapter XII), the establishment of the men, as on the background of fig. 76, consisted of a
small, long and narrow building, of less than a man\'s height, covered transversely with Pan-
danus leaves and simply built on the shore, in the shade ofthe margin ofthe forest.
Here also the sleeping frames, made from young stems, were arranged somewhat above the
ground. From the blackening caused by smoke, it could be made out that this temporary
dwelling had been in use for a fairly long time. Similar simple dwellings, built on level
ground, have also been noticed on the S. W. coast by Modéra [1830, 78], only 5 feet high
and 6 feet broad, and also very long.

The reason why the Papuan takes the trouble to build a pile-dwelling, may be
looked for in the greater cleanliness and the better hygiene obtained in this way, but also
in the greater security against man and beast, which such a dwelling affords. Pile-dwellings
in the water offer the same advantages in a still greater measure, -also by the natural system
of irrigation which removes all refuse. The newly-built dwelling of the expedition on Metu
Débi, which was not standing on poles, was soon swarming with mice, especially in the
corner, where the ethnographical basket with sago was standing; the same baskets appeared
to be quite safe in the pile-dwellings of Tobadi, but nevertheless the fact remains, that the
young men in the temple kept small sized bows and arrows on purpose for this rodent. At
Waimara (Br. N. G.) houses were seen (Annual Report [1898—99, 23J) with flat discs of
wood below the heads of the piles, to prevent rats getting up. Ten Kate [1895, 8] saw the
same on the poles of rice-stores on Timor.

The dwellings of the Manikion (figs. 72—74) have the longest poles I ever saw,
being 6—8 meters long. These houses are placed on the top of a moderately high hill, cleared
of trees; along the slopes the felled trees are left lying in all directions, perhaps on purpose,
because they make a rapid ascent not a little difficult, and prevent a sudden attack, as also
remarked by Van der Goes [1858, 224] of the dwelhngs in Amberbaken. The poles here
have about the thickness of a man\'s wrist, and are in such large numbers that it is impossible
to pass between them; besides many are standing crossways. The latter is also the case
with Arfak houses (von rosenberg [1875, PI. XI]) and reported from the Insé delta

in the MacCluer Gulf (Moolenburgh [1903, 9]). Also at Angâdi (fig. 80) and Nagramâdu
(fig- 57)gt; but here in a smaller measure, vertical as well as crosswise poles having been placed
under the houses. All this certainly for the sake of more firmness and in connection with
the nature of the soil; still I remember that the inhabitants of Mapar desired that their house
should shake with festive dances, and must not by any means prove unmovable. The dwel-
ling stands, in reality, just below the highest point, where the slope begins, and has, at
the side turned towards the top of the hill, where the poles are shortest, a small bridge of
some thin stems placed alongside each other, sometimes with cross pieces of wood, fastened
on to them as steps, at other times of a single, oblique placed stem of a tree, provided
with steps, on, cut out of the wood (see fig. 73, also fig. 57). Here, therefore, the entrance
to the dweUing is the same as indicated by Van DER goes [1858, 165, PI. S S] of the
Arfak dwellings. All Manikion dwellings have a square floor made from laths, irgani hiri,
of small stems of palms resembling Nibung, and which is generally continued in front and
at the back to form a verandah, which, at Mapar, was about i m. broad, and on which all
the inhabitants had taken their places to be photographed (fig. 73). At Hiri the verandah was
only present in the shape of a cross-beam (fig. 72). The statement of VaN der GoES [1858,
165], relating to the Arfak people, that the other verandah always looked out on the paths

leading to the house, may, I fancy, be confirmed also as regards the Manikion. The roof of
un-plaited palm leaves, has a lineal ridge, from which it declines to the left and to the right, the
sidewalls being very low, but the front and back wall, slightly overlapped by the roof, reaching
to the ridge pole. The walls are made from bark, 3—5 m.m. thick, pealed off from young
trees and flattened when fresh; this bark is supported by branches and laths. The use
of this material in the building of houses is characteristic also of the people of Ajambori

(Van der Goes [1858, 157]), of the Arfak ([kc. 165], Von Rosenberg [1875, 95]), of the

Hatam (D\'Albertis [1880, I, 96]) and of the Menam (Van Oosterzee [1904, 1006]), all tribes
living more or less in the interior of the north-western part of New Guinea, to the north

of the MacCluer Gulf. Both gables have in the middle an opening, 1.60 m. high, throuo-h both

of which one looks in fig. 74. Entering along the steps and across the front verandah, one
finds along the right hand wall, divided by pieces of bark up to man\'s height, a few separate
rooms for married people and young children and also the family fire places. Along the
whole length of the left hand wall, raised sleeping places for men and boys are sometimes to
be found, below which a fire is kept burning during the night for warmth and against the
mosquitoes. The weapons are also suspended on this side, close to the opening of the doors the
bodies of deceased relatives, dried over the fire and packed in a squatting position in matting,
are hanging and in the roof the lower jaws of pigs are stuck. This division corresponds with
the plan of a building given by Van Oosterzee [1904, 1006] of the Menam, living somewhat
more to the north; only here the rooms are formed in the corners of the house, both to the
right and to the left [I.e., 1007]. On the slopes of the Arfak Mountains, according to D\'al-
bertis, the women\'s quarters are to the left, the men\'s sleeping places to the right.

At Demta (fig. 77) the entrance of the hill dwellings is also situated at the upper side
of the slope.

Another type of dwelling, common in Geelvink Bay, is the one with the so-called
turtle-shaped roof, its shape corresponding with the dorsal shield of a turtle, or a boat
bottom upwards (wallace [1869, II, 184]). Fig. 81 of Siarf may serve as a type, but it is
in a somewhat delapidated condition. The dwelHng stands with the direction of its length
perpendicularly with the coast line, in sufficiently deep water, at all events I could not reach
it wading. Therefore it is only necessary to remove a single stem from the long bridge,
consisting of small stems placed on forked piles, which connects the dwelhng with the shore,
in order to make the approach of people on foot impossible. The figure also shows the
windows of the apartments which have been made along both the longitudinal walls, leaving
a middle passage, in which the long boats can be placed. The house has at both ends a covered
platform without side walls; the women assemble on the one turned towards the shore (VAN
Hasselt [1886, 580]), whilst the platform turned towards the sea is intended for the men. The

latter platform is there-
fore often very large
and provided with a
long projecting roof, as
struck me particularly at
Jende (fig. 75), showing
some resemblance to the
houses of Maiwa, Chal-
mers [1885, 162] des-
cribes, quot;built to repre-
sent an alligator, with
open mouth, the plat-
form in front of the
houses is the lower jaw

and the long shade over the platform the upper.quot; The platform for the women is small and httle
or not at all shaded, the roof often being transversely cut offquot;, as appears in fig. 78 of Wendesi.
The transverse wall is, on this side, made of horizontal laths, and provided with a

middle opening, as can be seen more plainly on fig. 79. In addition to serving as pile-
dwellings in the water, houses with turtle-shaped roofs are also built on the shore, wherever
the depth or the beating of the waves makes this necessary. Such houses at Wari, fig. 82, also
had the large, shaded

platforms turned to-
wards the sea and
could be reached along
a notched tree stem.
How the building of
most of these houses
is influenced by the
tortoise shape may be
understood on looking
at fig. 93, a tempo-
rary, hastily construct-
ed dwelling at Mios
Korwar, where how-
ever the platform is
placed along a side
wall. The quot;rum seramquot;
constructed here (fig.
196), was, just like De
Clercq (De Clercq

and Schmeltz [1893, 177, PI. XXXIX, fig. 12]) reports of Ron, also provided with a turtle-
shaped roof. I was not a
little surprised to find that
some of the houses on Lake
Jamur also appeared to have
the turtle-shaped roof, and
thereby, nothwithstanding
the proved linguistic rela-
tion with the south west
coast, show an unmistakable
relationship with the culture
of Geelvink Bay. Fig. 80 of
the island of Angadi, si-
tuated in the lake, shows
plainly the platform (turned
towards the water) on which
the coolies of the expedi-
tion were housed and which
may be reached along small

bamboo steps. This dwelling has however besides, in the style ofthe house at Mios Korwar, a wide

open verandah, placed along one of the long sides, and under the same roof as the building
proper. It is not divided into apartments, and leads out on to the verandah by two door openings^
in\'this respect deviating from all the above mentioned dwellings, which always have two door
openings opposite each other. The other long, side wall has a window opening, whilst close
to each of the short sides a fire place occurs, similar to the two occurring in the verandah.

The question presents itself whether the turtle-shaped roofs have a special meaning,
as it appears improbable that only technical reasons, like for instance the nature of the
material used: bamboo, split or unsplit, and palm leaves, have made this shape obligatory.
Besides, by the slight inclination of the roof, one is obliged to fasten numerous laths or thin
stems on the outside of the roof, in order to prevent the lifting of the palmleaves.

In the eastern part of the north coast of NetherL N. G. the py r a mi d shap e of
houses is the rule, not like beehives and with a small diameter (lo feet or 12X7 feet), as

known from British N. G. (Macgregor [1897, 85], Morphy [1904, 327], Pratt [1906, 121,
215, 245], Seligmann [1906, 235]), but four sided, and, owing to each of the sides bulging
out, sometimes eight sided, fairly high, and even more distributed locally than the turtle-backed
house. Unmixed with other forms, I only met with it at Oinake, where the temple and all
the houses were of the same shape (fig. 83). Proceeding from here towards the east, it appears
that in the village of Sera (Biro [1900, PL VII]) the pure pyramid shape is no longer to be
found; in reference to Tumleo, ±25 nautical miles more to the east, Erdweg [1902, 356,
fig. 245], describes a straight-roofed house.

Proceeding from Oinake towards the west, the pyramid-shaped roof becomes constantly
more mixed with another shape of roof, characterised by a horizontal main beam. Thus, in

open verandah, placed along one of the long sides, and under the same roof as the building
proper. It is not divided into apartments, and leads out on to the verandah by two door openings,
in\'this respect deviating from all the above mentioned dwellings, which always have two door
openings opposite each other. The other long, side wall has a window opening, whilst close
to each of the short sides a fire place occurs, similar to the two occurring in the verandah.

The question presents itself whether the turtle-shaped roofs have a special meaning,
as it appears improbable that only technical reasons, like for instance the nature of the
material used: bamboo, split or unsplit, and palm leaves, have made this shape obligatory.
Besides, by the slight indination of the roof, one is obliged to fasten numerous laths or thin
stems on the outside of the roof, in order to prevent the lifting of the palmleaves.

In the eastern part of the north coast of Netherl. N. G. the p y r a mi d shap e of
houses is the rule, not like beehives and with a small diameter {lo feet or 12X7 feet), as

known from British N. G. (Macgregor [1897, 85], Morphy [1904, 327], Pratt [1906, 121,
215, 245], Seligmann [1906, 235]), but four sided, and, owing to each of the sides bulging
out, sometimes eight sided, fairly high, and even more distributed locally than the turtle-backed
house. Unmixed with other forms, I only met with it at Oinake, where the temple and all
the houses were of the same shape (fig. 83). Proceeding from here towards the east, it appears
that in the village of Sera (Biro [1900, PI. VII]) the pure pyramid shape is no longer to be
found; in reference to Tumleo, ±25 nautical miles more to the east, Erdweg [1902, 356,
fig. 245], describes a straight-roofed house.

Proceeding from Oinake towards the west, the pyramid-shaped roof becomes constantly
more mixed with another shape of roof, characterised by a horizontal main beam. Thus, in

the village of Thaë, one sees, fig. 84, already two houses of this deviating shape. Kajó
Entsau, fig. 85, situated still more to the west has also two of these deviations, Tobadi, fig. 87,
ten, whilst in Ingras, fig. 88, the pyramid-shaped roofs are already quite in the minority.

Still more towards the west, at Sageisârâ and on Lake Sentâni, only a few special
houses are provided with the pyramid roof, and if I remember rightly, this shape of roof is
no longer met with in the whole of the western part of the lake ; neither in Tanah Merah Bay.

The construction of these houses, without a central post and with a loft, placed at
half the height of the roof, can, to some extent, be noticed in %. 86 of the village of
Mabo. Van der Goes [1858, 174] is wrong, when he expresses the opinion that the vertical

poles which support the roof, stand loosely on the raised floor and find no direct support in
the. ground. The poles never stand crossways. The very low side walls (2 to 3 feet) of
upright stalks of sago leaf are generally quite hidden by the overlapping eaves which also

hide the entrance opening in this side walk As the houses built on land are entered by a
small trap door through the floor, the house to the left in fig. 83 only shows the small |steps,
which lead towards this opening. I cannot state with certainty whether all these dwellings
have two entrances opposite each other. Generally one or two small rooms are partitioned

off by low walls ; but the fire place is not always in the middle as supposed by BiNK
[1897, 165]; large hoüses have 2—3 fireplaces. Where a low outhouse is added to some
dwellings (fig. .83, the house on the right, fig. 84 and 86), this is presumably intended for
women in confinement. Below the houses built on land, firewood is often piled up, (see also BiRO

[1900, Pl. VI]) leaving in the middle an open space, for preference occupied by the pigs.

The origin of this shape of house is presumably situated in the eastern part of its zone
of distribution, from where it may have been taken over by western neighbours, using it only
for special purposes. Thus, the people of Tobadi told that the right to live in a pyramid-shaped
house, belongs by no means to everybody and that at Ingras it is exclusively allowed to those,
who are connected by descent or relationship with Tobadi. To the west of Humboldt Bay,
for instance on Lake Sentani and at Sageisârâ, not one private person, not even the village
chief lives in a pyramid-shaped dwelling, which, being still more strongly specialised here,
only occurs as watch-house or temple. No doubt, the gradual distribution from east to
west is still going on at the present day and as a proof of this, I can quote the erection in
1903 of a second pyramid-shaped watch-house at Ifar (fig. 161), which previously only possessed
one similar dwelling. Here at Ifar, the distribution towards the west has, as far as Lake Sentâni is
concerned, found its present limit. As part of the type the pyramidical house must have a wooden
image on the top of the roof. This image, manufactured out of the lower part of the stem
of a palm, according to De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 55, Pl. XXXVI, fig. 10], a kind
of Areca or Ptychosperma, often shows towards the lower part the gradual thickening of the
original stem, which made Horst [1893, 151] talk of a figure in priest\'s robes; not uncom-
monly however, the image is more slender and the lower part cut in the form of a horizontal
disk. The fact that this image also occurs in H. B. and on Lake Sentani on temples and
watch-houses, is not necessarily connected with the destination of these buildings. The image
on a men\'s watch-house at Asé, was, as people told me, of the female sex and called soso;
in Tobâdi, according to koning [1903, 258], these images are called korwar or karwm\'i (see
further Chapter X and XII).

but sometimes curved upwards at both ends, therefore saddle-shaped (see fig. 88 and Finsch
[1888, 355]), and called on Lake Sentâni koidé.

Although, as remarked above, this shape of dwelling already occurs in h. B. and even
in Sëkâ mixed with the pyramid form, it is only quite common on Lake Sentâni, as is shown
Nova Guinea. iii. Ethnography.nbsp;18

in fig. 89, the village of Ajapo, seen from the N. E., on which only one small, pyramid-shaped
watch-house occurs. The large house of the village chief, situated transversely at the end of
the peninsula, along both sides of which the remainder of the village is built, is characteristic
on account of the two small, pyramidical cupola\'s placed on the long ridge. These buildings,
imè, never stand here on dry land, as was already stated by Bink [1897], by van Asbeck
[Buletin N°. 41] and by Koning [1903, 275], they are always pile-dwellings, which, where
the space allows it, are built parallel with the shore, and otherwise, if possible on account
of the depth of the lake, at right angles to the line of the shore.

The roof of unplaited sago fronds, jam, (nowhere did I see, as reported of K. W. Land,
(Hagen [1899, 201]) the walls and the roof made of plaited leaves; thatching with Pandanus
leaves, common in K. W. Land ([1. c.], BiRO [1901, 20]), I saw only with small or
temporary huts; roofs of bark are mentioned by Seligmann [1906, 227] of Tivi in
British N. G.) descends on both sides from the main beam over the edges of the floor,
thus the eaves hide the low, barely i m. high, side wall of sago stalks, tabo, simberi{j\\
On the short sides the gables of palm leaves are almost vertical. In most cases, there
is only one door opening, mhnau, mimau, in the middle of the short side turned towards
the shore (fig. 90), where the floor is continued in a platform, nana, from which the shore is

reached along one or more
■small stems. Apart from this
opening there are, here and
there, in the long side walls
hidden holes, through which
I saw the women pas-
sing in and out of their
boats, when these, as on
fig. 94, are lying along those
sides. The house of the vil-
lage chief of Asé, in fig. 94
the one most to the right of
the two large dwellings, was
± 80 m. long and dr; 10 m.
broad. The light coloured,
oblique margin, which is
noticed on the roof, consists
of planks of old, worn-out
boats; only the most im-
portant buildings have such margins (see figs. 90, 92, 94). The house of the chief at Ajapo
is also very long, but communal dwelhngs of British N. G. are 512 feet (Mac Farlane
[1888, 70]), 600-700 feet (Annual Report [1899-1900, p. XII, 99]), up to 400 yards in
length (Hunt [1905, 8]).

At Asé I witnessed the construction of a new house for the recently married son of
the old village chief, ondofrâ, and I could not help being struck by the importance of this
work with such primitive means. Erdweg [1902, 355] gave a hvely description of the great

trouble and the time required for collecting the materials and the building of houses on
terra firma at Tumleo, the pile-dwellings in the water demand considerably more material
and labour, because all the piles must be so much longer and their number so much larger.
The diving work is done by the women; they appear to remove the stones from the bottom
and with their hands make a hollow place, in order, afterwards, whilst the men pull up,
pumâte, (fig. 91) the piles vertically with pieces of rattan tied round, to direct the lower part
to its exact position. The wood of all these piles, must be of very good quality, as it must
stand the influence of air, water and insects. Often a brown, heavy, hard kind of wood is
used for this purpose, which, at Asé was called tsomn or sodme of which the there customary
black pig\'s lances are also made. Participating in the work, I myself was able to experience
how exceedingly heavy this kind of wood was. First of all a certain number of poles, su, are
placed into position, which must all, at the height where the floor is to come, as far as they
do not have here a natural bifurcation, be cut off and notched to carry a first layer of floor
beams, 0. When these are laid down and a whole grating of thinner stems is tied on trans-
versely, the erection of a row of heavy, very long centre poles, kiichu, gugu, all ending at
the top in a fork (figs. 91 and 158) follows, which must support the ridge pole and two
rows of shorter ones, finau, also forked, which will have to carry the sideways placed, longi-
tudinal roof beams. All these vertical poles are erected without any connection with the
flooring. Thus far the building of fig. 91 was advanced; all the persons assisting in this work

were for this day fed by the proprietor; no other payment existed for them. But the work
connected with such a building is so extensive and lasts such a long time, that already
years before the construction begins, the gardens must be enlarged in order to feed the
assistants. Where a new building is intended to take the place of an old family residence

ail the inhabitants can assist in the construction of the new house. This, possibly gave rise
to the erroneous opinion, which von rosenberg [1875, 92] formed of the Arfak and which
was afterwards accepted by Kohler [1886, 7], viz. that generally all assistants, apart from
a right to be fed, could also claim a place in the new building. At all events this is not
the case on Lake Sentani, the work is done for the sake of the food, just the same as in the
case of the construction of the boats. After this the thatching is made from the fronds of the
sago palm, sometimes in the way described by Pratt [1906, 191], differing from the Malay way.
On the floor, the usual laths, wa, consisting of the outer layer of a palm, here called kabà, are
laid. Where these laths were lying transversely, I saw along the middle poles which support
the main beam and which are sometimes ornamented with carvings, a narrow longitudinal layer
of laths, by which a convenient passage was formed. Both to the left and to the right a
■number of small apartments is formed in these family residences, by partitioning them
with vertically placed sago leaf stalks, semberi, whilst between these apartments there are
open spaces all with large fireplaces. Whilst the rooms are intended for married people and
during confinement (for which no separate houses exist here), close to these fire places, all the
household paraphernalia is found, which the woman requires for her daily work, viz. the
preparation of the meals and also the manufacture and repair of bags, nets, etc. These houses

are never provided with windows, otherwise then in the shape of part of the thatching
lifted up and supported by a small stick and from which the women watched the visiting
strangers. This opening, the door and the often occurring defects of the roof serve as
ventilators.

As regarding ventilation, ScHMELTZ [1904, 202, fig. 8] illustrates a Tugeri house of
similar shape (but not on poles) in which both halves of the roof do not meet in the same
horizontal main beam, but have each a separate ridge pole, the eastern half of the roof

overlapping the other, thus leaving, as the east monsoon predominates, on the western side
over the whole length, a more or less sheltered opening.

I do not remember having seen at Lake Sentani any sheds or out-buildings, except
in the shape of small, shaded platforms, quite open all round.

In the eastern villages of Lake Sentani, one sometimes meets (fig. 159) with a four-
sided roof with a short, horizontal ridge pole and only one door opening, which leads on
to a platform (see Chapter IX). Further most villages to the east of the Amberno River have
another kind of residence, which may be considered as town-halls, consisting simply of a
platform above which an ordinary roof has been constructed, ending ± i m. above the
platform and only provided with a very incomplete wall (see Chapter X).

The type of the Sentani house, may be followed along the seashore to the west in
an only slightly modified form. The village Tarfia (fig. 95), which is entirely built on a mud
bank, has however houses, of which the length is less prédominent, and besides the gables
are often placed a little obliquely. — The second house from the left, of quite another type,
probably belongs to a Malay trader. — It is, moreover, impossible not to notice that the incli-
nation of the roof is steeper here, which, possibly, is owing to the strong winds, which, here
along the sea, especially during the west monsoon, are much stronger than on the lake. For
the same reason, the platforms in front of the houses of fig. 96, are larger, in order to allow
the boats to be placed here in safety, when heavy weather occurs.

Finally it must still be mentioned, that on the north coast, two-storied houses
were seen in the village of Kaptiau, (fig. 97), as only reported until now of Netherl. N. G.
(of K. W. Land they are reported by Hagen [1899, 302, PL 31], of British N. G. by Seligmann
[1906, 234]) by Robidé van der Aa [1879, 304] of Argùni on the south coast of the Mac
Cluer Gulf, pile-dwellings standing in the water. At Kaptiau these houses stand on dry land ;
only the lower floor has on all sides a vertical wall, the top floor to be compared with an
inhabitated loft being situated under the roof, which projects in front over the verandah, here
added to each of the floors. There were even houses here, which, judging by the rows of
window openings, through which women and children were watching the visitors and the
participators in the festive dance, must have contained three floors, of which the two first
were placed between the exceptionally high side walls and only the top one directly under
the roof. Fig. 98 gives an oppurtunity to consider some of the details of the construction of
these houses.

The houses of Nimburan are also characterised by the overlapping roof and a
verandah in front, but are otherwise of the Sentani shape. How far this style of building can
be followed westward and where it passes into the turtle-backed type, cannot yet be made
out, through the incomplete ethnographical knowledge of this part of the coast.

Whilst the settlements of the mountaineers (Mam\'kion) consist altogether of one house
only, the pyramid-shaped houses form villages, which however have no squares or streets as
known of Br. N. G. (D\'Albertis [1880,1, 290, 318], Annual Report [1897—98, 23], Seligmann
[1906, 234]); where they are standing in the water the shape of the sandbank or the shore
is decisive. In Seka, Where there is always a surf, the villages are built on the shore, Kajo
Entsau stands along the shore with which all the buildings are connected by small bridges,
as is also the case at Waba. Tobadi, Ingras and Ingrau on the other hand are standing on

isolated sandbanks and can only be reached by boats. Tobadi has besides a large platform;
the same has Kajo Entsau, near the temple, part of it being visible in fig. 85 ; it was, appa-
rently, under repairs in 1903 and in rough weather the boats were placed on this platform.
The village of Seisara on Lake Sentani has a similar platform, also built above the water
(fig. 92); I came across it in no other village.

Lake Sentani which has depths up to 26 fathoms and possesses no sand banks, is
only close to the shore fit for the placing of houses. Therefore the shape of the villages is
ruled by the direction of the shore Hne; thus Ajapo is built along both sides of a peninsula,
Asé round an island, as well as Ifar, Simbara in a bend, Seisara along a promontory. I still
wish to remark that the temples and the young men\'s houses are generally built at or near to
one of the corners of the villages, presumably in the interest of defence, but perhaps also
in the interest of the seclusion to which the young men have sometimes here to submit, and
for which purpose also partitions and fences of palm leaves are made, with openings, covered
with dependent palm leaf fibres.

Seligmann [1906, 234, 237]), I have not noticed in Netherl. N. G. The fencing-in of each dwelling
is also reported (annual report [1894—95, 15, 41], schmeltz [1904, 199]). Otherwise, dwellings,
which have been temporarily deserted, appear to be safe against robbery, if only, by the
placing of bark or mats in front of the house, it is indicated that the inhabitants are absent
and admittance to the house is prohibited. The objects placed in front have a meaning, which
it is often difhcult to probe; probably always something is hidden here which is connected
with the idea of „tabuquot;. Thus the settlement of Nagramadu, through which the expedition
passed on the 4th of August 1903, appeared to be then quite deserted, whilst houses and gardens
were well stocked ; what means had been adopted here against theft, I do not know. In Humboldt
Bay a palm leaf with plaited sideleaves is often sufficient; in the west (van Dissel [1904, 947,
fig- 3; 1904^, 806] all sorts of objects are used, called kèra-kèra and it is considered to be
a crime against the person of the depositor to disturb the same.

As regards the further arrangement of the houses in general, it was noticed
that usually the door openings can be closed by doors made of palm leaf stalks, to be fastened
on the inside in such a manner that it is impossible to force them without making a noise
Separate noise-creating objects, as the bunch of nutshells, which would rattle at an attempt
at house-breaking, as met with by Cfialmers [1885, 88j, I have never seen The door is
during the day, the principal source of light, which is further admitted through the defects
in the roof and often parts of a house remain inhabited, when another part has already
fallen to pieces. The custom that when the owner of a house dies the house is deserted and
allowed to fall into decay (annual Report [1903—04, 10]) surely is not the rule on Nether-
lands territory. After sunset the fire place is the only source of light; torches as customary
when fishing, I never saw used in the houses, but to my regret I never participated in one
of the numerous nightly feasts. At all events my petroleum hand lantern, suspended outside
the tent at Asé, excited genuine admiration, and even more, for after the first night I was
requested not to leave this lantern hanging about outside any more during the night, as
otherwise, without any doubt, people from other villages would come and steal it. Now a
Papuan does not easily risk himself, with the intention of stealing, in a strange village during

the night, I therefore understood that the local inhabitants themselves were not all to be trusted,
and followed the advice, availing myself unasked of the opportunity to show the arms, which
I might use against such strange (?) thieves. We can hardly realise what the western artificial
light must be in the eyes of these people; in the evening, when writing by a lamp, which
quite illuminated my tent, opened on one side, a number of interested people was squatted
down outside in the darkness, unable to see enough of the light. If I placed a native in the
dark and threw with a concave mirror the reflected light into his eyes, the man tried, however
courageous and trustful he might otherwise be, to evade the light which frightened him.

All these things were incomprehensible for the Papuan, otherwise not deprived of
intelligence. On an evening when my lantern was burning very poorly on account of smoking
and charring, and the servant did not answer my call, I myself, after cleaning the globe,
trimmed the lamp, with a spare piece of lampwiek, upon which an approving murmer at
once saluted the improved light. Next morning the bartering, to my surprise, would not get
on at all with the ordinary means, as, it turned out, there was only a demand for ... . pieces
of lampwiek!

Above the fireplaces large wooden gratings are often suspended, called at Asé,
mgbngo, often consisting of three or four stages and used in order to place thereon all sorts
of kitchen utensils, spatulas for stirring up, jancharu, pots, etc., whilst also sometimes bags
and cylinders, of which one wishes the contents to be protected from mice and insects, are
suspended here. For the smoking proper of fish, for which, according to VAN der goes
[1858, 176] they are intended, I did not see them used; the smoking cylinder (N\'\'. 62, Pl. I,
fig. 15), serving for the purpose, hanging much lower near the flame and is closed at the top.
Erdweg [1902, 334], regarding Tumleo, considers that both kinds of instruments serve for
smoking fish. At the Ramu River the gratings are round (NaCHRICHTEN [189Ó, 60]). At
Asé the stage gratings are as long as 2 m. and more than i m. broad, at Angadi of the same shape
but smaller, whilst De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 63, N°. 272, Pl. XVII, fig. 13] mention
a similar but still smaller rack of Sailolof, used to protect already prepared fish against cats
and rats. Such precautions are always necessary in the house of the Papuan (see also p. 129);
when looking round, one finds, preserved in the smoke of the fires, in flat, plaited baskets
(at Asé called araii), all sorts of objects of daily use, larger objects being suspended by their own
strings. Thus the valuable drums of Tobadi (figs. 187—190), and the specimen of Asé (N°. 1277,
Pl. XXVIII, fig. 4) were hanging over a fire, protected against wood beetles. Generally these
objects are suspended from a suspensory hook, which is again suspended with a string from
the roof. These wooden hooks, so common in the eastern part of Netherl. North New Guinea
in the dwellings and temples, seem to be very rare in K. W. Land. The Berlin Museum
possesses one, probably the specimen met with by FiNSCH [1888—93, 196; 1888a, Pl. Ill, fig. 2]
in Finsch Harbour; but still hook-shaped branches, suspended by strips of bark, are mentioned
from Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 361]). Ten Kate [1895, 5] reports of Roti a hook, which is
strikingly alike the kind from North New Guinea, whilst Edge partington illustrates two
of the lower Fly River [1898, Pl. 72, N°. i and 2] and two beautiful ones [I.e., Pl. 88, N°. i
and 2] of Woodlark Islands. One sees sometimes large, rough S-shaped hooks, as the one
hanging on to the rafters in fig. 186, but the greater part of the hooks of the collection are
cut from massive wood and show by the beautiful way in which they are carved, how much

this furniture is treasured by the Papuans. A specimen of Sageisârâ (N°. 533), has half a
cocoa-nut shell pierced in the middle, strung on to the suspending string, the convexity
upwards, preventing mice, rats, lizards, etc. from reaching the hook. Very often a disk-shaped
piece of wood (N° 537), which Finsch [1888-93, 196] also reports of K. W. Land, is used
for this purpose, but the cleverest defensive apparatus invented, was the one I saw at Asé, a
pear-shaped calabash, both poles pierced and strung on to the suspending cord with the thick
end upwards. Not a single mouse risks itself over such an exceedingly hard, slippery surface.
The other hook from Sageisârâ (N°. 534, Pl. XVII, fig. 12), out of naturally bent wood, is
ornamented with three carved quadrupeds, which are intended to represent dogs and again
furnish a clear proof how the nature and shape of the material rule the products of plastic
art; without the information obtained, one would have been more inclined to take these
animals, with their long bodies, long, stretched-out tails and short legs, for lizards. Both
hooks of Nacheibe show the type most common in these parts, with more or less cylindrical
points,. .with^N°. 535 (Pl. XVII, fig. 13) shaped into a male and a female human figure, the
further meaning of which has remained unknown to me, but otherwise like N°. 536 (Pl. XVII,
fig. 14), entirely covered with a regularly carved ornament. N°. 537 (PL XVII, fig. 11) originates
from the temple of Kajó Entsâu, where the bamboo flutes, all in baskets, were suspended
by similar hooks; the protecting plank is carved and painted and was indicated by the name,
„cMraquot;, of which word I remark that it sounds phonetically very much like the name of
the apron here used by some men.

The collection contains two more specimens (N°. 538 and N°. 540, Pl. XVII, fig. 11)
of Ingrâs, which, like the object of Asé (N°. 539, PL XVII, fig. 10), are at once noticable by
the carved loop coils, so customary in the ornaments of Humboldt Bay and especially on
Lake Sentâni. N°. 540 is also a fine old piece, with a disk-shaped enlargement near the
top end, possibly also intended as a protecting plank against vermin, both points of the hook
again shaped into figures of different sex. N°. 541, finally, was taken by me, as a curious
proof of ethnographical degeneration, from the owner, who had manufactured it from a plank
of a petroleum case and painted it, which certainly will never occur on the real hooks-
it is an imitated, ethnographical, commercial article. As seen above, lofts occur for stora^^e\',
as also reported by Hagen [1899, 203] of K. W. Land. At Angadi all sorts of objects were
placed on the roof-ties, and very often small objects are simply stuck obhquely between the
horizontal beams of the inside of the roof itself.

Amongst the objects which are also met with in the houses of the Papuans as neces-
sary parts of the furniture, are also the head supports, used when sleeping, and, according
to Von Luschan (Krieger [1899, 472]), nowhere in the world so common as just in New
Guinea, although in British New Guinea (D\'Albertis [1880, I 393], Chalmers [1885. 162],
Macgregor [1897, 5o], Annual Report [1897—98, 25]) and on the upper reaches of the Ramu
River. (Nachrichten [1897, 64]) the hammock appears to be generally in use. Certainly the
Papuan can manage without such a support ; when he lies down to sleep on his stomach, he rests
with the temples or forehead on the arms folded across the head. When lying on his side or back he
can, as. an inveterate sleeper, be content with any object, which has about the desired heigth
varying with the supports of the present collection between 11.5 and 20 c.m. Whether however
the use of such head supports is allowed to all young persons, as reported by De Clercq

and Schmeltz [1893, 85, N°. 427, PI. XVIII, fig. 7], seems doubtful. At least, of
the rum serams, the sleeping houses of the marriageable young men, no head supports
are reported and I myself found the rum seram at Mios Körwär also without any furniture
whatsoever. In the club-houses of German New Guinea one often meets, according to Hagen
[1899, 202], with a long, thick bamboo, which serves as a head support for a number of sleepers
at the same time; thus it was noticed at Jamna that the men use only an ordinary piece of
wood (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 85]) and the use of a regular head support appears
neither to be always allowed to the women. As well at Ingras as at Angadi I saw a woman
using a piece of fire wood and the oblong, ornamented, wooden object, obtained by De Clercq
in Humboldt Bay as upper part of a head support, without legs, for the use of women
([I.e. 89, N°. 442, PI. XXI, fig. i]) is, as I found out, a „weaving woodquot;, (see 649—652,
PI. XXI, figs. i, 5, 6, 7, 8). From the Kabadi district, British N. G., it is mentioned, that
whilst the men sleep in hammocks, the women must sleep on the floor (chalmers [1885, 162]).
When on visits elsewhere the head support, provided with a sling, is often carried along. In
the forest-bivouacs I saw how the Papuan carriers of the expedition manufactured for them-
selves an arrangement, to which on the road the kettle is suspended over the fire, viz. two
forked twigs stuck vertically into the ground and a third twig laid crosswise in the small
forks; on such a rack they slept the enviable sleep of the Papuan. The head itself and not
the neck then rests on the cross piece, for which reason De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 84]
and Von Luschan [1897, 66] rightly reject the name quot;Nackenschemelquot; or quot;Nackenstützenquot;,
still maintained by Biro [1901, 64].

According to the shape two kinds of head supports are to be distinguished, as well in
Netherk New Guinea as in K. W. Land (FiNSCH [1888—93, PL lo]): 1° the monoxyle
type, cut out of one piece of wood and 2° that with removable legs. The second
kind is used in the central part of the north coast, embracing as well Netherl. as German
territory, (from Tanah Merah to Astrolabe Bay), whilst to the west of this, Geelvink Bay, as
well as to the east, Finsch Harbour, centra are found where the monoxyle type is exclusively
met with. Von Luschan ([1897, 67], Krieger [1899, 474]). deriving the ornament from East
Asia, found the most evident monoxyle types in the district of Finsch Harbour. The composite
ones, of which von Luschan [1897, PL XLVI], as well as schmidt [1903, figs. 5, 20 and
21], gives fine illustrations, would mean a degeneration, but the human figure occurring on
these is said to be derived from the Telamones of the monoxyle type. A combination of
bird and snake, to be met with on the head supports of Finsch Harbour, is also ascribed to
pure Indian influence. In connection with this it is not unimportant to point out that on
Lake Sentani, a bird motive (hornbill) has been met with on the here universal composite
head support with rattan legs, (N°. 542, H- XVIII, figs. 2a, 2b); a snake motive is however
wanting here. I am willing to apply to the other animal figures, the supposition of von
Luschan (Krieger [1899, 473]), that the Telamones are connected with an ancient, mytho-
logical idea. A fish motive, as reported by schmidt [1903, figs. 21a and 21b] and supposed
by him to be derived from H. B., has not been here met with by me. The motive which is
generally attributed by Schmidt to the lizard, I look upon as a crocodile ; in N-. 543~545
(PL XVIII, fig. i), of Sâgeisârâ, the opening of the mouth is plainly visible, and at the tail-
end there is a toothed ridge, by which the comb of the crocodile\'s tail is indicated. With

the next four objects 546—549, PL XVIII, figs. 9 and 3) the crocodile\'s head has however
been applied to both ends; with N°. 546, it is true, only in a primitive form, but experience
has taught me that such a long head with a broadening in front at the snout, (see also De
Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PL XVIII, fig. i, but above all fig. 13], Von Luschan (Krieger
1899, 484, fig. 27], Biro [1899, 41, 9832, PL IX, figs. 9, 11 and 13]) means a crocodile,
which, in reality, has such a broadening near the nostrils (see also PL XVIII, fig. 6b; PL XIX,
fig. 9). It is further remarkable how often the crocodile is met with together with a human
figure. It is generally represented with its jaws catching hold of the human being in the partes
posteriores, as with 548 (PL XVIII, fig. 9) of Nacheibe, sometimes sitting on the top of
the crocodile\'s head (N°. 549, PL XVIII, fig. 3a), sometimes in the lengthening of the tail (?)
(N°. 550, PL XVIII, fig. 6a). It is true, VoN Luschan has shown that human figures, at the
end of the head supports, can be interpreted as the transposed Telamones, but I fancy, that
a special, possibly a religious, combination of thought is intended here, and this on account
of the fact that the representation of the crocodile with a human being caught with the
mouth from behind, is met with on graves as well as on buildings for a special purpose.
Thus, both prolongations of the ridge pole of the house of assembly at Thaë (fig. 175) are
carved in this manner. Next to the opinion of von Luschan [1887, 69], that the lizard
(crocodile) cannot be looked upon as an integral part of the supports, as it is w^anting with several
specimens, I mention the opinion of Uhle [1886, 5 and 6], who, from the frequent joint
appearance of crocodile and human figures, concludes the mutual relation between both in
the ideas of the Papuans. Further investigation will have to show what is the foundation of
this; the same with the representation on a support of Schmidt [1903, fig. 20b], a human
being sitting on the neck of an animal\'s head; also the meaning of the round object, which
this animal holds in its mouth (see also De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PI. XVIII, fig. 10]
and Biro [1899, PL IX, fig. 10]).

As the crocodile is the only animal which seriously threatens the Papuan and, judging
by the numerous occurrence of scars, actually often catches hold of its human prey, this
might have created an adoration out of fear. I point out that with N°. 549 the lower parts of
the heads are provided with carved slits, representing mouths with teeth. What the dog may mean,
which is here introduced on one of the heads, PL XVIII, fig. 3b, (with N°. 547 such a figure
is broken off), is also quite obscure. This dog with its short paws and long tail, again looks
very much like a lizard and although according to ScHMELTZ (De Clercq and SCHMELTZ
[1893, 88, note]) the great importance of the lizard in the Malay-Polynesian popular belief
has been proved, such animal figures have been generally explained to me as dogs, sometimes
as crocodiles, but never as lizards.

The collection contains three specimens of the monoxyle type. One of these, N°. 552
(PL XVIII, fig. 7) of Mios Korwar, shows the type, which occurs everywhere in Geelvink Bay
(Edge Partington [1890, PL 263, N°. 2], characterised by two figures (Telamones), the rumps
either or not connected, which support a cymatium, for which a set of snake-hke animals has been
substituted (see Uhle [1886, PL VII, figs. 2 and 4]); a mouth opening and eyes are indeed
often found at the outer end of these snake-like parts, — N°. 552 has two eyes at one end. The
fairly permanent type of these head supports makes it almost impossible to accept what was
communicated on the spot to De Clercq (De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 84]) viz. that

the figures of animals and human beings on these objects were without any meaning.
The Papuan is so loath to talk about his religious convictions, that it will, no doubt, be very
difficult to find out all this. The people of Mios Kôrwâr called the horizontal Telamones
\'^mânquot;, which, curiously enough, means, quot;birdquot; in the Numfor language. The head support
of Lake Jamur (N°. 553, PL XVIII, fig. 8) clearly shows the influence of Geelvink Bay, al-
though the Telamones have been dropped; in its place ornaments of horseshoe-shape, such as also
occur on head supports of De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, PL XVIII, fig. 2; PL XXI,
fig. 4], have been added. The name quot;-aruddquot; reminds one of quot;aruaquot;, according to the same
[1. c., 87] the name on Japen. On this island and along the eastern shores of Geelvink Bay, on the
Schouten Islands and in Pigajap, De Clercq [1. c. PL XVIII—PL XXI] has collected head supports
which clearly demonstrate the transition between the monoxyle and the composite types.

I have never noticed that Papuans slept outside the house proper under lean-to\'s, as
observed in Astrolabe Bay (Krieger [1899, 153]). Neither have I ever noticed fires under
the dwelling proper, in order to drive away the mosquitoes (D\'Albertis [1880, I, 393]\' Mac-
gregor [1897, 86]). With the Manikion I saw the fires smouldering under the raised sleeping
frames; possibly they are also intended for warming and it is to this system of heating that
Maclay [1873a, 248] attributes the many diseases of the respiratory organs. Where covering
is required, beaten bark is used as a blanket, whilst mats are used to lie on (macgregor
[1897, 50]). In H. B., on Lake Sentani and surroundings neither mats nor blankets are in
regular use. At least the men sleep on the common flooring {see also FiNSCH [1888, 354]),
which is kept very clean. van dissel [1904, 950] relates of a Papuan, who heated some
stones in a fire, and when going to sleep pushed his feet between the warm stones.

Tables or anything like that, I have never seen in the houses, neither have I ever
met anywhere with the scaffoldings, placed in front of the houses, as described by Hagen
[1899, 201, 244, PL 36], and exclusively intended for the men.

The decoration of the houses in the territory visited by the expedition, is generally
of very small importance. From this the temples and other public bnildings must
be excluded. On the other hand it is not uncommon to carve into human or animal
shapes the poles of the dwellings and of the stages. I already mentioned above, the carved
poles in a house of Asé; still more beautiful ones are possessed by the quot;community housequot;
there, where moreover one of the stage piles near the entrance is carved into a cassowary
turned outwards. A similar bird figure was seen in a women\'s house (?) at Ajapo, where Koning
[1903, 275] saw a representation of a woman in childbirth, also occurring on a supporting
pole of the platform at Tobadi, where a gangway conducts to the house of the village chief;
over it a crocodile was carved. Private houses with a horizontal roof pole have these some-
times lengthened and carved into fish shapes (see the roof pole of the house near the child\'s
grave, in fig. 168). Decorations suspended outside the house I saw but once, namely at Hiri
(fig. 72), in the shape of a string of Megapodius eggs, hanging down in front from the roof-
pole, mentioned by thomson [1892, 124] of a temple at Daumori. biro [1891, 23, 24,
figs. 4, 3] saw at Tsinjadi cassowary eggs applied in the same manner and considers them,
just like the similarly suspended parts of animal skeletons, simply as the remnants of meals.

Of the articles to be discussed next, all found in the eastern part of the Netherl. north
coast, inside the houses or offered loose for sale, it might be doubted of some (the human

figures) whether perhaps they were worn as tahsmans. The saw (serra) of a sawfish (N°. 554)
was offered to me as a house ornament, and not used as elsewhere as a formidable weapon.
Both the stuffed and painted fish skins (N-. 555-550, PL XXIII, fig. i) were hanging simply
as ornaments in a private house. The fish figure (N°. 557, PL XXIII, fig. 2) and the crocodile
figure (N°. 559, PL XIX, fig. 9), manufactured from the leaf sheath of the sago palm, were
obtained from the eastern temple of Waba, which building has however more the purpose
of a watch-house. The crocodile has the broadening of the snout in front, spoken of on pag. 146;
the cross lines covered with longitudinal lines indicate the scales; the drawing in the middle
is however unintelhgible to me. N-. 560-563 (PL XIX, figs. 3-6) two dog\'s and two
pig\'s figures were obtained in this house. The interpretation of these animals is not always
clear in the Papuan art; the indications are by the Papuans themselves. Where a scrotum
is represented on an animal\'s figure, a dog is generally meant, where the snout is round and flat in
front generally a pig. Coloured wooden birds\' figures (N-. 564—565, PL XIX, fig. 8) were hanging
at Ingrâs in a private house and at Thaë in the house of assembly; here several of these birds,
represented as flying, uncoloured and manufactured from one single piece of white wood, were
suspended by a piece of rope from the rafters; I could not find out what their meaning was. The
same is the case with the human figures (N-. 566—571, PL XIX, figs, i, 2 and 7; PL XVIII, figs. 4
and 5) male and female. They were produced from the houses and I never found anything
of the sort carried about on the person ;-perhaps they represent deceased relatives or perhaps
spirits. N°. 567 shows the joint representation of a human being and a snake.

Of 570 it was said, that it should remain suspended in one of the men\'s watch-
houses.nbsp;572 (PL XV, figs. I and 2) finally, a carved and painted plank in the shape of

the blade of an oar, again from the interior of a house of Ingrâs, gives a combination of
representations, amongst which the middle figure was said to represent a Varanus, prom. The
object reminds me of what Haddon [1901, 103] describes of Kiwai Island, viz.: quot;an oval
board about three feet in length, hung up in houses to bring good luckquot;.

N°. 533. Chanjau. Sâgeisârâ; out of yellow brown wood of low spec, grav., anchor-shaped, thick 1.5,
long 20.5 c.m., both arms pointed, turned up 8 c.m., with a reach of 7 .c.m.; quot;shankquot;, paired off
round, with 3 chcular rehef bands, has near the broadened end an opening, in which a 40 cm. lona
rattan strip, kèchè, to which is strung, the round side upwards, a half cocoa nut shell, dâdud, pierced
in the middle.

534. PI. XVII, fig. 12. Vt- Chanjau. Sâgeisârâ; hook-shaped, from a branch; lower end of quot;shankquot;
carved into an animal\'s head, with eyes and nostrils, the point of the hook protruding out of the
mouth; along the point a dog\'s figure, chonje, reaching with the head up to the above mentioned
animal\'s head; quot;shankquot; continued in 2 dog\'s figures, heads downwards; higher up with another hook ;
top forming an eye, through which rattan strip, chè. Found in temple.

N°. 535. PI. XVII. fig. 13. 1/,. Chanjau. Nacheibe; from yellow brown wood, ± 2 c.m. thick, quot;shankquot;
broadened at top opening (cracked, repaired with lashings), carved on both sides with 2 eye orna-
ments, between 4 pairs of spirals. The body with horizontal, encircling row of 13 carved eye orna-
ments and triangles. Both cylindrical points carved into a male and a female figure, moplike hair of

which a small ridge (nose), descends on triangular face with pointed chin; slit of mouth an upward
concave, navel circular; shoulders and shoulderblades in relief, arms descending as narrow lists ; hands
with 3 fingers joined before the trunk; man, with vertical ridge (penis), woman with 2 concave slits
(vulva); back and nates in relief, knees very prominent; no feet.

536. PL XVII, fig. 14. Vs. Chanjau. Nacheibe; like N°. 535, 2.5 c.m. thick; body of hook with
double row of eye ornaments; quot;shankquot; on both sides with spiral carving, alongside of which eye
triangles and spirals; opening surrounded by circular sfits and eye triangles; points cylindrical,
partly as 2 human figures (front outwards) of which only the hair, faces and arms down to wrists
are indicated. Blackened (soot and water?), before working it, intaglio portions being blank.

N°. 537. PI. XVII, fig. II. Vs- Chanjau. Kajó Entsâu; quot;shankquot; conical, points sharpened parallel
with margins of handle; on both sides with carved eye ornaments with several zigzag lines;
rattan suspending string, chSitje wârâ, runs through central opening of a square plank, i c.m. thick,
chora. On both surfaces a carved eye motive, the opening as centre, round this divided into 6
black and red coloured sectors. From the temple.

N°. 538. Chinjau. Ingrâs; as before, length 54.5, thickness 2—3 c.m.; body long 21.5 c.m., broad 15 c.m.
below, 20.5 above, the quot;shankquot; below 5, above 14.5 c.m.; sharp points, chlnjau jè] rattan suspending
string, war, in opening, dibo-, carved with spirals and eye motives.

N°. 539. PI. XVIII, fig. 10. 1/7. Injau. Asé; as before, thickness 2 c.m., tapering off towards the sides;
carved ornament, semâ nèjè\\ double loop coils and eye triangles; points, me, small and sharp; quot;shankquot;,
ènè, bulky, all 4 sides with one spiral, at top with oval broadening, in which roomy hole, puru.

N°. 540. PI. XVIII, fig. II. i/s- Chanjau. Ingrâs; old and smoked, thickness 3.5 c.m. or less; quot;shankquot;
thinnest and narrowest between bases of points. Higher up broadened and cut out on the
„shankquot; on both sides with 2 dogs\' figures, heads upwards; above this disk-shaped square, pau, above
which again with dogs\' figures (one broken off); points, slnjètv, carved into male and iemale human
figures, char cher au-, hairdress high, face triangular, eyes indicated by circular Imes, nose by 2 fines
meeting in sharp angle, (nose-wings); breast with 2 horizontal carvings, navel circular; woman with
oval carving (vulva), man with one vertical (penis) and two round (testes) reliefs; hands joined
below genitals, fingers turned outwards; body of the hook with eye ornaments and spirals; carved
ornament, âne wâisokwâde, of quot;shankquot; on both sides in the middle consisting of fish figures, tsau,
with one or more pairs of fins.

N°. 541. Chanjau. Tobâdi; from a plank of a petroleum case; body with rows of triangles and zigzag
lines; along margins 2 dogs, heads downward and eye motives on each side of rumps and heads;
backs with transverse rows of longitudinal carvings (hair); quot;shankquot; with eye ornament and hole
for string of rattan, chi. Intaglio parts white, raised parts red or black. Specially manufactured for
barter of ethnographica.

N°. 542. PL XVIII, figs. 2S2i^. Ju m âke. Asé; horizontal rack of yellow brown wood, supported by 2
pairs of legs^ of rattan; each pair consisting of one piece of stout rattan, kè, on the middle of lower
side with broad notch, with which bent over and round rack and diverging ±3°°; secured by a
rattan string, xö; middle part of rack smooth, somewhat deflected and transversely convex; one
end carved into head of hornbill, febari, neck with fish ornament ; other end like a bird\'s tail, koba,
top side toothed, fori, sides carved, shnâ, with fish ornament. Sleeping on this ^jochu muga.

N°. 543. PL XVIII, fig. 1% lb. 1/5. Poncha. Sâgeisârâ; as 542, middle portion, honje mûrejâ, smooth,
one of the ends, nata, carved into flat, long, pointed head, with eyes and mouth slit; other end in
the middle with row of 9 sharp points, alongside of which 2 rows of carved eye triangles; legs of
rattan, kè, chè, held together by strings, chaisja, waro.

N°. 544. Poncha. Sâgeislrâ; as N=. 543, height 16.5, length 54 c.m. One end, n c.m. in length,

carved hke head end of 543; the other flat, 9.5 c.m. in length, 2.5 c.m. broad, and side mar-
gins toothed.

N°. 545. Poncha. Sâgeisârâ; as N=. 543, height 17, length 68 c.m.; tail with scalloped margins, below
and above with longitudinal relief ridge.

N°. 546. Kajo Entsâu; height 20, length 79 c.m. the ends resp. 17.5 and 19.5 c.m. in length, repre-
sent crocodile\'s (?) heads, both with eye ornaments in the middle of a broadening placed half-way;
the same at the end. Used by men in temple.

N°. 547- Kajo Entsau; height 18.5, length 74 c.m., each end terminates in a knob, ± 3 c.m. thick, other-
wise carved into animal heads with eye ornaments; one of the heads with mouth slit and teeth; the
other on upper side with remains of broken-ofif dog\'s figure; obtained like N°. 546.

548. Pk XVIII, fig. 9. 1/,. Poncha. Nacheibe; as before, each head, rounded ofiquot; in front, with
pan- of eyes; one with open jaws catching nates of a human figure, face downwards, legs bent
in the knees and with soles of five-toed feet against throat of animal head; moplike hair, face
triangular; nose as a ridge, mouth slit concave upwards; short neck, shoulderblades in relief, arms
shgntly bent, free from body, five-fingered hands flat on knees. No nipples, navel or genitalia. Ob-
tained from a man, out of a private house.

N°. 549. PI. XVIII, fig. 3. v.. Poncha. Sâgeisârâ; ends as with N°. 548, teeth indicated; on the middle
of one of the heads (3b) with longitudinal dog\'s figure, honje mache, tail continued in row of 5
points. On the other (3a) human figure, champ;ru, legs stretched, knees strongly in rehef; feet (5 toes)
flat against crocodile\'s head; figure apparently with wig, ears with concha and opening; nose as
transverse carvmg below the point; no eyes or mouth, shoulders in relief, arms joined to body; five-
fingered hands alongside of penis and scrotum.

N°. 550. PI. XVIII, figs. 6% 6quot;^. Vs. Kajo Entsau; one end with longitudinal ridge, and 3 pairs of eye orna-
ments; the other, with one pair, is horizontally continued in body of a male figure, head as N°. 548,
face upwards. Shoulders and arms in relief, with indication of armlets, both five-fingered hands
between circular navel and conus-shaped penis. From the temple.

N°. 551. Afia. Mios Kôrwâr; from one piece of wood, long 36, broad (high) 18 c.m., lower sur-
face 7 c.m. broad, saddle-shaped upper surface of 27 c.m. concave length, ±6 c.m. convex width
each end with circular opening (eyes ?) and carved like a set of jaws. From private dwelling.

N°. 552. Pk XVIII, fig. 7. Afia. Mios Kôrwâr; like N=. 551 between base and saddle openwork;
2 ^animals, man, lying down, with rumps connected in the middle on base; towards the heads\'
man ka im, somewhat raised; front limbs, wrasi, reach towards corners of base round buttoned poles\'
another pair of forearms turned up as far as lower jaw; heads pig-like, nose as longitudinal ridge
with nose wings, front part of snout oval, with deep carved circle; mouth slit; set of snake-like rid-es
from the middle horizontally towards heads and in upward curve towards ends of saddle. With lo\'op
of vegetable rope.

N°. 553. PL XVIII, fig. 8. Aruda. Angâdi; shallow, concave saddle, transversely convex. Erect on
base, 3 horseshoe-shaped ornaments, under an upwards concave ridge of which the ends support the
saddle ends. In the middle another supporting ornament like the central one of the 3 lower ones.
Loop of tanned cotton string, tèmani.

N°. 554. Teritembuèd Tobâdi; saw (serra) of a sawfish, length 5 c.m., 25 teeth along each side.
From private dwelling.

N°. 555 and 556. PL XXIII, fig. i. Temerû. Ingrâs; 2 fish skin.s, îtje fêmbu, of Balistes flavi-
mar gin a tu s Rüpp, stuffed with vegetable refuse and piece of fishing net, backs sewn up with

thread of Pandanus fibre, lm-, painted with red, black and white stripes, eye-sockets in triangular
spaces; fastened on to strip of rattan; were suspended in a private house.

N°. 557. PI. XXIII, fig. 2. 1/4- Waba; Fish figure of the sheath of a sago leaf; strengthened with rattan
strips, eyes as 2 red and yellow circles, mouth slit angular, side margins of head continued in long
fins; homocercal caudal fin; painted with red, black, white and yellow stripes. Found in temple.

N°. 558. Waba; painted piece of material as above; irregular shape, breadth 45, length 60 c.m., with
deep, alternating cuttings on the sides; painted with angular, red, black and white bands, inside
which black rings. Obtained like N°. 557.

N°. 559. PL XIX, fig. 9. W^aba; crocodile\'s figure from material as above; snout with broadening in
front; 2 eyes, red, with white circle, lined angularly in front and behind; paws bent backwards; in
the middle red and white circle between 2 white curved lines each, with numerous spots. Many
transverse lines, each with side fines pointing backwards, alternately in red and white. Obtained
like N°. 557.

N°. 560. PL XIX, fig. 3. V5. Waba; wooden dog\'s figure; carved eyes, raised ears, double mouth slit;
shoulders and haunches in relief, rump on both sides with eye ornament, tail half-way with encir-
cling carving, female genitals; connected with a round handle, carved with circle of eye ornaments;
deepened parts white, refief parts black or red. Obtained like N°. 557. Roof ornament?

N\'\'. 561. PL XIX, fig. 5. Obo. Waba; wooden pig\'s figure; refief ears, mouth carving long, upper jaw
with flat front part; rump barrel-shaped, carved; indication of foreskin; shoulders and haunches
in relief, forelegs joined, like hindlegs, mutually connected by longitudinal piece of wood on which
toes carved in; tail round, downward; deepened parts white, otherwise red and black (scorched).
Obtained like N°. 557.

N°. 562. PL XIX, fig. 6. 1/3- Obo. Waba; like N°. 561 ears loosely inserted, longitudinally carved rump
without genitals; forequarters as well as hindquarters joined on the back; longitudinal piece of
wood connects hindlegs with forelegs (all without toes) and lower jaw; coloured red, black and
white. Loop of reed for carrying. Obtained as N°. 557.

N°. 563. PL XIX, fig. 4. V2. Jogu. Waba; dog\'s figure; ears notch-shaped; eyes with set of triangles,
mouth slit toothed; back carved longitudinally, forequarters in relief, tail carved transversely ; scrotum.
Before the carving scorched (?) black, alternately coloured red. Obtained like N°. 557.

N°. 564. Fonba, pâme. Ingrâs; bird\'s figure of flat piece of wood, 8 m.m. thick, head rounded off in
front, neck long, wings extended backwards, tail broadened backwards; coloured white, yellow
and black. Length 22, flight 13.5 c.m. From private dwelling, suspended by a two-stranded cord
of Pandanus fibre.

N°. 565. PL XIX, fig. 8. Tauwa. Sëkâ; wooden bird\'s figure, pointed beak, le, black head, subi,
red circles round the eyes, cyhndrical neck, kè, wings, fa, opened downwards and backwards, hind
margin of tail, fa, concave; coloured red, mè, white, tâtun, and black. Manufactured by men; for
private houses and for house of assembly.

N°. 566. PL XIX, fig. 7. Charchâraic. Tobadi; human figure, on handle bored transversely; head
like semi-globe, face triangular, eyes and nose in relief, mouth as horizontal toothed line; arms
with five-fingered hands reaching down to 3 horizontal relief bands; similar bands round upper
arms and wrists; below deepened navel a transverse carving; carvings along spinal column (fig. 7a);
coloured red and black; symetrical black figure in the red coloured hair; armlets white, mammae
indicated by 2 black stains. Said to be used also as a toy.

N^ 567. PI. XIX, fig. I. 1/3. Charchârau. Tobadi; as before, head knob-shaped, with symetrical black
figure in the red hair (i^); line of profile .sharp, without nose; eyes circular, mouth slit concave upwards;
shoulders in relief and with eye ornament, arms with wrists close to median line and then bent

■nbsp;cquot;on.:vf ; Iquot;nbsp;globe-shaped; nose as a raised ridge, mouth sht
coneave; shoulders andnbsp;breast with carvings; mammae and papillae in rehef; navel circular; arms

with 3 carved bands; hands alongside mons veneris, rima vulvae and clitoris. Coloured red,
black and white. Presented by a full-grown man, after leaving the temple

Shoulders with 2 bow-shaped carvings, upper arms with relief band; right hand 5 left hand 3
fingers, a ong the thighs next to mons veneris with rima vulvae; lower ;art: of legs eLing in joint
NO .. ptnbsp;^^nbsp;--ch-house. Length .6, width 4, thikness 6 c.m. \' \'

■nbsp;fi\'ve i T\'hnbsp;Upper arms and wrists with raised bands-
five-fingered hands along spread upper legs; nates, thighs and knees in relief, below a single block

with vertical row of 5 toes; papillae and navel circular, penis, cone-shaped. Was suspended
Dy a strip of rattan in a men\'s watch-house.

N°. 571. PI- XVm, fig.nbsp;Tarfia; wooden human figure with pyramid-shaped head covering

carvings, both on front and back of head; shoulders and breasts (both on front and back) in relief
Arms bent, hands with tips of fingers joined in front; raised waist band, hips broadened .enitai l
^ as raised disk with sht; legs shghtly spread, ending in single block

Hunting must be of great importance, especially for the nomadic New Guinea tribes
(see page 127), who of course do not occupy themselves with agriculture; but also the settled
Papuan far from being a vegetarian, by hunting provides himself with the animal food the
forest can procure, none of which he despises, unless Islam or animism forbids. Although
Kennedy (Annual Report [1894—95, 38]) asserts that private hunting rights do not exist, we
should consider the hunting-ground divided among the different tribes or villages by
common assent, and the European New Guinea traveller (Pratt [1906, 135, I95]) should
always be aware of being in other people\'s hunting-ground. webster [1898, 57] also expe-
rienced this, when one of his people shot a wild boar in the midst of a primeval forest and
the inhabitants of neighbouring villages, arms in hands, claimed their rights to the animal;
quot;having no brand or ear-mark of any sort, I knew this to be untruequot;, Webster adds not
without ingenuity.

I never had an opportunity of watching the way in which the natives captured different
sorts of game, but I found the confirmation of the fact that, in contrast to K. W. Land, the people
of Netherl. N. G., as well as those of Br. N. G. (Macgregor [1897, 70]), use dogs in hunting.
Although Finsch [1888, 54] positively says that the dogs are no good for hunting, their use
in boar hunting has already been mentioned by Van der Goes [1858, 119, 47] from the
Gulf of Kaimani and the hinterland of Lakahia, where boars are driven into a narrow dell
and killed with arrows and lances. D\'Albertis [1880, I, 50] also relates this about the interior
of Sorong and De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 85, 113] tell the same about Geelvink Bay.
The Manikion people also informed me of the use of dogs, especially in boar hunting. Though
their dogs seemed to me very small, they nevertheless bravely and fiercely attack a boar
which, being bitten in its back and sides, while trying to escape, must at last stop to defend itself
against its assailants and is then killed with spears and lances. Though the use of dogs in
hunting is less frequent east of Geelvink Bay, we should pay attention to the dog as a com-
panion and housemate of the Papuan.

Finsch [1888, 53, 54] gives an accurate description of the New Guinea dingo. Macgregor

[1897, 23] When ascending the Owen Stanley Range, came across some wild ones. According
to the expert Dr. Heck (Hagen [1899, 195]) it is of the same race as all other tropical
dogs, bemg characterised for its shyness and its bad qualities as a watchdog. Nevertheless some
dogs of Asé ventured to attack my watchdog (a streetdog from Batavia) which was bigger.
However, they only fight for their own benefit and not for their master and though they fly
mto the houses when a European approaches, as soon as he enters they try to escape through
the back door. Far from being the favoured animal, hke in British N. G. (Pratt [1906 331])
it is especially the men who ill-treat the dog; only too often the painful yelping of the dogs
after a severe punishment is heard from the dwellings. A Manikion from Mapar meeting a
dog on the notched trunk serving as a stair-case to his high dwelling (fig. 73), simply kicked
the animal down. Special dog-ladders and separate entrances sacred to the dogs (Pratt 1 c )
I never saw. The women are more gentle in their behaviour; the dogs are more attached to\'them\'
as also Hagen [1899, I95, H- 25, 37] relates about K. W. Land, and are often to be found
in their company. The Manikion women serving the expedition as bearers, took their doc^s
with them on marches of several days and when wading through swamps and overcoming
other difficulties of the soil, put up with the trouble of taking the animals in their arms.
According to Biro [1901, 54] it is also the women who cook the food for dogs and pigs in
the afternoon; I doubt, whether dogs are taken so much care of in Netherlands New Guinea
and I ascribe their thievishness that Finsch also speaks of, simply to hunger. At Asé they tried
to steal victuals from my tent, gnawed through the stretchers and even tried a plaster-cast;
they nibbled ofiquot; the little flesh left in a cocoa-nut shell, which had been thrown away and in
Oinâke Bay I watched them tearing out the remains of flesh from the carapaces of big Chelones,
lying on the beach and already spreading a bad smell. The dog multiplies as a domestic
animal and in the east part of New Guinea shares the fate of many domestic animals to be
butchered and eaten (Finsch [1888, 54], Macgregor [1897, 60], Hagen [1899, 96]). As
stated above (page 2) this is not the case in Netherlands New Guinea and that is why the
animal does not enjoy the pleasure of being fattened. In Geelvink Bay De Clercq (De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 115]) noticed dog skulls hanging beside boar jaws in the dwellings, but
he does not mention in which way the skulls had been got. None of the members of our
expedition remember to have seen dog skulls in the dweUings, but we often saw kangoroo skulls

The second domestic animal of the Papuan, the pig, appears wild and is hunted and
eaten. Travelling with a large and sometimes very noisy troop of bearers, etc. we never
caught sight of a boar, though large spots of earth, freshly rooted up, clearly showed their
abundance. The way of hunting is very difi-erent. The people of Adi (Van der Goes [1858,
no]) lay snares in the gaps of the garden fences, but in the other parts of Netherlands Nevv
Guinea I only know of battues, either, as in the western part, with dogs driving the boars
into a river, where they are shot with arrows when trying to swim across (De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 113]), or, as in the eastern part, with human drivers.

In 1901 Van Asbeck, Officer in H. M. „Ceramquot;, witnessed such a battue, held by
about 80 people of Tobadi and gave a description (Bulletin N°. 41), which shows how cauti-
ously they proceed. The organization was entirely in the hands of one man, the chief of
Tobadi. First of all, the ground as well as the hunters were charmed by an aged Papuan, so as
to make them invisible to the boars; then the chief ordered the line of hunters to the top,

the line of drivers (the boys) to the bottom of a wooded slope, probably because the boars,
preferring to hide in the marshy valleys during the heat in the day-time, only reluctantly
and slowly escape upward. The hunted boar did not escape the deadly shot. Neither dogs
nor nets were used, though finsch [1888, 353] saw large nets there, such as he also saw
in K. W. Land and British New Guinea. D\'Albertis [1880, I, 417] also mentions those nets,
made of Pandanus fibres (Wyat Gill [1885, 331]), and Pratt [1904, 6; 1906, 327] demonstrates
the position of the nets and how also the cassowary and the wallaby are driven into them.
During the stay of the expedition in Humboldt Bay, nets were never seen nor heard of.

According to Nachrichten [1888, 230] the same way of hunting as described above of the Tobadi
people, is used in K. W. Land, bow and arrow being the principal arms and the spear being less
frequently used. It is very remarkable that Hagen mentions the bow and bamboo arrow as the principal
weapon, while Finsch [1888—93, 190] gives an inferior place to these arms. Covered pits, hurdles and
screens are also mentioned; deep pitfalls are dug (Hagen [1899, 248]) which remain uncovered, into
which the boars fall at night; on the slope of Sattelberg (Nachrichten [1889, 42]) a great many of those
pits were seen. In British N. G. pitfalls are also found (Macgregor [1897, 40]), sometimes with sharp
spear heads fixed in the bottom (Annual Report [1899—1900, 94]). Another way is that the hunting-
ground is set on fire on all sides (Hagen, 1. c.) and the fainting animals are attacked with spears and arrows,
the opossums with clubs; whether the hunters, penetrating into this burning circle, protect their feet against
the hot ground is not mentioned. Mac Farlane [1888, 124], however, writes that the long grass in front
o f t h e nets is set on fire and the natives only take care that the game cannot escape at the sides.

Apparently the ways of hunting in various parts differ according to local circum-
stances. Such a difference also exists between Humboldt Bay and Lake Sentani, where boars
are only hunted with long and heavy lances (N°. 574 and 575). A hunting company
consisting of Asé men, all of them armed with those lances, is to be seen in fig. 99. The

weapon is unique in length and weight. Among the 14 groups of lances made of Areca palm
wood that Biro [1901, 106, PI. VIII] speaks of, there is none resembling the Asé boar
lance; most of them however have the circular notch near the end, to be seen on the Biro
specimens. The two objects from Asé measure 5.15 and 4.25 m. resp. Made of the same dark

brown wood the weight, hardness and durability of which I already mentioned above, page 139,
they were always indicated with the name of that sort of wood, soam or sodme. Without
exception the lance is carved a little above the centre of gravity with ornaments, which are
very characteristic of that country (fig. looa, loob). The boar lance is a highly valued object.

durable enough to pass from father to son and already in great honour for that reason, but
also because its construction in the stone period, from which the store of lances at Asé dates,

must have cost a great deal of labour. Some very old ones, sinâi\'d, the people shortly
declared, were not to be sold. They generally all lay in the watch-houses. We, on the
horizontal tie-beams, niau, about 7 feet above the floor. I never saw the men carry those
lances as ordinary arms; the men who every day rowed to the gardens to protect the women,
only had their bow and some arrows lying before them in their httle boats, Isja. Probably
this lance may also be found in other villages on Lake Sentani; my not seeing it again
during our rapid course across the lake, nothwithstanding the men were everywhere armed,
proves its not being used as a weapon of war. In Humboldt Bay it is not used, that is a
fact; nor did I find it in the temples of Nacheibe and Sageisârâ, places on the north coast,
where the language has a striking resemblance to that of Asé. I am sorry not to be able
to answer the question how a number of men, armed only with such lances (fig. 99) go
boar hunting. I also found shorter specimens, which point to a difiquot;erence in the position or
action of the hunters.

The arrows used for boar hunting generally have a bamboo point; the Tobâdi people
have three different kinds: ubre, mankaini and jèdri, distinct from each other by breadth and
shape of the furrow. Among the jèdri I found another form, called rugwe (N°. 760, 764), with
a wooden point in which was one row of barbs. Of course those sorts are differently used : I
only know the lengthwise furrowed bamboo point causes a heavier loss of blood than the
ornamented wooden point, (see also Macgregor [1897, 70]).

The transport of the spoils takes place in a festive mood. At Asé some boats carried
it to the watch-house, accompanied by songs heard from afar and by a regular beating with
the oars. At Tobâdi the dead boar was slowly transported to the village in a boat, wdche,
adorned with fresh palm leaves fastened erect and accompanied by a whole fleet of wdche.
A many-voiced song rang over the water, stronger than I ever heard from the Tobâdi people,
interrupted every now and then, but intonated again with great unity of time. The fleet
landed at the platform (pag. 142), the boar was carried into the temple and one of the palm-
leaves was stuck into the eaves near the entrance, close to others which were standing there,
probably also representing hunting trophies (figs. 102, 183, 200). Later on at the feast the
marksman was pointed out to us; his success seemed to be a great honour for him and in a
way he was celebrated as the host of the feast, the spoils being consumed the very same
evening amidst dancing and music. Probably the marksman host claims a right to the teeth
(N°^ 312—321, Pl. XII, fig. 20), and the tail as ornaments. An Ajâpo man had tied a boar\'s
tail with two strips of the rump skin round his upper arm; (see also N°. 519, Pl- XI, fig. 7). The
Tugeri wear the scrotum on either arm and sometimes even wear a great many ; the hairy strips,
of skin which they wear on their breasts also come from the boar\'s tail; strange enough,
the women who never take part in hunting, also wear this breast ornament here, consequently
the right of wearing it seems to be no personal right of the marksman (see pag. 85).

At Tobâdi the boar skulls are hung up in the temples. The Manfkion people decorate
the interior of their dwellings with them. In the dwelling at Mapar which, as I was told,
had been built a short time ago, I counted more than thirty, which made me suppose part
of the skulls had been removed from a previous dwelling. I should give the same explanation to the
fact that Meyer [1873, 308], in his journey from Geelvink Bay to the Gulf of MacCluer, counted
in one, evidently new, hut 83 lower jaws of Sus papuensis. The reason they treasure

them up IS obvious from the rows of boar skulls ornamenting a grave at Nimburan (fig. i7i)
namely as a hunting trophy, evidently intended to honour the deceased as a great hunter

When the natives get hold of little live pigs they rear them as is known; even some-
times at the beginning the women suckle them, as Finsch [1888, 53] and Pratt [1906 330!
often saw and Pfeil [1899, 19] also mentions of New Mecklenburg. This probably explains
the attachment the natives often show for these animals and the tears which the people on
the Utanata River shed after having sold a pig to Boudijck Bastiaanse [1845 77] All the
pigs at Angâdi were said to have been caught wild and at Asé a very young one was brought
up by the men of the watch-house opposite my tent, not always very gently, it is true, but
though It was strolling about by day, trying to gather its food, it was always shut up at
night in a wooden trellised cage, ze^ari;.,^^, standing on the platform. So we see a huntin-
people in the age of stone, getting settlers, taming game and making it a domestic animal-
also the next step is taken, the domestic animal is bred, cattle rearing is started. The tamed
swine indeed seem to feel attached to man and his settlement and do not return to their
wild state; m the villages on Lake Jamur, where the population had fled at the approach
of the expedition, the pigs, as usual, remained near the dwellings. For swine breeding at Asé
I saw two httle sheds, /dr., purposely built on the shore, the walls made of planks of old
boats the watertight roof of palm leaves (fig. loi). A sow with some six little pigs, going
abou freely by day, was shut up in such a shed during the night. These animals are occat
sionally fed, as Brno [1901, 54] also mentions of K. W. Land, though I never saw it myself,
but they continuaUy went into the shallow water under the dwellings to look for refuse.

For the rest, however, the number of pigs was not so large that they could be traded

in but the neighbouring Ifar, where there were a great many, may be supposed to do so. In

villages built on banks, not connected with the shore, swine rearing cannot be imagined

From Waba, where the dwellings are connected with the shore, Bink [1897, 157] mentions

the great number of pigs, which fact however did not strike me in 1903. In the country of

Seka on the contrary, under the dwellings built on the shore, I saw a large number of pigs amidst

the firewood piled up around, and there some swine rearing is carried on which largely

contributes to the prosperity of those villages. With the Sëkânto, dogs and pi^s went aLut

inside the dwellings built on a level with the ground, but these two species of animals are

constantly at war with each other. Just as FiNSCH [1888-93, 201] states, the tamed pi^s

behave very peevishly towards man, and at Angâdi one of the big swine very neLly

stole some chops from the pan while several members of the expedition were standing

around it in culinary occupations. Together with the dogs they were little profitable for our
night s rest.

The crocodile is pretty generally hunted in N. G. In Wandâmèn (De Clercq and
schmeltz [1893, 114]) it is shot with bow and arrow, where the hunter tries to hit the
animal in the fleshy part of its body behind the forelegs. In K. W. Land, according to
Hagen [1899, 247], it is killed with spears, some of which are put like a fence round the
animal while it is sleeping on the shore, whilst the other spears are used to finish the animal
with thrusts into eyes, breast and throat; sometimes it is attacked on its return to the water.
In Humboldt Bay and in villages on the coast the crocodile seems to be an object both
ot fear and honour and therefore it is not hunted; in the western villages on Lake Sentâni

however, I saw several skulls carelessly thrown away at the side of the footpath along the
shore. How they catch the animal, I do not know.

In hunting opossums the people of H. B. make use of small arrows made from the
stems of sago leaves, no (N°. 745, 746), which are also used for shooting rats and mice. In
British N. G. they are driven into hunting nets, while on favourable occasions they are
speared (Thomson [1892, 69]).

Many birds such as Cassowary, Megapodius, Goura, Rhyticeros, also Pteropus are
shot as well for their flesh as for other parts of the body, serving for practical use or orna-
ment. To hunt a cassowary does not seem to be without danger, at least the wounded bird
is more feared by a Papuan than a wounded boar (van dissel [1904S 624]). Ample infor-
mation about the method of shooting different species of birds is given by De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 113—115], whilst Van der Goes [1858, 122] relates how on Kaimani Bay, Goura
is caught with snares. Not only do the Papuans exactly know the characteristic calls of the
different sorts of birds, but they can also imitate them to perfection. Characteristic of the
cassowary is a sound like the beating of a large drum heard at a great distance, while the
Goura utters a peculiar breast sound: quot;krum-krumquot;. The bird of paradise, sometimes
caught with gum smeared over the branches of the trees (Chalmers [1885, 247]), at Bessir
on the south coast of Gemin captured alive in snares (HaGA [1884, II, 153]), is however
generally caught in the way described by wallace [1869, II, 151, frontispiece]. De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 114] draw attention to the fact, that certain tall, blossoming trees are
chosen by the females in which also the males gather. These are the dancing trees thomson
[1892, 68] spoke of; these trees once being known, the hunter is not obliged to ramble about
the woods. In Papuanbsp;Paradisea minor Shaw, is more frequent; wherever the

primeval forest is pretty dry and consists more of foliage trees than of palm trees this bird is
found and what is very remarkable often chooses small, insignificant dancing trees. Under such
a tree on the south slope of the Cyclops Mountains, a Tobadi man perfectly imitated the whist-
ling of the male bird, trying to decoy jealous rivals. According to information got from the
natives, Paradisea minor is not found in the higher parts of these mountains. The arrows from
the stems of sago leaves damage the birds so little that the feathers and even whole parts
of the body and the head may be used on ornaments and weapons. The extensive trade in
the skins of Paradisea, however, has brought fire-arms into N. G. Some years ago a trial was
made in H. B. to give guns and munition on free loan to Papuans and to pay them for the
skins supplied, but these people, though soon becoming good marksmen, brought little profit
to the Ternatian tradesman-hunter and this made him go hunting himself. In the west part
old single-barrelled guns have been introduced, which are also used by the Manikion (figs. 3
and 42) for arms in time of war. The percussions they want for those muzzle-loaders are
often kept in bamboo cylinders (N°. 573).

The presence and the trade of foreign hunters (mostly from Ternate) often cause
bloody fights with the natives. It was feared the birds of paradise would be extirpated and the diffe-
rent governments made restrictions about their being shot. This fear seems to me to be un-
grounded, considering the large part of N. G. where the birds are not hunted for trade and
considering the circumstance that as a rule the males are shot only after being full-grown.
The disappearance of the birds of paradise in certain parts may sometimes be ascribed to

the felling of the dancing tree. At Manokwari, the oldest Netherlands settlement, where
there had been much hunting, one could, in 1903, often hear the whistling of Paradisea
from the edge of the wood.

S1Z- Otjè. Kwatisoré; bamboo cylinder, 16 X 3 c.m., lower part scraped and blackened; the
sexangiilar stopper, madö ore, of yellow-brown, corky wood, fitting with 2,5 c.m. long, cylindric
part in tube. Used to store percussions, dopis, (corruption of the Netherlands quot;dopjesquot;).

574-nbsp;Soam. Asé; boar lance of heavy palm wood, soam, length 5.15 m., square, with 4 lengthwise
ribs, ku, each cut near the point, jömö, over 1.5 m. of the length into a number oï haxhs, kar a-,
more to the middle a carved ornament (fig. looa), behind which, near the centre of gravity
13 narrow, plaited, rattan rings, sari-, greatest thickness 3 c.m., at the end thinner and at 15 c.m.
from the end, koba, a narrow circular notch.

575-nbsp;Sodni. Asé; as N°. 574, length 4.25 m., carved ornament (fig. loob), 6 rattan rings, no cir-
cular notch.

N°. 576. Soam. Asé; as N°. 574, length only 2.04 m., max. thickness 3 c.m. in the middle; front part
over 55 c.m. square and hooked as above, behind it, over 33 c.m. of the length, carved with 5
circular bands, each of 4 loop coils; 3 plaited rings.

Besides hunting, also fishing supplies the want of animal food. According to the
different sorts of fishing-tackle found everywhere about Netherlands N. G. (De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 100]) it cannot be true what Biro [1901, 66], in contradiction to Finsch
[1888—93, 190], writes about K. W. Land, that fishery is no quot;Nahrungsquelle erster Ordnungquot;,
but to a certain extent only a pastime of the men. Since then Erdweg [1902, 330] describes
fishery as one of the principal occupations of the Tumleo (BerHn Harbour).

As to Humboldt Bay I already quoted bink [1897, 147], who says that the inhabitants
are never withhout fish a single day; and, to the information of Koning [1903, 268]: quot;the
native of Jotefa is, first of all, a fisherman; he seldom goes out hunting and occupies himself
very little with agriculture,quot; — ! can add from my own experience: quot;not any practical occu-
pation of the men so much requires their time, devotion and strength as fishery, which is
here indeed the principal source of anim.al foodquot;. The reason of this peculiarity is to be
found in the natural formation of the Jotefa Bay, the inner bay of Humboldt Bay, and in
which lie extensive banks, partly dry in the low spring tide. When these banks, at half tide,
are covered with from three to four feet of water, the occasion occurs to catch the fish in
enclosed spaces of long nets, i 4 m. broad, provided with sinkers along one edge and floats
along the other. Perhaps similar nets are meant by Robide van DER Aa [1879, 88] speaking
of large drag-nets used at Ansus; at all events the opinion of De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 100]
that east of the Arimoa Islands fishery is not carried on with large nets, is a wrong one.

The description which BiNK [1897, 147] gives of this method of fishing requires some
modification and supplement. The course of things is as follows: A number of 30—45 men\'s
ho2its, wdche, each manned with from 2 to 4 persons, proceeding in a line of a hundred or more M.
in breadth, row to a bank and when a shoal of fish is seen in front of the fleet the two Avings
advance rapidly amidst shrieks and shouts and, rowing towards each other, form a large circle. In
doing so the long nets, regularly coiled up upon the platforms of several boats are gradually

■nbsp;• ^ ■ , .nbsp;Inbsp;•• .nbsp;____-V --V ..■nbsp;^ ■ --.■.■■!quot;

veering, in order, vi^hen the two wings meet, to make a basin 80—lOO M. in diameter, enclosed
by the standing net. Meanwhile most of the men, armed with their long spears, place them-
selves on the gunwales of the boats or on the platform, even sometimes as in fig. 105
on the railing of the platform, to spear the fish which clearly stand out against the sand
of the banks. Others, armed with a dip net, jump into the water outside the net between the
boats, to catch with a rarely failing skill the frightened fish, which try to escape with great
rapidity and a high jump over the edge of the net. This stage of the action and part of the
basin is represented in fig. 103, where also, in the distance, in the middle of the photo, a man

with a dip net is standing in the water. On the boat in front a dip net is lying, for the moment
not in use. Some of the boats, which use no large nets, spread in the basin to pursue the fish,
which have retired to the centre ; the scene now offers the greatest liveliness : the fish, darting to
and fro with great rapidity, are speared by the excited crowd with cries of exertion, disap-
pointment or success (fig. 104), whilst the men with the dip nets show the greatest alacrity.
At length a single fish shoots to and fro among the boats, its way marked out by the spears
thrust towards it, till also this one is speared or caught in a dip net when trying to escape
by a brave leap. At once the activity is over, the suspense is gone; the nets are taken
in behind on larboard and orderly piled up in coils on the platform (fig. 105), so that they
can smoothly glide into the water with the next manoeuvre. While the booty, greater or
smaller, is sprawling and jumping at the bottom of the boats, the fleet again sets into
motion to repeat the same thing on other banks and afterwards to return home with a booty
of from two to five fishes a head, each fish 40—50 c.m. long. On the large platform of Tobadi every-
thing is spread out ; the chief, karesori, first chooses the finest fish for himself and gives every
partner his share. One day on the occasion of such a fishing party on the bank east of Metu
Débi, a member of the expedition was standing with me in the water outside the net-
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.

circle, when one of the co-operators presented a fish to each of us, asking nothing in return,
from, which I concluded these fish were not his property at that moment, but they must be con-

sidered as a gift from the community. Another day a violent dispute arose at Tobadi, one of
the partners of a fishing party having kept back some fish in his boat. It is obvious from

those two facts, that only after the distribution every partner has the free disposal of
his own share, and can offer the fish for sale, fresh or smoked. Every now and then fish was
brought to the members of the expedition, generally by the chief of Tobadi, but always as a

present, though the man was not easily satisfied with the reciprocal gift and probably forbade
his villagers to sell fish to us. I never heard of another example of fishing parties where
success is due to the co-operation of so many partners. FiNSCH [1888—93, 463] and Kubary
[1888, 135] mention about the Caroline Islands the use of long nets for fencing in shallow
places, where fish are killed by spears or poison. The joint fishing of the men with nets 600
feet long is related (FiNSCH [1888—93, 25]) about Blanche Bay, New Pommern, but without
referring to the number of the partners. The quot;Riff-Fischereiquot; of the Marshall Archipelago
[1. c. 404] is done by men, women and children, and the course of things is quite different.

The organization of the described fishing parties lies probably with the chief of Tobadi,
his boat usually being seen in the middle of the front row. When an important shoal of
fish is discovered, every man knows his work and everything is done with admirable swiftness.
Of course a sufficient number of well kept boats, hundreds of meters of the standing net,
a great many dip nets and spears must always be ready at hand, and this gives an idea of
the great, practical importance of this business. The tenacity with which Tobadi, Ingras and
Ingrau stand up for their fishing rights on those banks and compel Waba to remain within
the limits of the south and south-east basin, where no banks are to be found, may easily be
understood. This arrangement, however, is a continual source of grievance and injury to Waba,
which consequently is also excluded from the outer bay and from any coasting trade.

The large nets, jane, mentioned above, are, according to bink [1897, 148], 40—50
fathoms long; in my opinion, and this may also be judged from fig. 106 of Ingras, where such
a net has been hung up to be dried, they scarcely measure half that length. A piece in the
collection (N°. 577) is 4 m.
broad.At regular distances
floaters are attached (see
the series of floaters be-
hind the stern of the
boat in front of fig.
104), sometimes made
of the husk of the Nipa
fruit, seriiwdch, seruwd,
sometimes of little pieces
of a light sort of Avood,
jamgon, with carved or-
naments, (N°. 578, PL XX,
fig. 9), as also Finsch
[1888a, PL IX, fig. 2]
illustrates of K. W. Land. Along the opposite margin Cardium shells, tevanki, dipangi, are
fastened, each with a cut aperture, used as sinkers, for which purpose Area (Finsch [1888—93,
220]) is used elsewhere; ^— they are clearly visible by their white colour in fig. 105. Certainly
all these nets are not the property of the community, as FiNSCH [1888—93, 25] stated about
the large nets of New Pommern and as he supposed of those of the Gilbert Group [I.e. 321],
at least I often saw them hanging up on racks, before private dwellings, to be dried,
as seen in fig. 106. Still I found similar nets in the house of assembly of Tobadi; more-

over in the temple I always found bundles as N°. 579, of the Pandanus aerial root fibre,
ime, and as well the making of the string (fig. 102) as the making of the nets by the youngsters
of the temple has been watched inside this building and behind the fence placed near it.
Possibly these boys work for the chief of the village and I remember that the chief himself
brought me one of those ime-hwndlQS-, it is also possible that the nets, made there, belong
to the whole village. The prepared hne-amp;OYQS were already offered to TeyssmanN (RobidÉ
van der Aa [1879, 122]), who describes them as a long, white, fibrous material, prepared by
beating and washing the aerial roots of Pandanus. Erdweg [1902, 333] gives an accurate
description of the manufacture, the fibre obtained having the full length of the original root.
According to Finsch [1888, 236] it exceeds all our fibrous material in durability and length
of the thread, according to this author [L c. 217] 1.5 m. maximum. The fibres from Tobadi
(N°. 579), however, measure 4 and 4.65 m. — Koning [1903, 266] also praises the strength of
this material and compares the colour to that of Manila hemp fibre. Mr. J. M. Dumas, who
accompanied the expedition, stated that the fibre of the fishing nets dried and moistened
alternatively, sooner crumbles oftquot; than would be expected. The strength and sustaining-
power is not very great, it being too woody and too brittle. Koning indicates the preparation
of the roots into fibres with the name of quot;hacldingquot;. I found a httle instrument 580—582
PI. XX, fig. 16) not mentioned by him, nor by Erdweg, but of general use in H. B. and
which might be called quot;hackling stickquot;. It consists of a cylindric piece of wood, of the
kind called sodme (see page 139), sometimes at Tobadi pronounced sodne, about 20 c.m. long,
with a short but solid piece of string, hgjai, fastened to it in the middle. The natives explained
to me that tearing off, imwaitje, the fibre, ime, from the aërial root, requires much strength
and, in order to protect the hands, the beginning of the bundles of fibres is tied to the
string of the httle stick, which they take into their hands and now by pulling strongly they
tear off the whole length of the fibre. The hackling stick is always carved with the same
ornament, âne, such as I found on the handle of a wooden knife (N°. 56, PL I, fig. 20) and
on the middle piece of an arrow (N°. 748), but I cannot in the least make out what it means.
In a man\'s bag from Ingrâs I found some pieces of m^\'-string, each 1.25 m. long (N°. 584),
probably destined for hackling sticks, but indicated with the name of didai.

Fig. 102 shows the Tobadi temple boys preparing twine for the nets. The zV^zé\'-fibres
are fastened by the middle to the vertical stick. The sitting boy on the right holds the large
bundle of fibres which have to be prepared, the two others are twisting them. I saw how every
time the standing boy separated 5 fibres, which were divided into two strands, one of two and
one of three threads, how each of the two strands was twisted round to the left over a length of
about i d.m. and then the two were allowed to roll together to the right, forming a rather loose
string. Two of such strings fastened to the vertical stick, and coming from the left were alternately
rolled on the right thigh with the palm of the right hand. The rolling movement always is
towards the knee, with the sun; the left hand has the task to catch the string, when it has
reached the knee, and bring it back again higher up the thigh. When the first string has been
sufhciently twisted, it is for a short time fastened on the great toe of the left foot (see also
Hagen [1899, PI- 25]); now a second string is twisted and then both are rolled up together to
the left, against the sun. Nearly the same manner of twine making is described by Pfeil
[1899, 87] from the Bismarck Archipelago, and Macgregor [1897, 88] aludes to something similar.

When making nets from the prepared string, which is also done here by the men,
{according to De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 100] the making of fishing nets is women\'s
work almost everywhere in Netherlands N. G.), they use wooden mesh pins, jcine ja, (N°. 585
PI. XX, fig. 17; see Krause [1904, PI. 14, 520]) upon which the loops are formed. Its
circumference determines the width of the meshes, which is 3 c.m. square for the large nets.
The stitch is the same {see Erdweg [1902, 332, fig. 232]) as the one used in western Europe
(Schuchardt [1902, 330, fig. i]), which Mac Farlane [1888, 97] also mentions about
British N. G. ; his wife often surprised the natives by taking the netting out of their hands
and doing a little for them. The Tobadi temple boys followed the same method, but they
work in tliG opposite wRy^ pôrli3.ps forced, to this by^ the other direction in which the twine
has been twisted ; this Mac Farlane does not refer to. Also netting needles {N°^
586—588, PL XX, fig. 15) made of the same, dark brown sort of wood, tsodne, are used in
making nets. They are very oblong, something like those Krause [1904, PL 14, fig. 512]
illustrates of the Easter Islands, but a little shorter and with longer points, resembhng the
objects the Berlin Museum possesses from unknown origin and from British N. G., in which
country also short, broad ones are used. N°. 9734 in the same Museum, from K. W. Land, is
unornamented and described as quot;Filetnadelquot;, quot;Webenadelquot;. The three specimens from Nether-
lands N. G., however, are covered with beautiful carvings in which the fish ornament of course
takes a great place.

The dip nets used in H. B. are shaped like a bag, the edge of which is fastened to
an elliptically curved piece of wood, in every detail resembling the quot;Hebnetzquot; which Biro [1901,
68, fig. 32] describes of K. W. Land. Such a dip net lies on the boat in front of fig. 103
and is only just visible in the righthand lower corner of fig. 102, while one is hanging on
the pole of the kdrewari in figs. 187, 188 and 190. The width of the meshes corresponds to
the meshpin N°. 585. The edge of the net cannot be moved entirely to one side so as to
form a closed bag, as Kubary [1895, 135, PL XXVIII, figs. 3 and 3a] found with the Pelau
people. Another curious variation of this net, constructed in two halves, closing like a spring-
purse, is used by the women of the isle of Seleo near Berlin Harbour (Meyer and Parkinson
[1900, PL 14]). A spider\'s web as a fishing net^ as pratt [1906, 263, 266, 269] describes
and illustrates, provided with a handle, is unknown to me from Netherlands N. G. !

Among the collection of the expedition are three sorts of the fishing spears
{N°\\ 590—592), thrust or thrown at the fish from the boat. The two first are exceedingly
long (5,25 m. and 5 m.) and consist of a bamboo, zde, in which a bundle of smooth points
is inserted; N°. 590, chitjai, has 6 of such points: a short one (71 c.m.) within a circle of
5 longer ones (75 c.m.); the thrusting of that weapon was called: wordte. The other one,
N°. 591, perur, has 15 points, one central point around which an inner circle of short ones
{47 c.m.), and an outer circle of 9 longer ones (52 c.m.); the thrusting of those spears was
called ï/y^ï/é\'. Finsch [1888—93] and also Krause [1904, 181] mentioned a maximum number
of 9 points for K. W. Land; Erdweg [1904, 331, fig. 231b], however, has proved, that near
Berlin Harbour the spear points exceed this number, and he adds that those spears are only
used for fishing by night. Krause [1. c. 171] also mentions this, but I must lay stress upon
the fact, that this is not the case in H. B. The shorter spear, N°. 592, was called tiruai-, it
has only one point, ketai-bu, but this measures more than one m. and the shaft is made of

reed, piar. The thrusting of this weapon was again differently named, viz. ch%-, from this
variety of terms it may be concluded that those spears are used in different ways or for
different purposes. The lack of barbs seems to indicate that they are driven into the sand
of the banks. In Chapter IX a number of shorter fishing spears is mentioned.

I never saw bow and arrows used in the common fishing parties, probably because
the fish, darting with marvellous rapidity along the bottom, offer too little chance of being
hit. Many Papuans have a remarkable skill in shooting a fish even if it does not swim quite
on the surface. Van der Goes [1858, 179] already praised the cleverness of the H. B. people
in this respect; I myself witnessed how a Tobadi man on board the government-steamer
„Zeemeeuwquot; shot a horn-fish, which was not swimming quite on the surface and immediately after
leapt into the water to seize his booty; undoubtedly this man was acquainted with, and availed
himself of, the phenomenon of refraction. In Humboldt Bay the people use arrows with one
or more points, sometimes barbed, the longest also used for thrusting; for further details see
Chapter IX. The people of H. B. have no opportunity of going along the beach with torches
and so getting the fish within shot, as Modera [1830, 90] relates about the south-west coast,
but with their little boats I saw them go on nig^itly fishing parties to the deeper parts of the
inner bay. Judging from the slight motion of the torches there was little or no rowing; the fact is,
that the natives await the fish attracted by the light, as Pratt [1906, 172] mentions from
British N. G. Also the natives of the village of Kajo Entsau, situated in the outer bay, carry
on the nightly fishing, using spears as well as arrows (koning [1903, 265]). This nightly
fishing seems to be here the principal thing; just as Erdweg [1904, 331] relates about Tumleo.
He however mentions that the fishermen generally do not allure or await the fish but drive
them to shallow places by several illuminated boats. The people of Suwamo (Tanah Merah
Bay), according to De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, loi], have even erected in the water
stagings with platforms, from which to harpoon the fish.

Fishing with hook and line I never saw in H. B., still, it is said to take place there,
at least according to BiNK [1897, 147], who, however, does not mention whether the hooks
are made of Tridacna or Hippopus (FiNSCH [1888—93, 190], [1888a, P], IX, figs. 3
and 4]) or of turtle-shell [1888a, pi. IX, fig. 7 and 8] as those which are dragged after a
rapidly moving vessel, to allure by their glittering the fish of prey to bite. In the west part
of Netherlands North N. G. fishing hooks are made of brass wire by the people themselves.

On Lake Sentani fishing and repairing nets, as well as diving for fresh water molluscs
are left to the women. For the sake 01\' their skill in this respect, many Jotefa men prefer
them as wives to the women of their own tribe. The women who dive for snails go to
the shallow places along the banks of the lake. They take a dip net, fer fare, as N°. 589,
(PI. XX, fig. 14) with them, in order to gather the snails, fere, either from the bottom or by
sieving them out of the mud, and a bamboo to rest on after every dive and in which to put the
molluscs. I was informed about the women\'s diving into four fathoms of water. The woman
represented in fig. 107 had also hanging from her bamboo a bundle of small fish; how she
had got them I cannot tell. The molluscs, which after being cooked are a very favourite dish
(page 3) with the men, are caught all the year round.

Another branch of fishery, of no less importance, however, is limited to a definite season.
This refers to a large kind of fish, kà joi, 2—3 feet long, which about the month of

February enter the lake in great numbers from the sea by means of the Tami River (Sechstroh-
Fluss of Finsch) and the Jafuri River. Probably for spawning or for impregnating the spawn,
the fish like to stay near objects standing in the water. For this reason the natives have
erected in the water circular weirs, mar a
(figs. 94 and 107), consisting of vertical piles driven
into the ground and mutually supported by circular
twigs tied round them. The interstices between
the piles are large enough to allow the fish to
pass through. A certain number, having gathered in
the inner space, all of a sudden see the openings
blocked up by a grate of thin, vertical laths, and
are now caught with spears. This was what I under-
stood from the information by the natives. During
my visits in April and June this fishery of course
was not carried on; the m\'dra were more or less
neglected, but the grates, 3—4 m. high, were put
in the houses. At Asé however I saw them lying on
the tie beams of the community house which is

connected with the chief\'s dwelling, and so I strongly presume the mara and the grates to
be the property of the community and this fishery to be for the general benefit. In June I
saw the people eat this fish smoked, joi uwi or jo huwi ; I noticed rows of sharp teeth in
the jaws. In the right season the fish seem to be so abundant that the women cannot
manage the fishery without aid: men and children come to their assistance.

The existence of fishing weirs like the mar a mentioned above, in various forms
and with different methods of use, in use everywhere about the Malay Archipelago, found
in the Caroline Islands by Kubary [1895, 149], at Tumleo by Erdweg [1904, 331], up to
the present was only known in two places in Netherl. N. G.. De Clercq and ScHMELTZ
[1893, 100] describe them from the south coast of the MacCluer Gulf, where they are very
frequent, especially in Sekar Bay, while robidé van der Aa [1879, 279] mentions them
from Tanah Merah Bay, however without indicating the way of using them. Fig. 108, representing
one of the two Muris Bays, situated a little west of Tanah Merah Bay, when looked at attentively,
shows a number of stagings standing in the sea, to which little platforms seem to be attached.
They were entirely wanting in the fresh water lake of Jamur.

Another method of fishing, practised in Lake Sentani, requires a square hand net:
a few women drive the fish under the dwellings towards the shore, over the net, previously
laid on the bottom, and which is supphed with a lath on either side, like the quot;Zweistangen-
netzquot; of Krause [1904, PI. 13, fig. 461]. At the right moment two other women hft up the
laths with the net; — in this way only small fish are caught. The dimensions of these nets
may be judged from fig. 90, where a net is drying on the roofi Once I watched some women
making or repairing such tolerably large nets in the chief\'s dwelling; they pronounced the word
cM hero, or k\'û herd, in which ch\'a or ka means fish, herd perhaps net, or the kind of fish
caught in it. Erdweg [1902, 332, fig. 232] describes a similar net but shorter, shaped like
a bag and the two lengthened laths tied together at one end. Trapezium-shaped nets are

mentioned by BiRO [1901, PI. IV], as being used in Astrolabe Bay; the two laths are longer
and kept asunder by a cross lath, in order to be handled by one woman.

I never heard of any fishing with hook and line on Lake Sentani. The men understood
the use of tinned hooks, which I had with me as barter, and to which they gave the name
of chamba-, they were however not very eager to have them, presumably, because fishing
with hooks, if it is done there at all, is no occupation of theirs.

The collection still contains (N°. 593) a fishing basket, which De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 102, N°. 496, Pk XXVI, fig. 4] describe from Wiak, found by the expedition at

Kwatisoré; see also Edge Partington [1895, PI. 175, N°. 3]. It has the same shape as the
object mentioned from Ceram by Krause [1904, 259]. On shallow banks it is suddenly put
over the small fish and then gradually drawn together and twisted, so as to confine the fish
in it. So it is a variation of the circular cast net, used in the Malay Archipelago, also thrown
out wide and afterwards twisted. The person on the right of fig. 109 is going to close
this open apparatus with the booty inside, while the two girls standing by, one of them
carrying a bundle of small fish, show the apparatus in the compressed state. The boy standing
next to them has a fishing arrow, which he has evidently used as a throwing spear.

N°. 594 (PL XX, fig. 6) is a rattle to decoy sharks. It was gathered at Wâri on
Wiak and is nearly of the same shape as the specimens found (De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 104, N°. 508, PL XXVI, fig. 7]) at the village of Wadiwu on the same island and those
from British N. G. (finsch [1888—93, 169], Haddon [1894, 237]) and from the Bismarck Archi-
pelago (Finsch [1888—93, 26]). According to information from the natives of WarL the
decoyed sharks are caught with spears, fastened to lines veered to the necessary length. East
of Cape d\'Urville shark fishing is of great importance, which explains the frequent represen-

tation of the shark on the beautifully carved prows. Koning [1903, 264] mentions peculiar
ceremonies taking place before the natives start for shark fishing, while a successful expedition
gives rise to great festivities (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, loi]). During our stay in
H. B., however, from March till June, the people did not set out for shark fishing.
The spears used for this work
are described by Koning [1903,
256]; they are 3—5 m. long,
made of wood with carved orna-
ments, and with one point.

Catching turtle in H. B.
is done with long harpoons with
double metal points, and attached
to long lines ; the iron points are
bought from the traders at Metu
Débi. As I never saw anything
of this fishery, I don\'t know
whether turtles are caught by
nets, as reported by Mac Gregor
[1897, 70], or by diving (Mac
Farlane [1888, 123], Annual
Report [1899—1900, 25], Erd-
weg [1902, 333]). One day
while making an excursion along the coast with Tobadi rowers in their little boats, whenever
a turtle showed itself, and there were great numbers of them near the reef west of Point
Tuadja (Cape Cailhé), the oars lay motionless, so much did the animal attract the attention of the
rowers. koning [1903, 266] supposes the right to fish to be free there, the right of catching turtle
however is supposed to belong to Kajó; the fishing right on the reefs in H. B. (outer bay)
is divided among difi-erent villages, and the chief of Tobadi possesses one reef here, where
fishery may be carried on only by himself or for his benefit. Turtle eggs are generally found
in the sand near the sea or the lagoons. The Tarfia men knew very well how to discover
the places where the eggs had been laid, and in the excursion of the expedition they could
not be persuaded to go on before the eggs had been dug up. I saw the empty eggs in
strings hanging on the outside of the temples, but also put on pegs as ornaments for the graves.

How Halicore Dugong (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, loi]) is caught is
unknown to me; I never saw any stagings built in the sea, as those described from the
south coast (Haddon [1890, PL VIII, fig. ij), or large nets in which the animal is caught
(Wyatt Gill [1885, 288]; see also Finsch [1901]). Occasionally, knives with beautifully
carved handles, made of the teeth of dugong, were found in Geelvink Bay.

I never noticed bow nets, fykes. However, they are met with in N. G. as far eastward as Wiak
(De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 102—103, PL XXVI, figs. 3, 15, 16], but, according to Schmeltz
[1. c. 218], they are merely imitated from the West. Moreover they are known from K. W. Land, both of
places situated on the sea as well as on rivers and torrents. Even of the adjoining territory of German N G
the Berlin Harbour district, Parkinson [1900, 30] describes bow nets, made from bamboo strips, and other

more complicated implements. Meyer and Parkinson [1894, Pl. 10, ir, 12] give pictures of exceedingly
fine fykes from New Pommern, also noticed by Pfeil [1899, 83], whilst on the Pelau Islands (Kubary
[1895, 140]) many sorts and sizes are in use. All this makes the lack of these traps in Papua Talandjang
very remarkable.

Another way of capturing fish is stupefying them by dissolving poison in the water,
as Hagen [1899, 247], Biro [1901, 67] and Erdweg [1902, 334] mention of K. W. Land.
According to these authors the natives get the poison by grinding leaves, which are
afterwards thrown into small fishing waters. I never found the use of Derris elliptica
mentioned of Netherlands N. G., so I was greatly surprised to find the long roots of this plant,
not the leaves, stored by the people of Sëkâ, surely to be used in the little brooks flowing
through their country. The expedition bought some of this root, ground and hammered it
between stones, and employed it very successfully in dammed-up waters. So the use of tuba
(this is the Malay name), may be accepted of other parts of the Netherlands territory and
probably muller [1857, 95] means this, where he mentions the use of vegetable poison in
rills and dammed-up waters.

Catching fish by means of a kite, a tassel made of cobweb, just touching the water,
serving as bait, is mentioned in Annual Report [1897—98, 46, Pl. L Hj.

Nquot;. 577- Jane. Tobadi; part of a large net, broad 4 m., of string twisted from 6—12 aerial root fibres
of Pandanus, inie-, stitch as the European netting-stitch, meshes 3 c.m. square; along one edge,
at distances of 3 meshes, a Cardium shell, tevanki, fastened, perforated near the umbo; along the
other edge, at equal distances, pieces of the husk of Nipa fruit, sïriiwâch, seruwâ, are attached;
made by men and youngsters.

N°. 578. Pl. XX, fig. 9. ^Ig. Jdnegûn. Ingrâs; floater of white wood of low spec, grav., oval, with short
handle, (fish shape); on one side circular furrows, on the other spiral ones, barbed in the centre.
Used on nets as N°. 577.

579- dme. Tobadi; 2 bundles of aerial root fibres of Pandanus, yellowish white and stiff, threads
0.1—0.4 m.m. thick, 4 m. and 4.65 m. long; to manufacture string for nets, jane, as N°. 577.
Found in the temple.

N°. 580. Pl. XX, fig. 16. Idjai. Tobadi; hacklingsticTc of heavy wood, soâne, cylindric, both
ends rounded, one carved into a man\'s head, châre, with triangular face; for the rest entirely
carved with symmetrical ornaments, âne, consisting of four open ovals, united by stretched ridges;
piece of seven-stranded cord, ligjai didai, wound 6 times round the middle, hangs down with a
loose end of 25 c.m. To tear off, imwaitje, w^^\'-fibres.

581. Idjai. Tobadi; as N°. 580, long 19, thick 1.2 c.m.; carved only over 12 c.m. of the length;
five-stranded cord 70 c.m. long.

N°. 582. Idjai. Tobadi; as above, long 16.5, thick 1.3 c.m.; loose end of seven-stranded rope only
15 c.m. long.

N°. 583. Idjai. Ingrâs; long 28 c.m.; at one end a length of 9 c.m. being square, carved with 4
chevrons; cord twisted from 4 two-stranded twines, loose end 22 c.m. Probably old lime spatula,
now used as hackling stick.

N°. 584. Didai. Ingrâs; two pieces of four-stranded cord as above, each 1.25 m. long; probably to be
used on hackling stick. From man\'s bag N°. 634.

N°. 585. PI. XX, fig. 17. 1/4- Jane jâ. Ingrls; piece of lieavy wood, thick 1.4, circumference 7.6 c.m.;
meshpin for netting. From man\'s bag N°. 634.

N°. 586. Tsoâne. Tobadi; piece of darkbrown, heavy wood, long 28, thick 1.2 c.m., both ends with
two points, tsoâne aie, 6 c.m. long, rounded at the top, tsoâne tebèri-, the space between, tsoâne
nensai, being 6 m.m. wide; both at the bottom, tsoâne gaâi, united by an incised line. Carved
fish ornaments (heads on the bases of the points), caudal fins of 2 fishes enclosing an oval.
Netting needle.

^lo- Tsoâne-, Tobadi; as N°. 586, fish eyes each with eye-triangle; before the

N°. 588. Tsoâne. Tobadi; as N°. 586, circular eyes, connected with wavy, longitudinal ridges.

N°. 58g. Pl. XX, fig. 14. Ferfâre. Asé; twig, bent till the ends cross each other, and in the oval
ring a bag-shaped net, fastened by means of two-stranded cord, tsa, made, like the net, of bark
fibres, sui-, stitch as above, width of the meshes i.sXi-5 c.m. Used as dip net.

N°. 590. Chltjai. Tobadi; spear with smooth points, chitjaibu-, a shorter one, 71 c.m., inside a circle
of 5 longer ones, 75 c.m., clamped by 7 plaited bands, châde, chàte, and inserted over 50 c.m.
into a bamboo, ide, long 4.5 m., around which 5 bands and a rattan lashing, chi. To quot;thrust at
fishquot; = Worâte.

N°. 591. Perur. Tobadi; as above, with 15 points, chekaifuk-, one central point, around which an
inner circle of 5 shorter ones (47 c.m.) and an outer circle of 9 longer ones (52 c.m.), clamped
by 3 bands, chade-, inserted and compressed into a bamboo by 3 similar, litüe bands and a spiral
lashing of rattan. To quot;thrust at fishquot; = %tjâte.

N°. 592. Uruai. Tobadi; as above, one point, ketaibu, 1.05 m. long, with sharp end, mishiiri, fastened
to a long, cane shaft, piar, with lashing of lianes (?), aboni. To throw, chii, at fish.

N°. 593. Père. Kwatisoré; fishing instrument, made of 1.65 m. long ribs of sagopalm leaves, ah loosely
tied together by 6 wattling, horizontal strings, forming a conical basket without lid or bottom,
circumference of the wide lower border r.70 m. Used by women and children on shallow banks;
see fig. 109.

N°. 594- PI. XX, fig. 6.nbsp;To bek. Wâri; bent twig, ariau, both ends bound by 2 rattan lashings,

on either side of the flat faces of a wooden handle, ai-, bow with ±40 shces of cocoa nut shell,
tobek, each with central aperture and scalloped rims; the concave sides turned to each other; near
end of handle 2 circular carvmgs. Rattle to decoy sharks.

The favorite mental picture amongst ourselves of primitive man, living w^ithout cares,
of what his surroundings provide, is, as far as vegetable food is concerned, often confirmed
in New Guinea by the extensive sago forests, growing in valleys, on the shores of lakes
and other marshy places, generally providing ample food for local wants. Missionaries consider
these sago forests the curse of these countries, as without them, the population would be forced
to cultivate the soil more and would become more peaceable in consequence. In the same
manner as the hunting- and fishing-ground have been willingly or reluctantly divided between
the villages (see pag. 154, also Koning [1903, 265]), the same has been the case with the
forests of sago trees and other edible and wild growing plants. Wyatt Gill [1885, 314] and
Annual Report [1894—95, 38] state the same thing of British N. G. : quot;although growing
spontaneously it is regarded as private property, for every inch of land is ownedquot;. Guides of
the expedition looked on sadly, when the Malay carriers plucked and consumed eatable
My ris tic a-, Ar t o c ar p us-ïxmt, etc. met with in the forest, because, as they said, all these
were private property. On the tour of the expedition to the district of Seka, one of the
accompanying people of Tobadi told us as a very interesting peculiarity, viz. that a sago
forest, along which we passed, called Miduwe, had been discovered a few years ago by him-
self, and that it had since been looked upon and treated by his village as private property.
From the communications of De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 56 and 57], concerning the
gathering, transport and trade, it will be seen, how this sago is the cause of much ado.
At Siari I saw on the margin of the forest a boat of Warsambo, covered with leaves,
the crew of which had been collecting for some weeks, in the interior of the forest, sago, for
consumption at home.

The procuring of the sago out of the pith of the tree, cut down before it is going to
flower, takes place everywhere in New Guinea almost in exactly the same manner, as also
described of Ceram (Seran) by Martin [1894, 207]; the person operating is seated right
across the opened tree, as shown in fig. no, beating or cutting into pulp the pithy fibres.
The principal instrument is therefore no doubt the sago club of which the working end is

made of bamboo in the isle of Ceram, of hard, heavy wood in West New Guinea and of
serpentine, in Humboldt Bay and also on Lake Sentani. Such a stone, fema, N°. 595
of Ajapo, more or less conical, dz 12 c.m. in length, has at the thick end always a round
concavity of which the margin acts like a circular edge, clearly visible in fig. 7 of PI. XX.

The fixing of the fema into a previously lengthwise split holder of wood, both halves
hollowed into the shape of a
gutter and afterwards caught
between one or more rattan
rings, sari, and the placing of
this into an oblique hole of
another longer piece of wood,
which serves as a handle, differs
on Lake Sentani in no way
from the description already
given by De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 64, N°. 309,
PL XVII, fig. 6] of Hum-
boldt Bay.

What these writers in-
dicate as a carrying sling, is a
string of rattan or other material
(PL XX, fig 7), called muro on
Lake Sentani, and which is
tightly strained like a cord
between the handle and the holder of the stone, in order to prevent the splitting of the
handle near the hole. Martin [1894, PI. XXII, fig. ii; PL XIX, fig. 19] already illustrated
with the sago club of Ceram, as well as with the one of New Guinea, this tensioned string.

The geographical distribution of this kind of sago club seems limited to Papua Talan-
djang; to the west, in Geelvink Bay, the object is not only entirely of wood, but the handle
is fastened to the other part by rattan lashings (see fig. no and De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, PL XXI, fig. 8]), whilst to the east, in the Berlin Harbour district, the part which
holds the stone is also connected by rattan with the handle, which in front is provided with
a broadening (parkinson [1900, PL XIX, fig. 3], Erdweg [1902, 341, fig. 234]). Of British
N. G. Edge Partington [1898, PL 79, N°. 8] illustrates another form, in which the tied
string also appears.

Moseley [1879, 444], who looked upon the instrument as an ordinary hammer and
tried to use it in nailing down something, blames the people of H. B. for not noticing, that
the part, which holds the stone, is, according to his experience, too long for practical use;
the length, however, no doubt facilitates the holding of the handle by a person sitting.

The work to be done with the sago club, means moreover, not only the loosening
of the fibres, but also the crushing (the Malay people correctly speak of pukul sago ~ sago
beating), in order to make the washing out of the fecula thoroughly effective. It is therefore
no sign of uncivilised Hfe if metal hatchets are not used for this work. In New Guinea and

elsewhere the apparently primitive instrument continues to be used, even in those parts where
ironware has penetrated; there is no reason to accept a priori Pleyte\'s supposition [1887, 588],
that a religious reason is at the bottom of the partiality for the old instrument.

The collection still contains two sago strainers of Ingrasnbsp;599—600, PL XX,

fig. 2) made of string, with the simple quot;figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9), in a wooden ring. N°. 601,
(PL XX, fig. 3) of Kwatisoré, has the shape of a basket, as illustrated by De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, PL XVI, figs, i, 3 and 22] of Geelvink Bay and the western islands. The
material for this strainer consists of strips of the sago leaf stalk (N°. 602).

Next to the sago club the stone hatchet is the most important agricultural instru-
ment. The hatchet of Papua Talandjang, however, has no thin, flat blade, as seen in eastern
parts (Seligmann [1906, 353]), the stone is more chisel-like, having near the edge a biconvex,
transverse section (transverse to the edge). As a rule the instrument is used to knock off
superficial scales, whereby the convex shape prevents the edge of the hatchet going deeply
into the wood, being driven again to the surface. The fastening of the stone in the stone-
holder, is done by rattan rings, which, by being forced along the conically shaped wood,
cause the highest degree of tightness. This is necessary because the strokes with the hatchet
are so much heavier than those of the sago club. Such tightening rings are also applied to
the handle, generally at both sides of the socket. Here it should again be noticed that the
handle is conical towards the socket, and that the rattan rings, plaited on the thinner part,
are only afterwards forced down towards the thicker part, by knocking on them with small
hammers, like N°^ 705 — 709, thus stretching the rings to the utmost and making the tighten-
ing as strong as possible. Besides, as in the case of the sago club, a rattan string is gene-
rally strained in the sharp angle between the holder of the hatchet and the handle, as already
illustrated by Mosely [1879, 445]. Notwithstanding all these precautions, some of the 13
hatchetsnbsp;603—615), which all come from Lake Sentani, are cracked near the socket.

I must still remark that the handle is always more or less ornamented by carvings;
those most constantly occurring are the circular carvings, which prevent the string from slip-
ping, but a pointed ornament, of which the meaning is unknown to me, and which shows in
N°. 610 a spHtting Hke a fishtail, also often occurs, mostly on the back part, but sometimes
along the whole circumference as well.

On the handles of small hatchets like 616 and 617 there are no tightening rings,
and the great number of indents do not occur either; (See Meyer [1883, PL 6, fig. 7]).
Finally N°. 618, PL XX, fig. 8, of Kaptiau, which also lacks the indents and the tightening
string, is distinguished by a button-shaped thickening at the end of the handle, which reminds
one of a glans penis.

The material of the hatchet consists of chloromelanite, am^phibolite or gabbro.
The expedition was lucky enough to find a deposit of chloromelanite in the Torare
River, near Sageisârâ, on the northern slopes of the Cyclops Mountains. On the tree, lying
across the river (fig. iii), several pieces of different sizes, dug out of the river sand are to
be seen. The people of Asé also fetched the material from the Cyclops Mountains, in pieces
of ± 30 Kilos, fastened with rattan to the middle of a carrying pole for two men. Such an
excursion, there and back, they could make in one day, from which I presume that the place
where this material was found is situated on the southern slopes and is not the Torâre River.

I do not know how they spht up these large pieces. bink [1897, 168], when dealing
with the working of the stone hatchets of H. b., simply states: quot;a piece of stone is cloven,
cut and split until the desired shape and a good sharp edge is obtainedquot;. Seligmann
[1906, 353], who got some information about the lost art of stone-working of the Suloga-
villages, writes: quot;free flaking was the method by which implements were roughed out; the
flakes occasionally being of
such size and shape as to make
a useful adze-blade when one
edge was ground. A slab of
suitable size and shape was
brought to the village, but
no quarrying or serious trim-
ming was attempted, and it
was a case of finding the
proper thing ready-madequot;.

I presume that the
people of Asé have a simple
method, of which, possibly,
heating and local cooling
form a part, otherwise smal-
ler and more suitable pieces
would have been brought
from the place where they
were found.

the stone head of the sago club and of the hatchet, is the work of the men, apparently only
of old and experienced hands. At Asé the stone was held in the left hand (fig. 112), whilst
the right with a piece of an old stone hatchet, which served as a hammer, tse weri,
constantly knocked off small flakes. Similar flaking by the former Suloga people was done
with spherical water-worn stones about 2 to 3 inches in diameter (SeligmaNN 1. c.). This
knocking, weri woi, caused the fèmà to obtain during the operation, which lasts several weeks,
a light, greyish white colour (see the fig.). I saw the concave hoUow, called ani, fijne or dwje,
made by a revolving friction with another stone of a pointed shape, called obi, obtained, it
was said, from the Abe-M.onnta.m, situated close to Jotefa Bay, but chloromelanite may
be used for this purpose.

The stone hatchets, tse or se, receive their shape in the same manner, also at the
hands of the older people, see again fig. 112. The old village chief of Asé, whom I saw almost
daily during my stay of 16 days, was occupied all the time knocking on a stone hatchet,
which in fig. 163 is lying under his right hand. The hghter coloured stone is here again the
hatchet, the darker one, a piece of an old hatchet, tse weri, with which the knocking is
performed. The stones having got their required form by flaking, the grinding and polishing,
tsetjai, sèsè, sèsai, are done at the same time. This work appears of less importance, at all
events, I saw it done by a boy on a big, flat grinding stone, sedere, without sand, but with

plenty of water, whilst now and then he plunged the hatchet into the lake, in order to
wash off the shavings, the „toothquot; (Seligmann 1. c.), and to ascertain the result. The entire
operation takes several months. Sago club stone and stone hatchets are still treasured very
much on Lake Sentani, which is proved by the fact, that in purchasing a woman, they are-
still included in the price. The finest hatchets are somewhat translucent near the edge. The

Papuans of Lake Sentani gene-
rally examined them as to this
particular quality.

The gardens are laid
out sometimes on flat ground,
at other times, as often happens
on Lake Sentani, on the fairly
steep slopes of the hills, and
in cases where they are more
or less distant from the village,
(at Asé the distance was about
one hour), they are provided
with small houses or sheds, for
shelter in bad weather; a meal
is sometimes taken there and
implements are stored in them.

In clearing the ground,
the stone hatchet is or was
used, exclusively by the men,
often, however, the tree is

ringed, and when dead it is set on fire. For the enclosure of the garden many saplings are
required which, on the north coast, are piled up horizontally between vertical stakes, different
from the enclosures illustrated of the Tugèri (schmeltz [1904, 202, fig. 7]), made out of
vertical poles placed against each other in the ground and connected at the top with a
horizontal lath. These enclosures have no opening or door; sometimes a small, vertical pole
of 1—2 feet is stuck into the ground on the in- as well as on the outside, which assists persons in
climbing over. Bamboo skewers, to protect gardens (annual report [1894—95, 44]) I never saw.

The man never seems to take any further part, on the Netherlands territory of the
north coast, in tilling the soil. Perhaps he participates in the works of the artificial irriga-
tion, as noticed on Lake Sentani (Moolenburgh [1904, 180]), and in British N. G. (Selig-
mann [1906, 359]), but tiUing of the soil with wooden instruments resembling rakes, already
mentioned by FiNSCH [1888, 56], biro [1901, 66, fig. 31] and Erdweg [1902, 336], is on
Netherlands territory, also according to the experience of others, not done by the men.

But Nachrichten [1888, 229] prove that in K. W. Land the conditions differ in
different places, as according to the same, the man, after laying out the gardens, does no
further work inside them, whilst in the Berlin Harbour district, according to Parkinson
[1900, 39] the weeds, which have remained or grown after the bush has been burnt down,
are not removed. Hagen [1899, 244] reports that the Jabim only proceed to the gardens

late in the morning, lo—ii o\'clock; at Asé the women and girls who went to the gardens
in their large boats, were stirring before sunrise. Some men, provided with bows and
arrows, followed later on in their small boats, but simply for the women\'s protection, remaining
usually close to their boats on the shore and not entering the gardens proper. Cases in which
the men do all the gardening (Annual report [1902—03, 16]) are exceptional. Where
gardens well cared for and cleared of weeds occur, as mentioned by KoninG [1904, 273] and
Horst [1889, 252] of the hills situated behind the village of Waba, and as I saw on Lake
Sentani, this is to the women\'s honour. The gardens of Ifar, on the southern slope of the
Cyclops Mountains, are also distinguished by a regular cultivation of sweet potatoes; those
of the Sekanto people, who live on the banks of the Jafuri, are, on the other hand, according
to Moolenburgh [1904, 185], exceedingly primitive. Within one and the same enclosure the
grounds of different families are divided by all sorts of marks. In the gardens of Tobadi, a
row of palm leaves, with parts of the leaves twisted together, was sometimes lying on the
ground, or more or less carved stalks of palm leaves were stuck vertically with the thin end
into the soil; ornamented boundary posts also occurred, amongst them some with a snake figure
carved in relief, spirally round the pole and coloured red, white and black. I am unaware
how the division of these grounds was arrived at.

The cocoa nut palms apparently sometimes form an exception to the rule that the
tiller of the soil has a personal right to the production. \'But not according to the supposition
of Bink [1897, 147], who, supposing that they grow wild, writes that every one was allowed
to pluck as many as he liked, and that he himself and his attendants were allowed to help
themselves. bink evidently did not understand what favour he was enjoying; for in reality
every tree has here its owner, who often indicates his ownership and the prohibition to
others to pluck, by a palm leaf tied round the stem, sometimes also by cutting figures in the
bark. koning [1904, 262], admitting that the village chief of Tobadi has the right to the
management and disposal of all agricultural produce, states that the gathering of the fruit by his
orders is the occasion of a harvest festival, for which also provisions from elsewhere can
be procured. This last point seems to make the correctness of this view doubtful. The
feast does not depend on the ripening of the harvest, but the gathering of some fruits
is put off, by order of the chief, till the date of certain feasts, in a manner which strongly
reminds one of the tabu of the cocoa nut palms, mentioned by schurtz [1895, 54] concer-
ning Polynesia: quot;in order to provide a suflhciant quantity of fruit for the festive dayquot;.

For the making of a new garden, in some places (annual report [1899—1900,
64]) the trees of the forest are left, the branches being lopped off, at other places circles are
cut in the bark, the trees consequently die and afterwards are burnt. In Netherl. N. G., however,
it is a work of magnitude, all the trees being felled. The expedition once came across such
a newly opened area, where an enormous quantity of trees of all sizes and heavy branches
were lying about, so that we had much difficulty in climbing over all this. Now it is said
that in some parts of British N. G. the same area is never planted twice in succession
(Annual Report [1904—05, 26]), but it is well understood that the Papuans of the north coast
do not easily resolve upon making a new garden and generally exhaust the soil (see also
Hunt [1905, 8]). In this way, the people of Lake Sentani had, according to the opinion of
Prof. wichmann, entirely exhausted the fertility of their soil; the hills near the lake, except

on the top and in some valleys (fig. 113), being now grown over with the wild grass,
Imp erat a ar iindina c e a, causing a very barren appearance.

I have nowhere examined the different plants in the distant gardens, nor the methods
of cultivation; but certainly no manure is used. It was easy to ascertain that, as everywhere
else, the women and girls are employed for carrying the heavy loads home from the gardens.
In the west, on the banks of Geelvink Bay, and also on Lake Jamur, larger or smaller
baskets are used for this purpose, carefully plaited of strips oi P and anus-iQ^.\'i 620,
Pk XX, fig. 12) or of strips of Hibiscus-h^x^ {N°\\ 623—624), but also of reeds (N°. 625).

Otherwise, over the whole of New Guinea, the bag made of cord with the simple quot;figure eightquot;
stitch (fig. 9), seems to be in general use, and is carried on the back with a string round
the forehead. To these bags and the men\'s bags I refer more fully on. subsequent pages.

Meanwhile the method is everywhere understood how to make, at a moment\'s notice
a basket out of a green palm leaf. When the pieces of chloromelanite, seen lying on the
oblique stem in fig in, had to be removed, the Papuans, accompanying us, had, in the
twinkling of an eye, made for this purpose such baskets with slings, to hang from their
shoulders. The technique adopted, is to split in two the stalk of a palm leaf and to make
of each half a plaiting by twisting, according to the simple system of fig. 4, the even and
uneven sideleaves, folded lengthwise or not. Thus the little basket N°. 621, from Tobadi, has
been plaited, resembling in principle the food basket of Asé, described under N°. 87 (PI. Ill,
fig. 17), and also the basket of Tarfia which De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 81, N°. 404,
Pk XXII, fig. 12] illustrate. Of Astrolabe Bay, BiRO [1901, 63, fig. 28, /] illustrates such a
basket, round which a network of cord has been formed in order to strentïthen it. The
basket of Kaptiau, N°. 622 (PI. XX, fig. 13), shows a very practical appHcation of plaiting of

the side leaves, two split leafstalks being bent round and forming the upper margin, whilst
the plaited side leaves form the body of the basket. The small tobacco receptacles mentioned
above under 108—in (PI. IV, figs. 7 and 9) and all coming from the north eastern part
of the Netherl. territory, have been plaited in the same way, but with this difference, that
each side leaf, at its issue from the main stalk, has been split at once into 4—6 small strips
and a much finer plaited work is thus obtained; the plaited work of the one side also runs
down along the bottom and on the other side to the top, the strips thus, for the greater
part, lying double. Similar to these, are the small baskets for carrying tobacco, (see also De
Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 79]), used in H. B. and its surroundings by the men when
they leave the large bag at home. Baskets made of reeds are not mentioned by De ClercQ;
it is, however, not surprising that two of the baskets of Angadi are manufactured from Jun-
caceae, which grow so very plentifully on the shores of Lake Jamur, and which yield leaves,
triangular in transsection, which, once split lengthwise, form an excellent, tough and pliable
material. The large specimen, N°. 625, (PI. XX, fig. 11), with two loop handles of a strip of
bark, is used here for conveying home the fruit from the gardens.

The bags of cord for women will be discussed here at the same time as the men\'s bags,
although the latter are not used for agricultural purposes. They form together a category of articles
of daily use, common almost over the whole of New Guinea; but whilst biro, in classifying
his bags, is principally guided by the ornament, the first consideration here will be the pur-
pose for which the bags are used and further the mode of construction, which again is in accordance
with this purpose. The stitches of the bags deserve the special attention of ethnographers and
may, like other products of handicraft, be considered to be characteristic, and useful in
distinguishing culture districts; particularly if, on a closer examination, it should turn out
that, as is apparently the case in Humboldt Bay and surroundings, the manufacture of the
bags is especially the work of the women. It seems to follow however, from information
given by FinSCH [1888—93, 205J, that in K. W. Land the men make their own bags; biro
[1901, 55] leaves this point untouched and concerning the small, knitted bags of the Arfak
people, Von Rosenberg [1875, 93] does not give any further information either. In this
respect the communication of VAN Hasselt [1889, 263], that the Numfor people imagine the
moon inhabited by a woman knitting bags, is, however, not without importance. Especially the
technique of female industry, taught and left by mothers to their daughters, originating and
continuing to exist in the village-households, must to a very high degree be permanent, and
therefore characteristic of tribes amongst which the girls participate already at an early age
in the work of the mother and, as is the case here, are often kept apart from the
youths. Tied down more to the house, at all events to their village, as they take a much
smaller part than the men in voyages or excursions for the purpose of trade or war, the
women come less than the men into contact with foreign influences. As objects of female industry
are often dragged about over great distances, the utmost importance is to be attached to the
objects which are still being made. With regard to the quot;dragging aboutquot; of knitted bags, I may
refer to biro [1901, 55], who supposes that the much admired breast bags of the men in
Astrolabe Bay are imported from elsewhere; besides it was declared of bag N°. 633 (PL XX, fig. i)
of the collection, which I bought in Tobadi, that it came originally from Tarawai (Berlin
Harbour district) of which it has all the characteristics (see FiNSCH [1888a, 29, PL X, fig. i]).

The cord for the bags, is, as far as can be judged in H.B. and surroundings,
generally made of Ariocarpus-harkühres, although for the better class, the bark fibre of
Hzbiscus ttUaceus, praised also by Krieger [1899, 50] for this purpose, is used. Near
Waba I saw a man tearing very white fibres out of the inner parts of the bark of a shrub,
intended for men\'s bags. The shrub was possibly P^^^r^r^a nov0gutneensts, according
to Krieger [1. c. 68] especially used for the cord of the bags. This white material becomes
eventually dark in colour, from dirt and especially from contact with the skin; it even happens
that the kind of stitch cannot be distinguished until the bag has been cleaned. With finer
bags (N°. 641), it is therefore not unusual to suspend a piece of prepared bark at the back
of the bag, in order to protect it against perspiration and dirt of the body (see fig. 143).

For the purpose of o r na m e n t i ng the bags, the cord is often made of fibres dyed
beforehand, or else the already made cord is afterwards coloured with a liquid pigment,
in which case the colouring often does not penetrate to the interior fibres. It is also not
unusual, in places where traders import coloured calico, to find the cord made of the
threads of this (red and blue in bag N°. 640). In the place where the colours blend, the
twisting of the differently coloured fibres can be recognised. For, during the work, as already
described by biro [1901, 58], the twine is quot;angestückeltquot;, and the tying or knotting of the
twine is generally avoided, both with the bags, the aprons, the bandoliers, the girdles,
etc. Schellong [190S, 606] wrongly places the fabric of the bags on a line with that
of the fishing nets. It is better to avoid such terms as quot;nettingquot;, quot;plaitingquot;, quot;Knüpfmethodequot;
(Finsch [1888a, 29], [1888—93, 205]) and quot;Knüpfarbeitquot; (Hagen [1899, 180]) as, like the
term quot;Flechtenquot; of biro [1901, 58], they lead one astray. It is more correct to call it
quot;knittingquot; (Von Rosenberg [1875, 93]) or quot;Filetstrickereiquot; (Hägen [1899, 180]), as the
technical principle of the bags only requires a single continuous thread. No warp and
weft occur, crossing each other at right angles, nor crossings with oblique angles of numerous
threads, according to the technical terminology required for the real webs and for plaited
work respectively. The thread can be moved more or less in the meshes or loops, as is the
case with the knitted work of stockings, where also each row of loops bears another row.

Women\'s bags, whether belonging to the extreme east or the extreme west of the
island, are, without exception, made with the simple quot;figure eightquot; stitch of fig. 9, page
37, which proves, in connection with what has been stated above, that the whole population
is allied in this respect. These bags are begun with the border, which forms the edge of
the opening, either, as shown on Pl. XXI, fig. 9 of a bag, dari, from Fak Fak (West ^New
Guinea) and by BiRO [1901, 59, fig. i] of Astrolabe Bay, simply by hand, or the stitches
are apphed to short cylindrical meshpins or spht leaves [I.e. fig. 2]. No use is made of
quot;knitting needlesquot;, neither here nor elsewhere; the loops of the stitches are wide enough
to pass through the end of the thread after twisting it into a point between the fingers. The
run of the rows is spiral and the end of the string is to be found in one of the lower corners.

The bags of the women are always larger than those of the men; N°. 626 of Tarfia
even reaches a breadth of 120 and a depth of 42 c.m. In conformity with the size of the
objects, as agricultural produce, pieces of firewood, etc., which have to be carried in them,
the stitches of the bags are sometimes as high as 4 c.m. and as wide as 2 c.m., the bag
thus easily adapts itself to the shape of the contents. In the west (Fak Fak) the large bags.

called kabari, (VAN DiSSEL [1904, 931, fig. 4]), are principally used for carrying nutmegs. At
first rectangular, the middle sinks down by use and the bottom part becomes longer, whilst
the little elastic border remains the same. In cases where the length of the sling is less than
the length of the opening of the bag, the transformation is no doubt greatest.

The ornamenting of women\'s bags very seldom occurs in H. B. and surroundings ;
N°. 628 (PI. XX, fig. 5) of Nimburan has, however, spaces of greyish blue and brownish
red, obtained by alternate coloui\'ing, over certain distances, of the already prepared string,
at all events the change of colours takes place suddenly, and on the section, the interior
fibres appear blank. The women\'s bags of British and German N. G. form a great contrast
with the above, differently coloured stripes, rising and descending through the horizontal
rows of the bag, forming a pleasant design; each thread, however, retains in its course its
own colour. Evidently the work is here done with several threads at a time ; i. e. in a fine
bag of British N. G., Ser. 929, N°. 409 of the Leyden Museum, one grey thread, two brown
and four white threads can be distinguished. Sometimes the colouring matter is apphed to
the already manufactured bag, but it is impossible then to prevent the unequal distribution of
the hquid colouring matter, as the limits of the coloured design become indistinct and the
effect is untidy (see Leyden Museum, Ser. 350, N°. 127, bag of British N. G.).

Of bag N°. 629 of Asé it is still to be noticed that in the upper turn, with every
7—10 stitches, the lateral connection between two stitches has been omitted once, whereby
openings have arisen, which enhance the appearance of the bag.

The border of the women\'s bags, which is sometimes manufactured out of somewhat
heavier cord, has been worked in a
practical and simple manner according
to the pattern of fig. 61 or after that of
fig. 114. This border is also found m
British and German N. G., where also
(see Leyden Museum, Ser. 350, N°. 127,
of Br. N. G.) another border occurs, not
mentioned until now of the Netherl.
territory and consisting of one or more
cords running straight, festooned with
turns of other cords.

Finally the slings, when also made of cord, often consist of transverse rows of the
same simple quot;figure eightquot; stitch. The greater the number of stitches (6—9) of one row, the
broader the sling and the less the local pressure when used. At the end of each row the
cord ascends towards the next row, consequently the turns are apphed, working alternately
from left to right and from right to left. The shng of bag N°. 629 also shows this peculiarity,
that each of the stitches is doubled in the length, as shown in fig. Ii5- Besides in finishing
the row, a knot is here laid round the last loop, in order to prevent the shng losing its
shape in the use.

The way in which the women carry their bags, appears everywhere to be the
same, as already mentioned by VAN DER GoES [1858, 159] of Ajambori, namely the bag
on the back and the sling in front of the forehead, along, on, or somewhat above the limit

Of the hair. In this manner girls and women can, and must, carry heavy loads, to the great
annoyance of most European visitors. When I was buying bag 629, one of the men
showed me its use; hanging the empty bag on his back, the sling laid along his forehead,
he pretended that the bag was filled with a heavy load and walked with his body bent
forward, sighing with assumed exertion, with bent knees and short steps. The represen-
tation left nothing to be desired in its vivid exhibition of cruelty and barbarism; that the
women themselves shared in the general hilarity, only proves that the heavy, daily labour is
not looked upon by them as an injustice. On Lake Sentani great distances were never
covered with these heavy loads, as the gardens could all be reached by boat.

Pregnancy (van der Goes [1858, 159]) is no reason for exemption, and
Hagen [1899, PI. 36] gives an illustration of a woman of Tamo returning
from the garden, who, besides her filled bag, carries on her back a bundle
of fire wood and a baby in her arm. Under such circumstances it becomes
intelligible that sometimes a patch of white hair is to be found (Pratt
[1906, 303]) and even an impression on the head, at the point where
the sfing has pressed (Finsch [1888—93, m])- When the bag is empty,
the baby is sometimes put into the same, and it is then occasio-
nally suspended in front of the body, the sling lying across the crown
of the head (Thomson [1892, 80]), whilst at other times (Finsch
[1888, 40], [1888—93, 108]) the bag is carried at the side with the
sling over the shoulder. The young Papuan is able to slumber peacefully
mside; at home the bag is sometimes suspended from the rafters and kept
m motion by the mother, hke a rocking cradle. Morphy [1904, 331]
calls it quot;a most ingenious composite cradle and mosquito net combinedquot;;
the last qualification is, however, incorrect, for the women\'s bags of the
territory indicated by the author, on the continent opposite Yule Island,
are the same as those of the Netherl. territory and can be recognised on
his photo, manufactured with the common quot;figure eightquot; stitch, through
which mosquitoes easily pass. Nobody will be surprised to learn that
women also carry their favourite dog, in its turn, in the bag, as seen by
D\'Albertis [1880, I, 92] amongst the Hatam people.

The w^ay in which the women take up their loads, I
could see on every occasion, when the expedition used women as carriers; they then spread
out their bags on the ground, placed inside the often very heterogeneous objects, crouched down
with their backs against the load, placed the sling along the front of their head and then
rose straight up with their loads.

The MEN\'S BAGS are only intended for carrying articles of daily use, to be compared
with our dressing bags and valises.

Some four different stitches are, however, to be noticed on the same, which
make a diff-erence in the outward appearance. One of these four kinds of stitches again turns
out to be our simple quot;figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9), but considerably smaller than in the
case of the women\'s bags. It is only applied in the larger, coarser, mostly uncoloured, square
bags (N-. 630—633), intended for holding not too small objects.

to be the same everywhere. Such a bag, dari, half finished, which was forwarded to me
by Mr. J. van Dissel,quot; official of the Netherl. Indian Government at Fak Fak, and illustrated
on PI. XXI, fig. 9 on the scale of \'/o\' ^^^ up by hand beginning at the border, and to
this the body of the bag is formed, one row after the other, all of them closed at a corres-
ponding place of the circumference by a knot; see in the fig. at the bottom, to the right.
The third row is here started, and in the direction opposed to the hand of a clock, advanced
to a point at the bottom, to the left.

By applying so-called quot;1 e 11 i n g-o u tsquot; (which are always wanting in the women\'s
bags), principally in connecting the third with the second row, the bag becomes much wider
towards the bottom. On another dari, from the same source, about the same way of working
has been applied; all the rows on the vertical back margin of the bag (supposing this being
suspended from the left shoulder, the coloured surface outside), being closed by knots.

Something similar can be noticed on bag n°. 632 of Oinâke, both front as well as
back surface consisting of horizontal rows, of which the threads end at the margins, where
they are tied together, whilst the ends hang down like long, ornamental fringes. At
the bottom of this bag the stitches of front and back surface do not join each other either,
in contrast to the N°^ 630, 631, 633 and the dari of Fak Fak, but the connection is made
by loops of a continuous cord. Bags of this construction appear to be scarce; in the collec-
tions at Leyden, Amsterdam and Utrecht I found nothing similar. To this class also belongs
bag N°. 633 (PI. XX, fig. i) obtained at Tobadi, but made originally at Tarawai, which, in
shape and ornament betrays its more eastern origin. It belongs to the kind which biro [1899,
32, PL XII, fig. 2] describes as quot;bags ornamented with Nassaquot;, the appendices however, and
this is the case with all these bags, are not worked with the simple quot;figure eightquot; stitch, but
as per fig. 43. The greater part of these coarse men\'s bags are plain, but N°. 633 forms an
exception, as well as some of the dari, along the bottom of which
there is an ornament made out of a cord with the stitch of
fig- Sgt; by which, moreover, small, coloured calico tassels may
be suspended.

The composite quot;figure eightquot; stitch, is another
type, represented in fig. 116, often used in H. B. and sur-
roundings for men\'s bags of similar size or smaller; it closely
resembles the previous one, but the cord of each stitch runs in
its upper as well as in its lower loop, through two stitches of the
higher and lower row respectively. The arrangement of the
stitches thereby becomes different, they also reach further into
each other, and consequently a closer fabric is obtained. The col-
lection contains four (N°^ 634—637; PL XX, fig. 4) of these

bags, all square, therefore, without quot;letting-outsquot;, besides two (N°^ 647—648) which are still
being made, showing that these bags are started at the bottom. For this purpose a rope
is stretched along and fastened to the ends of a wooden lath, with N°. 647 a piece of white
wood, with N°. 648 (PL XXI, fig. i) dark brown, nicely carved. Commencing at the right
and working towards the left, on this rope the first row of stitches, intended for the back of
the bag, is made; at the end of the row a return is made without interruption, now making.

the first row of stitches for the front, from the left to the right, at the same time interlooping
the stitches of front and back row, so that the bottom is closed, even when the suspensory cord
is removed. After the first turn, the rows are continued without interruption, therefore in a
spiral. The number of turns does not always form a complete number; this depends on the
place where the thread of the last row passes into the border. Finally the sling is made,
generally with the same thread.

With this kind of stitch, presumably because it is closer and has smaller openings than
the previous one, a needle is used, consisting of the hollow phalange of the front limbs of
Pteropus (N°. 653, PL XXI, fig. 11). Of this the thinner end is sharpened to a point, and
near the other end a transverse opening is made, through which a couple of decimeters of
the thread is passed (Pl. XXI, fig. 4; see Edge Partington [1890, Pl. 290, N°. n]). The
same needles are, according to objects in the BerHn Museum, used on the Salomo Islands
but also in British N. G. (Macgregor [1897, 50]) and K. W. Land (not in Astrolabe Bay,\'
Biro [1901, 58]), where pierced fishbones are sometimes (Finsch [1888, 318]) used instead.\'

On account of the greater amount of work and the larger quantity of material required
these bags are much more valuable than those of the previous kind; often they are\'
decorated with coloured stripes, with seeds, beads and also with an elaborate border It is
remarkable, that with these bags, see Pl. XXI, fig. i, the work is done, two rows at a time
therefore with two threads. The introduction of the coloured stripes indeed requires the use of
more than one thread. On N°. 647 it can be easily noticed, that the first coloured stripe at
a certain place, is simply inserted between two spirals of white rows, and from this moment
the work IS done with two threads and thus continued. The coloured stripes, each of the
height of one single stitch (therefore coloured rows), are by preference applied in sets of
two, to an uneven number (3-5) and as a rule only occur on the front, viz. at the back the
coloured threads pass into white ones. Often (N-. 636, 637, 647 and 648) a group of stitches
out of such a coloured row jumps over to a higher or lower white row, whilst then an equal
number of white stitches obtains a place in the coloured row. In this way systems of small
patches are formed, as illustrated by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 82, figs 30 and 31I
the quot;painted patternquot; (?), quot;dice designquot; of BiRO [1899, 30, Pl. VII, fig. i]. It should here be
noticed that both cords, the coloured as well as the uncoloured, can be traced uninterrup-
tedly in their patches, therefore pass constantly from one row to another - in this respect the
drawings of De Clercq, referred to above, are not accurate enough. To increase the outward
appearance of these bags they often have (N-. 635-637), Hke the women\'s bag of Asé
N°. 629, open spaces in the upper row.

The following bags of the collection (N^s. 638-641) are, on an average, somewhat smaller
than those of the previous category, but are used for the same purpose. The breadth is very
much larger than the depth, moreover, the slit-like opening is much shorter than the breadth of
the body of the bag and the bottom line, whereby a peculiar shape (fig. 143 and Pl. XX, fig. i)
is obtained. But the real peculiarity of these bags is the loop-shaped stitch (fig\'. 117),
which difi-ers from the western knitting stitch, in this way, that the loop of each stitch has
been turned 180° round its axis, in the direction in which the cord has been made, towards
the left. Thereby the cord has gained in strength. As each stitch grasps a higher placed one
round its base, a vertical arrangement and a vertical striping of the web (PI. XXI, figs. 2 and 3) are

caused. This was also noticed by FiNSCH [1888—93, 205] who, on the other hand, indicated the
quot;figure eightquot; stitch as a kind of quot;netting workquot;. These bags are made of fine, two-stranded cord,
composed of Artocarpus bark fibre (?) and the stitches are not larger than necessary to encircle
one another; they are also placed transversely so close to each
other that a very close web is obtained, not even allowing
somewhat coarse powder to pass through. The same kind of
stitch occurs on bags of the south-west coast (Wiener Hof Museum,
N°. 15385). When following the thread, it appears that the
work here again is done spirally in the round, whilst the closing
of the bottom is done by the same cord, with a long row
of hitches, as indicated in fig. 118. The end of this cord
hangs down free at a corner of the bottom; it can be
easily removed, whereby the whole bottom is soon opened.
It therefore appears plausible, that the closing of the bottom
according to fig. 118, is the last process in the manufacture
of these bags. This being granted, the term quot;taking-inquot;
must be given to the mode of work by which the number of
stitches of a row decreases towards the bottom (fig. 117, a),
whilst the opposite mode of working (fig. 117,^), must be called
quot;letting-outquot;. As the width of these bags increases towards
the bottom, few quot;taking-insquot; can a priori be expected; indeed
they only occur with N°. 641 (three) and with N°. 643 (two).

Besides the two fold quot;letting-outquot;, — represented in
fig. 117, b, ■— single, three and fourfold ones occur on the bags
under notice. Thus N°. 640 has: 14 single (9 at the back, 5 in
front), N°. 639 5 fourfold, 12 threefold, 7 twofold and i
single. For the latter bag this means, that the number of stitches of one row at the bottom,
is 71 more than at the top. With N°. 641 the difference amounts to 72. However large this
number of quot;letting-outsquot; may be, the difference in breadth
between bottom and opening originates in a still larger
measure, in the passage of the first row with exceptionally
long stitches towards the second.

Whilst the bags with the quot;figure eightquot; stitch are
called sogeri in H. B., the name srosror is given to the

bags with the stitch of fig. 117, which name, without
doubt, indicates at the same time the kind of stitch, the
technique of the manufacture. They are again more valuable
than those previously mentioned and are often ornamented
with coloured stripes, cord fringe (according to Finsch rare
to the east of Attack Harbour), Coix, bells made of shells,
balls of cuscus skin, larval envelopes, sweet scented leaves

sometimes smelling like musk (FiNSCH [1888—93, 207], sets of ground boar\'s tusks ^nd beads.
The coloured stripes generally occur in the shape of three sets, each consisting of a brown

and a grey row; the middle set sometimes contains more stripes. With N°. 640 foreign yellow
red and blue thread has been used. One yellow row, composed of the quot;figure eightquot; stitch\'
IS mtroduced between the others, as per fig. 119, whilst between two red rows, one blue one\'
has been worked, as per fig. 120. Amongst the bead ornament of these bags the currency

beads are also met with. The headman of Tobadi now and then wore anbsp;(fig. 143)

decorated with so many and such valuable beads, that the bag itself was of comparatively
httle value. All this to a certain extent indicates the dignity of the man, who has the charge
of the beads, which are the property of the community (see Chapter VII). It was impossible
to procure this bag with our means of barter. Indeed a well decorated ..r^.r^r combines here
all that IS most valuable amongst the personal ornaments and other preciosa, possessed by the
Papuan. An excessive decoration with dogs\' teeth, as in K. W. Land, is not usual in Netherl N G
The smallest kind of men\'s bags, seen on the north coast to the east ofthe
Mamberamno River (No^ 642-644), is not carried from the shoulder but round the neck
hanging down in front ofthe chest, sometimes with the shng tied on to a separate neckstring
They are only used for holding tobacco and siri, whilst the hme receptacle is then carried
under the arm or m a larger bag. They are also made with the stitch of fig 117 for which
reason N°. 642 (PI. XXI, fig. 3) of Asé is also callednbsp;Although exclusivel\'y intended

for men, they are made by the women, by hand, without a weaving wood being used and
out of the fibres of a plant, callednbsp;specially cultivated for this purpose The name

chèndamp;rz which was given at Tobadi to such a small bag (N°. 643), no doubt points to the
way m which it is carried (see N-. 388-391), i.e. quot;on the breastquot;; Finsch [1888-93, 205]
looks upon these small bags as breast ornaments. When empty, they are quite flat. Ornamented
with two or three sets of coloured stripes, they are often deeper than they are broad, but
otherwise right-angled, except that, with N°. 642 one quot;letting-outquot; and with N-. 643 and 644

two quot;taking-insquot; occur. The bottom is again closed as in fig. 118; the ornamentation with cord
fringe, etc. is however seldom wanting; when at the bottom, it is tied on to the continuous
string, which closes the bag. With N°. 644 (PI. XXI, fig. 2) of Ifar the opening is closed
with one of the dependent small bits of twine; perhaps the owner kept valuable beads in it.
Small bags, made with the stitch of fig. 117, like several specimens in the Berlin Museum,
originally from the Ramu Valley and elsewhere, are sometimes used to put amulets in.

The fourth kind of stitch is found in 645 (PI. XXI, fig. 10) of Liki. The
sling of this breast bag, too short (42 c.m.) to pass over the head, was fastened to a separate
neckstring. The stitch (see fig. 52) consists of a loop, twisted like the previous one; however,
each lower loop being suspended from two loops of a higher row, the web gets a twilled
appearance. Similar bags, found in Geelvink Bay, are in the collections of Amsterdam (Ser. 8,
N°. 29; Ser. 9, N°. 6) and Rotterdam (N°^ 6229 and 6701). I had no opportunity to watch
the manufacture of this very close web, but the Leyden Museum contains a bag (Ser. 16,
N°. 542) from Netherl. N. G., made with the same stitch and in the spiral rows of which a
yellow strip of leaf is entwined, which naturally shows the same spiral course. The con-
clusion is easily arrived at, that in this case the same technique is followed as demonstrated
by the illustration of BiRO.

The bag of Liki really consists of two, each worked separately in the round, but
they have the continuous border in common; both bottoms are closed with one continuous

string, according to the pattern of fig.
121, the same in principle as that of
fig. 61, and little different from fig. 122.

This same border occurs on a small men\'s bag of the collection, N°. 646 of Nimbtiran,
which, as an exception to the rule, is entirely made with the quot;figure eightquot; stitch.

Four patterns of borders may be distinguished, that of fig. 43 occurring by
far the most frequently. To begin with, on all the small bags (with the exception of N°. 645,
of Liki) and besides on most of the larger bags. The geographical distribution may be, to
some extent, judged by its occurrence at Kaptiau, as well as in Humboldt Bay, on Lake
Sentani and in Berlin Harbour. Of i6 bags of the collection, 12 show this pattern and it is
therefore to be regretted, that the system of the manufacture has remained unknown. Related
to this pattern, in fact a doubling of the same, is the pattern of fig. 50, found in the border
of bag N°. 637 of Ingras (see also N°. 404, Pk XVI, fig. 3).

The third pattern has been already met with on women\'s bags (figs. 114 and 122).

The fourth pattern, fig. 123, is more complicated; for the sake of greater clearness,

the bends are drawn very
ample, notwithstanding that
the outward appearance is in
^ this way somewhat modified.
The charm of appearance of
this border is principally ob-
tained by superficial bends,
which lie like a thick, twisted
cord [ab] on the surface. N°. 635 of Ingras shows this border in two fold breadth, N°. 636
of Tobadi is three fold, whereby these bags also show two and three superficial cord-shaped
ridges [ab] respectively. Working once round with one thread, the border is only obtained in
single breadth. In N°. 635 and N°. 636 therefore, the margin must have been worked round
two and three times respectively. This beautiful border has, as far as Netherl. N. G. is con-
cerned, only been met with until now in Humboldt Bay; without doubt it is made by
needle, and, it is then, as I noticed, not difficult to make.

The slings of the men\'s bags consist sometimes of a strip of bark, at other times
of the single or plural quot;figure eightquot; stitch (figs. 9 and 115), but often also of pattern fig. 43.
As this pattern produces on a single breadth a narrow sling, it is only found with the small
bags, amongst them with N°. 645 of Liki, whilst the larger bag of Tarawai (N°. 633) has
already a sling of double width (fig. 50), and therefore with two relief ridges. For the larger
bags, which generally contain heavier weights, a broader sling is used. Finally the sling of
bag N°. 639 of Tobadi is manufactured as per fig. 47, retaining its full breadth in the use,
decidedly advantageous for naked shoulders.

From the foregoing it may be judged to some extent, that in the bags, as BTnsch
[1888—93, 205] already noticed, a not unimportant textile artistic skill is laid down, which
deserves further comparative study. It would be profitable also to take into account other
countries. Thus the simple quot;figure eightquot; stitch is also used in the bags of Paraguay and Southern
Brazils (Wiener Hof Museum, N°^ 4I4I7 and 3609). On a so-called prince\'s cap from the neigh-
bourhood of Lake Tanganyika (Leyden Museum, Ser. 387, N°. 30) obhque patches occur of
stitches hke those of fig. 117. The stitch of fig. 52 also occurs on the small bags of the Viti
Islands (Wiener Hof Museum, N°. 3914) only with this difference, that the twist of the loop
does amount to 360°. Turned in an opposite direction, the same stitch may be met with on
a skuU-cap (Leyden Museum, Ser. 1032, N°. 43) from a district close to Lake Tanganyika.
Finally it appeared to me very remarkable, that the beautiful border found in Humboldt Bay
(fig. 123), also occurs, with a very slight modification, along the margin of the caps mentioned
above. The cord-shaped relief ridge [ab] is the same with both patterns and where these borders
have been multiplied along the caps, also more of these ridges occur.

The coUection contains asnbsp;649—652 (PL XXI, figs. 5—8), four carved wooden

laths, as used with N°. 648, to fasten on the bag, sogeri, during the manufacture, and called

sogeriai [ai = wood). In the Batavia Museum four of these pieces of wood, quot;use unknownquot;,
occurred (Van der ChyS [1894, 163, N°. 6970]) and a similar object was collected by De
Clercq ([1889, 1266]; De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 89, 442, Pl. XXI, fig. i]), who
supposed it to be part of a head support for women. In this information obtained by De Clercq :
quot;for womenquot;, a confirmation is probably to be found of my experience, that the women and
not the men manufacture the bags. I notice that on these objects dog figures, carved a jour,
often occur, also on that of De Clercq ; that the dog is often the companion of the
women, has already been stated above.

N°. 595. Femä. Ajâpo; stone of sago club, of dark grey serpentine, conical, 12 c.m. in length, one end
with diameter of 2.2 c.m. the other, having a concavity, ani, 8 m.m. deep, with diameter of 3.7 c.m.

No^ 556—598. Pl. XX, fig. 7.nbsp;V^àû. Ingrâs; stone like N°. 595, jammed with 5 c.m. of the thin

end into a round, conical piece of wood, split, and sufficiently hollowed beforehand, round which
tightening, circular and spiral strips of rattan; this, with thin end sticking in conical socket of a
piece of wood (handle), cylindric or (N°. 598) square in front, either or not strengthened by plaited
rattan strips. Strip of rattan stretched between holder of stone and handle.

N°. 599. Pl. XX, fig. 2. \'/lo- Fregasi. Ingrâs; sago strainer, made of a circularly bent piece of rattan,
closed by barkfibres; in this, with two-stranded cord, a net of the stitch of fig. 9, in parallel rows;
in the last rows, the central stitches longer, in order to obtain joining with the edge, to which it
is fastened by spiral lashing. Manufactured and used by women.

N°. 600. Fregasi. Ingrâs; as before, diameter 30 c.m.; the openings of the meshes ± 4 m.m.

N°. 6or PLXX,fig. 3. i/io-^«^«\'^ öerè. Kwatisoré; basket-shaped sago strainer, of leaf strips, èkerö grè,
crossing at right angles; bottom in square frame of 4 sticks; the strips of the bottom form on all 4
sides, by crossing with 10 horizontal strips, an erect wall, bending over the upper edge, and descending
obhquely, together with 4 other horizontal strips, they form an outward covering. Each of the short
edges with a cord loop on which 2 white beads and strips of red calico.

602. Eherö grè. Kwatisoré; bundle of strips of sago leaf, 90 c.m. long, i—3 m.m. broad; for the
manufacture of N°. 601.

Nos_ 602—617. Tsè, sè. Lake Sentani; hatchets; chiseUike pieces of chloromelanite, back end nearly
cylindrical, broader in front (up to 6.5 c.m.) and oval on the section (thickness up to 3.3 c.m.), with
convex edge; fastened, like 596—598, in wooden holders, 16—28 c.m. in length, under an angle
of 70—80° in socket of wooden handle, 35—60 c.m. long, which in front and at the back of socket,
has numerous plaited, rattan bands. Behind this with carved ornament, more or less circular notches,
on which a rattan string (if present) is fastened, strained between handle and holder of stone.

N°. 618. Pl. XX. fig. 8. Kamp;sao. Kaptiau; hatchet as before, handle without rings, the upper side
carved. Grip end formed like glans penis.

N°. 620. PL XX, fig. 12. Viß- Kwatisoré; hexagonal basket, plaited out of strips of Pandanus leaf, i c.m.
broad, in three directions under angles of 60°; in the border a strip of rattan for strengthening;
on each of the sides a star-shaped ornament, and along the border a band, both of red strips of
Pandanus leaf. For use in garden and household.

621. ArUe. Tobadi; basket, the edges formed by 2 strips, aramp;biai, of palm leaf midrib, each 45 c.m.
long, the plaited side leaves forming the bottom. The ends of the leaves plaited three fold, tied
together to form the sling, pefeUde. For carrying agricultural produce.

N^ 622. Pl. XX, fig. 13. i/j3. Karkar. Kaptiau; like N\'\'. 621, both woody strips bent round to form
an oval rim; side leaves, folded up lengthways, plaited into herring bone design, vertically and
horizontally. Sling, consisting of a strip of calico, 60 c.m. long. Used by men.

N°. 623. Nadiè. Kwatisoré; basket, bottom 14X14, height 19 c.m., plaited of strips of Hibiscus bark,
5—9 m.m. broad; in bottom, under right angular crossing, in side walls, split into 2—4 narrow strips,
producing finer design. Those ascending towards the left, coloured green, forming three rows of
swastikas. Cord binding, wu Srige, as per fig. 5. Also with cord, a border of squares, as an ornament.
Two loops for carrying, rd ore, plaited as per fig. 4, ending in tassels at sides of basket.

N°. 624. PI. XX, fig. TO. \'/g. Etahè. Angadi; as before, free ends of some strips twisted along the edge,
at the corners, forming two plaited strings, connected for carrying loop.

N°. 625. PI. XX, fig. II. Etâhè. Angadi; basket made by simple right angular plaiting, of long
flexible reeds, motonio, the margin over a breadth of 7 c.m. strengthened by plaiting back. Binding as
per fig. 5, of two-stranded cord, tèmani- carrying loops of bark, kama, opposite each other.

N°. 62Ó. Tar. Tarfia; women\'s bag, made of two-stranded cord, with stitch of fig. 9, 3.5 c.m. high;
120 c.m. broad, 42 deep; border as per fig. 114, sling, 38 c.m. in length, made of transverse rows
of stitches as before. For carrying agricultural produce.

627. Tar. Tarfia; like N°. 626, 75 c.m. broad, 40 c.m. deep, stitches 4 c.m. high; border as per
fig. 61; sling for carrying 90 c.m. long, 6 stitches wide.

N°. 628. PI. XX, fig. 5. i/jj. Kâba. Kaptiau; like N°. 627, the cord, after the manufacture, coloured
with red and grey stripes.

N°. 629. Seteboi. Asé; like N°. 627, the body, sMboi ji, 65 c.m. broad, 25 deep; stripes of white alter-
nating with stripes of darker cord, sa bârâ-, border, tsoi, as per fig. 61; in first row, at every 8—10
stitches, the lateral connection between two stitches omitted, thus forming openings, tsoi piirupuru.
Carrying sling, ebui, 75 c.m. long, as per fig. 115. Space inside the bag called etu.
630. P^esjanke. Ajapo; men\'s bag of white cord, broad 40, deep 21 c.m., with stitch of fig. 9;
upper row as with N°. 629; border as per fig. 61, carrying sling 55 c.m. long, after fig. 115. On the
front, below, border, hung with primaries of Tr i c ho glo s s u s cyanogrammus Wagl., pig\'s tail,
Conus shell ring and the 518 and 519. For carrying articles of daily use.

N°. 631. NebrL Kaptiau; as before, 32 c.m. deep; border as per fig. 43; at each corner a loop, of
four-stranded cord, festooned after fig. 64, sfing of bark, 63 c.m. long; no ornaments.
632. Oinake; as before, broad 30, deep 27 c.m., with 6 horizontal stripes of reddish and 5 of dark
brown cord, each stripe 2—4 stitches high ; cords in horizontal rows of front and back surface con-
nected on the margins by tying, ends dependent like a fringe; bottom as per fig. 118; border as
per fig. 43; opening at each corner with cord-loop, for sling of bark, 64 c.m. long; groups of 1—4
beads tied on red stripes. Containing cockatoo feather, Areca nuts, Betel fruits, Japanese mirror (Nippon
Sukarai Seix) in red calico, the N^^ 60, loi, 102, 150% 193^ 439, 522, and at one ofthe corners N°. 526.

N°. 633. PI. XX, fig. I. 1/3. Sog^eri. Tobadi; men\'s bag made at Tarawai; stitch of fig. 9; first row
with stitches which have no lateral connection, in the other rows, on each third stitch a Nassa
shell disk, dèr, is threaded, on front surface composite ornament, according to fig. 50, bordered with
Nassa; sling according to same system.

634.nbsp;Sögeri. I ngrâs; men\'s bag, made with stitch of fig. 116, broad 40, deep 28 c.m.; 2 sets of one
brown and one grey row, (white at back side) separated by one white row; upper row, at every
4 stitches with an opening; border as per fig. 43; sling 55 c.m., as per fig. 115. Contains Betel
fruit, sidi. Areca nuts, pu, and the N°^ 35, 43, 51, 55, 59, 105, 107, 218, 293, 296, 312, 374, 471,
583, 584, 585, 653, 698 and 699.

635.nbsp;Sögeri Ingrâs; like N°. 634, broad 50, deep 34 c.m.; 3 sets of coloured rows; upper row

with stitches , of double length (fig. 115), at certain distances with openings; border as per fig. 123,
but double; sling for carrying 58 c.m. in length, as per fig. 115.

N°. 636. PL XX, fig. 4. Vio- Sogeri. Tobadi; like N°. 634, 5 sets of coloured rows; in the and 4quot;^
sets, 5 coloured stitches go over several times to the higher placed white row, stitches of this row
to the coloured ones, forming patches; worked with 2 cords at a time; upper row as in N\'\'. 635;
border as per fig. 123, threefold; in upper row and along margins, bundles of threaded Coix, the
strings depending as a fringe. Sling of bark strip fastened in two loops, festooned as per fig. 64.

\'N°. 637. Sogeri. Ingrls; like N°. 636; coloured rows: grey, brown, red, blue and green, the last 3 of
cord made of calico fibres; border as per fig. 50; sling 50 c.m. of bark and calico; front surface with
threaded Coix and black seed rings, the strings forming fringe, war frä. 513 and 514 hanging on.

N°. 638. Srosror. Tobadi; men\'s bag, deep 19 c.m., opening 20, bottom 48 c.m. long; stitch of fig. 117,
worked in spiral rows; in the upper part 11 single a.nd 12 twofold quot;letting-outsquot;; front with 3 sets
of horizontal, brown and grey stripes, each two stitches broad; stitches of upper row 2.5 c.m. in
length, without lateral connection; border as per fig. 43; sling, unampö or urampö, 46 c.m. long,
as per fig. 115, but without the knots; along opening a string of 12 round (9 white and 3 reddish-
brown) beads, pusaime, and 2 disk-shaped yellowish ones, with check design on the borders, on the
dependent cords, ivar frâ, 4 cord bands, unanka, (as per fig. 43) with bundles of Coix and beads;
plugs of sweet scented leaves; 511^, 511\'\'. Containing a spoon of cocao nut shell, prew.

N°. 639. Srosror. Tobadi; like N°. 638; 18 and 38 c.m. broad, 15 c.m. deep; 5 fourfold, 12 threefold,
7 twofold (see fig. 117,^) and i single quot;letting-outsquot;; front surface with extra band, kchore, worked
with same stitch, bearing larval envelope, skin of a bird\'s leg and 5 bands, mianke, as above with
yellow beads; 2 horizontal rows of Nassa and 2 of yellow beads, threaded on to the stitches, at
opening two balls of cuscus skin, èni an\'t, as N°. 522; sling, urampö, 48 c.m. long, as per fig. 47
(8 parallel cords).

N°. 640. Srosror. Tobadi; like N°. 638, 20 and 42 c.m. broad, 19 c.m. deep, 14 single quot;letting-outsquot;,
along lower margin a blue, half-way up a brown row, between two red ones, below this a brown
one; higher up a yellow one as per fig. 119, and near upper margin between 2 red rows one blue
one, as per fig. 120. Upper row and bottom cord with cord fringe; sling 75 c.m. long, made of trans-
verse rows of the stitch of fig. 9; along opening, a string of 46 white beads, further 512% 512^.

N°. 641. Srosror. Ingrâs; like N°. 640, broad, at the top, 13, below 26 c.m., deep 12 c.m.; 8 twofold,
12 three fold and 5 fourfold quot;letting-outsquot; (fig. 1x7,^), 3 quot;taking-insquot; (fig. 117,,«): süng 51 c.m.,
as per fig. 115. On front surface 3 bundles of Coix, uruar, all with dependent cords; these also
along bottom cord, and sweet scented leaves attached to them. On the back, fastened to the
border, a depending piece of bark, mär, a Chinese beh, chârindè, of brass and N°. 527.

N°. 642. PI. XXI, fig. 3. Vs- Srosro. Asé; stitch of fig. 117, border and sling, ebur, ebui, eboi, as per
fig. 43. Three double sets of one grey, nongoi, and one reddish brown, tsai, stripe, running all round;
along margins many Coix seeds, kèmberi, with long strings, sabârâ, of a fibrous plant, pamp;tai, hanging
down half-way up, on one side 3 blue beads, fetöchwä, on the other side one blue and one multi-
coloured bead tied on. Is worn on breast, shng round neck.

N°. 643. Chendori. Tobadi; as N°. 642, broad 8, deep 10.5 c.m.; in front as at the back, one single
quot;taking-inquot; (fig. 117,«); no beads; at the border anbsp;jènefi, with depending fibres,

644. PL XXI, fig. 2. Vs- Ifar; like N°. 643, only 2 sets of coloured stripes; 2 blue beads, Coix
seeds and cord fringe along side margins; more or less closed by a cord.

N°. 645. Pk XXI, fig. 10. 2/11. Tapóntu. Liki; bag composed of two, placed alongside each other,
made with stitch of fig. 52, on one common bottom rope and with continuous border (fig. 122); shng,
bobimie, as per fig. 43; front covered with Nassa, ikni, and black seed rings, threaded on vertical

strings, the ends hanging down at lower margin. Containing a monocotyle leaf, in which to roll up
tobacco (?), and a rhizom. Worn on breast, the sling on to a neck string.

N°. 646. K-ébo. Nimburan; stitch of fig. 9, broad 14, deep 11 c.m.; the cord coloured blue, red and
yellow; border as per fig. 61; calico sling 70 c.m. in length.

N°. 647. Sogeri mendi. Ingrâs; bag with stitch of fig. 116, half-finished; bottom set up on a two-
stranded cord, stretched along a yellowish brown piece of wood, sogeri ai, 50 c.m. in length, and
fastened at each end. Bag 32 c.m. broad, only finished to a depth of 12 c.m.; at first worked with
one thread, sogèri iiwdr, begun with bottom at the righthand corner (imagining the bag with the
piece of wood turned away from you, the ornamented side at the top) first making the back, after-
wards, by working from left to right, the front; the first coloured row is inserted between two white
rows, and after this, the work IS done with 2 threads, ending at lower margin in 2 different rows
each with its own cord; 3 sets of one red and one grey (blue) stripe, the central set with spotted
patches (see pag. 184 and PI. XXI, fig. x); one of the cords with needle, sugwêtje, of terminal
phalange of front limbs of Pteropus.

N°. 648. PI. XXI, fig. i. 1/4- Sogeri mendi. Ingrâs; like N°. 647, but the piece of wood, sogeri ai,
dark brown, i c.m. thick, on both sides with carved spirals, with barbed centre or herring bone
design; each end with 2 openings, between which a small bar to fasten a double cord; on this the
bag set up, with the stitch of fig. 116; 2 cords, one forming the i^\', 2quot;^\',nbsp;etc., row and

another the 5th^ ^th gt^., beginning with the back at the righthand corner; 2 sets of coloured
stripes, as an ornament, Sne, the second with spotted patches; ending in the and row, the
thread of the j-qw provided with a needle, sugwétje, (Pl. XXI, fig. 4) as before.

N°. 649. PI. XXI, fig. 8. Vs- Sogeri ai. Tobadi; piece of wood like that of N°. 648, one end open-
worked, leaving a longitudinal bar, the other end with carved dogs, heads, paws and tails against
longitudinal middle bar; outer ends, as well as heads and bodies, provided with eye ornament. Carved
spirals, along a central row of oval spaces, each with a central relief disk (eye ornament).

N°. 650. Pk XXI, fig. 5. i/g. Sogeri ai. Tobadi; like N°. 649, each end with 2 dog figures along
central bar, tails turned towards the end, where openings have been made, side surfaces with pairs
of spirals, between which, dental carvings.

N°. 651. PL XXI, fig. 7. i/g- Sogeri ai. Tobadi; like N°. 649, no ornament at the ends, only 2 large
openings; one side transversely convex, without ornament, a cord stretched along this; the other
side, flat, with 3 carved ovals, in two of which, spirals; in the third, triangles and curled orna-
ments; at the ends of the central oval, 2 fish ornaments. Along edges, 4 pairs of eyes.

N°. 652. PL XXI, fig. 6. Sogeri ai. Ingrâs; like N°. 649, both ends partly open work, partly with
superficially carved fish ornament (?), both surfaces half-way the length, with a pair of spirals, placed
transversely and toothed in the middle, to which joined caudal fins of 2 pair of fishes, heads directed
towards the ends; besides transverse, dental rows and stretched triangles.

N°. 653. PL XXI, fig. II. Vs- Sekwé {Sugwé?). Ingrâs; phalange out of the hand of Pteropus, intended
for manufacturing a needle, as occurring in 647 and 648 (PL XXI, figs, i and 4); ofbagN°. 634.

Settlements on the sea, on lakes and on rivers often make the use of crafts for fishing
or communication necessary; where the houses themselves are built in the water, not even
connected with the shore by foot bridges, boats are equally indispensable. It has also been
noticed that people, who do not live on a navigable river, but, in order to reach their
gardens, forests or trading connections, must cross a large river, too deep to ford or too
broad to have a tree dropping over it as a bridge, use a raft or other craft, which is always
to be found at the spot on the shore. The expedition came across such a craft on the Tami
River for the use of the Moso people. Papuans, who are in the habit of using canoes, are
certainly all able to swim, and often risk themselves on floating timber through the surf
(Finsch [1888, 344], Horst [1889, 246]). Amongst the most primitive crafts, the catamarans,
composed of some four logs, may be mentioned, as met with by FiNSCH [1888, 232] at the
East Cape, or those of stems of palm leaves which FiNSCH [1. c. 323] saw more to the west.

The universal craft of New Guinea is simply a hollowed tree trunk, the produce
of the stone period. None the less, the nature and amount of the labour, on account of the
poor instruments with which the Papuan has to make his boats, are very arduous, and for
this reason admiration is due to him. The longest of these dug-outs reach, as ModeRA
[1830, 78] reported of the south-west coast, a length of 60 feet, but on other coasts also
very long crafts are known. The construction generally takes place to a greater or smaller
extent on the trunk as it has fallen down, and afterwards, as it is too heavy to be carried,
it must be shoved towards the shore along a path more or less cleared, and covered cross ways
with numerous thin, smooth stems. Erdweg [1902, 363] saw this done by the Tumleo people;
to the south of VV^endèsi I myself was able to follow such an artificial road to the sea over a
distance of about 25 minutes walking. It is therefore evident that in selecting a tree, the
distance to the shore, and the nature of the ground to be passed, must be taken into account
and that well shaped, favorably placed trees, belong to the most highly treasured forest pos-
sessions of the Papuan, which no stranger may cut or damage with impunity. moolenburgh
[1903, 221] relates, how the population of Karwan assserted its rights to trees, fit for this
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;25

use. In case good trees are wanting in one district and abundant in another, a trade in trunks
springs up (annual Report [1902—03, 18]), sometimes in finished crafts, and a considerable
industry is therefore connected with it at certain places (Macgregor [1897, 56], Seligmann
[1906, 238]). At other times, the right to cut the proper trees is sold by one village to
another, and the craft is after all made by the purchasers themselves, either on the spot,
or at the village of the latter, whither the felled trunk has been removed along a river.
Wyatt Gill [1885, 295] mentions a quarrel which had arisen over the payment of the right
here referred to (see also annual Report [1904—05, 25]).

Usually a wood which is light and not too hard is selected, which greatly facili-
tates the work with the stone axe. At Asé, fig. 124, I saw the stone axe still used in the
manufacture of a moderately large women\'s boat, and it certainly cannot be entirely replaced
for this purpose by the metal axe or hatchet. For the part which holds the stone can be
turned round in the socket of the wooden handle, and the edge can thus be placed, either
transversely (adze) for the cutting of the inside bottom, and lengthways (hatchet) for the side
walls; also in any other direction in which it may be wanted. As stated above, the stone
hatchet only knocks off small scales, and the cut surface therefore consists of small concave
indents. Gutter-shaped stone hatchets, the edge forming a semi-circle, as mentioned by
Erdweg [1902, 364] as used in Tumleo, but unfortunately not illustrated, were never men-
tioned before. In fig. 124 the man squatting down at the back end is busy making the
outside surface smooth with a chisel like N°. 702 of the collection. On the prow, as well as
on the after deck, an assistant is seated to maintain the stability of the craft, whilst the
inside part is being cut out. For this they receive food on every day that they assist in the
work; exactly the same as with the building of the houses.

The superficial burning, inside as well as outside, by means of torches made
of cocoa-nut leaves, as reported by Haddon [1900, 287] in Keapara, by van DiSSEL [1904a,
629] in Salakiti, or, only outside by a wood fire, by Erdweg [1902, 364] in Tumleo, as far
as I know, is not done in H. B. or on Lake Sentani. It is very common in the case of
sea-going craft to increase the height of the sides by sewing up a plank; two or three
planks lashed on, as reported by Mac Farlane [1888, 118], MaCGREGOR [1897, 57] and
Seligmann [1906, 238] in eastern British N. G., were, however, never seen by me. But
this increase of the moulded depth, on account of the reduced stability, necessitates the
addition of an outrigger on one or both sides. That the carrying capacity is reduced by the
weight of the non-immerged parts, is a disadvantage which is taken into the bargain. Light
kinds of wood are preferred for this purpose, whilst the floats are made pointed at one or
both ends, to decrease the resistance in the water. Naturally, the larger this float, the shorter
can be the cross piece of the outrigger, and v^\'ce versa. Where the space admits, as for
instance with boats for use at sea, very long cross pieces may be met with. Haddon [189^,
247] thus writes, concerning Collingwood Bay, of a very small float which reaches an
unusually great distance from the canoe. Other crafts have a float of the same length as the
canoe, but only two feet distant from it (macgregor [1897, 58]). Two outriggers are an
advantage which is, however, often abandoned e. g. in cases where fishing with large nets
necessitates one of the sides of the craft being kept free (see fig. 105). That platforms on
dug-outs are only possible with outriggers, goes without saying.

On Lake Sentani two kinds of craft are met with; one, roomy and long, fit for
removing heavy loads is, as may be guessed, the women\'s boat and is called kap, ox after
the nature of the wood (?) antow kaji. It has, as fig. 124 shows, a round keel, a hull, oj, which
is narrower at the top than half-way down, a blunt bow, ebegwe, and similar stern, nieri
or mori, each with a projecting prow, flat on top, in which alongside of each other and
at a distance of ± 10 c.m. two square holes, puru, to fasten a line (see at the right of
fig. 125). In the bow and stern of the hull, where the core, few, of the original tree trunk
is, a thickening, kend, kand, is left, by which this place, inclined to split, obtains the neces-
sary strength, (perhaps the word kand means here the rosin with which the slits are filled
up; seenbsp;225). During the first period after the construction, 6—8 short cross pegs are

placed between the edges of the side walls, to prevent these from bending inwards; later
on, care is still taken not to expose the canoes too long to the direct rays of the sun; they
are therefore fastened under the houses.

The ornamentation generally consists only of a ridge, fdi\'di, along both edges,
ending fore and aft in a triangle, with a circular centre which was called, joro, presumably
representing an eye (=fore, foche). Below the bow of a women\'s canoe, belonging to the village
chief in Asé, I also saw suspended a bundle of palm leaves, as parkinson [1900, 30]
illustrates of the Berlin Harbour district. In these crafts the women sit on the bottom; they
go in them to the gardens, and, as fig. 125 shows, often several at a time in one boat,
paddling first to the right and then to the left. At Ifar, I could already hear a women\'s
canoe approaching a long way off, by the noise of the paddles dropping together on the
sides of the canoe at the end of each pull, for they are guided by the sound. Whoever wishes
to navigate Lake Sentani safely with native craft, must as Bink [1897\', 188] and also the
expedition did, make use of this kaji, on account of its great loading capacity.

The men\'s canoes, Isja, are of no use for this purpose. Bink [I.e. 189], as well as
Koning [1904, 276], mentions the tsja, but it still deserves particular attention, as it is, as
far as I know, not mentioned with certainty in other parts of N. G. The peculiarity of this
craft consists in its being very narrow (26 c.m.) and short (on the waterline 3 m.), and still
more in this, that, when left to itself, in consequence of the light specific weight (the whole
craft only weighs 12 K. G.) and the high-ending prow, it falls over on its side and then
generally fills. This aptitude for capsizing, of course, increases as soon as a person steps into
it, who, on account of the small width between the edges (in the specimen of the collection,
N°. 657, 16 c.m.) must seat himself on the top of the edges, with his knees in the air and
one foot placed before the other in the canoe. The use of an outrigger would be here
expected, but the Sentani man, and this is the strangest part of it, uses another expedient.
He places his paddle, held in the usual manner with both hands, alongside the canoe in the
water, the blade of the paddle parallel to the axis of the canoe. In this way he obtains a
transverse resistance, by which any inchnation to capsize is prevented. A few times I tried
in vain to sit on an isja-, although I am not unaccustomed to water sport, yet, nothwith-
standing my earnest, persistent, and therefore to the spectators amusing efi-orts, I was unable,
even fot a single moment, to maintain my equilibrium. The Papuans of Humboldt Bay were
equally unsuccessful. Although it appears incredible, it is a fact, that the Sentani man wfith
his isj a is constan tly in unstable equilibrium, and his cleverness deserves sincere

admiration, when it is considered that, in order to obtain the forward movement, the blade
of the paddle must of course be placed more or less transversely, whilst each time when the
paddle is taken out of the water for a fresh stroke, the whole remains for a moment
entirely without any lateral support. The paddle is also used right and left alternately. When
not in motion, the man, in order to obtain the use of his right hand, seizes the paddle
in the middle, the blade being in the water and the handle resting on his left thigh, now
making the necessary compensating movements. If the man wishes to have both hands at
his disposal, he places one leg (koning [1904, 276, the figure to the left]), sometimes also
both legs, over the edge in the water and with them makes the necessary, short, transverse
movements. In this position he can use his bow and arrows. At a sham fight, once held by
request, some men could, whilst resting on one knee in the canoe, the other leg only just
in the water, keep the upper part of their body quite erect.

The people of the Agaiambo tribe (Annual Report [1904—05, 6]), although their canoes are described
as quot;frail and narrowquot;, kneel in the bottom, supporting the body upon their heels. Finsch [1888, 319] mentions
of Guap Island and Caprivi River, fast boats, in which the paddlers cannot place both feet alongside each
other. R0BIDÉ van der Aa [1885, 88] and Horst [1889, 247] both mention crafts of the Witriwai; the
first named states: quot;they are about eight feet in length, nearly round at the bottom and so narrow, that it
is almost impossible to place the legs inside, one in front of the other, but one is obliged to sit on the
edgesquot;; — the second: quot;canoes of a very primitive make, the paddlers being unable to place their legs
alongside each other, whilst they are seated on the edges. On the bar in front of the river mouth, we
saw some men, standing with one leg in their canoe, whilst the other was hanging outside and served as
a paddlequot;. Thomson [1892, 135] describes a small craft of the upper reaches of the Fly River: quot;which
had no outrigger, was from twelve to fifteen feet in length, sharp at both ends, ten inches in breadth, and
about the same in depthquot;. About this craft Macgregor [1897, 55] writes: quot;It seems marvellous how they
can maintain the whole in equilibrium. This is perhaps done by means of the paddlequot;. Especially these
last reports give rise to the supposition that an analogue with the îsja is here described; however for the
present no certainty has been obtained respecting this.

The isja is in the fullest sense of the word a men\'s boat; I never saw a woman
making use of it; on the other hand, boys from 10—12 years old, manage it with the greatest
confidence. The possession at this time of life of a somewhat smaller %sja, depends, no doubt
upon the early age at which boys are here admitted into the men\'s watch-houses. Every
Sentani man, has an tsja all his life, and he cannot really do without it, as he has to go
to the gardens daily, to protect the women. After a visit to a village, the expedition was
generally followed by a swarm of men, each in his own craft (fig. 126). To get inside, he
pushes the canoe ofl:quot; the shore into the shallow water, places a foot in the middle at\'the
bottom, and letting himself down with the nates on both edges, the other leg is pulled
inside and simultaneously the canoe is shoved ofif with the paddle. Fig. 127 plainly shows
that it is really incorrect to talk of a seat (see above, Horst), as the man only rests
with both trochanters on the edges, whilst (fig. 131) really only the lower part of the legs
finds a place inside the hull of the craft. The freeboard at the middle of the boat can be
estimated in the last mentioned fig. as fully handbreadth; loaded with two persons this
is reduced to barely one handbreadth. Thus I saw, now and then, a father removing his son,
whose feet had been bandaged, placed in front of him on the isja, the boy with his face
towards the forepart, and once some of our quite untrained Malay coolies were even

conveyed across in the same. A speed of 6 nautical miles (10—-ii K. M.) is very common;
the weight of the craft hardly enters into consideration, whilst the shape and the smoothness
of the surface below the
waterline reduce the resist-
ance to a minimum. When
not used, the tsja is al-
ways hauled up on dry
land, but so that the bow is
turned towards the water,
and therefore ready for
immediate use. In the after-
noon, when the men had
all returned to the village,
the beach at Asé was al-
most lined with Isja^
can be seen in
Then the water is bailed
out, but in each isja there
is a paddle kept like
N°. 669, about 1.5 m. in

length, of which almost half is formed by the uncarved blade, which is in shape a pointed ellipse.
If an isja has become useless for some reason or other, it is at once cut transversely through
the middle; the planks are after-
wards used for flooring or partitions.
Besides these very simple paddles,
others are found on Lake Sentani, of
which the blade on both sides is enti-
rely covered with a carved fish orna-
ment 670—672, PI. XXII, figs. I
and 2). Amongst many dozens of
paddles which I saw lying in several
Isja, I only once found an ornament-
ed one; besides, ornamented paddles
were generally offered for sale by
women, whilst in fig. 125, with a
magnifying glass the ornament on
the women\'s paddles may be recogni-
sed. And although these ornamented
paddles are manufactured by the
men, they are used by the women.
Moreover, Preuss [1899, 1/4, Pk V, fig. 27] also describes the same paddles as wonlen\'s
paddles; (his indication of origin, viz. quot;Humboldt Bayquot;, is however incorrect). The men\'s paddle
is therefore not ornamented, but the women\'s is. I emphasize this unusual fact, which plead\'s for

the practical sense of the men, preferring smooth, uncarved paddles, because the blade,
serving for the greater part of the time as a support in the water, must slide through the
water like a sword. A carved surface would increase the resistance in the water in an undesirable
degree. For bailing out the water, the long, smooth bract of a palm leaf (N°. 678) is used on
Lake Sentani (see Pl. XXIV, fig. 14), which I found from personal experience, was very well
adapted for the gutter-like bottom of the isja. Another manner of bailing, also known amongst

the Malays, is, by suddenly
pushing the foot, the sole
turned forward, throwing the
water over the side. This
could also be done in the isja,
even whilst it was in motion.

The men\'s boat of
H u m b o Id t B a y is the wdche
or ware. Cut out of a tree,
but higher than it is broad,
the height being increas-
ed by side-boards, hrebdre,
zvachbrebdre, sewn on, and
provided with an outrigger,
it represents a type, which
is found along the whole of
the coast and the islands of
North N. G. to the east of
Point D\'Urville, as far as

K. W. Land. More to the east (Hagen [1899, 218]) the number of side-boards increases, like
in the Murua boats, waga (SèliGMANN [1906, 237]) of British N. G. There is scarcely any
difference between the ends of the hull proper, although the stern is sometimes more perpen-
dicular; otherwise both are curved. The gunwales approach each other in such a manner
that both legs cannot be placed alongside each other, although the width of the hollow is
large enough. The wood of which these crafts are manufactured, light and easely worked,
is not very durable; after a couple of years the boat becomes untrustworthy and is cut up
into planks. In front of each village you see one or more of these crafts being made, often
protected under a roofing, against the rays of the sun. The Tobadi people have their wharf
on a sand bank on the small island of Entjemâg; the people of Ingras theirs on the peninsula
opposite their village.

The collection contains a couple of pieces of a broken-up wdche, (N°. 656), which
show, inter alia, the thickness of the sides {i.y-—2.4 c.m.), of a regularity which certainly
deserves admiration, when it is considered that the Papuan uses no special implements but
only judges of the thickness, by placing the palm of his hands simultaneously inside and outside.
In order to prevent them from bending in or out, two small, transverse planks are inserted at
the middle of the boat, as mentioned of Tumleo by Erdweg [1902, 366]. The ornamentation
of the hull is not obtained by burning, as Van DER Goes [1858, 174] thought, but by carving.

The intaglio carvings, coloured red and black, represent, according to my conviction, birds,
called marau, which are often joined, or meet in threes and fours, with the heads at an ornament
shaped as an angle, called sirebab, but otherwise unintelligible to me. The wings were called
pau, the triangles behind the eyes gaijâr. Sometimes the entire surface of the hull is carved
in this manner, but this, according to my experience, is not seen in Netherl. territory outside
H. B.. Regarding Berlin Harbour, Erdweg only mentions the coloured, uncarved ornament of
the side-boards; parkinson [1900, 32], however, does mention, from here, carved figures on the
hulls of the lagoon crafts, like the women\'s boats without outriggers, and gives of these, two
fine illustrations. finsch [1888a, pi. VII, fig. 2] takes the figures on the gunwales of the
craft of Attack Harbour to be fishes, as De Clercq (De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 94,
N°. 451, Pl. XXIV, fig. 6]) does, who considers the figures on the vaod^i, zvag, waga wdche),
obtained by him in H. B., also to be fishes. On this model as well as on a similar one,
somewhat truer to nature, N°. 654, Pl. XXII, fig. 11, a pecuUarity may be noticed, which
pleads for the interpretation of quot;birdsquot;. For on the latter the figures are alternately repre-
sented with the wings stretched out backwards and forwards, something which cannot be
reconciled with the representation of fins; on the model of De Clercq, the bird at the stern
has two pairs of wings in the forward, and one in the backward position. The usually orna-
mented side-boards or gunwales are (also in Oinake) never wanting, but according to FiNSCH
[1888, 336], [1888a, PL VII, fig. 2], in Attack Harbour these boards are not lashed on, but
worked out of the trunk together with the boat. parkinson, who also visited Attack Har-
bour, only speaks [1900, 30] of boards lashed-on; so does Hagen [1899, 218] concerning the
more eastern parts.
N°. 655 of Oinake, a
toy for children, pos-
sesses no gunwales
lashed on. A good
jointure on the boats
is obtained by shar-
pening the edges of
the hull and providing
the lower part of the
side-boards with a cor-
responding groove; af-
terwards at several
places strong lashings
are applied, of reddish
brown liana, nà, nàre,
or nàche, a material
which is much tougher

than the strips of rattan, which, according to parkinson [1900, 30], are used in Berlin
Harbour; Erdweg [1902, 365] however mentions a similar kind of liana used by the
neighbouring Tumleo. The caulking of the seams and holes is also an important part
of the technique of boatbuilding; in H. B. a kind of elderberry material, sui, is used for

this purpose; in Berhn Harbour, however, (parkinson I c.), powdered nut llt;ernels of Pari-
narium laurinum, in Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 365]) a mixture of soot and the scrapings
of the mside of a soaked bark; more to the eastward (Hagen [1899, 218]) such a resinous
bark unmixed, or (Krieger [1899, 5o]) resin out of Calophyllum znophyllum is used.
That clay is deemed sufficient, as Schellong [1904, 177] mention.s, appears very impropable.
At both ends the side-boards are usually connected by a handsome plaited work of 7iamp;che.
which can be recognised in fig. 129.

The outrigger, in the territory here referred to, is always carried on the starboard
side. According to De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 92], on the islands of Jamna, Masi-
Masi and others, to the east of Point D\'Urville, the outrigger is carried on the port side (?), the
same as in Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 364, 366]). It consists mainly of two wooden cross poles,
wdrtat, m H. B. generally to a length of 5-7 m., somewhat more thick than broad, fastened

with «lt;S-iashings to the hull and to the side-boards, and at this end bent slightly down (see
fig. 130). The longitudinal float, tsam, considerably shorter than the boat itself and at both
ends pointing upwards, is fastened to each of the wartat in a practical manner by means of
two sets of obhque pins.

On the cross poles, which in H. B. also reach a little over the left side of the craft,
the platform is generally placed, which in this bay, on the side opposite to the outrigger
is often provided with a low railing, turned in fig. 129 towards the spectator, in figs. 130
and 133 to be seen to the left.

This railing is the last remnant of the large, i—1.5 m. high frame works, which are placed to the
right and left on the platform of jthe large crafts of K. W. Land (Meyer and Parkinson [1894, PI. 44
and 45; 1900, PI. 10], Hagen [1899,
PL 33], Erdweg [1902, 364, 366]),
for stowing away materials, and
which in Oinâke and more western
parts, are entirely missing. At Tanah
Merah and on Liki (fig. 136), there
is even no longer any question of
a platform proper and the two cross
poles neither reach here over the
side-plank opposite to the outrigger.
The platform, wâkob, is placed (figs.
129, 130 and 133) with its length
exactly between the two cross poles,
reaches on both sides outside the
craft to the extent of 2 or 3 feet, and
consists of longitudinal palm laths;
not transverse as in the Bongu boats
(Finsch [i888% PI. VI, fig. i]) and
not of bamboo, as Van der Goes
[1858, 173] thought; this material
is entirely lacking on the craft. The
palm laths are tied on transverse saplings, sajnrari, in fig. 129 coming out below and which in turn are
fastened to the lengthways saphngs, which are supported by the wariat.nbsp;\'

The above named raihngs, rests on a set of these lengthways spars and the upper edge is also formed
by a couple of these, between which, a set of long, diagonal, ■^ânia, two. sets of cross pieces (small
trestles) and a few short, vertical pieces of wood, the latter resting with their feet on the samrari, are
fastened. This construction, which can be recognised more or less on fig. 129, and to which two
rattan lashings, fastened between the lower and the upper set of spars, also belong, is general
and could hardly be improved upon. Lateral support is obtained by two transverse spars, samrari,
in fig. 130, sticking outside the railing to the left, near fore and after edge of the platform, and
descending towards the other side, where they are jammed between two longitudinal spars, lashed
on to the cross poles. Between these and another set of spars, fixed I\'/a foot farther on the cross poles,
three horizontal, transverse pegs, of which the free ends have been carved into an ornament (bird, snake,
and fish?) are fastened (see fig. 133) and on which (see also figs. 129 and 130) arrows, bows, spears and
sometimes also , the mast and the sail are carried. The bird generally represents the hornbill, but N°. 668
(PL XXII, fig. 7), originally part of such a peg, is a cassowary, châtuar, and in fig. 133 the pig can be
recognised. The principle of these pegs as a depository, is also found elsewhere and they are always
ornamented; on the craft of Liki (fig. 136) they stick out with curved points, not unlike the
heterocercal caudal fin of a shark. In Attack Harbour (Finsch [1888, 336]) their number is only two;
here also the fish ornament (Preuss [1899, PL V, fig. 18]) occurs on them.

fig. S) can be relied upon, as far as the correctness of its origin is concerned. It has the
blade at the lower end continued by a blunt, somewhat thickened point, which is certainly
intended to protect the blade from being damaged when, in fishing on the banks, the paddle
is used as a pole to push with; probably for the same reason the paddles are made so long.
This and the narrowness of the craft, where this is still increased by side-boards inclining
inward, De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 92] attribute to the paddlers standing. With the
same or more right, the contrary may be supposed, viz. that the space between the boards is
reduced in order that they may be able to sit down. I remind the reader of the Isja of Lake Sentani,
which is equally narrow or narrower and in which, on account of the unstable equilibrium,
it is quite impossible to stand upright, whilst the Tugèri in their more roomy dug-outs, paddle
standing (ScHMELTZ [1904, 204]). The N-. 674—676, obtained through the intermediation of
the headman of Tobadi, probably come from somewhere else; — the ornament of the
handle end and especially the blade, being very Hke those, which on the island Tumleo are
used on rudders, (Erdweg [1902, 370, 371, figs. 256, 257]). The leaden ball on N°. 676,
about which they did not feel inclined to give any exact information, is also very suspicious,
whilst the name wdrepii of 674 and 675 is the same as given to the mysteriously orna-
mented pole, met with in the village of Waba (fig. 193), and provisionaUy considered as the
ornament over a grave. The most interesting part of these paddles, the ornament, is until
now almost unintelligible.

Part of the outfit of a Papuan boat is the fire place, for which, along the entire coast
of K. W. Land (Finsch [1888—93, 199] a potsherd is used, placed on the platform (fig. 130,
in the middle, near the fore part). In one single instance, I saw a small carapax used for this
purpose; sometimes a wooden box with a layer of ashes in it (Van der goes [1858, 173]), or
a sheath of a leaf, bent open and covered with sand and ashes (Erdweg [1902, 371]) is seen

The opinions respecting the wdche, as a rowing and sailing craft, vary a good deal with
the different authors. bink [1897, 164] calls them miserable boats, which have a small loading
capacity, answer the rudder badly, sail badly and with hard rowing advance only slowly.
Moolenburgh [1904, 170], who, in May 1903, with two members of the expedition, near
Cape Bonpland, was caught in a heavy squall, thankfully praises the wdche as an excellent
sea-going craft. Very gloomy, on the other hand, is the judgment of Finsch [1888, 351]:
quot;Indeed, it is stated in most books, that the outrigger prevents capsizing, but whoever saw,
as I did, many a canoe tumbling over, knows betterquot; and therefore Finsch decided to
make no experiments with the wdche, which was a pity. Most Europeans are too much
afraid of being capsized on the side opposite the outrigger. But I more than once satisfied
myself, that a person weighing 80 K. G. can safely go to the extreme sides of the platform,
without being able to capsize the boat. The loading capacity of the craft may be judged
from fig. 129, — with a load of seven persons, a large freeboard still remaining. When there
is a sea on, no doubt, the case differs; for the seams and the holes of the lashings often
admit water, and the narrow craft, heavily laden, does not rise quickly enough with the
head seas, and more water enters than can be bailed out. On such an occasion my paddlers
had to get outside to lighten the boat and bail the water out; another time, with a compa-
ratively small wdche, the shore could barely be reached.

The people of Tobadi proved to be indefatigable paddlers, of which they are
not a little proud, often blaming the Sentani people for their poor paddling, and illustrating
with a few strong strokes, how weU the people of quot;-hnbolbaiquot; paddle. With the usual stroke of
50—60 per minute, a speed of ± 4 knots is obtained. With the lower hand the paddle is
taken hold of close to the blade, and this hand consequently reaches, when paddling, far
below the gunwale of the boat and close to the surface of the water. The other hand reaches
up to, or above the head, and does not properly seize hold of the handle, as this is placed
between the index and the 31\'d fmger; but the thumb and the 4th and 5th finger are some-
what bent towards each other. This peculiar grasp can frequently be noticed ; see for instance
Meyer and Parkinson [1894, PI. 34], where the two men to the right, hold their spears in
a similar manner. After the paddle, with the body bent forward, has been placed far ahead
into the water, the lower hand pulls, with the body inclining a little towards this side,
strongly backwards. At the end of the stroke the upper hand, hyper extensioned in the
wrist joint, the palm of the hand placed against the handle, pushes it forward, the oar levered
powerfully, the left hand serving as a fulcrum. The paddle never touches the edges of the boat or
scrapes against the outside, as the surface would thereby soon wear off and get damaged.
With a festive procession, or when spurting, the hindmost paddler, who steers at the same
time, throws with each stroke the foaming water backwards, far and high.

The stages of the pile-dwellings are always approached with the side of the craft,
which has no outrigger. In beaching on a coast with breakers, the craft is first turned,
outside these breakers, with its stern towards the shore, in which way the advantage is ob-
tained, that during the further maneuvring, the bow is turned towards the approaching breakers
and less water is taken in in consequence. The paddlers also turn round inside the boat,
thus facing the shore and now await, standing and looking backwards, a favorable moment.
At once paddling with very quick, short, but powerful strokes, they generally succeed in landing
between two breakers; then, jumping out of the boat, with the same speed, they carry and
haul up the wdche by the cross poles, high and dry. Therefore, where a craft is found lying
on a shore with breakers, the bow is turned towards the sea. To get off a beach, is also
done with great skill, by preference in the early morning, when the breakers are less heavy
than when later on the day the sea breeze sets in. During the east monsoon voyages of
several days are undertaken along the coast, from Humboldt Bay westward till to Jamna,
eastward till to Berhn Harbour, as well for paying visits as for trading purposes. Should the
weather become bad, a more favorable opportunity is awaited on shore, but with a fair wind
they are fond of sailing. I doubt whether they make a harbour every evening (see Seligmann
[1906, 239]), unless in want of provisions. Biro [1901, 73] reports that with a calm they
whistle and blow on a Triton sheU, in order to call the wind.

The pole-m ast, dbiâi, ± 15 feet high, is made of a sapling, the top bifurcated, to receive
the haUiard, and usually ornamented with cassowary feathers. In difierent families (parkinson
[1900, 30]) or villages (Erdweg [1902, 368]) this ornament difiers; and thus it may be considered
as a distinctive signal. As analogous, and again characteristic of the state of affairs amongst
the Jótëfa tribe, the fact may be mentioned, that the people of Ingras and Ingrau are not
aUowed to carry more than one plume, whilst Tobadi asserts its right to 2, 3 and 4 plumes.

For pivoting the mast there are two steps, abe genii, abidi grnii, situated on the
platform, near the fore edge, one at the starboard side, one at the port side. They are formed
upon two athwartship spars, samrari, which actually bear the foot of the mast (see fig. 129,
under the right foot of the man standing in front); but to prevent the slipping of the mast
athwartships, at each step, by means of strong rattan, a pair of fore-and-aft spars is lashed,
fitting between the laths of the platform.

The sail, abtdi, like in British N. G. (Seligmann [1906, 238]) is made of Pandanus
leaves, sewn together horizontally (fig. 132), unHke the sails of Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 368])
and Attack Harbour (Finsch [1888, 336]), which are made of pieces of bark. It is higher than
it is broad, flat-headed, yard and boom, laced to it, being equally long and horizontal. A
single halHard is bent to the yard, somewhat outside the middle, and at the boom, near the
clew of the sail, the sheet is fastened. When not used it is always rolled up, from the bottom
to the top, and laid on the ornamented carrying pegs (page 201).

Running before the wind a very great speed can be attained with these narrow
boats; the same as with the craft of eastern British N. G., which quot;will outsail an ordinary
whaleboatquot; (Mac Farlane [1888, ir;]). In sailing along the coast one has the land- as well
as the seabreaze abeam. Close hauled the wache are of small value, they can\'t beat to
windward and it appears strange to me to read in Pitcairn [1891, 86] of the Wari canoes-
quot;it is surprising how close to the wind they can goquot;. Indeed, by-the-wind they make a
considerable leeway and by tacking at intervals, make very little progress in the direction
from which the wind is blowing (see also Seligmann [1906, 239]).

With regard to the practical sailing with the wdche, reports vary a good deal.
Personal experience and enquiries have taught me, that the m.ast in H. B. is erected on the
platform, close to the fore edge, stepped into one of the two ^Ue genuquot;, namely in the one
which is on the weather side. The model N°. 654 (PL XXII, fig. ri) has only those two
m genii at the indicated places. The mast does therefore not rest on the bottom of the craft,
as customary in Astrolabe Bay (Biro [1901, 74, fig. 37]) nor on the edge of the side wal{
that is opposite the one where the outrigger is, as Parkinson [1900, 30] mentions of the\'
Berlin Harbour district, — for the latter purpose the mast is provided at the lower end
with a deep cutting. In fig. 133 the position of the mast is wrong.

Van der Goes [1858, 174] writes: quot;mast and sail are turned arbitrarily towards the
weather side, in such a manner, that the outrigger is at the lee sidequot;. This would mean that
the mast is always erected at the port side and that the craft only sails ahead when on the
port tack and otherwise, goes astern; in the latter case therefore the mast, which has to
stand before the middle (in the direction of the movement), being erected near the real back
edge of the platform!

To prevent misunderstanding, I must remind the reader, that the outrigger is always
carried in H. B. on the starboard side, the right hand side of the boat, looking forward from
the stern; besides one then has the ornamented prow ahead, which proves that the opinion
of De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 93], that the ornamental prow in H. B. is generally
fastened at the back, is incorrect. Fig. 134, representing a wache sailing backward, shows an
accidental exception to the rule. That the mast is not placed here according to the rule of
Van der Goes and of Parkinson, on the side which is turned away from the outrigger,

but exactly on the side of the outrigger, where the weather side is, can be easily seen.
At Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 367]) the mast is placed on the side-board, on the side of
the outrigger; the large craft have however fixed masts, which is not the case in H. B.;
here craft, with two
masts, as reported by
Finsch [1888—93, 191]
of Finsch Harbour, are
not met with either.

The mast placed
in one of the dbe genii,
then leans forward
against the front ath-
wartship samrari and
is maintained in this
position by a forestay,
from the head to the
stem; a second stay,
the middle one on fig.
134, often passes round
the outside end of a
cross pole and from
here runs back to the

foot of the mast, which it encircles together with the samrari. To take this rope outside,
curiously enough, one of the sailors has to jump overboard for a moment. The third stay is
nothing else but the fall.
All these ropes are manu-
factured out of bark fibres;
I never came across rattan
ropes, as seen by parkinson
[1900, 30] in Berlin Har-
bour. The hoisting of the
sail by one man, I saw
performed in this way, that
the rolled-up sail, held in
the right arm bent upward,
on the weatherside of the
mast, rolled off at the top,
with each pull with the left
hand at the fall, running
over the head of the mast.

Whilst changing his hold with the left hand, our practical sailor held each time the fall
with his teeth. When the sail is unfurled the fall is generally belayed at a point towards
the stern. With a steady breeze and a fixed course, the sheet is also belayed. The danger

of being capsized with a sudden gust of wind, is diminished by the crew always being
prepared to remove themselves as living ballast on to the platform, if necessary to scramble
on the outrigger.

When not used, part of the craft of Tobadi are beached on the north-west point of
Metu Débi (fig. 135), more generally they are tied on to the stages of the houses and only

pulled up when in need of
repair. In Kajo Entsau they
are often placed on the stages,
also on the large platform near
the temple (see Lorentz [1905,
135]), because here in the outer
bay there can be a nasty jump
of a sea. The people of Tarfia
do the same for the same
reason (fig. 96). At Waba, built
on a shallow reef, dry at low
water, and which then cannot
be reached by boats, separate
stages have been constructed,
each consisting of a stage for

the hull and, standing parallel with the stage, two gaffs on which the float rests, all high
enough to be protected against the beating of the waves, even with the highest tides. As
appears from fig. 180 stages and gaff\'s are placed in such a manner that here again the bow is
turned away from the shore.

The women\'s boats used in H. B. belong to the craft without an outrigger, which

are much more numerous in N. G. than
supposed by schellong [1904, 1^6]; they
correspond pretty well with those of Lake
Sentani, and like these generally have no
ornament whatever.

The type of boat, which is met
with to the west of the territory of the
wdche — I first came across this type on
Wiak—, is distinguished by larger width
and by two outriggers. The keel for-
ward, continued in the shape of a heavy
projection with a slightly upward curve,
like the craft of Kwatisoré (fig. 137) show;
an arrangement, which is useful in beaching
and for the better lifting of the bow in the surf. The larger breadth necessitates the use of
transverse planks for seats. The largest breadth is between the edges of the side walls, of
which the height is increased by several sago stalks, fastened horizontally, with the concave
sides turned down. As well on the stem as on the stern, a simple V-shaped piece of wood

is fixed to increase the height, the foreward one, however, often carries an extra orna-
ment (N°. 667); carved ornament on the side walls is entirely wanting. On each side a float
is carried of about the same length as the craft and only pointed and somewhat raised in
front. Six fairly long cross poles
are fastened on the hull, (they
also serve for carrying different
things on), all reaching from one
float to the other, whilst close
to the ends the vertical wooden
pins are tied, which are stuck
into each of the floats, as shown
in fig. 138 of Wakobi. This model
appears to be adopted in Geel-
vink Bay and also on Wiak for
all the larger craft. The one of
Wakobi has a platform of longi-
tudinal laths fixed on the two
middle of the cross poles and
curved upwards, both to the left

and to the right, to form a vertical railing, about 50 c.m. in height. On the biggest of these
dug-outs, cut with iron axes out of the largest giants of the forest, small roofs are built
(fig. 139). Fig. 140 repre-
sents the real Numfor
type, resembling the
model collected by De
Clercq at Ansus (De
Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 94, N°. 450, PL
XXIV, fig. 5]), even the
peculiar wooden erection
immediately behind the
ornamental prow, is not
wanting; the sides having
coloured figures, and in
front with a figure like
N°. 667 of Wari. How-
ever, smaller craft are
also used here, with or
without raised boards of
stalks of sago leaves, in
front, with a somewhat

same piece, a short cross piece, sometimes also a large, wooden ring, as on N°. 677 (PL XXIV,
figs. 12, 12a). The canoes of Angadi, in which the expedition navigated Lake Jamur and the
Urama River, flowing towards the south, are fairly broad, without outriggers and without
sideboards, and nothwithstanding, of a large carrying capacity. Stem and stern are straight

up and down, whilst on the
inside small pieces of wood
have been left, to fix on planks,
as seats. I have not noticed
on them any arrangements
for sailing, although during
the visit of the expedition,
6tli—12th August 1903, a fresh
S. E. monsoon blew every
afternoon on the lake. Neither
did I observe any difference
between the men\'s and the
women\'s canoes. A great part
of the inhabitants had, however,
fled in boats, and of these I
only saw three.

The ornamental prows
used in New Guinea, are well worth noticing, not only because they are so widely distributed
(on the north coast of the Netherl. territory they are only wanting at Takar (De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 93]), partly even (Uhle [1886, 2]) running parallel with the extension
of the Melanesian race, but also because, differing in the various territories, they offer a

means to define culture areas, all the
more important, because to these ornaments
the opinion of Haddon [1S94, 250] may
be applied that, quot;the art of a people has
an intimate relation with their religion
(using this term in the widest significance).
A considerable portion of savage art is,
or has been primarily religious in char-
acterquot;. According to Uhle\'S opinion,
several times confirmed for Geelvink Bay,
the objects illustrated in the bow or stern
have a talismanic meaning, and the infor-
mation obtained about a stern ornament
of Masi Masi (De Clercq and Schmeltz

[1893, 97, N°. 473]), viz. to attract the fishes, possibly means something of this kind. Among.st
all the varieties in the shape, the ornamental prows of H. B. offer a uniformity of the motives,
in which some of the largest inhabitants of the sea are illustrated. The S-shaped,
coloured ornamental prow (N°\\ 658—661) is exclusively carried in front; this to correct the

report of De Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 93]). A loose ornament tied on to
both stem and stern, as illustrated by Finsch [1888, 358] of Humboldt Bay, I have also
never noticed. He may have seen this a little more eastward, in Berlin Harbour, although
the object is here much less important and simply consists of knee-shaped, coloured pieces
of wood (Erdweg [1902, 364, fig. 249]).

De Clercq gives some information as to the meaning of the figures [I.e., N°. 468
and N°. 469, PI. xxv, figs. 2 and 11], supposing that amongst them Echidna also occurs;
this animal is however unknown in these parts, as was proved when an illustration of it was
shown to the natives. Preuss [1899, 168] has, however, guided by a much larger quantity
of material, given an extensive explanation of the formerly, little understood figures, and at
the instance of von den Steinen, indicated the oval pieces between two fish bodies as the
two tails touching each other (tail-ovals). Being unaware of this discovery, the same thing
had already become clear to me by questioning the people of Tobadi. From this it appeared
further, that the bird\'s head, wamdi, which forms the fore part, represents the cormorant
[Graculus carbo), at the neck of which there is a crop-shaped excrescence,/^re tiige, (see
PI. XXIII, figs. 3 and 4, at a). The scrotum (PI. XXIII, fig. 4 at b), of the dog figure (no
cuscus !), occurring on the bill, was indicated by the same name. It .simply means bag, in
this case a crop, fiUed with fish. Behind the bird\'s head there is a carved piece (figs.
3a and 4a from a to b), according to Preuss [1899, 169, PI. v, fig. 9a, x) quot;wings, either or
not bipartitequot;. On my objects it is clear, that the front part {a—c) represents the wings,
the back part {c—b) the spread-out tail ; on a few prows of the Berlin Museum, the
material of Preuss, the same thing can be recognised, especially where the tail is narrower
than the outstretched wings. Whether these wings and this tail belong to the large bird\'s
head, seems doubtful ; they have somewhat different name : waime, according to dumas a
small, black, sparrow-like bird, which is sometimes seen on the roofs. Immediately behind the
waime a yellow fish figure (figs. 3 a and 4a from b to d), usually with curved gill slits (fig. 3
near b, fig. 4 near c, fig. 4 a near e) is noticed, and besides, one finds two sets of paired
fish figures, the heads turned away from each other and the tails placed against each other,
encircling an oval hole, dib\'Ô-, each of these two parts of the tail was called chase. Of each
set of fishes, the one turned down (or back), coloured red, has a blunt head and represents
the shark, oi, the other fish always has a pointed head and particularly also an indication
of teeth in the slit of the mouth, all certainly characteristic of the animal here represented,
whilst the greater or smaller length probably depends on the room available. It represents
an animal quot;living in the sea and larger than a human beingquot;, it was said. Sometimes it was
called gârèbe or g\'drep, sèrewâche or sèrëbdche-, the latter name was, alternately with the name
teri (also mentioned for the saw (serra) of the sawfish, N°. 5 54), equally applied to the yellow
unpaired figure, which, with its tail-end again encircling a hole, chase, reaches under the
bird\'s wings. I therefore presume, that the sawfish is meant here. The head of the unpaired
sawfish has the shape of a square broadening, the „Zwischenplattequot; of preuss, carrying some-
times on the upper (outside) surface, and again at other times on the lower (inside) surface, a
dental cross hne (mouth and teeth; see also preuss [i.e., pi. v, fig. 9 a]). On the lower end,
no or wdche meti no, of the ornamental prow, yellow painted figures are carved on both sides,
taken by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 96] and by preuss [1899, 171, pl VI, fig. 28] for

flying birds; I, however, look upon them as fishes and heard the name sUabiine or smubane
mentioned, (another member of the expedition understood: serungüne) once only it was
called : oi = shark; no certainty was obtained regarding this. The name sjori, which De Clercq
[I. c.] gives for the ornamental prow of H. B., has not been mentioned to me by the people
of Jótëfa, they always talked of wdche mM; the stem ornament of Tanah Merah 662
(Pl. XXII, fig. 6) was, however, called sori, which comes very close to sjori. This object
furnishes, in its being uncoloured and carelessly finished, the proof that here the western
limit of this style of prow is approached; nevertheless all the representations of animals
can still be traced on it. Of the territory, which adjoins to the west, De Clercq [L c.
Pl. XXV] and Uhle [1886, PL I, figs. 4 and 6] illustrate fine objects, e.g. of Jamna and
Podena. But the latter\'s opinion, that the area of distribution of these ornamental prows with
handles, passes in the west, near Wakidé, in east longitude 139° 5\', directly on to the Geel-
vink Bay type has proved incorrect, in so far as between these, a territory is still to be found
with ornamental prows as on the craft of Liki, fig. 136. (As an exceptional case, this craft
lies with its stern towards the sea). These ornamental prows (N°K 663—664, PL XXII,
figs. 9 and 10) have two small, diverging planks, which placed on the hull, join the
side-boards. In this respect they resemble the shapes of Geelvink Bay, of which the influence
is also considered by Preuss [1899, 163] to reach as far as Takar and the Arimoa
Islands. However, the heads, which occur on them, largely resemble those on the above
named prows of De Clercq [I.e., 97] and Uhle, which heads are looked upon as human
heads, with the tongues sticking out. I do not know whether this information has been
obtained from the natives themselves, but judging by a specimen of Korido [1. c., PL XXIV,
fig. 2] it appears to me, that the beak-like nose with nose wings is not necessarily applied
to a human figure, but also, as in this instance, to the figure of a dog. Still more: the head
on the prow of Liki (N°. 663) was explained to me as piakore (Bink [1902, 7]: /za/èör = black
bird of paradise), the one on the stern (N°. 664) as k\'Ökär, which is supposed to represent
the black crested Micr0glossus. I observe, that the crests which occur on the heads of
the prow from Podena (Uhle [1886, PL I, fig. 6]), can be more easily interpreted as birds\'
crests than as human hairdresses.

665 and 666 (PL XXII, fig. 8) of Kwatisoré and N°. 667 of Wari entirely correspond
with the type, which is found in the south of Geelvink Bay.

As far as the technique of these ornaments is concerned, it would appear that at
several places the smaü, round holes have been made by red hot, iron pins. As to the
meaning of this ornament the reader is referred to uhle. Of the unornamented, high, wooden
prows (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 92, fig. 36]), common in Geelvink Bay with big
craft, fig. 139 gives a good illustration, whilst fig. 140 shows the ornamented prow of a
Numfor canoe, in the road-stead of Manokwari.

I did not see ornamental prows on the craft of Lake Jamür; the drawing fig. 178, however,
on the wall of the house on fig. 80, made with linie, and which represents a boat with one
superior and three ordinary warriors, shows a high prow, from which I conclude, that on
warlike expeditions, ornamented prows are used.

N^. 654. Pl. XXII, fig. ii. i/g- Wâche. Ingrâs; model of men\'s boat, hollowed out of white wood; a
toy, not exactly true to nature. On and near the front edge of the platform, wdkob, as well to the
right as to the left, a strong support, âbè genu, âbiaigenû, for the mast, dbiâi-, the head of this with
bifurcation and ornamented with cassowary feathers, chdtuar arti-, cord stays towards bow, stern and
transversely, towards end of hindmost cross pole, wdriât-, side-boards, brebâre, and hull painted: birds
with wings in a forward and backward position, and with several appendices; head sometimes repre-
sented by one or three dashes. Fore stay missing.

N°. 655. Oinâke; model of men\'s canoe, 76 c.m. in length, diameter of hull 10.5 c.m., opening 4 c.m.
wide; no side-boards; prow, longer than stern, with barbs along lower margin. Cross pole 65 c.m.
long and sticking out 10 c.m. at the port side; platform (incomplete) and railing see page 201. Child-
ren\'s toy, found under a house.

N°. 656. Ingras; two pieces of the wall of men\'s boat, thickness 1.7—2.4 c.m.; upper edge sharp and
showing by a 2 c.m. broad, light coloured border, how far the side-board overlapped. Carved with
bird (fish) figures, mdrau, the heads of 2 figures continued in curved bands and 5 figures, all with
the heads turned towards a carved, angular band, sèrebâb (see also fig. 177).

N°. 657. Tsja. Asé; men\'s canoe, out of a trunk of yellowish white, specific light wood. Keel, èdu, ètu,
rounded, towards both ends with a flat, projecting extremity; sidewalls, ènewai, slightly convex, along
edges with a ridge, fârôi, ending fore and aft in a carved (eye?) ornament, pro-, round stern,
niori, meri, an ornamental border. On lower part of prow, ebegwe, amidships, a longitudinal row of 4
carved points, kara, on upper part one of 6 points, both passing in front on to a bowsprit, ko, at
the foot with 4 circular notches. Length over all, 4.76 m., on waterfine, 3 m.; draught, with board
22.5 c.m., extreme beam, 26 c.m., depth of hull, oi, 19 c.m., beam between the edges in the middle,
16 c.m.; bowsprit, 27 c.m.; weight, 11.95 K. G.

N°. 658. Wdche meti. Tobadi; S-shaped wooden ornament for stem of men\'s canoe, wdche, front part
pointing upwards 60°, represents bird\'s head (Graculus = wanidi) with crop, foretûge, 2 eyes and
long beak, suge, (at the point a projection pointing down (hooked bill) is broken off); on this a dog,
gonje, the head, with eyes and mouth-slit, 4 paws, each with 3 toes carved on the beak; his tail on and
over the bird\'s head, connected with bird\'s wings and a broad bird\'s tail (of a kind of sparrow = wazw^).
Behind this, the tail and body of a sawfish (?) gdrep, gdrèbe, sèi\'ebâche or teri with a flat, square,
inclined head, on which 2 black spots, as eyes. On front side of vertical part, a set of 2 fishes with
wooden projections as fins, jotûge, tails, chase, against each other, encircling a round opening, dibo-,
the upper one, serebâche, with a pointed, long beak, as far as bird\'s crop, the lower representing a
shark, oi, with round head and slit beak; horizontal end, wdche meti no, with transverse hole, dibo-,
upper part with set of fishes as before, sides with carved ornament, âne senobiine, consisting of 3 eye
ornaments and a fish figure. Painted red, yellow, white and black; loop for suspending of bark fibre.

N°. 659. PI. XXIII, figs. 3 and 3^ 1/4- Wdche meti. Tobadi; like N°. 658, bird\'s beak with slit; ends
of bird\'s wings not touching the tail; quarters of dog in relief; side projections (fins) on unpaired
animal figure, carved eye and transverse, dental carving on square head part; upper serebâche with
teeth. Painted as above.

N°. 660. PI. XXIII, figs. 4 and 4^ 1/4- Wdche meti. Tobadi; fike 659 bird\'s crop red, with black
and white spots, ends of wings (fig. near c) free; dog with small projections as ears and scrotum,
foretûge, (fig. 4 near b)-, unpaired figure on both sides of body with curved gill slits (fig. 4 near c,
fig. 4^ near e), head with eyes and transverse, dental line.

661. Wdche meti. Tobadi; as before, total length 71 c.m.; on back of bird\'s beak only an oval

excrescence; ends of wings connected with edges of tail; both sèrebâche with teeth in mouth-slit;
unpaired animal figure with fins, gill slits, but no transverse carving on square part.

N°. 662. PI. XX, fig. 6. \'/g. Söri. Tanah Merah; as before, but less curved and not painted; bird\'s
beak straight, crop pointed, behind and under the head, an excrescence with eye ornament, on both
sides of neck carvings (wings and tail?); unpaired animal figure without tail, on both sides of body
3 gill slits; head part rounded and with eyes; horizontal, paired figures with double mouth-slits; end
with transverse rows of triangles, in front corner a fish figure.

663. PI. XXII, fig. 9. \'/e- Tobâdi; as before, in the shape of two smah planks, meeting in an angle,
on outside with connected fish figures in relief; in front, at the point, an erect head, kökar {Micro-
glos sus), bent somewhat backwards, with crest, from which the nose ridge descends; to this nose
wings; eyes circular, mouth-slit as two horizontal carvings, between which, a relief ridge; in the
planks two holes for lashings. Derived from more western parts; see fig. 136.

N°. 664. Pk XXII, fig. 10. Vg- Muri tabor. Tobâdi; stern ornament belonging to and in the style of
N°. 663; but the point continued obhquely upwards, in a blunt end with carved button. Side-planks
carved as above, port side moreover with five pointed star; crest on narrow skull; nose beak-shaped;
mouth-slit partly double; to the right and left along back part of head a dog (?) figure, the paws on
a vertically carved band; in front and at ends of side-planks, transverse holes for lashings. The head
is said to represent the black bird of paradise, piaköre. Origine as above.

N°. 065. PI. XXII, fig. 8. Vs- Horie. Kwatisoré; a plank, 7 m.m. thick, on both margins along plain
middle strip, coloured systems of curls and hooks in open work; upper part unfinished, but the
plan superficially carved and some round holes burnt in; caught between 2 wooden strips; on top
squatting, human figure, jömeno idjè, feathers, wèhegrè, of cassowary, töfabrè, instead of hair, and
above this a plume of yellowish brown feathers, mabrugre. (See Uhle [r886, 2, PI. II, figs. 2, 5 and 8];
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 94, N°. 456, PI. XXIV, figs. 9 and 9a]).

N°. 666. Todie. Kwatisoré; of yellowish brown wood, length 47, breadth ± 9 c.m.; at top 6 c.m. thick,
lower down thicker and with a deep slit (in the plane) and holes burnt in for fastening on canoe;
upper end represents human head, mounted with cassowary feathers, topabrè-, limbs and body open
worked on a transverse part; four arms, knees drawn up as far as elbows, feet curled upward. (See
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 95, N°.\' 457 and N°. 462, Pk XXIV, figs. 3 and 4] of Wanda-
men and Supiori).

N°. 667. Manga numè. Wâri; as before, in the shape of squatting human figure, 22 c.m. in Iength;head
cylindrical, hair of vascular bundles of Arenga leaf sheaths, mansimak, eyes and ears oval; nose
as vertical ridge, with pierced point continued as far as the mouth and chin; neck, octagonal; open-
worked body and limbs in frontal plane; lower arms upwards, knees drawn up against arms, feet
with short side projections as toes. Used on smah craft. (See De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 95,
N°. 457; 96, N°. 465, PI. XXIV, fig. 3 and fig. 8] of Tandia and of Wardo; Uhle [1886, N°. 4533,

N°. 668. PI. XXII, fig. 7. ^/j,. Châtuar. Tobâdi; figure of cassowary out of brown wood, 2 c.m. thick;
head with comb, carved eyes and beak-slit; in front a short projection (representing bunch of coarse
feathers, hanging frona breast); body with longitudinal carvings and continued into a stem; painted
black, white and red. Ornamented carrying peg of a canoe.

N°. 669. Tern. Asé; for men\'s canoe, isja-, of dark brown wood; cylindrical handle, kö, 2 c.m. thick, 77 c.m.
in length, of which by a circular carving, fori, sum, a grip, ömö, koba, r i c.m. long, is marked off;
blade,/^ze*, ïnè, oblong oval, 71 c.m. long, and 11 c.m. broad, edges rather sharp.

N°. 670. PI. XXII, fig. 2. \'/g. Tent. Asé; for women\'s canoe, kaji\\ blade on both sides with fish figures,
the long jaws, each with an eye and a fish figure; body taken up by 2 similar fish figures and rudi-
mentary eye ornaments (?); long fins; tail also formed into a fish figure; intaglio parts smeared over
with red clay, refief parts black; 4 transverse, black stripes at edges. (See Preuss [1899, PI. V, fig. 27]).

N°. 671. Tern. Asé; like N°. 670; grip marked off by 2 carvings; blade broader and 6 c.m. longer; body
of fish figure with central eye ornament and 6 fish ornaments.

N°. 672. PI. XXII, fig. I. \'/s-nbsp;Asé; like N°. 670, near grip, 6 carvings, the end flat; body and jaw

of fish figure with spirals, and barbed centre; breast fins narrow and short; only 3 transverse, black
stripes at the edges.

N°. 673. PI. XXII, fig. 5. i/g. Sijau. Tobadi; of heavy, brown wood; handle, sijauno, 117 c.m. in length,
of which 17 c.m. as grip; oval blade, at lower end with blunt appendix; handle continued on both
sides of blade in a relief figure, alongside of which, another, sijau ane. (See De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 100, N°. 485, PI. XX, fig. 9], Parkinson [1900, PI. XX, fig. 5, middle figure], Preuss [1899,
PI. V, figs. 24 and 26]).

N°. 674. PI. XXII, fig. 3. 1/3. Warepu. Tobadi; like N°. 673, handle 82 c.m. long, thickened end carved
with 2 eye ornaments, of which the 4 triangles open worked and with head of crocodile; blade,
oblong oval, the upper ^/j with carvings, isjau ane, bird (?), of which, parts and additions modified as
snake motives; alongside of head covered with comphcated carvings; relief ornament black, remainder
with broad, transverse, red stripes. Obtained from village chief of Tobadi; perhaps coming from
somewhere else. (See Parkinson [1900, PI. XX, fig. 3]; Erdweg [1902, 371, figs. 256 and 257]).

N°. 675. PI. XXII, fig. 4. i/g. Warepu. Tobadi; like N°. 674, handle no c.m., grip toothed and with
black rings; on blade, bird figure (half black, half red), connected with other bird and snake figures.
Obtained like 674.

N°. 676. Warepu. Tobadi; like 674, handle 114 c.m. long, grip with opened crocodile (?) mouth
(jaws of unequal length), each with set of eyes and quot;prominent valvular nostrilsquot; (Haddon [1894,
53]); out of mouth the remainder of handle projects; middle figure of blade, snake-shaped. A leaden
ball sticks in blade; result of hostile encounter?

N°. 677. PI. XXIV, figs. 12 and 12=^. \'/s- Boris. Manokwari; of heavy, brown wood, grip ring-shaped;
passage to handle represented by an opened mouth; blade, in same plane as ring, quadrangular.

N°. 678. Chmkai. Asé. baler, out of gutter-shaped bract of a palm; 31 c.m. long.

After the discovery of N. G. by the Europeans it gradually became evident, that,
already a long time before, the inhabitants of the Netherl. East Indies carried on trade with
the western part of the island and principally bartered metals, pottery and cotton fabrics
for massoi bark, nutmegs and turtle shell. Slave-trade was also very flourishing at that time
and long afterwards.

On the west coast it was especially the people from Ceram (Laut Isles), but also from
Mangkasar, arriving with the west monsoon and returning with the east monsoon, who had
conquered the trading territory and monopolized it (Van der Goes [1858, no, 121]), which
even gave rise to Mohammedan settlements on that coast. (Van Dissel [1904a, 617]). The
importance of the Ceram trade may e. g. be deduced from this fact, that the expedition
having penetrated from the southern shore of Geelvink Bay as far southward as Lake Jamur,
had reached the trading territory of the Ceram people, as appeared from many objects made of
metal, cotton fabrics, Patani boxes, etc. The Ceram people themselves do not penetrate as
far as this lake, but the natives of the lake (Angadi) go down the Wa Udu River, a tribu-
tary of the Urama River, to the south-west coast, where this stream forms three mouths.
The middle mouth, or the settlements on it, they called Opa, the one eastward, Nariki.
East of this mouth, the Pura-Mountain (Buru?) was situated on the sea, and still further east,
the Gomagwa River flows into the sea.

From Opa going to the west, the island of Agara (Lakahia?) is found, and on the
coast lies a row of villages: Agara, Mawata, Wai, Narèta and KÖpamütu; the latter village
situated on an i.sland, at the entrance of a large bay, called Paparo (Etna Bay). Another
village Arèga, called Jamür ketjil by Ceram people, was mentioned. The natives of Agara
were said to have killed three foreigners some years before (Webster\'s surprise in Etna Bay).
With the above information it will be possible to find out along what water-roads trade has
reached Lake Jamur.

Also at Mapar, which may be reached from Geelvink Bay (San\') in a three days\'
march in a westerly direction, I found objects obtained from Ceram traders, imported from

a place on the west coast. These commodities are very precious, in consequence of the
long transport by land (a fourteen days\' march). Multi-coloured cotton cloths, i m. square,
called \'^kain timor\' by the Malay guide, are highly valued by the natives, each being worth
a wife. These cloths are adorned with a plume of cuscus skin in the middle, and one border
is ornamented with a number of similar little pieces, feathers, bird\'s heads, etc. forming a kind
of fringe. The main colour is red, but parahel to the ornamented border run dark blue and
yellow stripes. Along the same road of transport, old single-barrelled guns are obtained. In
this connection I remind the reader of the information by VoN ROSENBERG [1875, 104], that
also the Hatam people exchange commodities of Ceram origin from MacCluer Gulf, for tobacco.
From Geelvink Bay the people at Mapar as well as at Horna (to be reached in a five days\'
march inland) obtain parcels of blue cotton goods (see page 94); in the latter village a six
feet high pile of those parcels was in stock, not only used for clothing however, but also as
a medium of exchange, circulating till they become rotten.

The princes of Tidore formerly exerted a great influence on the western islands,
the west coast and the territory of Geelvink Bay; however, they acted more from political
motives than from trading interests.

Ternatian traders and hunters perform their dangerous work all along the
north coast and in Geelvink Bay; they may be considered as the pioneers of foreigners.
Wherever the members of the expedition wished to penetrate into the interior, they nearly
always came across these men, who could often serve as guides or interpreters, owing to
their local knowledge. So the discovery on the island of All of a 4 lb. iron weight, bearing
the date 1758 or 1738 (Parkinson [1900, 19]) need not be wondered at.

Now that in the last decennaries, steamers under different flags touch N. G., the
importance of the trade in H. B. has also increased, and by the time a steamer is expected,
the boats of different villages on the coast gather there (see also Horst [1889, 251]).

Of more ethnographic interest than this sort of commerce, especially more attractive
than the ill-reputed labour-trade of the eastern coasts, are the commercial relations, existing
among the Papuans mutually, the great extent of which has only become known of late, and
by the enlargement of the heading quot; Verschleppungenquot; has caused a great commotion in the
camp of ethnographers. Every quot; Verschleppungquot; however, indicates particular relations between
tribes, villages or persons, worth knowing. There is a communication by land between oppo-
site coasts: between the MacCluer Gulf and Geelvink Bay, probably also between the S. W.
coast (across Lake Jamur) and Geelvink Bay. There is also much to be said in favour of the
opinion, maintained by Haddon [1894, 256] and Schmeltz [1896, 113], that using the Fly
River as a culture-route the same thing would take place between the Papuan Gulf and the
north coast.

The great interest of the coasting-trade, all the more important because of the
navigation connected with it, may be understood from examples such as the pottery-trade of
Port Moresby. According to Haddon [190i, 248], sometimes a fleet of twenty lakatois, with
a crew of some six hundred men, each of whom would take about fifty pots, would sail
towards the Papuan Gulf (see Macgregor [1897, 56], Annual Report [1902—03, 18, 19],
[1904—05, 69—72]). EquaUy important is the pottery-trade of Bilibili. De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 91] give an interesting account of the coasting-trade on the north and west

coast of the Netherlands territory, to which I must add, the trade in pigs, delivered by Sekâ
to H. B., the trade in bodily ornaments, productions of the industry at Tarfia, carried on
along a great part of the coast (see pp. 89 and loi), and the trade of diligent Serué, on
the south coast of Japen, to other places in Geelvink Bay (Kwatisoré).

It is evident, that the coasting-trade, is ruled by the monsoons, not only by the con-
stant winds, but also by the strong currents they cause. The Ceram people land on the west
coast in May and return in June (Van der Goes [1858, 122]); the trade in pottery and
sago in the Papuan Gulf is carried on in October towards the end of the south-east monsoon
(Haddon [1901, 248]), the trade of Bilibili on the north coast, during the calm sea of the
south-east monsoon (parkinson [1900, 40]), and navigation is almost given up there (Erdweg
[1902, 371]) from November till March, during the north-west monsoon. On the north coast,
westerly currents are strongest, and so the drifting of boats from east to west, as Ellis
[1888, 51] mentions, when meeting with natives from K. W. Land on the island of Liki, occurs
more than from west to east.

The trade of the natives from the interior with those from the coast, can hardly
be called free-trade, for nearly everywhere, at least on the west and north coast, the natives
from the interior or from the mountains, are the sufferers, and are, to a certain extent, at
the mercy of the inhabitants of the coast, who fix the value of the productions and obtain
great profits with little trouble. Nachrichten [1888, 226] and Hagen [1899, 221] also mention
a similar supremacy exercised by the population of the coast. Their jealousy is the cause that
modern commodities do not directly penetrate into the interior [I.e. 219] and so my Hum-
boldt Bay interpreter begged me, not to barter modern things in Asé, these objects not yet
being known in H. B. itself. When, however, our looking-glasses, knives, etc. had become
very abundant in H. B., the natives went with these productions to Lake Sentani, in order to
exchange them for antique, valuable beads (see below). The above mentioned trading supre-
macy generally extends only to the nearest villages of the interior, which in their turn, carry
on the trade with places situated farther on. Whoever undertakes an excursion with guides or
porters from the coast villages, usually experiences that those people do not go any farther
than the nearest inland village, where other people must be supplied. More than once, those
porters suddenly left the expedition in the lurch ; the coast people of Kwatisoré held their
heads so high, that they absolutely refused to carry any loads, but on good payment they were
willing to send for natives from the interior (Nagramadu) to act as porters. So it is generally
the mountaineers, who come to the coast on foot, and the expedition often succeeded in
meeting with such inland natives in coast villages, as Bawé, Sari and Tobadi, and could
engage the women (see Pratt [1906, 323]) as burden-bearers. Hagen [1899, 220] mentions
periodical market-days, Macgregor [1897, 72] market-places, things, which are unknown to
me from Netherlands N. G.. Tobadi has commercial relations, e. g. bartering sea-fish for sago,
chiefly with the village of Asé, and a friendly relation exists between the families of both
villages, of course mingled with some humility on the side of Asé. So not only marriages,
which may be considered as a sort of trade, take place, but also business friends or their
relations are entertained for a time. The village of Waba has more commercial dealings with
Ajapo; Ifar seems to carry on trade with the villages on the north coast, across the passes
of the Cyclops Mountains, while the western part of Lake Sentani has intercourse with Tanah

Merah, and also deals with the tribe ofthe Djangu (MoolenburGH [1904, 170]), south of the lake.

The expedition also experienced, that communication in New Guinea, especially in the
rainy season, when extensive, low lying woods are entirely flooded, offers the greatest difficulties.
Rivers are bridged over by a single tree (annual report [1896—97, 13], [1897—98, 2ij;
Seligmann [1906, 236]), or by trees felled from opposite sides, crossed and fastened in the
middle, like the Ingsiim River, fig. 142. Sometimes a narrow trunk is supported by piles
(Macgregor [1897, 87]), and when the bridge consists of a slender palm, a rattan rope
stretches breast high
from bank to bank.
Fine suspension bridges
of bamboo (?) (Pratt
[1906, 128]), and similar
ones of rattan, as PlT-
cairn [1891, 241] and
Thomson [1892, 90]
mention and illustrate
of the Vanapa River,
have not, however, been
found in Netherlands
New Guinea.

The path through
the forest is generally
marked by some tracks
on the ground, and by
the cutting off of boughs
here and there; every
now and then ashes and

kitchen refuse indicate halting places, while for the night\'s rest little sheds have been built on
river banks. The march proceeds in a quick tempo; in front generally a man, announcing the
approach by loud cries, behind him the loaded women, their loads on their backs, the straps
across their foreheads, behind these the armed men. Here I give the general advice to engage
the porters, if possible, without being compelled to supply them with food; the male and female
porters of the expedition, sometimes appeared to be so fond of our rice, that they purposely
attempted to make small day marches, in order to share our food for a longer time.

The question whether an established article exists as measure of value, has been
answered by FiNSCH [1888—93, 222, 223] for K. W. Land in this meaning, that strings of
Nassa shells, slices of Conus shells [1. c. PI. 6, figs. 3 and 4] and also the teeth of dogs are used
as currency, the latter article also mentioned of the Gogol River (Nachrichten [1891, 51]).
The abnormally bent boar\'s tusk (FiNSCH [1888^ PI. XXI, fig. 2]), and its imitation (Hagen
[1899, 171, PI. 28]), however, form the most desirable earthly good. In British N. G. stone adzes
form a kind of currency (Macgregor [1897, 58]); further information is given in Annual
Report [1904—05, 69—72].

Regarding Netherl. N. G. the Trochus rings (p. lOl) and the stone hatchets (p. 176)

have already been mentioned, but of more universal use as currency all over Papua Talandjang
are antique beads. I have gathered some seventeen of these beads, of 8 different sorts
(N°^ 68i—692, PI. XXIII, figs. 5 — 15). They have the shape of a low (short) cyhnder, some-
times flat like a mill-stone, sometimes bulging out hke a cask. The latter sort often has a
faint ridge in the plane of the largest diameter, (see N°. 690, PL XXIII, fig. 12 ; 688 has
such a prominent ridge, that it looks like a double frustum).

These beads are all made of coloured glass, the hardness of which has been defined
by Prof. WiCHMANN between 5 and 5,5. A single one, N°. 688, shows several colours, but I
believe such are not considered to be so real as the others. Some are of a clear trans-
parent material (N°^ 681—684), the others are only slightly translucent. The surface of
both species, however, has become dim by long use. Moreover, in most of the beads, the
surface shows many small holes, more or less filled with dirt, whilst deep in the interior,
bubbles are to be seen. In the transparent beads, dark blue, hght blue and light sea-green,
it can be discerned, that where the fewest bubbles are found in the interior, as in the sea-
green ones, also the fewest holes are discovered on the surface.

The semi-translucent ones are brimstone-coloured, vernal-green or light sky-blue; the
first named are generally covered with the little holes, looking like black dots, the green ones have
fewer dots, the blue ones still fewer. By the aid of a microscope, the actual mass of glass of the
brimstone-coloured ones, has been proved to be wholly colourless; the colour of the bead is
caused by little spots, lying in it, and by irregularly shaped, little pieces of an unknown material.

The question how the technical manufacturing of these beads took place, can
be answered with a high degree of certainty. Spiral furrows and folds occurring on
the flat sidesnbsp;686—688), prove that the mass of glass was not thin liquid during the

manufacturing, and the coloured spiral stripesnbsp;689—692), that the mass, moreover,

was not entirely of one colour, ergo not homogeneous of mixture. These furrows and stripes,
are not interrupted at the central aperture, but seem to circulate round it, from which the
conclusion may be drawn, that the bead was not perforated after cooling, — as may be done
with a soft gimlet and hard grinding-powder (RiVETT—Carnac [1902, 7]), — but that the
hot, half hquid mass has been turned and cooled round a solid axis of other material. The
deepened, spiral furrows on the upper-plane and under-plane, moreover, prove that each bead
has been manufactured separately and has not been cut out of a longer glass cylinder. The
transparent beads which have no furrows or stripes, show the elliptical bubbles, with
their length parallel to the circumference of the bead, proving, that here too, the
mass of glass was not thin hquid and that by turning round the axis, the spiral strata of glass
shifted along each other. Wear and tear, not only brought the bubbles to the surface, looking
like sharp edged, small holes, but also took away the superficial shining, which only
remained in the furrows.

Sections of currency beads, at present in the Mineralogical Geological Museum
at Utrecht, prove what has been said above. N°. 5553 (PI. XXIV, fig. 8, ^/J, section of a
green bead, clearly shows the spiral arrangement of the stripes, lying more circular near the
centre, round the aperture. N°. 5551 of the same collection also very clearly shows the stripes.
N°. 5554, section of a yellow bead from Tobadi, is homogeneous, it however shows the typical
shape and position of the bubbles.

I must also draw the attention to the beads of a man\'s necklace (N°. 375, PL XIII,
fig- 3)j made of white, semi-translucent glass, nearly spherical, supphed with a narrow hole, and
having from pole to pole some fourteen superficial ridges, as also occur on Borneo beads
(Nieuwenhuis [1904, PL XIX, figs. 30—36]), all the ridges separated by sharp furrows. The
section made of such a bead (PL XXIV, fig. 7, again shows the spiral drawing, in a sur-
prising way, and also, that the strata bend in at the furrows and out at the ridges. This means
technically, that the furrows are not made after cooling, by filing or cutting, but have been
impressed whilst the bead was soft, without cutting the strata. An expert of the glass-industry,
declared to me, that the manufacturing of this technical masterpiece was beyond his under-
standing. The above mentioned specimens, however, do not belong to the quot;überfangenequot;
beads, which are manufactured by successive immersion into different masses of molten glass,
for in this way circular furrows and stripes are obtained, not spiral ones.

These currency beads, according to moolenburgh [1904, 169], are found as far West
as Pt. D\'Urville, as well among the coast tribes as among the mountain tribes. In Walckenaer
Bay they are called tetan, on Lake Sentani tma or senai (^ old), the people of Seka call
them tje, those of Humboldt Bay simbóni, although generally only the blue ones are indicated
by this name. They are seldom worn as ornaments, but sometimes in the nose, on combs
and on the front of men\'s bags on particular occasions, as on the bag of fig. 143, belonging
to the chief of Tobadi. Only now and then
they have been found in the native bags,
together with the tobacco and the wrapper
of cigars; generally they are kept in little
bottle-shaped baskets (N°. 693, PL XXIV,
fig. 9), plaited from rattan strips and provided
with a cover. The beads are used when trading
with fellow-villagers and strangers.

They derive their value, moteri, only
from their antiquity, as Nieuwenhuis [1904,
137] and Shelford [1905, 34] also stated
about the Borneo beads. This value is indi-
cated by Moolenburgh [1904, 169] as fol-
lows, the names, as they are used in
H. B., mostly agreeing with mine : ïsjar (blue)
= fl. 5.—, isjar choi and tranjo — fl. 3.—,
Isjàr growanisori and suwd — fl. 2.50, simbbni
(azure-blue) and protauri = fl. i.—, dainjansi
(yellow, big) and chrls (yellow, small) = fl. 0.50.

Practically speaking these prices are of no significance, the people having very little notion
about the value of the Netherlands coinage, but the mutual relation may be derived from it,
and it agrees with a statement which I received at Asé, in other respects incomplete. From
an abacus (N°. 1270, PL XXIX, fig. 23), on which the beads, paid as the price for a bride,
were indicated by shorter or longer bars, the proportion of the value could be ascertained :
1° necho (= tsjar, dark blue; longest bars), 2° sawa {—siiwd, light green), 3° simbóni (blue).

4° chdrise/[=- chris, yellow; shortest bars). The value of the beads may be measured from
the fact, that 119 bars in all occur on this abacus. A similar abacus from Ingras (N°. 1271)
has 96 bars. When the daughter of the chief of P o ë (also pronounced Powai) was married
to the son of the chief of Asé, only 80 beads, besides some stone axes and a few other
articles were paid. Now, the number of 80 beads as the price for a chief\'s daughter, compared
with the numbers of 96 and 119 on the above mentioned frames, concerning marriages of
simple villagers, propably from ten to fifteen years ago, proves that the beads are getting
scarcer. The Tobadi people emphatically declared, that the increasing scarcity of the beads
made it difficult for the young men to collect a sufficient number for a wife, which caused
many of them to marry late. This scarcity, however, does not seem to be so much felt in
the interior, by which I mean to say, there are more beads per head of the population in the
interior than in the coast villages. The unfavourable condition of the coast villages in this
respect, cannot be caused by an increasing population, for the number of inhabitants in H. B.
villages was much larger before the small-pox epidemic of 1895—1896. Neither was I informed
of beads being buried with the deceased, as NieuwenhuiS [1904, 139] mentions of Borneo,
or of beads, in any other way systematically getting out of circulation. I think the explanation
may be found in the fact that Tobadi, Ingras and Ingrau engage comparatively little in
agriculture and do not rear swine at all, which causes them to buy sago from Lake Sentani,
and pigs from Sëkâ and other places. Moreover, the fact, that women from the interior are
married to natives on the coast, but that the reverse never takes place, causes a diminution
of beads amongst the coast population, which is not unimportant. According to Koning [1903,
264], the natives from the H. B. travel very far into the interior now-a-days, that is to say,
farther than Lake Sentani, in order to collect beads.

Besides private ones, there are also beads in the community treasury. Such a
treasury the village of Tobâdi possesses, in which beads are found of such a high value, that
they are not allowed to become private property. So I did not succeed in buying such beads;
as the greatest favour, the chief of Tobâdi, who has the charge of the treasury and evidently
has the right to adorn his bag with these beads, allowed a photo of this bag to be made
(fig- 143)-

Papua Talandjang has also its forgers, who, by grating and grinding, are able to
give to the modern beads the shape and the appearance of the antique ones. The number
and circulation of these false beads is so large now-a-days, that with every bargain the beads
are accurately examined, one by one, and especially the stripes and bubbles. If they can be
bitten to pieces, this is a proof of the beads not being genuine. This could not be possible
with real ones. Attempts to deceive, where indeed there is an opportunity of examining every
bead, are not taken in ill part; one simply has to arm oneself with cunning against the
deceiver. Still my interpreter, being with his Asé friends, violently scorned the Ajâpo people,
one of them having given some false beads in payment, when purchasing a wife from Asé.
However, I presume, his violence had some other political motive. Without the intention of
cheating any one, modern ornamental beads are sometimes grated in some way or other,
simply to give the glittering beads the dull surface of antique ones. A similar self-deceit the
owner of the belt N°. 423 had committed on its blue beads.

This deadness of colour, the plain exterior of the beads, may have been the reason,

why travellers, if they noticed them at all, probably paid very little attention to them; at
least the literature about New Guinea contains very little about the beads.

Le Maire [1622, 63], on the 23\'\'lt;i of July of the year 1616, when Papuans from Wiak in their
little boats approached his ship, writes about: quot;geele Indiaansche Coralen, als van Amber, die een
vrouwe hadde, die de President verhandelde van haar om een risken coralenquot; — (yellow Indian beads,
looking like amber, in the possession of a woman and purchased by the quot;Presidentquot; for a string of beads).
The title quot;Indianquot; beads, proves that Le Maire found them very uncommon, not customary in Europe,
though he presumed that they had been imported by Spanish ships, like some other foreign articles, found
in the same place. The beads Le Maire bought, were not very expensive; this, together with the amber
colour, leads me to suppose, that they were dainjdnsi or chrls, surely more abundant and still cheaper
at that time than at present.

In Humboldt Bay itself, the valuable beads were first discovered by Finsch [1888—93, 180];
however, he does not give a description or an explanation of their significance. Finsch also saw some of
these beads at Attack Harbour, which may surely have been specimens of the real simbotti, for I got the
evidence, that the Humboldt Bay people, in bartering with their eastern neighbours, make use of the currency
beads. Beads used as nose ornament, like Finsch saw in the Huon Gulf, in his opinion came from
Maclay. Regarding the Tami River (Sechstroh-Fluss) Finsch writes: quot;Fragments of big, very fine, mosaic
enamel, beads of glass of old Venetian origin, and undoubtedly dating from the times of the first Spanish
and Portuguese navigatorsquot;. Other quot;fragments of very fine beadsquot; Finsch places in the category of the
Kalebiikubs of the Palau money, but these are totally different from the real simboni.

The first report mendoning the high value of beads in H. B., has been given by Bink [1897, 175]:
quot;the dowry consists of two stone hatches and a six feet long string of beads, flat, blue slices, which are
highly valued herequot;; — he probably means sijnboni, the dark blue isjar are too long and cylindrical to be
called flat. Bink does not seem to have cohected them, at least the Utrecht collection does not contain any.

Koning, also delivers a report [1903, 264]: quot;species of old beads, among which the so-called
semiini {sinibonif), having a yellow colour, can hardly be got nowquot;; — here Koning is wrong; the yellow
chrls, are the most numerous.

Biro [1901, 56, fig. 23, i\\ describes: quot;two old, glass beads, no longer in circulationquot;, on a men\'s
bag from Bongu. Dr. Semayer (Royal Hungarian Museum, Ethn. Dep.™\'), has been so kind as to inform
me that one of these beads is red, untransparent, diameter i c.m., and furrowed aU round; the other one,
yellow, translucent, flat, and with a diameter of 7 c.m. In the same collection another small breast bag is
found, from the isle of Thiar (Astrolabe Bay), which is also adorned with glass beads: a smah, blue one and
a double, white one, both untransparent, and with flat surfaces; a similar, but single, white bead is fastened
on another men\'s bag from Thiar. As to the red bead, I must cah to mind, that Finsch [1888—93, 180]
found in a bag at Dallmann Harbour, 8 red beads, carefully wrapped up in leaves, so probably very
precious. Beads like the above mentioned, and red beads in general, I nowhere found in Netherlands N. G.

Interrogating the Papuans themselves about the origin of the simboni, they answer (Moolenburgh
[1904, 169]), that all their beads come from the interior, and are made by the mountaineers. The central
mountains of Netherlands N. G., however, are entirely terra incognita; moreover, this possibihty of origin
need not be discussed.

In my opinion, a European origin must also be excluded; not only does the Murano collection
contain no beads manufactured after the above mentioned system of the New Guinea beads, but even Le
Maire was struck by the uncommon quot;Indianquot; appearance of the beads, bartering them for European ones.

A comparison might be made with the mutu labatta of the Timor Archipelago (Rumphius
[1740, 245]). Of course not with the most ancient sort, met with in old graves by Langen in Savu, and
no longer in use with the natives, neither appreciated, when they happen to be found. These consist of

carneol (Virchow [1884, 595]), and, according to Rouffaer [1899, 628], were originally inanufactured in
Cambay (Bay of Cambay, British India), and imported viâ Malacca between the years 1400 and 1550. It
may rather be conceived, that there is a conformity with the imitation of these beads, afterwards manufac-
tured at Cambay, according to Rouffaer, and especially with the mutu tanah, made of glass later on, now
also in use and of high value, the origin of which has, however, not yet been traced. They are quot;schmutzig
orangefarbenquot; (Wichmann [1891, 230]), ochre-coloured (Nieuwenhuis [1904, Pl. XIX, fig. 24]) and, though
Koning [1903, 264, note] and Meyer and Richter [1903, 25% note] spoke of analogy between the muti
salah and the New Guinea beads, when held side by side with the latter, they show a difference in shape
and colour, excluding all thought of equality. There is only one, but that a very important characteristic,
which the beads of the Timor Archipelago have in common with the New Guinea beads, viz. the super-
ficial, spiral striping. Moreover a section of such a bead of Sika on Flores (Mineral. Geol. Museum, Utrecht,
N°. 2071), shows the same spiral winding of the whole mass, as mentioned above of the New Guinea
beads. These facts prove an analogy in a technical respect between these muti tanah and the New Guinea
currency beads. The nature of the material, however, is different. A string of beads from Timor, now
in the Leyden Museum, (Ser. i, N°. 233), contains two small, malachite-green beads, bearing a striking
resemblance to the protauri (N°. 689).

From West Ceram, from which country Riedel [1886, 106] also describes ancient, valuable beads,
the Rotterdam Museum possesses a string of beads (N°. 7138), proceeding from a mountaineer, among
which yellow ones occur, exactly resembling the chrîs (N°. 685), with similar little holes, which, more or
less filled with dirt, appear like little, black dots.

Few ancient beads are known from Celebes (Nieuwenhuis [1904, 153, Pl. XIX, fig. 19]), though
agate and chalcedon are ground into ring stones (Wichmann [1890, 979]).

Among the ancient Indian beads, mentioned by Rivett—Carnac [1902], I found on Pl. 24,
green and blue coloured beads, of which it can only be said, that, judging from the illustation, they resemble
the New Guinea beads of the same colour.

In the kalebukub of the Palau Islands, relying on the descriptions and illustrations of
Kubary [1895, i—28, Pl. I], I cannot discover any conformity with the simlwni, but the Palan-shape of
the yellow Barak money [1. c., figs. 7 and 12] shows an outward resemblance with the chris (N°. 685). Rouffaer
[1899, 521] also estabhshed the connection of these currency beads with the yellow muti salah. Kubary
[I.e., 12] describes them as quot;a brimstone-coloured, very hard mass, with a shelly, dull fracture. The polished
planes show holes, which, filled up by dirt, give a finely checkered appearance to the surfacequot;. All this
may also be said of chrls-, the additional note, however, that the material seems to exist of jasper, makes
any real resemblance impossible, because the New Guinea beads, known to me, are all made of glass. The
greenish quot;olbiunglquot; of Kubary [1. c., figs. 20 and 27] has only a slight outward resemblance to the sâwa
(N°. 682) from Asé; in reality it is decidedly quite different.

As to Borneo, Meyer [1884, 15^] already mentions beads, found on a human skull on the west
coast, which are described as having a dark blue colour and consequently remind one of the ù/ôr(N°. 681)
from Tobadi. Ling Roth [1896, II, 282—283] describes and illustrates a dark blue glass bead, found in
Borneo, in a cave by Hart Everett, which bead has the true barrel-shape, so common with the dark blue
tsjar. The Leyden Museum possesses dark blue, transparent beads (Ser. 614, N°. no), from Central Borneo,
also exactly resembling the Isjïïr-, a string of threaded beads (Ser. 614, N°. 114; Borneo [1907, II, 5])
contains some that are quite conformable to the chru (N°. 685), with regard to their brimstone colour
and black dots. The resemblance between these blue and yellow beads from Central Borneo and those
found in Humboldt Bay, is so perfect, that, when comparing them at Leyden, I carefully avoided an
accidental confusion of the two collections, else I should by no means have been able to find the accurate
assortment again; — these are indeed the same beads! One of the strings (Ser. 1219, N°. 248) contains

yellow, non-transparent beads (Borneo [1907, II, 6, 37—38]), called uti (yellow) una (old), of which
Nieuwenhuis [1904. 139, PI. XIX, fig. 8] gives an illustration; they diifer in nothing from the ckrls,
and have, as my visit to Leyden convinced me, the spiral construction. Another bead (of string
Ser. 614, N°. 115), also shows the spiral furrows. Finally I quote Shelford [1905, 34], who describes
among the Borneo beads (type 9) of the Sarawak Museum, quot;weathered beads of vast antiquity, highly
valued by the Kyans, forming part of their currency, and which exhibit a spiral structurequot;.

The beads recently found in Java (Leyden Museum, Ser. 1552), are different from the N. G. beads.

From what has been enumerated above, it may be summarized that, as well on Timor,
as on Ceram and Borneo, beads occur, which are just like some beads of Netherl. North New
Guinea; and further, that the glass muti tanah, though from diffquot;erent material, has been manu-
factured in the same way as the N. G. bead.

The investigation as to the origin of the antique beads might, in the first place, lead to
the question: quot;Where is, or was, in the bead-factory, the above described technique appHedquot;?

Respecting this technique, I must still mention the opinion of Shelford [1905, 34,
note]: quot;apparently the clay, when wet, was twisted in short lengths, round a rod, then shaped
roughly into the form of a bead and baked; the final polishing and shaping taking place
after the clay was firedquot;. — According to my opinion, a fine, spiral structure as some beads
indicate, can only be obtained by a fluid (heated) mass.

wichmann [1891, 230], speaking of muti tanah, considers its art of manufacturing, one of
times long past, in contradiction to Shelford, who regards the beads as to be of Venetian origin.

I think, in the mean time anticipating the results of an inquiry, still to be made, of
the Chinese glass industry (Rouffaer [1899, 519]), that I must consider the beads under
notice, showing the spiral structure, as Chinese products. Not only that LiNG roth
[1896, II, 283] and Nieuwenhuis [1904, 239] already considered a Chinese origin as probable
or possible, but moreover, in the difiquot;erent islands of Netherl. India, and in the Philippines
(Meyer [1884, 14]), more Chinese objects occur, which are regarded also by the population
of great value and sometimes of supernatural origin. I refer to the old jars of Borneo, of
which now the Chinese origin is generally accepted by experts (see also Ling Roth [1. c.,
284—287]). Old coins of Ceram (Riedel [1886, 106]) and old jars ([I.e. 121], Valentijn
[1856, II, 75]), such as those found from time immemorial on Ambon (müller—Beeck
[1884—85, 35]), on Goram Island, Kei- and Aru Islands (Meyer [1884, 14, b]), are also
products of Chinese industry. They were imported by a navigation, still living here and there
in the historical remembrance of the natives, partly still occurring in our times.

The existence of a Chinese navigation, also on the north coast of N. G. in olden
times, may be supported by the fact, that at present, in Geelvink Bay and on Wiak much
Chinese pottery is found and is also used on graves, as I had an opportunity of stating myself
(figs. 170 and 172). Such jars are kept for centuries, owing to their durability. Meyer i.e.
gives illustrations of them; flowers and plants form the principal ornaments, which do not
directly strike one as being characteristically Chinese. Finally I consider it very probable, that
the cups and jars, painted red and green, found on the north coast, together with the simbbni,
by Le Maire [1622, 63]: quot;wij creghen van haer een Warmoescop en een Schotel seer grof,
met rood en groen gheschildert, \'t was Porcelijn, daer zij seer licht afscheijdeden, voor twee
riskens Coralenquot;, — and which he took for Spanish import, were nevertheless of Chinese origin.

Moreover, an antique, green, glass ring, käs, found at Tobadi, corroborates the
supposition, that Chinese articles, either directly or indirectly, in former times found their
way to North New Guinea. In the said village namely, as property of the community
(perhaps the villages of Ingrau and Ingras are co-proprietors) and under the care of the
chief of the village, the karesori Hamadi, a glass ring was found, illustrated in fig. i6 C/^)
of PI. XXIII, triangular on section (fig. i6c, \'/j), the outer rim (fig. i6a, quot;/J, sharp and the
inner rim (fig. i6b, V\',), flat. Generally this ring is carefully wrapped up in a long, narrow strip
of prepared bark, so thickly packed, that accidental breaking is nearly impossible and it is
put by with the other trea.sures, making up together the Public Exchequer. With some trouble
we succeeded in getting a look at this ring, so that a photo could be made (fig. 143) both
of that and the bag of Hamadi.

The perfect resemblance of this ring with the mamacur, which Rumphius [1740,
241, PI. LII, A] describes and illustrates, and the estimation of extraordinary preciousness in
which this ring, like the mamacur, was held, is indeed very striking. I might have begun
the information about this ring with the same words, with which R. begins his Chapter XXV
(Volume III) Mamacur or MacuR: quot;Here I shall relate, how an insignificant thing, by
single agreement and fancy of man, can be raised to such a value, that it is reckoned among
the principal treasuresquot;. The ring of Tobadi is indeed considered to be an almost invaluable
object. It is used for large expenses in behalf of the community, as payment for killed enemies
or ransom for prisoners (MoolenbuRGH [1904, 169]). It seemed to me, however, that the
ring had in some way become an object of worship, as is often the case with things of
such high antiquity, that no one living, knows the origin of it. However this may be, my
offer to buy it in exchange for 24 large axes, was not even taken into consideration. The
appearance and the weight of the ring, make it undoubtedly recognizable as a ring of glass,
while in the transparent material, stripes occur, parallel to the rim and also many little
bubbles, which prove that the mass of glass was thick liquid during the manufacturing, and
drawn in the direction of the stripes; I do not remember to have seen any fusion.

As the Papuans know nothing of the origin of the ring, I give here some information from other
sources. — Le Maire [1622, 63] saw, worn by the people of Wiak: quot;Ringen door de Neusgaten, die
groen waren: eenighe door de Ooren, Paarlemoeder Ringhen om d\'Armenquot; (Green rings through the
nostrils, some through the ears, mother-of-pearl rings round the arms). These green rings must have been
of glass; still it is a singular fact, that they should have been used as ornament for the nose, to which
they, being closed rings, could only have been fastened by means of strings or open little rings.

Rumphius [1740, 241] and Valentijn [1856, II, 78], in their ample information about mamacurs,
mention these rings from Ceram, the Aru-, Kei- and Timorlaut Islands, etc., and they indicate the green
rings as the most precious ones. At that time traders ordered green, glass rings to be manufactured in the
Netherlands, in order to deal in them in Netherl. India; this, however, entirely failed, the natives but too
well distinguishing the ancient ones from the modern ones. Very striking is the narrative by Rumphius
[1. c., 243]: quot;In the year 1655 the quot;Praesidentquot; Simon Cos, afterwards Governor of Amboina, was obliged
to take away such a Mamacur in the village of Noccobay, on the north coast of Keram, because the
neighbouring village waged war for it; but the chief Hulong, who was the administrator of this country
and generally on our side, was very displeased at this, saying, that such a ring was worth 100 slaves, even
a whole quot;negorijquot; (village), but they did not get it back, because it was lostquot;. Quite conformable to the
fact, that the ring of Tobadi is under the protection of the chief of the village, is the old information

about the mamacur, of its only being found in the possession of the kings, and moreover of its being
considered a holy object, an oracle, an amulet, the stripes and bubbles of the mass being of great signifi-
cance. As places of origin the natives mentioned different localities; still the real mamacur was said to
have issued from the sea or from the mountains, while imitations came from Babber Island. Remarkable is
Rumphius\'s information, that the Papuans decidedly preferred the green sort of rings, and that they
believed in the Chinese origin of the others.

Bickmore [1868, 151] saw some six of these rings, in the possession of the prince of Assilulu on
Ambon, coming from Ceram and having issued from the heads of snakes and wild boars and which were
worshipped as most extraordinary objects. They were quot;evidently made by cutting off a piece of a glass
rod, nine or ten inches long and half an inch in diameter. This piece, having been heated, was bent into
a ring and the two ends united by fusionquot;. Indeed sometimes a place of fusion may be seen, as Rumphius
illustrates. Bickmore mentions China as the place of origin, because he found there nephrite rings of a
similar shape.

Riedel [1886, x2i] found them still used as ornaments for the arm on Ceram, which Valentijn
also mentions, and he explains the belief of the natives, who accept their originating from the soil, as
having arisen from the accidental finding of these rings, purposely hidden in the earth; — he does not at
all doubt their Chinese origin. A couple of these rings (blue), now in the Dresden Museum (N^^ 5203—5204),
were bought for 60 guilders; Meyer [1884, 15] considers them to have come from China, which up till
now, as he proves, exports glass rings eastward and westward. From the fact that Martin [1894] does not
mention the glass rings among the numerous sorts of bracelets, which he describes, and that he never saw
them worn, as he kindly informed me in his letter of the 25of Febr. 1905, may be concluded, that
now-a-days they very rarely occur as ornaments for the arm. \'

According to Van der Chijs [1885, 182, N°. 3038], the two mamacurs in the Batavia Museum
are from Ceram origin and not from Java itself; both this, and Mr. P. G. Rouffaer\'s experience, of which
he was kind enough to give me a written account (February the 1905), saying, that he had never
perceived anything like the mamacur in the island of Java, render Rumphius\'s narrative of the Javanese,
buying up the mamacurs as presents for their chiefs, very improbable.

The Amsterdam Museum possesses four of these mamacurs (Ser. i, N°^ 1416—1419), ah coming
from Wahai on Ceram, and N°. 1417 quite the same as the khcts of Tobadi. Also the Leyden Museum
possesses a mamacur, which has proved the mamacur to be as highly valued on Ceram at present, as
it was two centuries and a half ago, and the same story about the possession was repeated here. Van
Hoëvell [1896, 508, 521], who presented the object to the Leyden Museum, was in 1893 obliged to seize
this ring, because it was the subject of a quarrel between the villages of Sisiulu and Numiafi, situated on
the north-west coast of Ceram, several murders having already been committed for its possession. From
httle pieces, broken ofiquot;, the material proved to be ordinary green glass. Van Hoëvell, Ex-Governor
of Celebes and Dependencies, and formerly Resident at Amboina, well acquainted with the Ceram ethno-
graphy, according to auricular intelligence, has no doubt about the Chinese origin.

In all these reports, New Guinea is very little mentioned. Meyer [1902—03, 14, 15], however,
considers a nephrite ring of unknown origin, preserved in the Dresden Museum, and by its shape (inner
rim thicker than outer rim), perhaps an imitation (or example?) of the mamacur, probably coming from
New Guinea. I never heard of the ring being found in western New Guinea, nor has it been in Geelvink Bay.

It is to be hoped, that within a short time, especially on the coasts between Point
D\'Urville and Humboldt Bay, a further exploration may be made, to confirm by other finds,
that Chinese trade had conquered these coasts before the arrival of the Malays.

figs. I, 2, 3), found in the community house of the viUage of Asé (Lake Sentani). In this

building, fishing-tackle, large drums (N°. 1277, PI. XXVIII, fig. 4), and all sorts of spoils,
collected in time of war, such as daggers and arrows were to be found; the latter things
were put against the inside of the roof between the tie beams, and close to these things,
to my great surprise, the copper things were hanging. I learnt, that long ago, when the father
of the now reigning, aged chief of the village (see fig. 163), was still a little boy, these
objects were said to have been found in the water, near the northern banks of Lake Sentani,
north-east of Asé. Though I should be quite willing to believe this story, yet the circum-
stance, that these three objects were hung up on a post of the roof near the trophies of
war, makes me fear, that blood was also shed for these things, and that they were
captured from foreign navigators, who may perhaps have penetrated as far as the lake, or
that by barter the objects were obtained from the natives of the sea coast. They had
little value for the Asé people, and for a trifling article of barter they became my property.
All three objects are hollow, and, where the surface is not covered with intaglio work, the
material is about i m.m. thick; two have the shape of an axe, as can be seen in the illustra-
tions, the third is chiefly globular. The direction of the helve (now lost) is as on a spade,
i. e. towards the edge. The latter is convex, while the sides run with a concave curve from
the narrow socket to either end of the edge. The socket-part is flattened in the plane of the
axe, and has one flat surface broader than the other, so that the sides stand obliquely, the
section of the socket being an equilateral trapezium.

In shape and composition these objects have a striking resemblance to the quot;donderschopjesquot;
(thunder-spades), which RuMPHros [1740, 212] describes from Celebes. Especially striking is the likeness
between N°. 694 and the thunder-spade, illustrated by Rumphius, PI. L, fig. A. This illustration, being
described as a thunder-stone on pag. 208 (N°. i), is of course, a mistake of the compiler. Moreover the
wording of that description, does not agree with this illustration. The latter, however, is in perfect
agreement with the ample description, which Rumphius gives on pages 213 and 214 of his first thunder-
spade, which name (page 212) was expressly chosen by him, because of the great resemblance to European
axes or spades. Now the illustration A represents the most obvious specimen, spade-shaped, and the way
in which the text, after the description, beginning on page 213, with the marginal note: quot;Een vreemd
Donderschopje beschrevenquot;, (quot;A singular thunder-spade describedquot;), continued on pages 214 and 215,
passes here to the figures B. and C., etc., makes it evident, that in the previous description fig. A was
meant. I must lay stress upon this mistake, because later explorers were led astray by this; Pleyte [1887, 593]
e. g. places the copper thunder-spade, iUustrated in fig. A, among the stone axes, type IV of his system.

Meyer and Richter [1902—03, 79, 95, fig. 10] reproduce fig. A with the subscription quot;stone (bronze?)
axe from Banggaiquot;, they express some doubt as to the correctness of the description, thinking that Rumphius
himself would have been misled by the patina, to take a copper axe (a hollow one!) for a green, stone one.
I entirely reject this absurd supposition, unworthy of the ingenious scholar.

Rumphius\'s quot;Rariteitkamerquot; causes more difficulties, owing to the compilers putting the marginal
notes, indicating the letters of the figures described, in the wrong places; this is done both in Chapter VIII,
Ceraunia, and in Chapter IX, Ceraunia metallica (= thunder-spades). According to the text (p. 212), there
are 2 thunder-stones and (p. 317) 2 thunder-spades figured on PI. L, originating from Rumphius, and
represented in the figures A, B, C and D. — Like fig. A (see above), also fig. C in the marginal note,
is added to the wrong description.--I at once give this list:

Fig. A means the first described thunder-spade; see p. 213, marginal note: quot;Een vreemd Donder-
shopje beschrevenquot;.

Fig, C means the first described thunder-stone; see pag. 208, marginal note: quot;Nquot;. 1quot;.

After taking the trouble to find this out, Rumphius\'s Thesaurus Imaginum Piscium Testaceorum,
came to my hands. This book [1711, 11], containing the plates of the quot;Rariteitkamerquot;, with a short
enumeration of the figures, gives the meaning of the figs. A—D exactly as I indicated above.

WoRSAAE [1878—83, 196] gives in his figs. 4, 3 and 2, the figures A, C and D respectively, all three
as bronze axes! Worsaae, however, has modified the original illustrations, supplying them all with clearly
visible sockets. This, of course, causes confusion. The thunder-stone C, of which Rumphius [1740, 208]
purposely mentions, that one end looks as if it were transversely cut off, has now artificially the exterior
of a hollow, copper axe and is demonstrated as such! !

Both figs. A and D of Rumphius, show on the part of the socket 3 chevrons, not mentioned in the text.
Where Rumphius speaks of quot;veinsquot; and quot;ribsquot; on his thunder-spades, he apparently means the concave sides
along the flat surfaces of the metal thunder-spades, diverging falcatedly towards the extremities of the
sharpened edge. So he writes (p. 213) about the spade of fig. A: quot;ter weerszijden van den steel hepen 3 of4
uitbuilende aderen naar de kanten van \'t Schopje toe;quot; —about N^. 2 (p. 215): quot;van de steel liepen ook ter
weerszijden twee kromme en verheven aderen zikkels wijze naar de kanten toequot;\'; — about N\'. 3 (p. 215):
quot;diergelijke verhevene aderen van den steel afkomende, en naar de kanten loopendequot;; — about N\'. 4
(p. 215): quot;den steel, die zeer plat (en) gedrukt en hoi was, met scherpe kanten aan de zijden, hebbende
aan ieder zijde maar een ader of ribbequot;. It seems to me, that the signification of those terms was not
understood by the people who, at Amsterdam, prepared Rumphius\'s quot;Rariteitkamerquot; for the printer (probably
Simon Schynvoet took a great part in this; see Rouffaer and Mu.ller [1902, 171]), and that they, eager
to show in the figures, something that would correspond with the above mentioned terms, put on the
original figures the chevrons, which figs. A and D show.

It is very interesting, that all the thunder-spades of Rumphius were obtained from the east coast of
Celebes or from the island of Banggai, situated in the neighbourhood. They were in his time considered
as products from thunder-storms; evidently all remembrance of a bronze period had then already vanished.
Rumphius also reports the rumours, that, both in Luwu and before the king\'s residence in Bontuala,
objects were found Hke fig. A of Pl. L; they were also said to have been seen in Demak on Java. Rum-
phius himself, also believing that ceraunia metallica were formed by thunder-storms, does not give any
information about a possible other origin.

They have never been found in New Guinea before. It is true, Malte—Brun [1856, V, 635] men-
tions quot;epees de cuivrequot;, used by the natives of the south-west coast, but probably modern objects, imported
by Ceram traders are meant.

Kühn and Riebe (Meyer und Richter [1902—03, 80, fig. 8]), brought to Europe two bronze axes
from Banggai, lost alas since that time; but according to the illustrations, they were of a type, resembling
both fig. A of Rumphius and the specimens from New Guinea. Especially the trapezium-shape of the
transverse section of the socket-part, may very well be recognized on these figures, and also the ribs
terminating the flat sides falcatedly. They were also provided with low-relief ornaments.

Kruyt [1898, 63], on his journey from Paloppo to Posso, saw among the amulets of the Luwu
people an axe of wrought copper, already seriously weather-beaten, long, 11 c.m., broad, near the edge
8 c.m.; the handle is put in at the top. It had been found in a small river, and it was said to be the
incisive tooth of the spirit of Longga; every now and then this spirit loses a copper tooth, and when the
fortunate finder wears the object round his waist in time of war, he is protected against all blows and stabs.
A drawing of that axe, made from memory by Mr. Kruyt, and kindly placed at my disposal, shows a
striking resemblance to fig. D of Rumphius.

On their journey from Posso to Mori, Adriani and Kruyt [1900, 242] learnt from the Petasia

natives, that in the territory of Mori, similar copper axes like those from Liiwu, are found in little rivers,
also worn as preservatives against calamities. — In all the above mentioned sources\' it is thus stated, that
copper axes like those from Asé, were considered as amulets in historical times, and were worn to make
the wearer invincible in war. Their having been carried on nautical excursions is proved by the fact, that
in 1679 at Ambon, Rumphius bought axes from the Tambocco people, who came to visit him.

Groeneveldt [1887,.312,\'313]\'mentions axes from Javanbsp;1559—1565), made of bronze or

copper, found in the district of Tjiheulang, Residency of Preanger Regentschappen, and he supposes these
to have been used by the Hindoos, in their religious ceremonies. As the religious rites are conservative
everywhere, Groeneveldt argues, that the priests may have stuck to the older material of copper, for tools,
which in every day life were then made of iron. By the kind assistance of the late Dr. J. L. A. Brandes,
from these axes I can illustrate: 1560, 1561= and i56if, at the scale of 1/4 (Pk XXIV, figs. 4, 5 and 6).
They are all characterised by the dove-tail form of the socket-part, of which in N°. 695 of Asé (PL XXIV,
fig. 3), part is also retained, with a little, conical hole. The possibility of these objects having been trans-
ported from Celebes, is a priori not to be rejected.

Copper objects, alas, without further indication of their nature or shape, but also worshipped, because
of their antiquity, are mentioned by Riedel [1886, 437] from Wetar, where also stone axes are worshipped;
and from Ceram, the same author [1. c., 106, 107] mentions, among the worshipped objects of olden
times, quot;tanei mutuana moliaquot;, generally hung up in a basket to the roof pole of the dwellings. There were
also copper objects, among which, however, were no axes, but copper kettles, said to be of Asiatic origin, like
the old earthenware jars. These precious objects were sometimes buried [I.e., 121] for the sake of safety,
and, when accidentally found, raised the supposition of having been produced by the earth. I consider
this course of things, mentioned by Riedel, also possible with regard to the copper axes from Celebes
and Banggai, and if by this, a Chinese origin might gain in probabifity, the question again rises, whether
the axes from Asé were imported directly by Chinese navigators, or by those from Celebes or Ceram?
Baron Van Hoevell (see page 225), to whom I showed the objects, considers the last suggestion as certain,
and Mr. F, and P. Sarasin, though they never themselves had found any such objects on Celebes, declared, after
examining the New Guinea thunder-spades, that the spiral ornamentation, as well as the shape (quot;Diillenbeilquot;),
reminds of the culture of Celebes, to which they ascribe a bronze period of its own, these objects being
productions of the later bronze period. The decision between these opinions and that of Groeneveldt
must be left to professional ethnographers.

As to the knob-shaped object (N°. 696, PI. XXIV, fig. i), found together with the
thunder-spades, this gives the impression as if the open end of the handle-part, the hollow
of which is directly united with the knob itself, was intended to be fastened on the top
of a staff; the small hollow knob at the top, has probably served as a bell, which has lost its
sounding ball; hke the concavity of the big knob the bell is closed towards its four-sided handle.

In a private letter of the 8tli of March 1905, Mr. Kruyt declared that the shape and orna-
ment of the object reminds one of the lime boxes in use in the middle and the southern part of
Celebes, made by the To Radja (people), from calabashes or from young cocoa-nuts, and imitated
by the Buginese in copper, silver and gold. It is true, bells are uncommon upon these objects,
but the To Radja (people) often supply the knob (which can be unscrewed) with little strings
of threaded beads, which rattle against the box, when the lime is shaken out from the opposite
aperture. Mr. Kruyt also suggested the supposition, that the old East-Indian Company had
many indigenous objects imitated in copper, in order to use them as presents for native
chiefs, or as barter for trade. In Central Celebes the To Mori are most proficient in copper
industry, notwithstanding that the lack of copper on Celebes itself necessitates either the

import of this metal from Java, or the manufacturing of it from doits (Kruyt [1900, 460]).

Prof. A. GrÜnwedel, to whom I showed the objects, was so kind as to inform me,
that, according to his opinion, the ornament of the knob was a little too fine to be considered
as art from Celebes itself, but that similar objects occurred on the sticks of quot;Ceremonial-
sunshadesquot; in the Madras Presidency. Examining the photos of the Boro Budur, on the advice
of Prof. GrÜNWEDEL, I did not find anything like the knob in question. The Leyden Museum,
however, possesses photos of ruins at Prambanan near Djokjakarta, in one of which (fig. b) at
the lefthand side of a male Buddha image, a globular object on a staff is to be seen, actually
showing a great resemblance to the object from Asé.

As further proof, that the S-shaped ornament of the knob frequently occurs in the bronze period
of Celebes, I refer to the bronze knobs of sticks (Minahassa) illustrated by Meyer and Richter [1903,
24b, fig. 7=1], and to the upper part of a staff (N°. 2523 of the collection of the Indian Institute at Delft),
in use with the heathen priests [1. c., fig. 7c]. It is also found on the small rings mentioned from the
northern (To Ondaë), as weh as from the southern shore of Lake Posso [I.e., PI. XIV, figs. 8, 10 and 12;
the S-shaped ornament of the figs. 8 and 10 is illustrated separately on PI. XXIX, figs. 35 and 36, as lying
S and standing S]. That behs are in use here, can be seen from the bells fastened to the ends of lances,
collected by F. and P. Sarasin in Celebes [1. c., 28, PI. VII, figs. 1—4], and those on an armlet, worn by a
Wahan priest near Fossos, originating from Rurukan (Toum Bulus) [1. c., 24b, PI. IV, fig. 15], on which 4 small
bells and one big one, cast from brass, are found, and from a bell from Lake Matano [1. c., 95^, PI. XXI, fig. 29]
which, according to Kruyt [1900, 461], is tied with a cord round the waist, in order to make it ring against
the legs in walking. But ah this is cast work of modern times, the technique of which has been described
by Kruyt [1. c., 460] as concerns the To Mori. Chinese signs on the above mentioned big bell, betray the
Chinese origin. The same thing may be said of the small, bells on the swords of the Lanuns, North
Borneo (Foy [1899, PI. I]). Such a smah bell, globular, but somewhat flattened parahel to the sht, is
generally on either side adorned with the same ornament; the one in the top half, however, differing from
the one in the bottom half, whereas different specimens vary only in the word-signs, occurring on the
quadrants, as appears in the figs, i^, and if of that plate. The small beh in the collection (N°. 697)
was found in the possession of a man from Ingrls, and had been purchased from a Chinese trader, settled
in Humboldt Bay. It is supplied with an ornament exactly in the same style.

N°. 680. Wâri; turtle sheh for trade; 12 pieces, measuring between 37X21 and 19X13 c.m.

N°. 681. PI. XXIII, fig. 5. i/t; Isjar, isjâch. Tobâdi; two beads of dark blue, transparent glass, in
which some bubbles, and with somewhat duU surface; shape of small casks, cyhndricahy perforated;
height and diameter 8—10 m.m. The most precious of the currency beads in daily use. Called
nechâ at Asé.

N°. 682. PI. XXIII, fig. 6. 1/1; Sawa. Asé; bead of light sea-green, transparent glass, in which few or no
bubbles; somewhat dull surface; shape of a small mill-stone or fiat cheese, perforated in the centre.
Following N°. 681 in value. In the language of the Jôtëfa natives —sûwâ.

N°. 683. PI. XXIII, fig. 7. Vi. Simboni. Tobadi; bead of light blue, transparent glass, in which a
great many bubbles; exterior a littie duh. Shape as N°. 682. Following N°. 682 in value. At Asé
also called simboni.

N^. 684. Simbóni(}) A bar; bead of light blue, transparent glass, in which many ellipsoid bubbles, the

long axes parallel to the circumference; almost purely cylindric, height 2,5 m.m. diameter / m.m.,
aperture 2,5 m.m. diameter.

N°. 685. PI. XXIII, fig. 8. i/j. Chris. Tobadi; bead of brimstone-coloured, slightly translucent glass;
dull surface, in which numerous little holes looking, because of the dirt, like little, black dots;
shape of a centrally perforated cylinder, of which the two flat sides are not perfectly parallel. Value
less than N°. 683. Called chUrise at Asé.

N°. 686. D ainjdnsi. Tobadi; two beads like N°. 685, but the little holes larger and less numerous;
regular, perforated cyhnders, diameter 12 and 10m.m. respectively; the latter has on the flat planes
a superficial, spiral furrow, issuing from the aperture. Value as N°. 685.

N°. 687. PI. XXIII, figs. 9« and gb.^j^. Tetan. Mawes; bead of pale, wax-yellow, slightly translucent
glass, with dull surface, in which a single hole; shape of a perforated cylinder; a spirally running
furrow on the flat planes, shining in the depth. In the language of Jotefa called dainjdnsi.

N°. 688. PI. XXIII, figs. ID a and 10^. \'/i- Sinibóni, tembóni. Asé; bead of wax-yellow, non-transparent
glass, of dull surface with little black dots; shape like two frustums, placed with their bases against
each other, perforated in the middle. In two places, lying diametrically in the circumference, three
coloured glass stripes, a red one between two green ones; the latter, lost for the greater part, show
a superficial furrow. On each of the flat planes a spiral furrow, shining in the depth. Called dainjdnsi
by the Tobadi people.

N°. 689. PI. XXIII, fig. II. \'/j. Protauri. Tobadi; bead of malachite-green, non-transparent glass,
surface slightly shining, with few, superficial, small holes; shape like N°. 683; on either flat plane a
spiral striping of darker green round the aperture, and also visible on the circumference. Value
above the chrls. At Asé called prodogi also fotbkwa.

N°. 690. PI. XXIII, figs. 12 and 13. ^/j. Simbóni. Tobadi; two beads of turquoise-blue, opaque glass,
surface slightly shining and with few small holes; one (fig. 12) half-way the height with optuse rim;
spiral stripes of dai-ker blue as with N°. 689. Value as N°. 689.

N°. 691. Simbóni. Asé; two beads, shaped as N°. 690, height 6, diameter 9 m.m., one of turquoise blue,
the other of light bluish green, slightly translucent glass; surface slightly shining, and with few
holes; spiral furrows as above; dark, spiral stripes. Value as N°. 689.

N°. 692. PI. XXIII, figs. 14, IS a and 15^. Simbóni. Jaga (Lake Sentani); two beads, shape hke
683; one of bluish green, slightly translucent glass; the other of similar blue glass; surface feebly
shining, with many large and sniah holes, and with distinct, darker, spiral stripes. Value as N°. 689.

N°. 693. PI. XXIV, fig. 9. Ardbe. Tobadi; basket, bottle-shaped with a hanging-over hd, made of
spiral, horizontal, rattan strips, of which the twists, lying alongside each other, are bound together
by spiral windings with the same material. Plane of bottom and plane of lid strengthened with
cross-lashing of same material. Manufactured at Tobadi, for keeping currency beads.

N°. 694. PI. XXIV, fig. 2. \'/j. Ase; axe-shaped, hollow object of i m.m. thick copper, socket running
as with a spade towards the convex edge. Sides of the narrower socket-part concave, passing with
rounded corners into the edge. Flat surfaces of different width, so that the narrow sides of socket-
part stand obliquely, and the transverse section becomes an equicrural trapezium, 1,5 c.m. high. On
narrowest flat surface relief-work; along edge a row of deepened triangles; inside these and along
sides of socket-part a row of zigzag ornaments, the central part with symmetrical spirals. The
broadest surface unornamented, near the opening in the middle a conical hole; here and there
holes and cracks, which show the cavity, in which a shell was found. Was hanging with 695
and 696 in the community-house near trophies of war. Was said to have been fished up two
generations ago, near northern bank of Lake Sentani.

N°. 695. Pl. XXIV, fig. 3. 1/2- Asé; like N°. 694, socket-part toward opening a little broader and
provided with small conical hole. The edge here and there torn or bent in by chopping. No
relief ornament, but near one of the corners of the edge, on the side of the handle-part an open-worked
oval, situated in the plane of the axe in which part of an open lozenge with concave sides. On
symmetrical place of other corner only a small elevation of the surface.

N°. 696. Pl. XXIV, fig. I. 1/2. Asé; knob-shaped, hollow object of ± i m.m. thick copper; globular, but
m one place passing into a hollow spout and opposite is a short stem, on which a httle knob
with a slit as in a bell, the stem closed towards the bell as well as towards the large, globular
cavity. The surface of the knob ornamented with two parallel rows of little knobs, some of them
pointed, between which 23 meridian relief stripes. Above this ornament two circular rows of relief
spirals between circular relief rims; at the bottom one similar row, and lower down, on spout,
6 spiral rows of superficial scallops and below these a band of httle squares. Stem of bell with 4
lengthwise ridges; the bell itself, on the greatest circumference, with a circle of little knobs, below
that an ornament like plaited work; above this both halves covered with numerous curved furrows.
Along all three rows of knobs a waved relief ridge.

N°. 697. Char inde. Ingras; brass bell in which a small, iron ball; Chinese ornament. From men\'s bag
N°. 641 ; was bought in the branch of the N. G. Trading Company at Metu Débi.

In the social life of the Papuans the principle of division of labour has made as yet but
little progress. On the contrary, where outward circumstances do not forbid it, every one
procures for himself everything he wants, constructing his house, his boat, and as agriculturist,
fisherman or hunter all the tools and arms required. Already in early youth, the qualities
of an all round clever workman are developed in the Papuan, who if need be, also uses his
feet, in order to catch hold of anything.

Besides the instruments mentioned in the former Chapters, the collection still
contains a few more, which must be mentioned here separately. Amongst these is the small
bone bodkin (N°. 698), which should not be mistaken for a borer, but it is intended to pierce
(Finsch [1888—93, 205]), or enlarge holes in not too hard objects, and above all (like a marline
spike in splicing), it is used with plaited work (pag. 88) to separate strips and make room
for introducing the next strip, as Ten Kate [1895, 8, PI. Ill, fig. 11] mentions of Rbti, and
I myself saw it used by a man at Asé, in manufacturing an armlet.

As scrapers, sharpened pieces of bone are generally mentioned, and often .sago
spoons, carried in the left upper armlet, are mistaken for these. As a scraper for hard objects,
ordinary bone cannot be used, as it is too soft. The greater hardness of the enamel of the
teeth (between apatite and quartzite, 5 and 7 respect, of the scale of hardness) has however not
escaped the notice of the Papuan, and he therefore understood, that of the boar\'s tusks
(N°\\ 699—670, PL XXIV, fig, 13), obliquely ground down at the point, as takes place naturally
with the lower tusks, where these touch the upper ones, the enamel border protruding on
the medial side, can be very useful as a scraper. This small instrument is the only real scraper,
often found in the men\'s bags. I saw it used in a practical manner, similarly as with pieces
of glass, scraping in the direction towards the user. Now that the are a of the stone and
bone period on N. G. has already become very much reduced, the object will ere long
disappear; chalmers [1885, 89] saw it used behind Port Moresby in the manufacture of
spears, — van Herwerden [1906, 931] mentions similar from the Utumbuwe River, S. W. coast.

Berlin Harbour section, must, according to the conical holes in hard material as in teeth and
shells, no doubt exist in Papua Talandjang; but I never came across them. Rasps, made
out of ray\'s skin, as mentioned from other parts (FiNSCH [1888, 63]), I have, never met with,
though no doubt accidentally; neither the large bamboo knives, mentioned by some
authors, which had greatly excited my curiosity, after I became acquainted with the small
bamboo razor (page 61). However, I found no clear answer to the question, how the edge
of these knives is made. Finsch [1888—93, 198], when discussing the knives which are used
in carving the meat, writes: quot;Bamboo knives, out of a sharp edged piece of bamboo, which
cut remarkably wellquot;; Haddon [1901, 115, fig. 11], illustrating a large knife with which a
human head can be cut off, says: quot;a fresh edge has to be made for each head that is cut
offquot;, leaves the most important question, how during the stone period a fresh edge was
to be made, unanswered. Macgregor [1879, 60] mentions about the western warrior (Br. N. G.) :
quot;he tears a thin slip of the bamboo, which then presents a keen edgequot;. Pratt [1906, 44] writes:
quot;it is simply a piece of cane, stripped off from the parent stem, leaving a natural edgequot;.
According to nachrichten [1888, 225]: quot;it consists of a lengthy piece of bamboo, which
obtains a good sharp edge, by cleverly pulling off part of the vascular bundlesquot;. The quot;cleverly
pulling offquot; is, therefore, the principal part; I presume that a method is meant as described
above of the shaving with bamboo. Shaving, however, also takes place with pieces of glass
and, where these are imported, with western kitchen-knives, which are sharpened on a whetstone
like N°. 704 of Sâgeisârâ, consisting of biotite-quartzite, to which on the broken surface the
mica (biotite) scales give a golden shine. How the Papuan workman knows to appreciate a good
instrument, was proved to me at Tobadi, when amongst the articles for barter I used the very
pretty, but really poor pocket knives. They at first, on account of the mechanical part,
were very much in demand, but after their inferiority had been proved, I was asked to
exchange them for ordinary kitchen knives. The blades of these, fastened with rattan lashings
to a handle previously split, down the entire length (N°. 701, PI. XXIV, fig. 10), are much
used; ground down transversely at the point, they are used as a chisel (N°\\ 702 and 703,
PL XXIV, fig. i), fastened into fairly long, and often very nicely carved handles, they can
be used with both hands. The man crouching down on the back ground behind the canoe
of fig. 124 is busy smoothing down the outside surface with such a chisel. It is still to be
observed, that here the splitting of the handle does not continue as with N°. 701, but at
a certain distance it goes in a transverse direction, whereby the end of the handle, on
which they sometimes knock with the hand used as a hammer, is purposely left unsplit
and smooth.

figs. 4—8) of Lake Sentani, consisting, like the sago clubs and hatchets, of a handle with an
obKque socket near the end for inserting the hammer-head. The grip-end of the handle is
usually fitted by a slight endwise thickening, for a firm grip; the other end, for a heavier
knock, broadened and thickened. The hammer-head has a long and narrow striking surface,
and fits into the somewhat transversely oval socket of the handle, which thus prevents it from
turning round. The Amsterdam collection has for a long tim.e possessed such a small hammer
(Ser, I, N°. 1579), described only as a wooden driver, and ornamented exactly in the same
manner (fish-ornament), and said to have come from the S. E. coast, which statement must be
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.nbsp;30

enfrely of heavy palmwood, th,s small instrument belongs to the stone period in as far as

■t serves exel^srvely, or prineipally. in manufacturing the two principal Ltrument ofth

penod v.. the stone sago club and the stone hatchet. It has\'to be used in driving h

th th,eker part, untH all the stretching has disappeared and the requisite degree o tlinl

has been obtamed. By this use it has become an important, yea, indispensable Z
accordance wr h thjs is the beautiful manner in which all these objects are carved thL snak
l.ke hne and also the fish-ornament often occurring.

the bark forms almost exclusively the dress of the married women. Like elsewherquot; th s
preparation ,s done by the women. At Asé a piece of a sapling of ± . m Tength nd
cm. m diameter, cut off transversely at both ends, probably brought by tS to^n

had been taken ent,rely out of the stem part, for I saw no traces of newly cut-off brancLs

hea .ng or even a slight superficial charring of the stem, as described by Scn^^^t/JZss .3.] of Fmsch Harbour, had not taken place here. After the scraping\' the tre^a! 1

care to beat neither transversely, nor lengthways, but in an angle of ± 45° Small droos of
mo,s ure were issuing from the bark at each blow, and gradu=!ly this w\'as b!gl nJTo , e
loosely round the stem, as it became too wide for it. Near and round the knots tL con
nec..on between the wood and the bark here so much closer, was relieved by slig bl\'ows c»

most knots occurred m the same longitudinal line was carefully selected for cutting the bark

open lengthways, in order to obtain a mmimum of holes in the middle of the piece The

had St,11 to be severed with a knife. From the inside of the flatly outstretched bark , Th

By this beating the bark obtains a darker colour. All the time one or more large
flat, round stones (N». 7... Pl. XXV, fig. 3), designated as gabbro, were lying undeT the spots

after .t had become more pliable under the beating, care was taken that the birk by a trans

beat on the folds themselves, by which the fibres might break transversely (figs. ,45 and ,46)

then hung outside the house in the sun to dry (fig. 147). This entire manipulation took
place in the village itself, presumably because there is no very great safety for the women
in the forests, or because the men are not inclined to stay close by, as in central Celebes
(Adriani and Kruyt [1901, 139]), tiU the work is finished.

I never saw the boiling in an earthenware pot with the addition of ashes, in order
to obtain a white colour, or a fermentation of the moist bark wrapped in leaves of Livis-
tonia rotundifolia, as is reported from Celebes. The bark is lighter or darker according
to the kind of tree which supplied it; this also holds good, as I was told by missionaries, for
Geelvink Bay; both kinds are worn, whilst in K. W. Land only the lighter kind, supplied,
according to schellong [1888, 221] by two kinds of tree, is used. The common name of
the material is in H. B. as well as on Lake Sentani marà, sometimes shortened to mär ; the
addition chembau, therefore marà chembau, for the red brown kind, according to my inter-
preter, points to the species of tree.

Not much attention was given in Asé to the nature of the beating instrument. Stones,
as used on Celebes (Adriani and Kruyt [1901, 139]) but also in N. G. (Schmeltz [1888, 233] ),
or coral beaters (schellong [1888, 221, PI. XIX, figs. 5 and 6]) as known of Finsch Harbour,
carved on the striking surface, or wooden beaters with circular grooves as in the possession
of the Utrecht collection from Geelvink Bay, and as illustrated by Uhle [1886, 9, N°. 4521,
PI. VII, fig. i] from Doré, by Erdweg [1902, 308, fig. 205] from K. W. Land, and by Edge
Partington [1895, PI. 178] from British New Guinea, were not known here.

According to Biro [190 i, 47] it depends upon the work being done with wood or
with stone whether a different article is obtained. However this may be, at Asé pieces of
wood are used, hke N°. 712 (PI. XXV, fig. 11), and the sides of these are used for the beating.
The old woman of fig. 145, to my astonishment, was beating with the broad back of her
chopper. The great number of pieces which were hanging drying on fig. 147, made me presume
that the female inhabitants of this house were preparing the bark wholesale and as an article
for trading, but I was unable to obtain any confirmation of this, and I therefore conclude
that every family works for its own needs. Often a stock of large bundles of prepared
bark is suspended inside the houses.

Another industry, again in the hands of the women, is the manufacture of pots,
of which the north coast of New Guinea has evidently several centra, amongst which the
H. B. industry occupies an honoured place. The opinion of finsch [1888, 353], that this
industry belongs to the villages in the inner bay, has been proved to be incorrect, also his
idea, shared by Van der Goes [1858, 141, 180], that the same red clay obtained from the
surrounding hills, used for the hair as a pigment, is also used in the manufacture of the pots.
If the information of the Papuans has been properly understood, the case however is diffe-
rent and the material used consists of a yellow kind of clay (N°. 713), to be found in the
neighbourhood of Kajó Jenbf, and the manufacturing is only done by the inhabitants of
this village, who call their pots ûde-, in Tobadi they are called anenä, in Tanah Merah
serai. The yellow clay differs only shghtly in composition from the red and the grey
clay (see pp. 52—54).

On Lake Sentani the village of Abär also produces pottery; greyish black clay,
found in the immediate vicinity, is used. Specimens of this industry have been discussed as

68—73, (PI- I» figs- 22, 23 and 25), but during the short visit I also saw other shapes in
the making, which very much resembled the ordinary pot of Kajó Jenbi\'; these articles are,
however, much inferior to those of Humboldt Bay. The clay is prepared beforehand, and cleared
of stones in a very unsatisfactory manner, at all events, once when I saw women manufac-
turing a pot, which was nearly finished, their knocking on the outside, brought to the surface
small stones, of ± 4 m.m. in diameter, which had to be picked out and the hollows made
again to be filled up. A flat, oval stone (n°. 714, PI. XXV, fig. 2) out of a micaceous sand-
stone, plentifully found on the island of Pujo, was held inside, the flat, wooden beater
(n°. 715, PI. XXV, fig. 10), knocking on the corresponding spot on the outside surface, in
a manner known of elsewhere. I am almost convinced that these pots are started in the
way mentioned by pratt [1906, 687] of the Motu women: quot;seize a lump of clay with both
hands, and make a hole large enough to get the right hand inquot;, and not by beating together
clay rings, as mentioned by Haddon [1894, 223] of Teste Island; — rough pots, shaped
inside a palm leaf basket, and then baked, as reported by parkinson [i 900, 38] of Berlin
Harbour, I have not met with anywhere.

Although until now no weaving industry has been described of New Guinea, still
some articles are found, which may be placed under that heading.

It is Braam Morris [1885, 90] who mentions woven petticoats ofthe married
women of Tanah Merah Bay, and De Clercq (De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 49, N°. 260
and N°. 261, PI. XIH, figs. 4 and 5]) who collected a cloth of Anus and Jamna, worn by
women in front and on the back like a quot;sarongquot;; according to Horst [1889, 245], however,
they are worn like aprons {see fig. 40, the woman on the left), and obtained from the main-
land. De Clercq and Horst probably mean the same objects, of which I myself received
a specimen as a present from a Netherlands naval officer, collected on the same part of the
Netherl. north coast. I take the material used to be loose, narrow palm leaf strips, and the
colours are between dark brown and light yellowish brown. The fibres of a strip are not twisted,
but in order to keep them together, simple overhand knots have been made in all the strips,
at distances of 3—5 c.m.; the fibres of a strip are lying in the tissue flat alongside each
other, like in a narrow, flat ribbon. The threads in this case are lengthened, not as in the
carrying bags by twisting the fibres together, but by knotting. The composition of the
cloth, shows lengthwise running warp-threads, crossed by weft-threads, which return at the
side margins, without interruption, forming the selvage of the cloth. As the warp-threads are
longer than the length of the tissue, they form at both ends a fringe, ± 16 c.m. in length,
also mentioned by De ClercQ. In order to obtain an equal length of the fringe, some of
the strips are lengthened by knotting. The tissue is fairly close and shows, in consequence
of double stripes of the dark colour, introduced as well in the weft- as in the warp-threads,
a design of large squares, which is crossed by a check of the lighter colour. At each of the
four corners a knot is laid with some warp- (fringe) thread.s, inside which the end of the
weft-thread is placed and in this way ravelling is prevented. Nothing is known of any weaving
instrument for the manufacture of the above described cloth; on the other hand it can hardly
be imagined that the whole of it can be made by hand.

It is rather remarkable that the first real tissues of inland make, used for clothing,
are met with in Papua Talandjang, the land of the naked Papuan.

The only weaving frame (N°. 716, PL XXV, fig. i), the first mentioned from
New Guinea, was met with by the expedition at Tarfia. It is used in the manufacture of
brow bands, girdles, armlets, etc., which form the monopoly of this village. In its highly primitive
form, it represents the loom in its most simple shape, such as was sketched by Bushan
[1889, 230, fig. i], as having served at the first stage of the art of weaving. Both systems of
warp-threads and weft-threads can be recognised in the figure. The thread used is a two-
stranded cord. The warp is
wound spiraUy, being stretch-
ed lengthwise, round the
two cross sticks, and forms
between the same double
warp-threads, which, lying at
first in pairs above each other,
are placed two and two along-
side each other by the intro-
duction of the weft-thread.
As however the weft-thread
is single, and the warp-thread
being double, a tissue is ob-
tained which can be placed
on a par with the western
rib weaves, i. e. in warp
effect (lengthways). Whether
the use of it requires any
more instruments, as those
employed with more com-

The smith\'s craft, still entirely unknown in Humboldt Bay and surroundings, is
applied with much zeal in the west. This craft the Papuans owe to the Ceram people, and
Van Dissel [1904a, 629—631] even found, that in the villages of Patipi and Rumbati, at the
south coast of the MacCluer Gulf, the people, who forge, are of Moham.medan religion and
still show the Ceram type. Fig. 148 gives the customary arrangement, including the instru-
ment, already mentioned several times by others, which takes the place of the bellows.

N°. 698. Ingrâs; bodkin of bird\'s bone, one end with head of joint, the other end sharpened into a point;
length II c.m. To be used in plaiting. From bag N°. 634.

N°. 699. Pk XXIV, fig. 13. 2/.. Por cheab. Ingrâs; boar\'s caninus, ground down from the concave side
obliquely in the direction towards the point and the convex medial surface, here the enamel forming
a sharp edge. Used as scraper. Found as before.

N°. 700. Por cheab. Tobadi; like N°. 699, four pieces, the largest with an outer circumference of 16
the smallest of 6 c.m., and this one so much ground down that the dental canal is opened.

N°. 701.* Pl. XXIV, fig. 10. 1/4- Sigereriri. Tobâdi; blade of western kitchen knife, jammed between
two longitudinal halves of a wooden handle; on conical part of handle a lashing plaited from reeds,
nearer the blade, under a ridge, a rattan lashing.

N°. 702. Sigeri öri, ari öri. Tobâdi; blade of a knife, the end transversely ground down, in the
shape of a chisel; the shaft fastened by lashings into brown, wooden handle, slit lengthways over
ID c.m. of the length (at this distance one of the halves transversely cut off). A flat, circular groove
forms a knob at the end in the shape of a glans penis. Used as a chisel.

N°. 703. PI. XXIV, fig. II. 1/4. Simbârâ; hke N°. 702, but also part of the blade in the slit of the handle;
this partly conical, and with six plaited, rattan lashings; remainder of handle with bands of carved
circles, 4 or 5 in each band, intermediate spaces with concentrical or snake-shaped, partly finned
figures and longitudinal ribs.

N°. 704. Tanderi. Sâgeisârâ; piece of mica-quartzite, 32 c.m. long, 11 c.m. broad, 12 c.m. high. On
the broken surface a golden lustre of small sca|es of mica (biotite); used in sharpening stone hatchets,
dja, idjâ, itjâ. Found on the ground close to a| house.

N°. 705. PI. XXV, fig. 6. Vs- Pujo; hammer of darkbrown wood; handle with round grip and broadened
fore part; at broadest part 2.8 c.m. thick, here in the middle with transversely oval, conical hole, in
which a piece of wood for striking, 11.5 c.m. in length, the striking surface transversely broadened;
handle with carvings (human face?) on both surfaces, covered with lime. For beating down lashings.

N°. 706. PI. XXV, fig. 7. 1/5. Pujo; as before, but handle more oblong, entirely covered with carvings,
with exception of grip; on edges with triangles, between two sets of snake-like ridges; on flat surfaces
with human face (?), in front of hole with convex, dental curves. Used as N°. 705.

N°. 707. PI. XXV, fig. 4. \'/y. Chatu or katu. Asé; as before, lower as well as upper surface carved
with two fish figures, the connected tail-fins encirchng the hole of handle; on side edges also two
fish figures; in between snake-like ridges, like those of N\'. 706. Use as before.

N°. 708. Pk XXV, fig. 5. \'/fi. Chatu or katu. Asé; as before, the handle after the grip suddenly and
after this gradually broadening; the forepart transversely cut-off: entirely covered with transverse
rows of carved eye-ornaments. Use as before.

N°. 709. Pi. XXV, fig. 8. \'/s- Chatu or katu. Asé; as before, the grip separated by smah relief border
from conical front part; this with loop coils, connected by snake-like ridges. Use as before.

N°. 710. PI. XXV, fig. 9. 1/3- Kara. Asé; sheh {Cyrena, Batifsa violacea, brackish water fauna)
for scraping, kède, tree-bark, marâ, intended for clothing, etc. Obtained from Humboldt Bay.

N°. 711. PI. XXV, fig. 3. 1/g- Atu. Sâgeisârâ; flat, round stone of a hght green colour, in which darker
spots and small, light spots (gabbro). On these, bark, mara, is beaten.

N°. 712. PI. XXV, fig. II. i/e- Suan-, Kajo Entsâu; piece of heavy, darkbrown wood, sum-, grip-end
narrow, from there broadening towards the front; one of the sides flat, the other transversely convex;
on this a carved cuscus figure, head (with two eye ornaments) and body oblong oval; the latter with
ID transverse carvings, to which short, longitudinal carvings; left fore paw with 5 claws, some of
them curled, the right with 4 short and shghtly curled claws, left hind paw with 4 longer, and
sharper bent, the right hind paw without claws. On the left of body a longitudinal lineal carving,
inside an oval (young one in pouch?). On the right, connected with the narrowing near the legs a
bolt-like figure, at both ends button-shaped (indication of sexual organs?). Weight 500 grams. Used
on its side for beating bark.

N°. 713. Kherâ. Kajó Entsau; yellow brown clay (sample) used for manufacturing earthenware pots,
ûde. Obtained from neighbourhood, on western shores of Humboldt Bay.

N°. 714. PI. XXV, fig. 2. 1/4. Abâr; flat, oval stone, 3 c.m. thick, rounded-off edges; of micaceous sand-
stone; weight 630 gram. Used in shaping clay pots.

715.nbsp;PI. XXV, fig. 10. ^/j,. Abar; spatula-shaped piece of fairly heavy, yellowish brown wood; handle
marked off by an encircling carving; thickness in the middle 2 c.m., thinner towards the rounded-off\'
edges. Weight 256 gr. Used together with N°. 714, in shaping clay pots.

716.nbsp;PI. XXV, fig. I. ^/jj. Makp\'dtar. Tarfia; weaving frame out of two pieces of sago leaf stalk
and two transverse, sharp-pointed, cylindrical pins; round these two pins a light brown, two-stranded
cord, war, out of bark strips is wound, somewhat stretched, running spirally 17 times round both,
producing 17 upper and 17 lower cords (warp), separated by the thickness ofthe pins; with the
continuation of the cord, beginning alongside one of the pins, each of the upper cords is at first
squeezed together with the corresponding lower one, after the 17\'^ pair the same thing repeated in
the opposite direction, and after this it moves from side to side as a weft-thread between the 17
double warp threads, all 34 lying in one plane, producing a rib weave, in warp effect. Girdle in
course of manufacture; the cord attached, 3.15 m. in length.

The conditions existing amongst the Papuans necessitate the possession of arms for
securing the safety of persons and propertj^ as well as for fishing and hunting. quot;The women
of the Dembebi tribe (annual Report [1901—02, 16]) are as ready and expert with the
bow as the menquot;, and the occurrence of palmwood swords for women is known of Tumleo
(Erdweg [1902, 328, figs. 228—230]), but otherwise the carrying of arms is limited to the
male inhabitants; these are seldom seen without arms, which has often unjustly been taken
by visitors as a proof of an unfriendly disposition, and has sometimes even without further
cause led to aggressive action.

Amongst the weapons intended for fighting at close quarters, the dagger is
intended for the actual hand-to-hand fight, and in order to finish a wounded enemy; conse-
quently the most general distribution occurs where swords or clubs and short spears, intended
for the same purpose, are either wanting or scarce. Only occurring on the north coast, the
western limit of its area lies near Pt. D\' Urville, whilst to the eastward it was not met
with any further than Hatzfeldt Harbour (FiNSCH [1888—93, 215]). According to Van DER
Goes [1858, 173], daggers are made of pig\'s bone or, as also stated by Van DER Chys
[1885, 192, N°. 3240], of the human thighbone. As far as I am aware, however, the tibia
of the cassowary is always made use of, not the femur, as parkinson [1900, 29] writes
of the Berlin Harbour section. Generally the handle is formed by the lower joint; ErdweG
[1902, 327], no doubt by mistake, writes quot;the proximal jointquot;. Usually the head of the joint
is ground down lateral and medial, to such an extent, that the breadth here corresponds almost
with that of the shaft, but the saddle-shaped part of the surface of the joint is retained.
For in this, the thumb of the person who carries the weapon, must rest, the thenar against
the back surface of the tibia and the four fingers grasping round the adjoining part of the
shaft, which, for this purpose, is left cylindrical exactly over the necessary length. Of the
remaining part the bony substance has been obliquely ground down, from the front towards
the back, the hollow of the bone being thus opened, the blade and point of the dagger
formed by the back lamella of the tibia. The edges of the blade, are generally only slightly

sharpened, but the point very much so. The outer surface of the bone is always nicely
polished, the inner one less. According to the value attached to the weapon, it is more or
less ornamented, in Humboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani with loop coils, usually applied on
carved fish figures; not unfrequently also the crocodile occurs, also noticed by Finsch [1. c.].
The spirals and the fish tail ornament are always wanting on the daggers of more eastern
territory (parkinson [1900, PI. 19, figs. 13 and 14], Erdweg [1902, fig. 227]), whilst on
the other hand the human face, which occurs here, is not met with in Papua Talandjang. In
more western parts only the anterior lamella of the shaft (N°^ 733—35 and 737) and the
anterior part of the head of the joint are retained, and in exceptional cases (N°. 720) the dagger
consists only of the lateral lamella and the lateral condyle.

The tarsometatarsus is also used for making a dagger, sometimes with part of the
distal condyle as a handle (N°^ 717 and 730), and at other times the proximal end of the
bone (N°. 736). Especially with old daggers, blackened by smoke, the beauty of the ornaments
is not a little increased by the lime applied in the carvings.

When not in use, the dagger is sometimes put in the bag, but generally it is stuck
into the left upper armlet with the point downwards, somewhat forward (fig. 124), the head
of the joint preventing it from slipping through; sometimes, however, the point is turned
upwards (PI. XXXVIII, fig. 2). In K. W. Land, according to FiNSCH [1. c.], the dagger is
carried in the right armlet, which in exceptional instances also happens on Netherlands
territory (PI. XXXVII, fig. 2). Parkinson [1900, 29], however, also mentions, for the Berlin
Harbour district, the left armlet, and carried in this manner the dagger is, no doubt, better
placed for immediate use with right-handed people. I have never noticed the carrying of two
daggers at a time as reported by FiNSCH [1. c.]. In Papua Talandjang the dagger is not
uncommonly suspended round the neck or from the left shoulder in short scabbards
(N°^ 720, 727, 728, 732, PI. XXVI, figs. 7 and 8), made of cord, with the stitch of fig. 117,
with a border as per fig. 43, and suspended by a carrying sling of the same pattern. These
scabbards, into which the cylindrical grip-end of the dagger fits exactly, and which are often
ornamented with Coix, cord fringe, feathers, etc. have not been mentioned before now, and
prove, that the dagger is highly esteemed in those parts, and by no means serves for the
profane use of a breaker or bodkin, as indicated by FiNSCH [1888—93, 60] and BiRO [1899,
38, fig. 5] of K. W. Land.

CI u b s, loaded with stones, as used in British New Guinea (THOMSON [1892, 175],
many-pointed star clubs of astonishing geometrical exactitude (d\'albertis [1880, II, 86],
Annual Report [1903-—4, 21]), become more scarce on the north coast and towards the west
(Hagen [1899, 178]); in the western part of K. W. Land they only occur amongst the
mountaineers (Preuss [1897, 102]), whilst they are not mentioned at all by parkinson
[1900, 29] of the Berlin Harbour district. On the Netherl. north coast they are wanting, as
well as the wooden clubs or swords, mentioned by FiNSCH [1888—93, 215], Hagen[i899, 173]
and Parkinson [1900, 29], of the above parts. When the expedition arrived quite unexpect-
edly on Lake Jamur, I noticed in the settlement of Angadi, however, a complete club
(N°. 738, PI. XXVI, fig. 9), of which the pierced stone, made of quartzite (which mineral,
however, does not occur on Lake Jamur itself), and provided with numerous spikes, was slipped on
to a strong handle and retained by the thickened end. A similar club was standing against a
Nova. Guinea, iii. Ethnography.nbsp;31

tree on a grave, but both objects shortly afterwards disappeared and were only repro-
duced from the high grass after pressing inquiries. It now turned out that these objects had
been captured on robbing and murdering expeditions to the south-west coast, and, as silent
witnesses of these crimes, were concealed. They therefore belong to the culture of the said
coast and are possibly used in the same manner as communicated of the Tugeri (SCHMELTZ
[1904, 205]), namely, that at the beginning of the blow the stone is close to the hands, and
only by the sway moves on towards the thickened end, which highly increases the impetus
of the blow. To prevent the disk-shaped stone-head slipping back, on these clubs a plaited
band is attached to the handle (see also ANNUAL REPORT [1897—98, PI. 6]).

Wooden swords, with which the Tugeri cut off the heads of their slain enemies
(Pratt [1906, 44]), are not to be found on the north coast of Netherl. N. G., and the common
spear to the length of 8—12 feet, known of Eastern K. W. Land (Hagen [1899, 173]), becomes
more scarce towards the Berlin Harbour district (PARKINSON [1900, 29]). In Humboldt Bay
they are lacking; VAN der GoES [1858, 173] says only they are very rare in H. B., the object
he describes, however, corresponds with the boar lance, which is a hunting-weapon (see
Chapter V, p. 155).

Towards Geelvink Bay the lance again occurs more frequently, and thus the collection
contains some lances 740—743) of Wari of heavy palm wood, and beautifully carved, like
those mentioned by De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, 144, 145] of Korido, Abere and Wosnik.
They were much prized by the inhabitants; who would not part with the finest specimens.
It was said that the iron head was the work of the Wari people themselves. Barbs made
in the wood of the lance, close to the iron head, prevent the attacked person from catch-
ing hold of the weapon; otherwise the lance is octagonal or round, and generally ribbed
lengthways. The figures on N°. 741, have entirely the Geelvink Bay type. The lance of Inagoi
(N°. 744, PI. XXVII, fig. 42) has a striking resemblance to the one of Ansus [1. c., 145,
N°. 650, PI. XXVII, fig. 11]. Ceremonial lances, hke those ofthe S. W. coast (Schmeltz
[1904, PI. V, figs. I and 4], Van Herwerden [1906, PI. X,d]), I have nowhere met with.

The so-caUed man-catcher is not used, neither in K. W. Land (nachrichten [1888, 225]),
nor in Netherl. N. G., and the stone hatchet placed by Van der Chys [1884, 192, N°. 3241]
amongst the weapons of H. B. is not intended here for use in war.

Bow and arrow in H. B., exactly as reported by Erdweg [1902, 324] of Tumleo,
form the real weapon for fighting at a distance.

As far as the arrows are concerned, a system was at the time devised by Serrurier
[1888, i], based upon the shape and material of the arrowheads, and this is correct so far
as both, material and shape, are selected for its special purpose. Taught by experience, I
would, however, like to see such a system only used for museums, after the manner of Biro,
and further recommend for every place a natural (Papuan!) classification, of which Serrurier
also felt the want (see his second system). It moreover appears that there is no such thing as a
single Humboldt Bay type (Serrurier [1. c., 13, PL I, figs. 61 and 62]), or any other exclusively
local type, but that each place possesses as many kinds of arrow heads as necessitated by the
practical needs of warfare, chase or play. Finsch [1888—93, 214], who collected 16 kinds of
arrows of Attack Harbour, already laid stress on this, and merely recommended illustrations
to be made of all the arrows of each place. Still peculiarities of technique and ornament may

be characteristic of one territory or tribe, forming a quot;Stammeszeichenquot; (SCHMELTZ [1904, 222]).
So, for instance, it is a characteristic of the H. B. arrows, that both lower end of head and
upper part of shaft are covered by one and the same lashing, formed by a continuous twine
(liana?), whilst more to the west the lashing only surrounds the upper part of the shaft, deprived
beforehand of its epidermis. The seven members of the Papuan committee, who composed my
arrow classification of H. B., by such peculiarities of the lashings, the ornaments, etc., picked out
at first sight the foreign anrows, and further, barring differences in knowledge or memory, were
of one opinion as to the name and object of each arrow. I am giving of the H. B. arrows a
series of illustrations (PI. XXVII, figs, i—39), and a detailed description, limiting myself as to
the other places to a superficial review. It often turns out that arrows with the same shape
of head have a common name; on the other hand, arrows with differently shaped heads are
often designated by the same name, which furnishes another proof that the Papuan designates
his arrows after principles differing from those of the museum system. The groups pabu and
watu watu of Tobadi, furnish clear evidences of this.

I have not noticed in the territory visited, that arrows are traded away, as at Doré,
which imports them from Wiak (De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 114]), but I myself
experienced the giving away of arrows as a token of friendship, notwithstanding I was willing
to pay for all such ethnographica. Hagen [1899, 176] mentions this giving away of arms to
friends, as the principal cause for the quot;Verschleppungenquot;.

The arrows consist generally of two component parts, the head of bamboo or palm
wood, either hardened in the fire or not, and the shaft, made of cane. Not seldom however
a foreshaft is introduced in between, and sometimes a special tip is fastened on to the
arrow head.

One of the principles, according to which an arrow must be con-
structed, in order to dart through the air with the head foremost, is, that the centre of gravity
must lie before the centre of air-resistance. Considering firstly the cane shaft, which of course
is a little thicker at one end than at the other, it will be clear, that the centre of air-
resistance is situated a little above the middle, towards the thicker end. The centre of
gravity however, will be found still more towards the thicker end, because air-resistance
increases proportionally the 2iid power, and weight proportionally the 3tli power of the diameter.
Therefore with all the arrows the thicker part of the shaft is foremost. For the same reason
arrow heads are made of palm wood of a high spec. grav. If, however, for some reason or
other, a lameUa-shaped arrow head is wanted, for instance a bamboo head, which offers much
resistance to the air, and when dry, is moreover of a low spec, grav., one is obliged to
remove the centre of gravity artificially to the fore, by attaching a so-called foreshaft,
of heavy wood, to which the arrowhead is now fastened (see PL XXVII, fig. i). The fore-
shaft, called by Biro [1899, 80] quot;Balancirglied oder Beschwergliedquot;, by schmeltz [1904, 218]
„Zwischenstückquot;, along which the narrow stem of the bamboo head is fastened, moreover,
by its stiffness prevents the brittle bamboo stem from breaking, whilst, lashed directly along
the flexible cane shaft, it would soon break by an occasional bending of the latter.

Arrows for pig hunting are always provided with a bamboo head, making a
large wound, causing by the quick and profuse loss of blood an easily detectable track
and also preventing the wounded animal from escaping too far into the bush. Longitudinal

blood-groves, and sometimes also the strong gutter shape 934, 935, 1208, 1216 and 1217)
facilitate still more the outflow of blood. Yet in H. B., boar arrows with palmwood heads
were presented to me under the name rugwe (N°. 763, Pl. XXVII, fig. 4). p^or practical reasons
bamboo heads are always lashed with the concave side of the narrow stem along and not
i n the shaft (foreshaft).

The palmwood arrow heads are always inserted inside the split shaft. The
hardening of arrow heads in the fire, as described of Netherl. N. G, e. g. by Van der Goes
[1858, 109, 120] and Van Hasselt [1886, 580], is certainly not practised in H. B., as white
points are here very often met with. The length of the heads, as well as that of the whole
arrow, is, no doubt, also chosen according to practical principles, and it sounds somewhat
strange when visitors like Mosely [1879, 444] call the arrows of H.B. too long for their
bows. A heavy arrow, although only useful at a short distance, gives with an equal speed,
a higher power of penetration; the small ones, of which some weigh only 20 gram, are
intended for a greater distance. Long bones, sharpened, loosely stuck on the arrow head, and
often provided with jagged edges, can, with the effort to withdraw the arrow from the wound,
remain in the same, and possibly through this, the arrows have obtained in H. B. the reputation
of being deadly. Haddon [1894, 48], who was told the same thing in British N. G., thinks
however that these bone tips are poisoned in advance, by inserting them into decomposing
human corpses. The spine of the sting-ray has also a bad reputation, as the barbs may break
off and would cause wounds difficult to cure (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 116]).
Perhaps Horst [1889, 237] refers to these stings when he mentions arrowheads of fishbone
of Japen, and his boars\' hoofs are possibly cassowary claws, of which especially the inner
one is powerful, straight and pointed, and which were also met with by Haddon [1. c.] and
Schmeltz [1904, 219] on arrowheads of the Tugeri.

The cane shaft, is placed with the thicker end in front (see above); the after end
as a rule not far behind a node, preventing the splitting-up, is never knobbed, as would
be necessary for the primary release (morse [1885, 6]), and never notched. Seldom the shaft
is left in a rough state, almost always the circular thickening at the nodes is cut
away all round, in order to decrease the resistance of the air, but also to prevent the
thickenings from striking against the bow. With each node a ring, deprived of the upper
skin, has thus been produced, which has often been erroneously counted as an ornament. That
a principle of suitability is above all the cause of these rings, is evident from the fact that
the foremost node, which remains in front of the bow, is not ringed, and that with many
ornamental arrows, with nicely carved and painted heads, with plaited work, Nassa, feathers,
etc., but which are never used for actual shooting, all nodes have often been left
quite un-ringed, a peculiarity which already struck Schmeltz [1896, 124]. Whether the
painting in black of these ringed nodes, means a protection against insects (De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, 113]), I am unable to decide; but it is worthy of notice that with fish
arrows, which are used in salt water, the rings are generally left white. Ring-shaped carvings,
cut in close to the nodes, possibly serve as a distinctive mark of the owner.

The foremost of the internodes, is generally provided with scratched-in ornaments,
often also the other ones, sometimes all except the back one. On a single occasion I saw
all the internodes, except the front one ornamented. FiNSCH [1888—93, 214] calls the orna-

ment of the shaft of arrows in Sëkâ quot;burnt-inquot;. At Asé, however, I did see a man, who
was preparing arrow shafts, scraping off the upper skin lineally with the sharp edge of a
knife, whilst he then pulled the shafts through the flames of a woodfire, in order to straighten
out of them, during the heated stage, all the false bends, and in this way the scratched-in lines
became somewhat dark. Very often, however, the ornament is smeared over with a separate,
black pigment. The ist internode is decorated in H. B. with very different ornaments, on the
other internodes one meets with a great many lengthwise lines, which converge in pairs towards
the front in a sharp angle, forming chevrons, as illustrated by Erdweg [1902, 325, fig. 225b]
of Tumleo, sometimes with a snake-like undulating line between both legs. Figs. 149—151
give illustrations of ornamentation of arrow shafts of Lake Sentani.

any practical calculations; thus the point is often made of a hght kind of wood, which can
be easily worked in long and thin, fine barbs. The beautiful arrows, which Uhi^E [1886, 7,
PI. VI, figs. 2 and 3] illustrates of Kordo and of which the collection also contains several,
are certainly not intended for ordinary use. The same holds good, when (as common in H. B.)
many coronets of feathers and feather bunches are fastened at or near the head. Besides lime
(this in the intaglio portions), soot, red and yellow clay are used to ornament the head, but
also a reddish brown liquid, called tree-gum by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 115],
mentioned by von Rosenberg [1875, 88] of the Arfak, as. a kind of vegetable poison, of
which they would not divulge the secret. That it serves as an ornament, is evident from the
fact, that it does not occur on the most simple arrowheads (schmeltz [1896, 115]), and also

because on a few arrowheads of the district of Sëka special figures (figs. 152 and 153) had
been made with this pigment. A similar shiny, dry, colouring matter, I saw on bamboo heads
of boar arrows, and therefore certainly not to be looked upon as poisonous. Indeed, as yet,
poisonous weapons have never been proved with certainty of N. G. The ornamental arrows,
specially collected by some visitors on account of the outward appearance, give numerically
a wrong representation of the armamentarium. Nevertheless, their frequency in H. B. is a
proof that just here bow and arrow have reached the highest development.
Towards the east (Finsch [1888—93, 214]), as well as towards Pt. D\'Urville,
the bows and more especially the arrows are much more simple; e. g. the
ringing of the nodes, although never omitted, is done much more carelessly.

Above a grave at Ibaiso an arrow was stuck into the ground, and
on inquiry it was understood, that with this arrow the treacherous murder
of the buried person had taken place. It is, however, nothing unusual that
bow and arrows used by the deceased, are deposited on the grave. In
the fence round a grave at Asé (fig. 166), the bow of the deceased is to
be seen, stuck straight into the soil. Moreover, weapons are often treasured as
mementoes: in the collection several specimens occur, and amongst them
very elaborate ones, which are covered with a layer of greasy soot, having
been kept for years in the smoke of the fire places, and in a house at Angadi,
I saw, lying on the cross beams of the roof a long, wide, bamboo cylinder,
containing a bundle of arrows of a deceased inhabitant. They were never to
be used, but were preserved in this way.

The material ofthe bows is palmwood or bamboo. In Papua
Talandjang, as well as on the adjacent German territory the palmwood bow
is solely used, towards the east it is met with exclusively as far as Pt.
D\' Urville; in Geelvink Bay the bamboo bow already appears together with
Painted ornanlent it, and further towards the west the distribution of both kinds is apparently

^oth kinds being collected in the villages on the south coast of the
MacCluer Gulf by De Clercq (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 136]).
I found at Wari (N°. 1246) and on Mios Korwar (N°. 1247) exclusively the bamboo bow,
also with the tribe of the Manikion (N°. 1248). At Angadi, however, so close to the south-
west coast, where both kinds are met with (VAN der Goes [1858, 109, 121]), the palmwood
bow is used (N°. 1241).

Composite bows, of palm wood with a strengthening of bamboo fastened alongside,
as reported by VON LusCHAN (Krieger [1899, ^g- 6]) of Sekar, I have not seen anywhere.

According to De Clercq Arenga saccharifera and Areca Nibung are used
for the palm wood bow, according to Hagen [1899, 61], a wild species of the last-named
palm, characterised by a greyish brown bark. Erdweg [1902, 325] speaks of a Betle species,
with a soft core and describes the cutting of the bowstaffs out of the outer layers of the
stem. The inside surface of the palm wood (the inner side of the bamboo with the bamboo
bows) forms the front of the bowstaff and proves, as with most specimens of the collec-
tion, plainly to be concave, (Erdweg [1902, 324, fig. 224] draws the transverse section
biconvex), whilst the hard, outside part forms the back of the bowstaff. In many specimens

of the collection a lengthwise strip of the bark is retained, sometimesnbsp;1227 and 1228)

carved into a decorative snake figure (see also schmeltz [1904, 220, fig. i]). It is exclusively
this side, turned towards the archer, which is provided (especially the upper half in Hum-
boldt Bay) with carved ornaments, in the style of the illustrations given by De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, PI. XXXI, fig. 16] and Parkinson [1900, PI. XXI, figs. 39 and 40]. The
latter places them upside down; according to Preuss [1899, 175] the eye and nose ornament
are pre-eminent. I have nowhere seen a strengthening of weak or cracked bows with a lath
tied alongside, as described by schmeltz [1895, 238; 1904, 209, fig. 15]. It does not appear
probable, that such a strengthening would be the object of the plaiting of reeds or rattan,
because it occurs almost exclusively on the upper half of the bow and evidently as an
ornament, just as the carved ornaments (which decrease the strength!), the suspended feathers
and the ornamental Coix seeds and cord fringe, are also exclusively applied to this extremity.
The bows of Lake Sentani and more western parts do not possess the excessive decoration
of some H. B. bows, nevertheless with all of them at least one small plaited band occurs
at both ends, which must support the rattan rings, preventing the loops of the bowstring
from shifting (Schmeltz [1896, PI. IX, figs. 2 and 2 a]).

Strictly speaking, all the bows are slightly asymmetrical, which neither
Parkinson nor Erdweg report of the Berlin Harbour district, but which did not entirely escape
the notice of Schmeltz (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 232]). The lower half is always
somewhat thicker and heavier than the upper one, and besides of both the conical points, as far
as they reach outside the bowstring, the lower is shorter and thicker than the slender upper
one. The centre of gravity is therefore always somewhat below the middle of the bow and
closer to the lower than to the upper end of the string. N°. 1229 has half-way its length,
three small, plaited, rattan bands to facilitate the grasp of the left hand. Plaited work along
the whole length of the bow (De Clercq and ScHMELTZ [1893, N°. 609, PI. XXX, fig. 9]),
I have never seen.

Bowstrings of bamboo (?), as described by Biro [1901, 116] of Astrolabe Bay, of Br. N. G.
by Thomson [1892, 118] and Macgregor [1897, 59], also those of twisted bark fibres of the
Tugeri(?) (Pratt [1906, 46]), the Numfor (van Hasselt [1886, 579]) and in the extreme
west (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 137—140]), do not occur in the collection; it only
contains bowstrings made of a rattan strip, plaited at both ends into a loop in the way
illustrated by De Clercq [L c., PL XXXI, figs. 7 and 16] and Erdweg [1902, 324, fig. 224],
by Schmeltz [1896, 119, PL IX, figs. 12 and 13] of Astrolabe Bay and of the Tugeri
[1904, 207]; they are always turned with the smooth outside surface towards the bowman.

To string the bow, the lower loop is pushed beforehand over the lower point as far
as the rattan ring, and then, as also described by Erdweg [1902, 324] of Tumleo, and shown
on fig. 154, the lower point supported on the ground, one of the knees placed against the
middle of the bow, and whilst the left hand seizes the upper part of the bow, bending it
towards the bowman, the right hand places the upper loop of the string over the top. It
is necessary to take care that the lower point is not touching a stone or any other hard
object, as (notwithstanding its being stronger than the upper point) it might break off. On
board the boats the bow is bent between the carrying laths of the outriggers (mosely
[1879, 443]).

Unstringing the bow the action is reversed. When not in use the bow is always
unstrung, the bowstaff nearly being straight, and the string, suspended over the top end, is
lower down, fixed by a hitch of rattan. With one bow of the collection {N°. 1247) the lower
loop has another rattan strip, for the said purpose.

Spare strings, as carried to the number of one (N°. 1246) or two (N°. 1247), are
also suspended with the upper loop over the top end, as shown in fig. 156; with N°. 1242

however, it is simply tied along the
front side. A bowstring has always an
unvarying length; an arrangement, as
indicated by parkinson [1900, 28] of
the Berlin Harbour district, where a
strained string can be strained still
further as may be desired and then
simply remains caught between a ring,
is unknown on Netherlands territory.
The three bamboo bows
1246—48) are all smaller (on an
average 1.69 M.), than the smallest of
the palm wood specimens. The front
side is, by the natural shape of the
bamboo, concave in the transverse; —
Von Luschan (Krieger [1899, 457,
fig- 9]) gives of children\'s bamboo
bows of Sekar a biconvex section. On
the back the naturally smooth outside surface has been retained and on the frontside, parts
of the partitions of the nodes, 4—6 in -number, have been left. Both the conical extremities
have a sudden broadening, against which the loops of the bowstring are supported. It is a
rule (see also Haddon [1890, 330]), that the lower end of the bamboo forms the upper arm
of the bow, and this part is generally more ornamented by superficial carvings than the
lower arm. The cassowary claw, stuck loosely on to the upper end, according to De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 137], produces a vibrating noise, pleasing to the Papuan ear, when the
arrow is quitted.

The right to carry bow and arrow is only obtained when the young man is received
amongst the fighting men; in H. B. after leaving the temple, at Tumleo (ErdweG [19O2, 326])
after the ceremony of putting on the stiff bark girdle. The bow is always carried un-bent
and with it a bundle of 8—12 assorted arrows, kept together by a rattan or bark strip.
When a Papuan happened to pay a visit to our camp, with his bow strung, Mr. dumas used
at once to cut the string, and the visitor always understood the lesson in good-behaviour
given in this manner.

Regarding the handling of bow^ and arrow, especially the so-called arrow-release,
the opinions of different authors do not fully agree. According to my observations, the arrow
is usually held between the thumb and (the ist or 2nd phalange of) the forefinger, while this finger,
bent below the arrow, di-aws the string, together with the other three. This position, to be

seen on fig. 155 and also on the original photos of Tugeri bowyers, reproduced by Schmeltz
[1904, 207, fig. 13], is the quot;archaic releasequot; of Morse [1885, 37]. Sometimes the little
finger does not reach the string, a position which represents a form of tertiary release
[1. c., 50]. Cases in which the forefinger is bent above the arrow (Haddon [1890, PI. IX, fig. i]),

I never witnessed. Often, however, the forefinger is not bent round the string, but is held next
it or slightly bent along and under the arrow, the string being drawn by the three remaining
fingers, as fig. 156 shows. This is in British New Guinea the most usual position, figured (not
quite clearly) by Haddon [1. c., fig. 2], so that this writer [1. c., 331], as well as Seligmann
[1906, 228], rightly speaks of quot;secondary releasequot; (Morse [he., 8, figs. 4 and 5]).

That the forefinger is entirely inactive, stretched along the arrow as along the pen in
writing (Biro [1901, 106]), or merely serves as a support (HaGEN [1899, 117, Ph H and 28]),
the arrow being held between the thumb and the 2nd phalange of the middlefinger, I never
saw on Netheri. territory. Both these writers compare this position with the Mediterranean
release (Morse [I.e., 13, figs. 8 and 9], a comparison which is not in accord with the illustra-
tions of Hagen, and incorrect in so far as, that by the Mediterranean release the thumb does
no work at all, whilst the proximal end of the arrow must have a notch, which is missing in all
New Guinea arrows. According to Pleyte [1891, 278, fig- 4]gt; the Papuans of Doré and adjacent
villages use the primary release; in this, however, Pleyte is wrong (see fig. 156), — the
Nova Guinea. iii. Ethnography.nbsp;32

primary release (Morse [I.e., 6, figs, i—3]) requires the use of knobbed arrows, such as are
nowhere met with in N. G.. Moreover, all authors agree in this, that always two or more
fingers cling to the string. In this respect the figs. 5 and 6 of Pleyte, representing the arrow-
release of a Papuan from North-West New Guinea and a Motu-warrior respect., are also incor-
rect, besides being wrongly compared by
the author to the Mediterranean release.
I am convinced that none of the three
positions figured by Pleyte are used by
born Papuans. pratt [i904, 4] represents
his Tugeri bowman with such a peculiar
grasp of the right hand (placing also the
arrow to the right of the bow), that his
drawing mystifies, rather than illustrates,
the real operation.

The archaic release, according to
my opinion, is the most effective, as
four fingers act on the string. Morse
himself says: quot;In testing the stiffness of
a bow, the string is grasped in this man-
nerquot;, but his opinion: quot;In the use of a
bow of any strength, the attrition of the
string on the fingers must be very severe;
and only a hand as tough and as tho-
roughly calloused as the paw of an animal,
could endure the friction of the string in
such a releasequot;, does not hold good for
the flat, nearly i c.m. broad, rattan string
of Papua Talandjang, as I found out by
experience.

The position of the bowman,
quot;ready for actionquot;, is with the arrow
pointing downwards (fig. 157). Being asked
to shoot without any aim, but as far as
possible, the people of Tobadi assumed
the position of fig. 155, also shown by
Schmeltz [I.e.] of the Tugeri. Müller
[1857, 60] from the south coast, and
Hagen from the north coast, report that
the bow is drawn above the head and then
lowered. In the beginning the string is
pulled in the direction of the right eye, which aims the arrow, the left eye, however, seldom being
closed. In further drawing, the shaft-(right) hand is lowered Towards the shoulder (see fig. 156),
and the right eye only aims over the extreme end of the arrowhead; — of course, as the

trajectory traversed by the missile is a curve, the line of aim does not lie along the axis of
the arrow. With prize shooting, held at Metu Débi, the village chief of Tobadi, who is a very
good shot, aiming at his leisure, gradually lowered the shaft-hand still further, till on a level
with his nipples. By his training the man could evidently judge how the position of the arrow
on the bow, together with the strength brought to bear on it, would carry the missile into
the aim. For further particulars relating the tech-
nique of this shooting, I refer to Mylius [1905].

The power of the shot as a rule exceeds
the expectation of Europeans. parkinson [1900, 30]
is much mistaken when he expresses the opinion
that the bark girdles of Berhn Harbour district
[1. c., PL XIX, fig. 16] protect the belly in an effi-
cient manner and cannot be pierced by spear or
arrow. Erdweg [1902, 321], more cautious, merely
states, that the penetrating power of the arrow is
somewhat diminished by these girdles, and for the rest
proves [1. c., 327], that an arrow passes to the breadth
of several fingers through a shield. An instance
is known (Annual Report [1896—97, p. XV]) of
an arrow having passed through a native house and
then through the body of a man. The Tugeri are pro-
bably unsurpassed as regards the power of the shot.
The people of Humboldt Bay have also a good
reputation, and the shield N°. 1262 (PL XXVI, fig. 2)
of the collection, has on the edge a broken arrow
head, piercing a layer of wood, 5 c.m. thick. The
weight of the arrows is from 19 to 140 grams.

by Pratt [1906, 46] as at least 300 yards, Macgregor [1897, 60] states in general 150—250
yards, which is also the range on the north coast.

The initial velocity may be judged by the indication of Seligmann [1906, 228],
that the first 40 yards are traversed in i or i^/g seconds.

The quot;probability of hittingquot; with the people of Tobadi, at a range of 40 yards,
IS less than with rifle shooting, but as good as with revolver shooting by an average shot.
To have a proof of their practice, a target of 2 feet square was suspended at a distance of
± 40 yards; the people, however, did not like to shoot one after the other, but, standing in
a semi-circle before the target, at a given sign they fired altogether, this method corres-
ponding more with the nature of their sport. The first time, of dz 20 bowyers none hit the
target, but after that generally one hit was scored. I think this result is a trifle better than
that of Seligmann with the Toro.

With human beings the belly is aimed at; thus was the information Haddon [1894, 48]
collected in South N. G. In H. B. also, in reply to the inquiry after this matter, the belly was
repeatedly indicated, and it was further elucidated by gestures, how a person, so wounded.

sinks to the ground, Evidently the vulnerability of the organs of the belly to such a weapon
is well known to all. Meanwhile Mosely [1879, 441] relates also of H. B., that a similar
imitation of being dangerously wounded, was given by a man who placed the head of the
arrow on his throat. I never heard on the north coast that arrow heads are split before the
fight, in order to leave splinters in the wound (Haddon\'[1894, 47]).

Javelins of palmwood, which from 6—8 feet (Hagen [1899, 173]), or 7—id feet
(Finsch [1888, 77]), in length, form the principal weapon for a great part of K. W. Land, become
scarcer in this territory the more one proceeds to the west. Of the Berlin Harbour district
Parkinson [1900, 29] describes a heavy weapon 2.5—3 m. in length, taken by himself at
first for a lance, of which the length in more eastern territory also amounts to the same, viz.
8—12 feet (Hagen [1. c.]). Erdweg [1902] is absolutely silent with regard to Tumleo and
it is therefore not surprising that the javelin is entirely unknown in the adjacent Netherl.
territory and even in the whole of Netherl. N. G. The long spears, which Finsch [1888, 354]
saw inside the temple of H. B., were probably only fish or turtle harpoons or staves with
cassowary feathers, which are used for religious purposes (see Chapter XII).

The collection contains some short fishing spears (see also Chapter IV, p. 165), in-
tended (Krause [1904, 184]) to be thrown from a boat, or staging, at fishes swimming near
the surface of the water. The weapons with the prey are afterwards fetched with the boat or
by swimming. They have a length of 1.90—2.25 m. with cane shaft, of which the sharp-edged
nodes have been somewhat smoothed ; the foremost node, which comes but seldom into contact
with the hand, is generally left untouched, and the colouring in black of the nodes occurs as
seldom as with the fishing arrows. A single spear of Tobadi (N°. 1245) has only one prong, a
smooth one, the others have from 3—6 prongs, kept together by plaited bands. This bundle
is jammed into the shaft which is split open, and bound with rattan or other material. Prongs
placed in a circle, are not only, as with the arrows, diverging, but also curved outwards. The
prongs are three-sided; the sharp edge which is turned towards the common centre, is provided
with barbs (N°. 1247) only in exceptional cases, whilst both the other sharp edges are provided
with barbs in pairs or alternatively; sometimes however, for what reason I do not know, one of
the prongs is left quite smooth 1249—1250). Hay stress on the fact, that three-sided prongs
of a bundle all have a flat plane turned towards the circumference, and that the comparatively
small barbs are apphed to the side-edges of this circumferential plane, therefore not pointing
radially outwards, still less inwards. Krause [1904, Pl. 9], who illustrates exclusively fishing
spears with barbs or the inner edge of the prongs, has apparently overlooked the N. G.
kind. N°. 1258 (Pl. XXVII, fig. 41) of the collection has its (blunt) barbs turned outwards;
this object, however, with its wooden shaft and feathers glued on, is not intended for
practical use, but for festivities, and reminds me of the glued fishing spears, which parkinson
[1896, 198] mentions of the Matty and Durour Islands, and which fell to pieces with the rain. In
the west the old muzzle-loaders, which were imported for shooting the bird of paradise, are
also used as a weapon of attack and defence, and I thus saw at Horna (fig. 42) a young
man, who accompanied the women to the gardens, armed with such a gun, which, it was
said, represented half the prize of a woman.

north coast by FiNSCH in Attack Harbour [1888—93, 216, PL 16, fig. 7], and in British N. G.
by D\'Albertis [1880, II, 125, 126].

Shields, apart from the ornamental breast shieldsnbsp;388—391), have never been

reported of Papua Talandjang, and it is only by accident that some were met with in the
village of Thaë, in the district of Sëkâ. This village had, about 1890, to endure an attack by
people of the Arso tribe, who inhabit a more easterly district on German territory, and who
succeeded in setting the temple on fire, but with the further attack on the village suffered the
loss of some men and left here some shields, which I still found in 1903 preserved in the com-
munity house. As appears from PL XXVI, figs. 2 and 11—14, they exactly correspond, as to
shape and size, to the shields mentioned by PARKINSON [1900, 29, PL XIX, figs. 17—-19]
of the adjoining Berlin Harbour district, also by ErdweG [1902, 326, 327, fig. 226 a—d] of
Tumleo, and by FiNSCH [1888—93, 216, PL 17, fig. i] and PREUSS [1899, 175, fig. 4] of
Attack Harbour. According to FiNSCH they are made out of the wall-like roots of large trees.
The bulging out of the carved front surface, which PARKINSON mentions, would then be
accidental, possibly caused by subsequent shrinking and, as a fact, with N°. 12Ó5 of the
collection (PL XXVI, fig. 11), the carved surface is strongly concave.

The shield is carried on a loop of bark, up to dz 30 c.m. in length, for which
purpose, a little above the middle (in order to prevent its falling forward), two small, square
holes have been made, far enough away from each other, to prevent the leaning over
either to the left or to the right. When the left arm is passed through the loop and this is
slipped over the left shoulder, the feet are left exposed, as with shields of British N. G. (Annual
Report [1896—97, 37]). The projection on the top still offers some shelter for the head,
just the reverse as with the big shield illustrated by macgregor [1897, 83]. Left to itself,
the shield would now hang down along the left side of the body, if it were not for the right
hole (supposing the shield being in use), which is usually placed a little higher, the right
part thus being turned more against, and the shield therefore more in front of, the body.
To make the handling of the shields more clear, I should mention the small, ridge-like projection,
to be found on the back of the right hand upper corner. The above named ethnographers do
not mention this projection, and yet it is an indispensable part of the shield. It is perforated,
and through its opening a loop, made of a strip of bark, is fastened, that must be grasped by
the left hand, which now governs the position of the shield. In fig. 2 of PL XXVI this
bark loop is partly visible. When using bow and arrow, the lower arm is simply put through
this loop, allowing the left hand to hold the bow. It goes without saying, that shields with
the bark loop at the right hand upper corner, are only fit for people who use the left hand
as bow-hand. Shield N°. 1264, however, has a perforated projection both at the right and at
the left hand upper corner, a clear proof that this shield was to be used also by people
who were left-handed. In this connection I quote ErdweG [1902, 327], who mentions that
some Tumleo people shoot with the right, others with the left hand ; I myself never noticed
the shooting with the right hand used as bow-hand. That the shields should not be carried
flat against the body, as a powerful arrow sometimes passes two fingerbreadths through
the plank (Erdweg [1. c.]), even if it is from i\'/a ^ 3 thick, like the shields of the
collection, is practically illustrated by the broken-ofif arrow head, in the front edge of shield
1262.

The opinion of Finsch that such big shields, on account of their weight, (he found
some weighing lo K.G.; the shields of the collection are from 6-8 K.G.j, are not intended
to be carried in actual war, but only to serve in defending the vihage, as is also supposed
(Nachrichten [1889, 46]) of heavy, wooden shields of the size of a man, found in the village
of Tamberro, has proved to be incorrect by the find in Thaë. It appears, that this form
of shield occurs in K. W. Land especiaUy in those parts, where bow and arrow form the
principal weapons, whilst more to the east, where the javelin becomes more predominant,
round shields (finsch [1888-93, PI. 16], HaGEN [1899, 179], Krieger [1899, 464, 465!,
Biro [1901, PI. XV, XVI]) are used.

It appears incomprehensible that the use of shields suddenly ceases near the Netherl.-
German boundary. It must, however, be admitted, that in villages, which are built in the
water, shields are less necessary.

Of Western New Guinea high, narrow shields are known (De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 146, PL XXVIII and XXIX]), shaped like those which occur on Halmahera, but there are
also others, cohected by De Clercq [1. c., PL XXX, figs. 13 and 13^]) of Nambèr (Numfor).
Their model is indeed indigenous, as it is met with on Wari (see fig. 169) in exactly the
same shape, and mounted in the same manner with rattan plaited work (N°^ 1266 and 1267).
They are of such a height, that a man standing entirely disappears behind them. There is no
arrangement for suspending them on the body. A hollow is made in the back, corresponding
to a thickening on the front, which leaves a small, lengthwise bar to carry the shield with
the left hand; the warrior then has his right hand at his disposal, to use the here more
common lancenbsp;740—743).

It can be stated of the manner of warfare, that sometimes the men of one village
proceed in a body towards the hostile village, as ihustrated by the story of the attack on
the village of Thaë. The people of Jonsu, at the time of the visit of the expedition on the
lOth of July 1903, were also expecting an attack on their village, and were here prepared to
receive the enemy. Whether this had been preceded by a notice, as usual in Geelvink Bay
(see also Haddon [1890, 433]), could not be ascertained. In Asé I collected N°. 1268 (PL XXVI,
fig. i), a split bamboo with a cocoa-nut inside, and mounted with strips of fibre, which!
when attacking the enemy, was to be carried in front as a banner, or to intimidate the foe. It
was said that the enemy would then run away, as the cocoa-nut indicates that one is
determined to conquer at all hazards, in order afterwards to hold a banquet with plenty of
these fruits. Slain enemies are not beheaded in Papua Talandjang, and prisoners are not
turned into slaves, but, as it appears, released against a heavy indemnity. The people of
Angadi, a regular nest of robbers, had been out shortly before, as was formerly very common
in Geelvink Bay, on a murder and pillage raid, and had captured, as a living booty, a little
girl of about 9 years, who was being well treated, but was sent back to her parents, by the
Governement Official accompanying us.

All sorts of events can be the cause of a formal war. Besides, for more or less impor-
tant reasons jealousy or hostility exists between many villages. For such reasons arms are
always carried when going outside the village, and even, as stated above, the women working
in the gardens are accompanied by armed men. The entrances are by no means guarded in
all the villages (see p. 142), still one seldom approaches unnoticed. It is, however, best to

announce one\'s arrival by calling, to prevent sudden fright giving rise to active defence. In the
temples and young men\'s houses, afterwards to be considered, watch is kept, and the sleeping
together of many men in these houses, as well as the meeting of men in the community houses,
is useful in the case
of sudden attacks. —
When the houses of the
expedition, guarded by
a single constable du-
ring the absence of the
members, were endang-
ered by the people of
Waba, the village of
Tobâdi offered, quite
spontaneously a strong
guard, which was, howe-
ver, not accepted.

On Lake Sentâni
watch-houses, obe,
are found, where boys
and men do not only
meet and sleep, but

where also a regular watch is kept. In the village of Asé there are about five of these buildings,
one octagonal, of a purely pyramid form (fig. 158), the others more four-sided, with a shorter or
longer horizontal ridgepole (fig. 159). They are standing, like the other houses, more or less
regularly distributed between
these, in the shallow water
round the island, but in such
a way that the house of the
village chief is flanked on both
the sides by a watch-house.
One of these is that of fig. 158,
and appeared to be the prin-
cipal one, and on the other
side of it the house of the
son of the village chief was
in course of construction (see
the poles to the right, and
fig. 91, p. 139). Here also
the large boar lances (see
p. 155) are kept. The human
image, soso, on the top, was first said to be a male and afterwards a female. All these watch-houses
have a more or less roomy platform, larger than possessed by any private house, and here one
or more men are always found, employing their time in manufacturing armlets, lime gourds.

shell rings, etc.; here also the joint meals are taken. Inside are fireplaces, above which
hang baskets with all sorts of things preserved in the smoke, also head supports, lances,
arrows, bovi^s and daggers. This pyramid-shaped house has no centre pole, and I have never
seen there any drums or bamboo flutes, characteristic of the temples on the coast, nor did
I ever notice any religious proceedings going on. A pig, shot during the hunt, was however
brought to this watch-house with singing, and afterwards cut up inside. Quite close to Asé
a small, rocky island is situated, near which, to the side of Asé, a pyramid-shaped watch-
house (fig. 160) has also been placed, no doubt to prevent an enemy hiding there. On the
ridge of the island is a path, and from there an unlimited view can be obtained towards
the side of the hostile Ifar. AjapO has also a few of such pyramid-shaped watch-houses,
and Ifar possesses two octagonal ones. The one (fig. 161), built in the water, on the
deserted eastern side of the island, was finished in April 1903, the top exceedingly pointed
and somewhat oblique; it offers a good out-look in the direction of Asé. The other

the outside with ani-
mal figures, is placed
on the top of the island
and is on fig. 161, to
the left, just visible
above the trees. In
1901 the officers of
H. M. gunboat Ceram
heard nightly, festive
noises inside, and it is,
therefore, not impro-
bable, that the desti-
nation of this house
corresponds partly to
that of the temples
along the coast, with
which it has so much
resemblance in shape
and ornament. I have
no personal experience

in this matter, as my hasty visit to Ifar did not extend any further than the community
house, visible in the foreground, where the village chief was joined by a large quantity of
men and where almost the entire population of the village had gathered. It is, therefore, all
the more remarkable that, during that visit, still a number of men, also to be distinguished
in the illustration, remained in the immediate vicinity of the watch-house.

There is a form of making peace by breaking the weapons (annual REPORT
[1894—95, 43]), also by shooting arrows into the air (MacgregOR [1897, 66]), or towards a
person, before his feet (see also p. 276).

N°. 717. Halo. Sëkâ; distal part of tarsometatarsus of cassowary, tärö-, only prong for 3\'^ toe retained,
blade and point formed by lateral lamella of shaft; length 27 c.m.

N°. 718. Kajó Entsau; distal part of right tibia of cassowary, condyles ground down, lateral and medial;
at a height of 7 c.m. the shaft obliquely cut away, blade and point\' formed by posterior lamella;

719—721. PI. XXVI, fig. 5. 2/g. Chamau. Tobadi; hke N\\ 718, N°. 721 only ornamented; N°. 720
in a scabbard, 4 c.m. long, made of cord, with stitch of fig. 117 and quot;taking-insquot; (fig. 117 b)-, border
and carrying sling, 75 c.m. in length, as per fig. 43. Carried over left shoulder or round neck.

722—723. Chamau. Ingrâs; like N°. 718, of left tibia; N°. 722 carved and intaglio parts whitened
with hme; length 32—36 c.m.

N°. 724. Waba; of lateral condyle and lamella of lower part of right tibia; spiral carvings; length 29 c.m.

Nos. 725—726. Pl. XXVI, figs. 3 and 4. Champ;mau. As\'é; like N°. 718,..of right and left tibia resp. of
cassowary, abwache-, carved ornament, semamp;, also between head of joint, ju, and opening, puru-,
towards the point, jömö, in fish tail shape.

N°. 727. PI. XXVI, fig. 7. Sol soi. Asé; scabbard as in N°. 720; carrying sling, ^tó/, originally
92 c.m. long, shortened by a knot to 48 c.m.; vertical rows of Coix, kèmberi, and cord fringe, piiiai,
depending strings, tail feathers oi Goura Beccarii Salv. and black and brown striped feathers, ibi.

728—729. PI. XXVI, figs. 8 and 6. ^/g. Kamau. Ajapo; like N°. 726; N°. 728 with scabbard as above.

N°. 731. Pujo; of right tibia, carved hke N\'\'. 726; edges of condyles jagged.

732. Simâra. Sâgeisârâ; like 731, carvings whitened; in scabbard (5 c.m.nbsp;simära cha,

with Coix, kankâmè,\\ikamp; N°. 727, no feathers; carrying sling, simära watmöja, 46 c.m. long.

733—735- MUmdamp;n. Nimburan; anterior part of distal articular surface and adjoining lamella of
cassowary tibia, pointed towards top; length 28—34 c.m.

N°. 736. diî7i. Kaptiau; proximal part of tarsometatarsus of cassowary; of articular surface only one
concavity retained; length 22 c.m.

N°. 737. Sâwé; like N°. 735, alongside condyles pieces of blue glass beads glued in.

N=. 738. PI. XXVI, fig. 9. 1/7. Omâni. Angâdi; disk-shaped, centrally pierced piece of sand-stone, along
circumference with 2 rows, each with 16 spikes, slipped on to wooden stick, up to thickened end.

Pk XXVI, fig. 10. Omâni. Angâdi; as above, without handle; with only 2 opposite spikes.

N°. 740, \'Frei. Wâri; iron head, bömè,nbsp;with socket on shaft of darkbrown, heavy wood; upper

part square, barbed edges, otherwise round, ribbed lengthways, except octagonal grip between fore-
most and middle third; below 4 turns of iron wire; length 2.50 m., thickness 2 c.m.

N=. \'JA,!. Frei. Wâri; hke N°. 740, upper part with. 2 circles of 4 lengthwise, snake-hke (zigzag) orna-
ments,, below which,.squatting human figures; otherwise ribbed, grip smooth; length 2.40 m.

N°. 41. Frei. Wâri; like N°. 741, no human figures; octagonal, unribbed. No iron fastening; a length-
wise crack, bound with rattan plaitings; length 2.25 m.

N°. 744. PI. XXVII, fig. 42. \'/e- Inagói; cylindric shaft of darkbrown wood, thickness 1.5 c.m., length
1.34 rn., pointed top end square and along this the stem of broad, sharp, bamboo blade fastened with
strips of rattan ; edges of blade lengthened downwards, and decorated with strips of red and white
calico; shaft near head carved with squatting human figures; weight 360 gram.

745—746. No. Tobâdi; for small game: Phalanger, ème, ponte {}), semoi(^) and mice; of pointed
mid rib of sago leaf, 58 c.m. long, somewhat three-sided, broadest (dr 7 m.m.) before the middle.
Used with a small bow (N°. 1245) by youngsters in the temple.
747—753- H- XXVII, fig. r. i/g. Ubrè, ubrèrè, brèrè. Tobâdi and Ingrâs; for pigs; flat, bamboo
head, no barbs or along one edge only, and carved on inside; with 748 (fig. i) of Ingrâs con-
nected by foreshaft of heavy, dark wood (carved like 580—582), with the r.40 m. long shaft;
ringed nodes, internodes with carved spirals, weight 140 gr. 749—753 are children\'s toys, heads
9—23 c.m. long, either barbed or not, shaft 80—86 c.m.; N°. 753 with 14 c.iu. long foreshaft.

N°. 754. PL XXVII, fig. 2. Ve and 755. Mankaini. Tobâdi; for pigs, bamboo head, no barbs,
painted red inside or carved; shaft 1.30 m., upper node unringed, the others either ringed or not
some internodes carved; N^ 755 with bunches of yellow feathers, y«^^. Used in dancing.

756—765. Pk XXVII, figs. 3 and 4- Vg- Jèdri. Tobâdi; for pigs, N°. 756—759 (De Clercq and
Schmeltz [1893, PL XXXI, fig. 12]) head,nbsp;of hsxaboo, fonze, one or both edges with barbs,

o Jèdri, lashed with concavity against barbed foreshaft, sometimes (N^^ 758—759)carved and painted.
With N°. 759 (fig 3), carved on inside, both sides painted red, black and white; 2 bunches of bird
of paradise feathers, Hare, or of cord fringe, suspended by a cord plaiting with Nassa and coronet
of yellow feathers, jabe, at top of 1.15 m. long shaft; this unringed, internodes with scratched-in
chevrons. 760—763 (fig, 4) and 764, rugivè, with wooden head, 50 c.m. long; N°. 760 (see De
Clercq and Schmeltz [1. c., fig. 6] ), with 4 barbed edges, the barbs of 2 opposite edges at equal
heights and alternating with those of the other 2, shaft i m.;\';or round head (N°\\ 761—764), up to
a length of 62 c.m., with row of small barbs and lower down carved with painted spiral or jagged
ornaments; on lashing of shaft a coronet of tiare. Used in dancing. N°. 765 with wooden, 30 c.m.
long, painted head, section rhombic, one sharp edge with row of large hooks, opposite edge with
groups of notches; shaft 1.30 c.m., ringed; with the others unringed, internodes with crossing or
waving carved lines.

766-767. PL XXVII, fig. 5. i/g. Suse. Tobâdi; head triangular (N°. 766) or round, one row of
grouped barbs; shaft 1.25 ixi.j unornEmentcd. (N^, 766^, or all internod.es with chevrons ând waving lines

N°. 768. PL XXVII, fig. 6. \'/g- Suse chârïm. Tobâdi; head round, 2 rows of alternating barbs; shaft
1.25 m., carelessly ringed (white), all internodes with lengthwise and zigzag scratches (white).

N«^ 769—771. Sendom. Tobâdi; head consisting of 5 smooth, round prongs, 13—16 c.m. long, in a
circle round a sixth, ± 2 c.m. shorter, kept together by 3 bands, plaited of rattan; shaft r.13—1.30 m.
white ringed, first 2 or more internodes carved.

Nos. 7^2—773. PL XXVII, fig. 7. \'/(,. Sendom monlt. Tobâdi; as before, prongs equally long, or central
one 3 c.m. shorter; 4 plaited bands; shaft ± 1.50 m., white ringed, internodes none, or all, with
carved chevrons. Said also to be thrown.

N°. 774. PL XXVII, fig. 8. i/g. Sendom chârtm. Tobâdi; as before, central prong 1.5 c.m. shorter,
4 of the others with 2 rows of alternating barbs; 2 plaited bands; shaft 1.40 m., white ringed.

Nos. 775—779. PL XXVII, fig. 9. Pisjere. Tobâdi; wooden head, white, cylindrical; .shaft r.io m.,
node white ringed, internode with carved chevron, inside which zigzag line.

No^ 780—781. PL XXVII, fig. 10. 1/,. Brasrè, brâserè. Tobadi; head oval in section, with square
top; unbarbed or with one row of blunt barbs, below which encirchng carving; shaft 1.33 m., ringed,
internode with rings or spirals, the others either with or without lengthwise lines.

N^ 782. Pl. XXVII, fig. ii. i/g. Suâîn brart. Tobadi; head round (shape A of Serrurier [1888, 3]),
shaft 1.35 m. with waving lines on all internodes except the first.

No^ 783—784. PI. XXVII, fig. 12. Ve- -Sudm rarike. Tobadi; head round, with 2 diametrical rows
of partly alternating barbs; nodes ringed, 1=\' internode only ornamented, or (N°. 784) i®\' internode
only unornamented.

785—795- PI- XXVII, figs. 13—15. Pabu. Ingrâs; head, 60 c.m., round (N°^ 785 and 786),
smooth or 2 pairs of barbs near top, shaft i m., unornamented; or head, 50 c.m., oval (N°. 787),
with 2 rows of alternating barbs on the sharp curves; — or (N°. 788, fig. 13) square, with 4 rows
of barbs; also with 2 or 3 rows of barbs, with encircling carving below (N°. 791, fig. 14); — or
rhombic (N°. 794, fig. 15, and N=. 795), sharp edges barbed, broadening lower down with jagged
sides; shaft 1.30 m., all nodes, or the i^\' only, black; internodes all, or none, carved.

796—807. PI. XXVII, fig. 16. \'/g- Pabu. Jotefa Bay; head elliptical in section, sharp curves barbed;
lower down jagged, ornbsp;804—807) with circular carvings; N°. 807 (fig. 16) with 2 double

rows; shaft 1.20 m., all nodes black ringed, or the only; all internodes, or the only, carved.

Nos. 808—829. PI- XXVII, figs. 17 and 18. i/g. Pabu. Tobadi; head 35—50 c.m., flat or three-sided,
2 edges barbed, some with jagged broadening of fig. 15 and lower part bound with reeds. N°. 823
rhombic, N°^ 824—825 square in section, with 2 or 4 rows of barbs; Nquot; 827 (fig. 17, at a) with
jagging, tripetau-, with 826 and 828 (fig. 18) in each row one larger barb, lower down with
plaitings of reed and rattan; once called semaisanai-, shaft 1.10—1.30 m., aU, or node only,
black ringed; all internodes, or first 2 only, or top and bottom one, carved.

830—852. PI. XXVII, figs. 19 and 20. Vg- Watu watu; ânârchiwai{-tje). Ingrls and Tobadi;
head square, no barbs, or only one (N°. 834), or at top with 4 (barbed like N°. 760) rows (N°. 835,
fig. 19 and N°. 836), lower down telescopic (fig. 28 of Serrurier); or round, and at top with one
or two sets of opposed barbs 837—850), lower down circular carvings; or round and (N°^ 851—
852) with 5 barbs; entirely black (N°. 842, fig. 20) or with some red spaces; shaft i—1.30 m.,
nodes ringed, internode or all ornamented.

853—861. PI. XXVII, fig. 21. V,. Waterori, ânârchiwai. Tobadi; head three-sided, N®. 853
(fig. 21)—859 with 2 edges barbed with 4 or (N°^ 860—861) more alternating barbs, lower down
flat and broadened, the edges jagged, below this wound round with reeds; shaft 1.30 m., nodes
ringed, except i^\', all internodes unornamented. Covered with layer of soot.

N\\ 862. PI. XXVII, fig. 22. \'/g. Merorike. Jotëfa Bay; head elliptical m section, one row of 6
barbs; shaft 1.40 m., i^\' node unringed, internodes with chevrons, inside which waving fines,

No^ 863—866, PI. XXVII, fig. 23. %. Semai semai. Tobadi; head round and with 2 not diametri-
cally placed rows of barbs (N°. 863) or of groups of 2 barbs (N°. 864, fig. 23); lower down sets
of 2 circular carvings; some with black and red ringsnbsp;865 and 866); shaft 1.35 m., nodes

867—881, PI. XXVII, figs. 24 and 25. gt;/e- Sichâre. Tobadi; head rectangular in section; with
No^ 867—872 (fig. 24) upper part black, 4 barbed edges; middle part white, with red and black
figures (fike fig. 152 in text), N°. 881 (fig, 25, at a) with jamp;gging, pau; shaft 1.25—1.38 m., all nodes
ringed, i^\' internode carved.

N°. 882. PI. XXVII, fig. 26. ^/g. Nuc hèderi. Ingrâs; head at top with 3 sets of barbs, lower down
flat and broader and one row of 3 large, red hooks, opposite to groups of 4—5 small, black ones ;
shaft 1.10 m., all internodes with chevrons. For Jong distances.

883—885. PI. XXVII, fig. 27. \'/g. Dugeri liboam. Tobadi; head planoconvex; barbs, at edges,
alternating at top, lower down paired; below oval broadening, inside which 2 crescent-shaped openings,
separated by vertical bar; shaft 1.15 m., ringed, i^* internode with spiral carvings.

886—891. PI. XXVII, fig. 28. Vfi. Atetâwi, âtauwi, chetauwi, tetauwi. Tobadi; head square,
with 4 rows of variously shaped barbs, lower down jaggings with 3, pau, or 4 barbs, tripetau, {a),
and bulky part with jagged edges,below square and jagged, cJiim\'erère, {c), bottom with cord
plaiting; shaft 1.20—1.40 m., nodes ringed; i®\' internode with waving carvings, the others with
chevrons. (Serrurier [1888, Pl. II, fig. 76], De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PI. XXXI, fig. 9]).

Nquot;^ 892—895. PL XXVII, figs. 29 and 30. \'/e- Po or fd. Tobadi; N°-=. 892 (fig. 29)—893 head square,
4 rows of barbs, in groups, below this a jagged, bulky part, paw, or here, on a plaiting of cord a
coronet of feathers of bird of paradise, Hare-, 894 and 895 (fig. 30) top sword-shaped with barbed
edges and in the middle a furrow, âne, ending below in carved broadening,/«?/, (a)-, coloured black,
red and white; shaft 1.25 m., node unringed, internodes unornamented.

N°. 896. PI. XXVII, fig. 31. \'/e- Pohu. Tobadi; point flat, 2 rows of barbs; lower down round, wound
round with reeds; coloured red and white; shaft r.i6 m., top with coronet of feathers of bird of
paradise; i®\' node unringed, internodes unornamented. For festivities.

No^ 898—899. PL XXVII, fig. 33. Vc- Chuseru, chebûri. Tobadi; head flat, edges with opposed
barbs, cheburi, waving middle ridge descending to a broadening; carvings white; shaft 1.30 m., nodes
ringed, i®\' internode with waving carvings, shaft of Nquot;. 899 with feathers, head with Nassa; called
chi fab. (De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PL XXIX, fig. 10]).

No^ 900—907. PL XXVII, fig. 34. \'/g. Sîmesère. Tobadi; upper part of head, mesjamp;rXk, sword-shaped,
one of two edges with large hooks, sïmesère chârini, carved, painted red, black and white; below
cylindrical, carved, or fastened along cylindrical foreshaft (N®-quot;^. 904—907) by cord plaiting {b^, with
Nassa, cord fringe and small, yeUow feathers,/ai^^; N°. 903 (fig. 34) with one middle row of small
barbs, descending towards oval broadening, mesoi, (a).

908—910. PL XXVII, figs. 35 and 36. \'/g- Umro. Tobadi; Nquot;^ 908 (fig. 35) and 909 with carved,
bone tip on square head, lower down round, carved squares and spirals, coloured red and white;
cord plaitings with Nassa, fringe and feathers; 910 (fig. 36) rectangular, 4 rows of barbs (Ser-
rurier [1888, 9, P.]); shaft 1.10—1.25 m., nodes ringed; internode either ornamented or not.

N°. 911. PL XXVII, fig. 37. i/o- Umro charltje. Tobadi; head fiat, one edge barbed, one flat surface
with middle row of barbs; other flat surface fastened with plaited rattan along the smooth side of
another similar arrowhead, the whole coloured; shaft 1.35 m., nodes ringed, internodes carved.

Nquot;^ 912—914. PL XXVII, fig. 38. Chontjuwi, dâchontjuwi. Ingrls and Tobadi; bone tip,
chontjuwi, either or not jagged, N°. 912 with square, telescopic head, N°^ 913 (fig. 38) and 914
with 4 rows of hooks, placed as in N°. 760;, lower down a bulky part, mesoi, (a). Carved with spirals
(for this, the arrow called chi fâb)-, N°. 914 of Tobadi also called chebure-, shaft 1.35 m., all nodes
ringed, i®\' internode with spirals, some of the others with chevrons.

N°. 915. PL XXVII, fig. 39. \'/g- ^^^ f^b- Tobadi; head sword-shaped, edges with barbs in pairs, flat
sides in the middle jagged and with vertical slit; below triangular, sides concave, barbed ribs, lowest
part round; shaft 1.33 m., node unringed, internodes unornamented.

N°. 916. Sâmerar ike. Tobâdi;- 15 pieces, 50—100 c.m. long, small, un-bifurcated twigs, bark rings
retained at thickest (front) end, otherwise white; children\'s toys; one pointed in front.

917—918. Hautûtè. Waba; bamboo head, foreshaft carved like N°. 748 (PI. XXVII, fig. i). Boar arrow.
Nquot;^ 919—933. Waba; heads hke on N^^ 788, 842, 860 and 891. War arrow.

Nquot;^ 934—938. Nowja. Asé; bamboo head, ine, carved inside or outside; its stem, oto, kobâ, fastened by
rattan plaited work, soitjoi, or cord lashing to foreshaft, soam, and this with other lashing, koisja,
ukoi, to the shaft; foreshaft carved with Spirals or with ornament of N°. 748, ofômari. Boar arrow.

N°. 939. Abwache. Asé; head, shaped hke cassowary claw; internode carved (fig. 149 in text).

Nos. 940—942. Söckä, söchai. Asé; 3—4 prongs, söchai öfó, smooth or barbed, bomid or fastened with
plaited, saj\'i, lashings into shaft; nodes, pciinka ji, ringed, uncoloured. To shoot fish, kate.

943—957- Fabu. Asé; like pabu of Tobadi, head flat, 2 rows of barbs, kara, either or not with lineal,
feroi, or circular carvings, fori-, lashing, koisjä, ukoisjâ, at shaft, painka. War arrow.

N\'^ 960— 961. Ferä jöchu. Asé; head square, notched, the tip a jagged bone of jUhu.

962—967. Firâ ne go. Asé; head square, barbed like N°. 760; few with plaited cordage, chanke.

N^^ 968—970. Fere chanki, ferankim, far ange. Asé; flat, broad head, carved ornament, semâ,
sometimes open-worked, 3ä puru, edges, sometimes also flat sides, barbed.

Nquot;^ 971 — 972. J-égire, jegresi. Asé; head broad, edges barbed; with or without lengthwise slit, nö-,
N°. 972 with foreshaft.

N°. 973. Konibèw. Asé; head flat, carved, one edge barbed, fastened with plaited, rattan band, sari, on
carved foreshaft, soam.

N°. 974. Pi ko. Asé; thin, 4-sided head, 4 rows of small barbs; fastened with liana, ökoisja, on shaft.

91S- -Pöru, öjä pöru. Asé; head square, 4 rows of barbs, below forming a flat, vertical oval,/^fô,
and under 90° to this, 2 vertical semi-circles, Hnè, coloured red and black, èbè\', plaited cordage,
chanke, and yellow feathers of bird of paradise, siäre.

976—978. Potu7n, fötum. Asé; head flat, below with carved, oval broadening, above with length-
wise, red coloured furrows, fero, and 2 rows of barbs.

981-982. Saber oi. Asé; head square; parts fittedquot; telescopically to each other.

983—986. Se tu me, s uturne. Asé; head, nö, two- or three-sided, but only two rows of barbs.

N°. 987. Tum. Asé; head gutter-shaped with 2 rows of barbs; tied along shaft, lashing smeared with dark
red, sticky substance.

N°. 988. Uburi. Asé; head square, edges, with groups of variously shaped barbs, below, under 2 circular
ridges, a plaited cordage.

989—991. Waritnanda. Asé; head triangular with 3, or round with 4 rows of barbs; sometimes
coloured red and black; cord lashing with Coix.

N\'^^ 992—994. Wen dum. Asé; head flat, edges barbed, lower part oval, sometimes open-worked, kemâ,
from where issuing a middle slit; first internode carved as per fig. 150 in text.

N°. 995. Dójo; bamboo head, gutter-shaped, inside carved; tied along shaft. Boar arrow.

996—999. Gègi, western part of Lake Sentani; with 2 or 4 smooth prongs; or with 3, each with two
rows of barbs; or with 4, each with one row of barbs. Fishing arrow.

Nquot;^ 1002 — 12. Seisârâ; ornamental cord plaiting and Nassa, internode often carved with spirals.

1013—25. Dójo; heads round, three- or four-sided, bone tips; ornamental cord plaiting and smah,
rattan bands; internode of N°. 1022 carved as per fig. 151 in text.

N°\\ T026—42. Kai wäre; heads as before, some with cassowary claw; bamboo heads, foreshaft, Nassa
and cassowary feathers. Ornamental arrows.

Nquot;^ 1043—54. PH. Thaë; heads hke N°. 872, flat sides painted as per fig. 152 in text; shaft cahed mö.

Nquot;^ 1055—66. Nàkai. Thaë; as before, but bone tips, and painted ornaments as per fig. 153 in text.

N°. 1067. Finjè tugè. Kajó Entsau; head with 4 rows of barbs, placed on the same height, coloured
red and black; 1=-\' internode ornamented as per fig. 151 in text.

1068—69. Undong. Tanah Merah; bamboo head, fastened directly along shaft. Boar arrows.

No«. 1070—72. Sum. Tanah Merah; as before, but with a foreshaft, pointed at the top.

N°. 1073. PI. XXVII, fig. 40. i/g. Bongata. Tanah Merah; 3 prongs, each with one row of long barbs
along one edge of circumferential plane; nodes ringed and coloured. Used in dancing.

Nos. 1074—85. Sagweti. Tanah Merah; heads round or three-sided, mostly with 2 rows of barbs
(N°. 1085 like Jgt;H of Thae); 2quot;\'\' internode mostly ornamented.

No^ 1086—89. Makanddni. Tanah Merah; heads square, 4 interrupted rows of barbs; coloured with
reddish brown, shining material.

1090 — 91. Dungata. Tanah Merah; carved bamboo heads with 2 rows of barbs; uncarved foreshaft.

No^ 1094—95. Suru. Jakari; hke N^s. 1070—72; one carved outside and blackened.

N°. 1096. Sawa. Jakari; circle of 6 prongs round a central one, all smooth. Fishing arrow.

iioi—05. Sineko. Jakari; head three-sided, with 2 rows of barbs; short and light (46 gr.).

N°^ 1106—07. Tarfia; head round, with 2 rows of barbs, i®\' node broadly ringed.

N°. 1108. Nimburan; head round, carved like fig. 3 of De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PI. XXXI] of
Wandisiau.

N°. 1109. Gadu, geidu. Nimburan; head round with 2 diametrically placed, interrupted rows of barbs.

N°. 1112. Tar fid p. Nimburan; bamboo head, carved on outside, 2 rows of barbs, a foreshaft with
feathers of bird of paradise.

No^ 1113—18. Nekutim, nukutra. Kaptiau; bamboo head, of one or two internodes; outside carved,
fastened along foreshaft. Boar arrows.

N°. 1119. Pddenio. Kaptiau; 4 prongs, each with 2 rows of barbs; held together by small, rattan bands.
Fishing arrow.

N°. 1120. Bof. Kaptiau; barbed bamboo head, carved on outside; foreshaft with cassowary feathers.

No^ 1121 —31. Xante-, Kaptiau; head square, 4 rows of barbs in opposite groups; partly coloured.

N°\\ 1132—34. Maigionga. Kaptiau; head round with 4 interrupted rows of barbs; N°. 1134 as with
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, PI. XXXI, fig. 18] of Jamna.

No^ 1136—41. Munsefar. K aptiau; head with bone tips; either jagged or not; one specimen with
beads, Nassa and cuscus skin ornament is cahed nebusaima.

No^ 1142—53. Tar s ewer. Kaptiau; head round or three-sided; 2 interrupted rows of barbs.

1154—56. NukwR and Kw iter an. Sawe; bamboo head, fastened on foreshaft; kwamp;teran orna-
mented on convex side.

1163—69. Ikoi. Mios Korwar; barbed like N°. 760; circular carvings, adumek, on i^\' internode;
N°. 1169 with carved human face, a tip of ray spine, babe-, weight 29 gram, length 1.25 m.

1170—1207. Ikoi. Wari; head, koiden, often smeared with brown colouring, ansdn-, round, top
with a few barbs, kektr, and bone tip, kapaikdre-, upper part of unornamented shaft, adjumek,
wound round with lashing, abrdi, smeared black; weight 20 — 30 gram, length i.io m. War arrow.

N°. 1208. Arèè. Angadi; arrow, kâtiarô, for hunting, màhinièri, pigs; head of bamboo, drèè, very sharp,
mère, lower end with carved ornament, tipuratè-, here round and stuck on to a carved foreshaft,
hanamo, inserted into unornamented shaft, hirame, bound with lashing, puama.

JSquot;quot;. 1209. Tdwai. Angadi; to shoot fishes, èrèâ, 2 diverging prongs, tâwai, bound by plaited rattan band,
kèma-, on inner and side edges rows of barbs, tèfè, circumferential surface smooth.
1210—ir. Toivare. Angadi; short, round head, towarè, with 3 rows of barbs,nbsp;puama, and

shaft, hiramè, as above; weight 32 gram, length 1.38 m.
1212—13. Tonèhè. Angadi; bone tip, tónèhè, either with or without barbs, tètè, on wooden head,

hanamo, fastened with cord lashing, tèmani, in shaft.
1214—17. Inagói; bamboo head, gutter-shaped, fastened along, or stuck into carved foreshaft.

N°. 1218. Inagói; lancet-shaped, iron head, fastened with small stem into lengthwise split foreshaft,bound
with plaited reeds. Boar arrow.
1219—24. Inagói; heads three- or four-sided, edges barbed; shortest arrow 1.12m., weight 22 gram.

Nos. 1225—27. Pembi. Tobadi;nbsp;pembi teni, of palmwood, in front concave, the back convex,

both extremities, round and pointed, bear a twisted rattan ring, pembi onte, at top 14, below 8 c.m.
from the end, and jammed against 3 flat, plaited, rattan bands, pembi ide-, at upper arm rattan and
reed plaitings, pabe, between which, on back surface, carved ornament, pembi âne-, rattan string,
pembi chi, i c.m. broad, each end forming anbsp;pembi chi dibo-, with N°. 1227 at the back, the

natural bark carved into snake figure; length ± 190, max. breadth 4.2, thickness 1.8 c.m.
1228—30. Pembi fâb. Tobadi; as before, feathers of Cacatua Triton i:tm.m., jabe, cut into
fishfigures, bunches of side feathers of Paradisea minor Shaw., tiare, and small, red feathers,
tnamtsi, cord bunches, war urau, either with or without threaded Coix, uruar, fastened to reed
plaitings, pembi fabe, and strips of red calico. With N°. 1228 snake figure, as with N°. 1227, each
end with a head (?). With N°. 1229, at the grip, 3 plaited, rattan bands; average length 2.01 m.

N°. 1231. Pembi fcib. Ingrâs; like N°. 1230, white tailfeathers of M y ris s tic iv or a spilorrhoa and
tiare (see above), also black and white feathers; length 188, max. breadth 3.1, thickness, 1.7 c.m.

N°. 1232. Tja. Thaë; no ornament; length 188, max. breadth 3.7, thickness 1.3 c.m.

1233—38. Fra. Waba, Asé, Ajapo, Dójo; only ornamented with a few small, rattan bands;

N°. 1236 near the rattan rings wound round spirally with bark strip; average length 1.94 m.
1239. NUnjang. Tanah Merah; as before, string of rattan, nânjang kè-, length 180, max. breadth
3.5, thickne.ss 1.3 cm.

N°. 1240. Para. Nimburan; no ornament; length 198, max. breadth 3.2, thickness 1.6 c.m.

N\'\'. 1241. Amamp;rè. Angadi; lower conical end 3, upper 9 c.m., inside this, knobbed to retain loop of
bowstring, kèma, amârèèmè-, each arm with 5 encircling ridges, èè-, on top a claw, anidrehi, of
cassowary, morâo, fastened to cord with strips of calico; length 180, max. breadth 3.7, thickness 1.40.111.
1242—45. Pembi. Tobadi; as before, either with or without bark at backside, no ornament; length
58—120 c.m. Used by children; also for shooting mice.

N°. 1246. Maria. Wari; of bamboo, with 6 nodes; extreme end of both arms conical, upper one over
12, lower one over 5 c.m.; at these spots, knobbed to retain loop of rattan bowstring, wansnè-,
back of both arms carved with circular scallopings, below also with snake-like ridge, at top with
palm leaf figure; spare string, wapar wansnè-, on top cassowary claw, songer, fastened to cord with
strips of red calico klisumba-, length 172, max. breadth 3.7, thickness x.3 c.m.

N°. 1247. Dokir. Mios Kôrwâr; as N°. 1246, ornamented only with scallopings; rattan bowstring,
kâbrai, and 2 spare strings, kâbrai kaïni-, thickness 1.5 c.m.

N°. 1248. Inagói; as before, with 4 nodes; length 170, max. breadth 3, thickness 1.4 c.m.

N°. 1249. Sus, (uruarl) Tobâdi; round, smooth, palmwood head, in cane shaft, bound with reed;
nodes, except ringed; length of head 33, shaft 180 c.m.

N°. 1250. S en dom. Tobâdi; circle of 5 smooth prongs, round a central shorter one, held together by
4 plaited, rattan bands, fitted into shaft as above; length of prongs dr 36, shaft 160 c.m.

N°. 1251. Sendom chârim. Tobâdi; 3 triangular prongs, edges barbed, inner edge of one prong un-
barbed; bound by 6 bands; shaft as above, wound round with rattan; length of prongs 46, shaft 1460.111.

1252—57. Sendom chiirim. Tobadi; circle of 4 or 5 prongs, all, or except one, barbed along
edges of circumferential surface and diverging by plug of vegetable material or by shorter, smooth,
central prong (with N°. 1257 also with 2 rows of barbs); 4—7 bands; fitted in shaft with rattan
or reed; prongs 38—45, shaft 153—180 c.ni.

N°. 1258. PI. XXVII, fig. 41. \'/g. Sendom champ;ri^n. Tobâdi; circle of 3 prongs, notched on circum-
ferential surfaces ; fastened by rattan along cylindric, wooden shaft, tassels of cockatoo feathers, jcib
abrö, coronet of side feathers of bird of paradise, tiai^e, and red and green cahco, glued on; shaft
146 c.m. long, black, with white circles; prongs 36 c.m. Exclusively for festivities.

N°. 1261. PI. XXVI, fig. 14. i/,8. Tari. Thaë; of 1.5—2 c.m. thick wood, rectangular (middle of top
with projection, hke reversed frustum), almost flat, somewhat above the middle with 2 holes (for
carrying-loop), in left top corner a hole; 5 horizontal rows of caxved eye ornaments and dancing
human figures (?). Left behind by Arâ people in the attack on Thaë.

N°. 1262. Pk XXVI, fig. 2. Vi8- Tari. Thaë; as last, thickness 2—3 c.m., 2 holes near the middle (left
one highest) with loop of bark 42 c.m. long; at the back of left top corner a pierced ridge with
bark loop, to admit 4 fingers; along borders eye ornaments, dancing human figures and triangles with
curved tops ; in the middle 2 systems of concentrical semi-circles and 12 triangles as above. At left
top corner a broken-ofif arrowhead has pierced through 50.111.

N°. 1263. Pk XXVI, fig. 13. i/jg. Tari. Thaë; as last, thickness 2 c.m.; holes like N°. 1262, loop
± 30 c.m., at the back of left top corner pierced ridge as above, without loop; carved with 2 sets
of 4 loop-shaped figures along a central band of jagged ovals, and with 2 crocodile figures and one snake.

N=. 1264. PI. XXVI, fig. 12. \'/i8- Tari. Thaë; as last (projection broken off), pierced ridge at both top
corners; ornamented hke N°. 1263, no snake but with hourglass-shaped figure.

1265. Pk XXVI, fig. ii. \'/jg. Tari. Thaë; thickn. 1.5 c.m., pierced ridge at left top corner; front
concave; carved with 3 large eye ornaments, partly jagged; relief parts coloured red and black.

N°. 1266 (see fig. 169). Adai. Wâri; flat, oblong square, of light wood; middle of front surface with
ehiptical (13 X 8 c.m.) projection, 9 c.m. high, hollow at the back, a vertical bar being retained
as handle; 16 horizontal, rattan plaitings, and 3 vertical ones; 176X36X i—2 c.m.

N°. 1267. Adai. Wâri; hke N°. 1266, near projection coloured black, along this and along top and
bottom edges horizontal bands of dark red zigzag hnes; length 164, breadth 30, thickness 1—2 c.m.

N°. 1268. Pk XXVI, fig. i. Ko nöja. Asé; bamboo, nojâ, split between 2 nodes, l, in 6 longitu-
dinal strips, bulged out and containing an empty cocoa-nut, kö, fastened by strips of fibre, tó; at each
node (one broken) a bundle of leaf strips, nai. Found in community house; used as war banner.

It will be easily understood that in short visits and with scanty knowledge of the language,
little information can be obtained with regard to the life of the Papuan as an individual, as
a member of the family or as a member of the community, village or tribe. Thus I
have been unable to ascertain anything about the customs at births, during the first stages
of life, or the naming of children. I saw, however, young children, already at an early
age, given in charge of elder sisters; afterwards the education takes place in the school of
practice, the boys participating in the work of the father, the daughters in the more numerous
occupations of the mother. By this, children very early become as clever as the parents.

The youth of the Papuans is by no means joyless. The older people sometimes
make toys, e.g. small boats (N°^ 654 and 655) for them, but never did I see a father or a
mother playing with the children. On the contrary^ these are in this respect entirely left
to themselves. At Asé I saw children, 4—5 years old, struggling in fairly deep water on
small, immersed models of thenbsp;(see p. 195), specially intended for such exercise. At

Nacheibe, girls and boys, the latter most pluckily, jumped and tumbled about in the heavy
surf rollers, and the shooting with bow (N^^ 1242—45) and arrows (N°. 916) is a favourite
sport of the boys (see also Macgregor [1897, 43])- A pretty game I witnessed at Siarf,
where young men and boys with hand tops, like N°. 1269 (PI. XXIX, fig. 25), were playing
at low water on the shore behind the village. The cord, ± i meter in length, was wound in
the furrow round the top, and every one now tried to throw his top against that of another,
m such a way that it fell over and his own top kept on spinning. The young girls often
have to suffer from the impudence of the boys, and on the visits of strangers they usually
keep in the background, even more than the elder women. In their turn, the boys are kept in
their places by the youths and grown-up men, who are soon ready with a cuff or a blow
when the boys displease them; this is then to be taken more as a sign of displeasure than
as a further moral education: quot;to do good and leave evil alonequot;. — Imperfect also is my
knowledge of the exact contents of the educational lessons, which are given in the rum
serams (see Chapter XII).

On Netherlands territory circumcision of Papuan boys does not appear to exist. This
is neither the case, according to nachrichten [1888, 224], in several parts of K. W. Land
e. g. on the Augusta River, in other parts it is, however, the custom, but it is impossible to
make out whether the usual feast on this occasion, the Barium feast (schellong [1889, 116]),
really means a quot;Legimitation zur Heirathquot;. Of an isolation of the girls during a longer or
shorter period, as mentioned by Chalmers [1885, 159] of British N. G., and as met with in
Torres Straits (Reports [V, 201], Haddon [1900, 421]), nothing is known regarding the Tugeri,
except by hearsay. The woman-house, erroneously reported by Koning [1903, 275] of Ajapo,
is the house of the village chief, visible, in fig. 89, in its entire length; MacgreGOR [1897,
44, 45] also speaks of quot;woman-housesquot; and Van Herwerden [1906, 923] on the S. W. coast,
saw a settlement, consisting of three houses, of which the middle one was occupied by the
women and children, whilst the men lived in the outer ones.

The initial ceremonies at the age of puberty in Geelvink Bay consist of the
festive dressing with the perineal band (van Hasselt [1886, 588] ), but festivities, although on
a smaller scale, also take place when the girls have reached the age of puberty; the latter
is also the case on Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 299]); here the dressing with the hard bark
girdles of the boys who become men [1. c., 308] is accompanied with ceremonies, as isolation,
the talking in whispers, and concealment from women; these ceremonies bear a decidedly religious
character. In H.B. the so-called cock\'s comb, (see p. 57) is shaved, the hair being henceforth
allowed to grow to its full length. To become a man, the youth must now still undergo an
isolation in the temple, where he is also initiated into the practices of the religion (see
Chapter XII).

It appears that before marriage absolute chastity of both sexes is the rule in
H.B. and on Lake Sentani. Whether the individuals of both sexes show preference for each
other, as elsewhere by the offer of presents or by concealed sexual connection, and whether
marriages take place in consequence, appears to me very doubtful. Engagements and marriages
between children appear only to occur on the S. W. coast of the Netherl. territory (Van der
Goes [1858, 161]).

The man obtains a wife, as is known of elsewhere, by purchase or capture. Thus
the chief of Tobadi has carried off his second wife from a passing boat, quite unexpectedly.
The plan had not been arranged beforehand between the two parties, and the first wife
was sent away. The desire to be married is universal and it was recommended to the unmarried
members of the expedition with the argument that a married man lives longer than an
unmarried one. Meanwhile, on account of the scarcity of the currency beads, which form to
a great extent the purchase price, the number of marriages in H. B. is falling off, and of late
more women are being taken from Lake Sentani, because cheaper ; these women, moreover, are
actually more valuable, because they understand fishing, which is not part of the occupation
of the H. B. woman. By far the greater number of the older men are married to women of
their own village ; but there are already some old spinsters in Tobadi. According to parkinson
[1900, 23], the young man in Beriin Harbour prefers to remain a bachelor rather than marry
a woman of another village. The Tumleo man, according to Erdweg [1902, 279], is also
guided by practical considerations, preferring to marry a woman of his own tribe, because
she understands the art of making pots. On the north coast it is a general rule that the

Fig. 163. Village chief of Asé (3\'d from the left) receives the visit of village chief of Poë (s\'d from the right).

girls of the coast villages are never given in marriage to men of the interior, because the
latter are considered too uncivilised for this; — the insult to the family of a young girl
and her tribe by such a marriage, was (MooLENBURGH [1903, 2]) the cause of a war between
the peoples of Wendèsi and Karwan. The men of the inland Sekanto tribe marry girls of
other inland tribes: Toba, Djangu and Djangusu (MoOLENBURGH [1904, 186]).

At Angadi I was told that no purchase money is paid, but that, with exogamous
marriages, as are apparently the rule here, a girl from one village is ceded to a man from the
other village, which is therefore the same institution as mentioned by Haddon [1901, 103]
of Kiwai Island. In British N. G. ([I.e. in], Macgregor [1897, 44]), and also, according to
Erdweg [1902, 279], very often on the island of Tumleo, the bridegroom cedes his sister to
the brother of his bride. With other marriages, there is on Tumleo no question of a forced
payment, although possibly the young man may now and then make small presents to the
parents of his wife. It is also a rule for the married couple to fix their residence in the
village of the husband. The son-in-law of the village chief of Angadi had taken up his residence
here, otherwise it is here also the rule that the wife follows the husband. Where the purchase
money for a woman must be paid, this, as far as I am aware, takes place in one payment
and not by instalments. At Asé, where the son of the village chief was to be married to
the daughter of the village chief of Poe, the dowry, consisting of currency beads and stone
hatchets, was exhibited for some days, and on the wedding day the whole of it was handed
over to the father of the bride. The father of the bridegroom had to work for a long
time on these stone hatchets (on fig. 163 such a hatchet lies under his right hand), and
no doubt the bridegroom did not contribute the whole of the numerous beads himself.
Indeed it appeared that part of the family possessions, belonging to the relatives of the
husband, were used to pay the purchase money, and this explains not only that these relatives
have a right, later on, to a share of the amount obtained for the daughters born of the
marriage, as is the case in West N. G. (Van Dissel [1904a, 639]), but also that at the
death of the husband, his brother takes the widow to himself.

On Lake Sentani, as well as in Humboldt Bay, it is the custom, that the young man,
by way of receipt, receives an abacus, a stalk of a sago leaf, into which a certain number of
pegs have been stuck, indicating by their length and number the quality and quantity of
the valuables paid. Judging by the greasy dirt which adheres to both objects (N°. 1270,
PL XXIX, fig. 23, and N°. 1271), these receipts are preserved for a long time, probably to
be used afterwards, should the wife die early, as documents for a claim of restitution.

The wedding ceremony at Asé began by the weeping of women being heard on
a certain evening in one of the houses. These women had arrived from Poe in the course of
the day with the bride, and were now, as the interpreter said, venting their sorrow at the
approaching loss of the bride, who, in future, would have to live in her husband\'s village.
The nature of the lamentations was like a song of despair, as SCHELLONG [1889, 22] describes
of the mourning for deceased persons, namely, that every verse was started loudly and in a
high key and, gradually decreasing in strength, ended in low, suppressed tones. The number
of voices increased gradually during the night, and at 3 o\'clock the screams quite filled the air
and I could not sleep at all. By the end of the night, when the bride had to prepare herself to
proceed to her bridegroom, the noise was terrible. The sun had scarcely risen, when a great

number of the women of Asé collected in front of the residence of the bride, to join the
bridal procession, which now emerged from the said house and crossed the platform to the
shore. The bride was walking in front with some flowers in her hair and a few orna-
ments, but with a very long, white bark petticoat, her eyes closed, her arms opened,
extended upward and a little forward; and on either side walked an old man of Asé,
holding her by the upper arm, evidently in order to guide her. Behind this, the women
of Poe followed, presumably amongst them also the mother of the bride, all lamenting,
and further on the women of Asé, some with a child on the hip, and thus they proceeded
along the short road ± 70 paces, to the house of the village chief, whose son lived there ;
the house of the young couple was still in course of construction. The road led through the
community house, built across the front of, and adjoining, the chiefs house, the floor d= 3
feet above the ground, the bride was obliged to feel her way in walking up an inclined
beam. This moment is represented on fig. 128, p. 198, where it can be seen, that she is
followed solely by women, and that the male villagers are squatting down, paying but
little attention to the proceedings. The bride was scarcely inside the house, when the proces-
sion broke up, and I saw no further festivities. Later on in the day the parents of the young
wife were presented to me, both in very good humour, anxious to see the Mauser revolver
the medical instruments, etc. A few days afterwards the young husband showed himself and
appeared to expect a present from me. He had, however, not yet obtained a share in the
government of the village, nor did I notice any sign indicating his married state.

On a far more extensive scale were the festivities on the occasion of a marriage
which took place on the I4tli of May in the coast village of Jambue, through which a part of
the expedition accidentally passed. A great number of boats, pulled up on the shore, proved
that visitors had come from afar, and in fact, I met in the village men from Kajó, Ingras,
and Tobadi, elaborately dressed, and with their most beautiful ornamental bows, even people
from Lake Sentani, and amongst them a widow of a Tobadi man. This woman was continually
seen in different places ; possibly she acted the part of weeper. Many of the male visitors,
awaiting the further course of events, were sitting or lying in the community house, where a
large ray already promised a good meal. On a spot covered with clear coral sand, in the shade
of an upheld foliage branch, in the middle of a sunny square, in front of the house, in which,
I suppose, the bridegroom resided, stood the bride herself, ornamented with an enormous
quantity of tortoise ear rings, with strings of beads and numerous armlets of Trochus niloticus
(see N°^ 480—482), with her face turned towards the house, and surrounded by about ten
other women, amongst whom was the above mentioned widow. The same as at Asé, the
head of the bride was not shorn, as is the custom in British N. G. (Macgregor [1897, 30]).
As the expedition had to continue its journey, I do not know what followed; but it appears
that here also the marriage itself has to take place in the house of the bridegroom, in oppo-
sition to the custom in Geelvink Bay, where it takes place in the house of the bride (Van
der Goes [1858, 161]).

At Mapar they complained of the high price of women, for whom 200 objects had
to be paid; a gun however counted for 100, and the most valuable object known here,
the above (p. 215) mentioned \'^kain timoT^\' (Malay), is, without anvthing more, already
sufficient. At the marriage, which is accompanied by festivities, the bride wears this kain

timor, folded along a diagonal, a rectangular triangle being thus formed on her back, the
right angled corner hanging down on a level with the right buttock, whilst of the other
two corners one reaches over the left shoulder and the other under the right armpit, both
being tied together in front. The chief of Mapar, called: ^Major\'\\ had fpur wives; this
was partly because his wealth allowed him to do so, and, because his first three wives had
failed to present him with any children, he had kept on marrying until the fourth one made
him a father. This was evidently the real reason, for the child was already 2\'/, years old,
and the Major had not yet taken a fifth wife.

Remedies for preventing or interrupting pregnancy are unknown amongst the Mam\'kion,
they said. Generally speaking children are desired everywhere. At Asé, which approximately
numbers sixty married couples, five were without children; during the inquiry into this, some
of these childless men came very seriously asking for advice. I have not been able to find
out, whether sterility leads to separation, as reported of Torres Straits (Reports [v, 246]).
schellong [1889, 18] states of Finsch Harbour that the coition takes place during the night
inside the houses, and that the woods and gardens are only used for illegitemate purposes.
Horst [1889, 229], however, heard on Biak that the coition never takes place inside the
houses, but that the married people meet each other in the gardens. I was told the same
thing everywhere in Papua Talandjang. Still, the same as already reported of Doré (van
der Goes [1858, 147]), a numerous family is not desired here, and I heard it rumoured in
Humboldt Bay that measures were taken against this before, or after, the birth of the undesired
off-spring. Erdweg [1902, 383] mentions some four herbs which cause sterility and even the
decease of the fetus, and also states that newly born children are thrown into the sea or
buried alive. That scarcity of food is the only reason for limiting the number of children,
as explained by Reports [v, 198], cannot be accepted for Netherl. North N. G.. It appears
that the women consider themselves too much embarrassed in their work in the gardens by
a large number of children. The women of Doré do not desire more than two children and
of the Karon it is even related (Robidé van der Aa [1879, 59]), that when slaves or
prisoners are wanting, the children of the households which possess more than two, are eaten.
In Geelvink Bay the child, whose mother dies in giving birth to it, is buried alive (Haga

The married women of Humboldt Bay have (see p. 88), their own property, to
which the husband has no right. Pfeil [1899, 33] thinks that only the fruits of the garden
are the common property of the married couple, on the other hand Nachrichten [1898,
21, 22] report, that women with their own cocoa-nuts bought beads, which they kept for
themselves. The fate of the married woman has not satisfied most of the Europeans, although
Hagen [1899, 244] of the Jabim and Erdweg [1902, 381] of the Tumleo, paint idyhic scenes.
Parkinson [1890, 21] considers her condition satisfactory, HaddON [1904, 274] never witnessed
ill-treatment, whilst Pratt [1906, 325] considers she is regarded with affection. I myself only
witnessed one case of ill-treatment : a man at Seisara, wishing to induce his wife to withdraw,
threw a large piece of wood at her and hit her. — The women, it is true, have a life of
continual labour; one must remember, however, that to the men falls the task of protecting
them, c. q. to defend the community with their lives. In some cases I witnessed affection
between husband and wife. Thomson [1892, 121] says of the Kiwai people quot;women are truly

slavesquot;. The great many separations must not be put down to the heavy work, ist, because
many separated wives remarry, and and, because the woman, having returned to her parents,
has to work equally hard. Nowhere did I notice special days of rest, as reported by chalmers
[1885, 41] and Macgregor [1897,44] of British N.G. — Incompatibility of temper is sufficient
reason to part from each other. A woman from Asé, married to, but run away from, a man of Ajapo,
was, evidently with the consent of her relations, one day just after sunset, seized and forcibly
carried back in a boat to her lord and master, to the great hilarity of the boys and men,
but under loud lamentations on her part. Nothing has become known to me, with regard to
the dissolution of marriage and the questions then cropping up as to the restitution of the
dowry, or the allotment of all the children to the father, or the boys going with the father,
the girls with the mother, as it is the custom on the S. W. coast (van der goes [1858, 126]),
or the remarrying, etc. It does, however, appear that further intimate or even friendly inter-
course between the separated persons and their relations is no longer possible; the village
chief of Tobadi, whose first wife now lives at Asé, declared that, if he ate of the fruits
provided to the expedition by that woman, he would certainly die.

No case of death was witnessed, and possibly the expedition may be glad of this ;
for the opinion is generally held that death is always caused by the evil desire of other
persons and by means of an atmospherical poison. This is also mentioned by D\'Albertis
[1880, I, 122], Chalmers ]i903, 119] and Pratt [1906, 312], as the Papuan does not believe
in a natural death. Even at the beginning of illness, somebody is considered to be the cause of
this. Thus the chief of Nimburan was very anxious to see the expedition leave his village,
because one of our Tarfia carriers had grown ill. In different ways they try to discover the
guilty person. schellong [1889, 19] heard the same from people of Finsch Harbour, and
Hagen [1899, 254, 256] from the Jabim, and how the flickering of the fire at the mentioning
of a name indicates the culprit. On the island of Ron the hair, cut ofif from the mourners,
is used to detect the guilty person (Van Balen [1886, 559]). From this, murders and even
wars arise. Thus the people of Mapar stated that only two years ago they were still living
at another place, called Morau, situated in a north-westerly direction, at a distance of a o-ood
hour\'s walk, in the neighbourhood of another house : Dudubai, and how one of the inmates
of the same had died and the present Major of Mapar had then been accused of it.
Dudubai only amounted to ten heads, it would, however, have received assistance from
other settlements and thus have been

stronger. For this reason and no other, the large house
and the gardens belonging to it, were then abandoned; a new building had to be constructed
on the hill Worówi, which had to be cleared of the trees, and new gardens had to be laid
out ! — The people of Mapar have the same superstitions about the cause of death.

With them only children below three years are buried in the soil. When an older person
dies, matési, the body is dried above a moderate fire; but the moisture which drips out
during the first days is collected and preserved in order to be placed before visitors,
and if these begin to vomit in consequence, their guilt is considered proved and they
are put to death. thomson [1892, 53] also reports, of the district to the south of Port
Moresby, the collection of this moisture, but statés, that it is only used here as a stimulant.
On Dampier Island, the skin is rubbed in with this moisture, as a preventative of dangers.
At Mapar a part of the bones is also taken out of the body and crushed into powder;

guests who cannot swallow it, are killed. When the body is dried, which takes about a month,
in a position with the knees tightly drawn-up and the head pressed down on the chest,\'
a basket of palm leaves is plaited closely round it, and the body thus packed up, biata sidugK
is suspended inside the house on the wall. In the house at Mapar (fig. 73) two such packages\'
were hanging breast high on the inside of the wall, immediately to the left, near the front
door (the side towards the top of the hill), and one to the right when entering by the back
door, all of them therefore in the part of the house where the unmarried men live. They
were 90 c.m. in length, and 45 c.m. thick, and absolutely without smell. In the house at
Inagoi such packages were suspended in corresponding places. It is characteristic that the
mode of matting the bodies of the dead in this squatting position, has become known
of so many places in New Guinea, situated far from each other ; e. g. with regard to K. W.
Land (Nachrichten [1889, 8]), of a village situated on the slopes of the Finisterre Moun-
tains, w^here the bodies were carefully placed in safety from the Europeans, who came to
pass the night in the houses. schellong [1889, 22] also refers to the sewing up of bodies
in mats. Horst [1889, 232] .saw at Ansus, on Japen, hanging inside the house, the dried
body, wrapped up in pieces of cloth, of the father of the village chief, probably the same,
which was already reported a good many years ago by Robide van der Aa [1879, 234].
In British N. G., D\'Albertis [1880, II, loi] found the body of a man being matted in a
stretched position, a woman squatting, hke the bodies in the small cages, (2\'/, X 3 X feet),
mentioned in Annual Report [1897—98, 22, PL 14].

Burying in the ground is also often done with the body in a squatting position,
as with the Ajambori (Van der Goes [1858, 147]), wrapped up in a mat; wilken [1887,
619—621] supposes a connection between this position and the squatting position of the
human figure represented on the korwars.

Between Pt. D\' Urville and the Netherl. German boundary this position is, I think,
unknown. Concerning Humboldt Bay, I quote that the people of Ingrau put their dead in a
stretched, horizontal position in cages of interwoven branches, erected on piles, on the shore behind
the village. Most of the cages are in a bad state, parts of the skeletons having fallen out
and scattered (by the hogs !). People allowed me to take away some bones. The inhabitants of
Tobadi put their dead on the small island of Entjemâg, simply on the earth, because there are no
hogs. As far as I could ascertain no corpses are buried on the hills, as Van der Goes
[1858, 182] thinks, taking for grave ornaments the ornamental poles which have a religious
meaning (Chapter XII). At Asé in the stony soil a shallow pit is dug, into which the body
is deposited, whilst a heavy weight in stones and a fence of horizontal sago leaf stalks, inside
another of strong vertical branches, keep off the hogs. The spade (fig. 166) or spades (fig. 165) with
which the grave has been dug, also are placed in the fence, also sometimes the bow of the
deceased (fig. 166). These graves are called: fare, the same name which was given to the
small pig-sty, which was intended for the sow with her young ones. In the western villages
like Pujo (fig. 164) the fence is quite close and covered with a roof of palmleaves, small houses
being thus the result, which are sometimes beautifully ornamented, and against which hand-
some fishing spears are placed. The same thing happened at Sâgeisârâ (fig. 167) near a tomb
budèjâ, erected in the immediate vicinity of the temple; here a dog on the back of a
Varanus(?) and a sawfish, and other, smaller fish figures made of wood, beautifully carved.

and coloured red, white and black, were noticeable, cocoa-nutshells had been suspended in
garlands along the vertical walls, and at the roof empty turtle eggs had been stuck on midribs

of sago leaves. A similar
hut-like tomb, burejd, still
more richly ornamented, was
standing in Nacheibe be-
tween the houses; amongst
the coloured wooden figures
a hammerhead, tsijâ, could
clearly be recognised, and
another large fish, drebo,
dlèbo, which had a quadruped,
waund, stuck on to the point-
ed snout. A very peculiar
tomb, a hollow tree trunk
(fig. 168), about a man\'s
height, is standing in front
of a house at Sâgeisârâ, and
covered with a couple of
water-buckets, like N°. 93,

turned upside down, pro-
bably to prevent the ram from entering. Two. saplings are bound against it, on one of which

a turned-up cocoa-nutshell
is fastened. It contains the
body of a child and is called,
\'\'tabuquot;. The man standing
near this tomb is the father
of the deceased child.
Thomson [1892, 67] reports
a similar tomb, consisting
of a hollow trunk, but only
for the skeleton of a corpse
of which the flesh has been
previously removed. What
I have never seen anywhere
in H.B. and on Lake Sentani,
namely the ornamenting of
a grave with skulls of pigs,
presumably intended as a
hunting trophy, has been

buran (fig. 171). On Wiak, four-sided wooden tombs are made, shaped like a small house, covered
with a roof, carved and painted, and placed on one or more poles, sometimes large (fig. 169),

but sometimes so small (fig. 170), that only the bones could be kept in them. Near the small
tomb, a round, shallow, glazed dish is standing, apparently of Chinese make, and the widow
of the deceased is seated near, lamenting her loss. In fig. 169 only a piece of such a dish is to
be seen, and under the tomb a couple of skulls. Quite diff^erent are the graves, which I saw on
Mios Korwar, although the present inhabitants of this island originaUy came from the now
abandoned village of Maudor on the island of Supidri, which is situated close to Wiak. Here the
bodies are buried in the ground, and the four-sided space is surrounded by planks, standing
on edge, and a smaU roof is made over it (fig. 172); outside the planks are small dishes and
pieces of larger ones. On Ron, according to Van Balen [1886, 560], a broken pot (also a
netted bag) is found only on the graves of women, whereas on the men\'s graves a broken
bow and arrow are found. A decoration of red calico over graves, mentioned by Van Balen,
is also very common at Wendesi. The inhabitants ofthe Jakati delta (moolenburgh [1903, 215])
place the skull of the deceased inside the house on a large dish. The people of Wendesi
deposit their dead, either on a mat or not, on some of the neighbouring, rocky islands and
suspend pieces of red cahco from the branches of the shrubs; I also saw near a body, which
had been lying there only a few days, quite uncovered on a mat, a closed wooden box,
containing some valuables. Sometimes, however, graves are also met with in this neighbourhood,
like in fig. 173, with a covering on the top of ornamented poles. Snelleman [1906, 115, 116]
gives illustrations ofthe way
in which the dead body
is transported, and a large
quantity of valuables, among
which Chinese dishes, depo-
sited on the grave. More to
the south, near Siari, at a
short distance from the
house illustrated in fig. 80,
I saw inside a circular fence
of sticks and thin bamboo,
round which strips of check-
ed calico had been fastened,
cases and baskets and two
reddish brown pots, the
whole of native make, but
also a shallow, round dish,
45 c.m. in diameter, of glazed
earthenware, ornamented with blue, red, yellow and green figures of Chinese character, and
a taU jar, ± 45 c.m. high, with a bell-shaped lid, ornamented with snakes and dragons in
blue colours. I do not remember whether on this grave garden plants occurred as a delicacy
for the deceased, as is reported of Ajambori (Van der goes [1858, 161]); fruits on graves
are also reported of British N. g. (D\'Albertis [1880, II, 12], chalmers [1903, 120]). Nearer
Sian\' there was a grave, surrounded by a border of red stones, inside which a small, triangular
plank was standing in the ground, as well at the head as at the foot. Near Wendesi there
Nova Guinea. IIL Ethnography.nbsp;25

is also, high up in the mountains, almost inaccessible to Europeans, a cave, where, according
to the missionary, many skeletons are lying; this is also reported of Ron (Ellis [1888, 31]).
On Lake Jamür, the dead are laid in a tree trunk, hollowed-out in the shape of a boat, which
after a certain time is brought into the house; I, however, found none. Of Serué, robidé
van der A a [1879, 261] mentions a similar arrangement after the smoking of the dead, but
the boat is here laid on the shore, or up a tree.

Of the mourning ceremonies of Humboldt Bay I only know, that some conside-
rable time after the death, the relatives have to give a feast, like that celebrated in the
temple during the stay of the expedition. A requiem is then sung, called: utia, the religious
character of the feast being pre-eminent (Chapter XII).

The weeping over the deceased, I heard only at Asé, where, on the occasion
of a visit to the house of the village chief, most of the women hid themselves, but one old
woman, busily repairing fishing nets, evidently in her devotion found the necessary courage
to remain quietly seated, moaning verses in a high toned voice the while. My Papuan inter-
preter whispered to me that she had received news of the death of a friend in another
village. In Geelvink Bay, on the occasion of a death, old women are hired to weep as loudly
as possible (Van Hasselt [1886, 589]).

Above (p. Ó4), I have demonstrated how the use of hairtresses like 221—222 of
the collection, and caps of hair (the term quot;cap-shaped wigsquot; is confusing) like 223, less
used in H. B. than in the more western coast villages, is to be taken as a mourning dress.
In the HuonGulf the widow (Hagen [1899, 263]) also often wears bundles of hair. Of British
N. G., Macgregor [1897, 30] mentions the shaving of the head in mourning; in Geelvink
Bay the head of the widow must be shaved (Van Hasselt [r886, 592]). At Wari I saw a
number of men and women, who, as can also be seen on fig. 169, had strung large beads,
mostly white, on a tress of hair on the right or on the left temple, or on both sides,\'
sometimes the tress was divided at the bottom into two parts as with N°. 212 (Pl. VII,\'
fig. 12). A similar headdress, used, however, only by the men. Van Balen [1886, 557]
mentions of Ron ; — at the death of a relative they shave ofif the hair, with the exception
of a lock above the forehead, to which beads are fastened, the lock (ringlet) hanging down
along the back of the ear, as\'far as the breast. According to van Hasselt [1886, 591] the
Numfor prefer, for this purpose, dark blue beads. The woman, who is squatting near the
grave on fig. 170, was more ornamented than the other women, and was certainly sitting
there dutifully lamenting, for, whilst the whole population was more or less occupied with
the visit of the expedition, she faithfully maintained her crouching position. The ornaments
of this woman may be looked upon as a mourning dress. In K. W. Land (Krieger [1899,
180]) the widow must for some months, both morning and evening, sit and mourn on the
grave, while on the contrary the Numfor widow must stay indoors for some months (Van
Hasselt [i886, 592]). In mourning for parents, husband or wife. Van der Goes [1858, 147]
mentions rattan neck bands; for a child, brother or sister, armlets, which on Ron (Van Balen
[I.e., 562]) are ornamented with strips of calico.

The wearing of parts of the skeleton of a deceased by the relatives, custo-
mary in British N.G. and in K. W. Land, e.g. the coccyx (D\'Albertis [1880, II, 97]), the
lower jaw as an armlet (Finsch [1888, 132]), or a couple of ribs as a neck ring (Meyer and

Parkinson [1900, PL 17, 19 and 20]), never yet reported of Papua Talandjang, is again
coming to tlie fore in Geelvink Bay. On the island of Ron the mother wears the breastbone
and the first cervical vertebra of her dead child. The same thing holds good for the skulls:
as well in K. W. Land (Erdweg [1902, 292]) as in Geelvink Bay they are placed inside the
house (sometimes in a korwar), but
in Papua Talandjang I have never
noticed anything of this. The small
pieces of wood, sometimes carved
with a human figure, which in Geel-
vink Bay are at times worn on a
cord round the neck, in memory of
the deceased, were met with on
Lake Jamur, which is not surprising,
as on the adjacent south-west coast
(Lakahia) they were seen by Van
der Goes [1858, PI. TT, fig. 16] in
a similar shape (see Chapter XII).

Mourning is also indicated by
tattooing; sometimes the image of the
deceased is tattooed on the back (Van
Hasselt [1886, 592]).

On the north coast (see p. 52)
the colour of mourning is yeUow,
in British N. G., according to D\'Albertis
[1880, II, 9], yellow and white are used
for the purpose. Other authors mention
black as the colour of mourning; — thus
Pratt [1906, 311] writes: quot;the chief
mourner is invariably blackened all over
with charcoalquot;, some instances are known,
however, of black here being used also
as the colour of war (D\'Albertis [1880,
II, 196]).

Mutilation of the body, disjoining
fingers of the left hand, in mourning
(Annual Report [1897—98, 97 ; 1899—
1900, 73]), as far as I know is mentioned
only of British N. G.

A regular mourning dress,
exclusively for women, is in Geelvink
Bay, as with the standing person of
fig. 174, in the shape of a shirt without

sleeves, fitted with a hood for the head, the whole made of bark and provided with a number of strips of
red calico, which gives a gay impression. This dress, also illustrated by Snelleman [1906, 126], is worn
till it is entirely worn out. In the district opposite Yule Island a similar custom exists, for widows only

(Murphy [1904, 330]), the wrapping up in pieces of bark leaving only the face visible. The women of Mowat
use a kind of scarf, made of cord, but the head is left uncovered (D\'Albertis [1. c., 9]) The widow\'s cap
manufactured of cord, with the quot;figure eightquot; stitch (fig. 9, p. 37), customary in K. W. Land, has not been
found on Netherl. territory. Erdweg [1902, 303] speaks of a fishing net, which old women hang over their
heads, but It probably escaped the notice of this author that the fabric was not like that of fishino- nets--
the widow\'s cap must (Hagen [1899, 261]) be worn by the widow for the rest of her life even if she
remarries. That the remembrance of the dead is of a sad nature, was proved to Haddon [1901 lol when
people of Murray Island shed tears, on being shown photos of fellow villagers since deceased.

The family life can be described in a few words, because it exists only to a
very slight degree. Where man-houses exist, there can of course be no question of a family
circle in our sense of the word, and where, as with the Manfkion, all the people of a settle-
ment live in one house, the communal life replaces for the greater part family life. Father
mother and child are thus seldom seen together. This explains why, as it seemed to me\'
the ties between parents and their children on Netherlands territory, are less tender than
e. g. in K. W. Land, from where touching examples are given. Very young children, in want
of medical help, were generally brought to me by the mothers, and only in a single instance
the father came too. Boys and girls 6 years old, and older, usually came by themselves to
the daily polydinic, no parent coming to their assistance, when they were crying with
pain. Still I once witnessed a mother who pressed the cheek of her child, crying partly
from fear and partly from pain, against her face and tried to soothe it with tender words
exactly like a loving European mother would have done. Now and then my medical practice\'
presented an opportunity of witnessing such a scene. When the expedition had hired 14 Tobadi
youths as carriers and left H. B. by ship, in the numerous boats which formed the escort
there were many women who wept, and amongst the young men, there were also some who
could not restrain their tears. One of the women gave her earrings to her son.

With a few words I must describe how strangers are treated. In former times the visitor who
came to Humboldt Bay was (also at Waba) offered some water. The native who offered it first took a
draught of It himself, according to Van der Goes [1858, 92], to give a proof that it contained no poison-
ous matter; Horst [1889, 250] was informed of the same thing happening in Tobadi, Robide van der
Aa [^879, J79] m Tanah Merah Bay. Finsch [1888-93, 185] mentions hot yams also (Humboldt Bay)
From K. W. Land comes the report of the placing of a sago-cake, filled with grated cocoa-nut kernel
(Nachrichten [1888, 32]), in the mouth, whilst the bystanders sing a song. The offering of tobacco
and sin to visitors is very general, the offering of women is reported of the S. W. coast. In Toronta Horst
[1889, 246] was saluted by the singing of the women, who were hidden inside a house. Waving \'a ..reen
branch means peace and friendly intercourse (D\'Albertis [1880, II, 43], Macgregor [1897 44^ On
the S. W. coast, on the approach of a vessel, according to Modéra [1830, 25, 69] and others, some men
but principally women and children, dressed up with leaves, dance in the sea near the shore On the Fly
River D\'Albertis [1880, II, 273] saw quot;women jumping and gesticulating as if they were mad, twistino-
their bodies into horrible contortionsquot;, and as the men waved their weapons, the writer took all this for
a war-dance (!) and a fight followed. As a sign of pleasure when meeting, Sentâni people sometimes shoot
arrows over the water, and I agree with the remark of Finsch [1888, 335], that the name of Attack
Harbour was probably given unjustly by Dumont D\'Urville; it deserves rather the name of Peace Harbour
(see p. 256, below). The Tugeri (Thomson [1892, 169]) touch the navel; more to the east, the hand
or a finger is hooked (Beardmore [1890, 463]), nose and stomach are pointed to (Chalmers [1885 92I)
or the abdomen is touched (Annual Report [1899-1900, 67]). Two natives meeting again after an

absence of some time, walk together for a moment, the hands of the inner arms placed together; similar is
mentioned by Comrie [1877, 108]. He who rejoices most, not seldom places one arm on the back or shoulder
of the other, and gives him, laughingly, friendly cuffs (Van Dissel [1904a, 643]). Of the shaking of hands
in a European fashion, as described by Strachan [1888, 87], Annual Report [1898—99, 21], Pratt
[1906, 159], Hagen [1899, 253], etc., no instances are found in Netherl. N. G.

After the first contact, an invitation to squat down is to be considered in Papua
Talandjang as a proof that you are trusted, and if you squat down voluntarily this is appre-
ciated on your part as a proof of friendly confidence. On Lake Sentani they appeared to
appreciate this highly, and then ah squatted down around me with a contented : quot;-angennmnbT
(to squat). Van der Goes [1858, 92] already reports how, on the occasion of a visit to Waba,
and not being on friendly terms with the natives, one of the members of his company hap-
pened to squat down and all the Papuans, now in good humour, immediately did the same.
Van der Goes thought that the squatting was considered as kneeling before the deity of
the temple. Nachrichten [1891, 50] also report, with regard to the hinterland of Astrolabe
Bay, that visitors are invited to squat down.nbsp;\\

When Van der Goes [1858, 101] left Tobadi, a narrow strip of sweet scented leaf
was placed round his right wrist as a proof of friendship and brotherhood. Sometimes (FinSCH
[1888—93, 185]) two strips are used, of which one is tied round the mast of the canoe. On
Lake Sentani, and also amongst the Nimburan, the members of the expedition were invited
to stand up against a tree, when with a chopper the length of their bodies was indicated on
the same. Very peculiar also is the bidding good-bye after leave taking; the people of
Tobadi then thrust forward the right arm, the hand hyper-extended, as if pushing away
something with the palm.

What is wanting in the home life comes to the good of the village community.
A more extensive feeling of «Zusammengehörigkeitquot; of different villages or tribes, is, in
Netherl. N. G., like elsewhere, the exception. I count amongst this the joining together of the
villages of Tobadi, Ingras and Ingrau in Jotefa Bay, on the basis of descent and language;
but at the same time a common interest exists, which must be maintained against the village
of Waba. Bink [1897, 153] erroneously mentions the four villages, therefore also Waba, as
being joined together. This quot;Gauverbandquot; between villages, the same as reported of K. W.
Land (nachrichten [1888, 229]), comes most prominently to the fore on the occasion of
joint festivals. The people of Hiri, Mapar and Horna, however, who state that they all belong
to the Manikion tribe, are nevertheless badly disposed towards each other.

The mutual attachment of the inhabitants of one village appeared to be very strong
in all the places visited by the expedition. Everywhere, as reported by Haddon of Torres
Straits (Reports [V, 276]) quot;the communal life predominates over the individual hfequot;. The
reason of this lies in the common danger to which the inhabitants of one settlement are
always exposed from other villages. This danger, which can only be averted by a united
defence, consequently leads to great unity, and thus the offence, committed on a single individual
is considered to have been made on the whole of the viUage (see Annual Report
[1894—95, 39]). It is necessary for people, living under the rules of Western society, to
realise what it means when the women can go to, and return from, the gardens only
under an armed escort. One would suppose that those quot;children of naturequot;, have a life without

sorrow; — on the contrary they have, as it is expressed in Annual Report [1894—95]:
quot;a miserable life of continual anxietyquot;; fear, according to Macgregor [1897, 41], being the
only restraint on absolute freedom. When settling at Asé in June 1903, I expected to see
a large quantity of patients turning up for medical help from the neighbouring villages;
but, what I had not foreseen, not a single stranger would risk himself in this village. bink
I1897, 203], travelling on Lake Sentani, experienced that the women of Ajâpo did not dare
to row him any further because they saw boats of Asé in the distance; — both these villages
(see fig. 94, Ajâpo visible at the right) are situated on the same lake, at a distance of not
more than half a mile, and were not at war with each other. Each member of the community,
who endangers by his actions the peace of the village, finds all the other members against
him, or, as it is expressed in Reports [V, 276]: quot;any infringement of the rules of the com-
munity IS regarded as an offence against the societyquot;. I do not understand how MacGREGOR
[1897, 48] could write that the rights of the individual, not of the community, form the
basis of the Papuan law of custom. The good order in Papuan society is generally sufficiently
protected by the behef of each individual that he bears part of the collective responsability.
Therefore the visitor from the West usually notices nothing of a central government. Thus
Haddon [1894, 255] arrived at the conclusion that quot;chieftainship in the true sense of
the term is entirely wanting in British N. G.quot; ; the same conclusion is formed by Mac
Farlane [1888, iii], on this ground, that the chiefs quot;cannot impose a tax of any kindquot;.
In British N. G. there is invariably a chief [in each village (Comrie [1877, 106], Pratt
[1906, 301]), or to each tribe (Beardmore [1890, 459]).

Hagen [1899, 278], regarding K. W. Land, speaks of an organisation without any
authority, van der goes [1858, 167] writes of the inhabitants of the Arfak Mountains:
quot;the chiefs without authority and the right of the strongest the lawquot;; but we should admit
that under these conditions no society could continue to exist, even amongst the Papuans.
It was also thought formerly of Humboldt Bay (R0BIDÉ van der Aa [1879, 116, 268],quot;
Finsch [1888, 360]) that the most impudent or strongest assumed the lead. That on the
contrary an actual government does exist, as, indeed, had already been noticed by Van der
Goes [1858, 182], has since been proved most clearly.

The supreme chief, called Karesort, lives at Tobâdi, and has in each of the three
villages, Tobadi, Ingrâs and Ingrau, a jente karesori under him. The house of the kdrhori is
built by the three villages together; Bink [1897, 153] learned when he tried to buy some of
the decorations, which were being manufactured for the said house, that nobody dared to part
with anything. This house is the largest of all the private houses, just as his boat is bigger
than any other. The karesori orders or forbids the collection and the sale of fruit. He gives
his consent to, and regulates, joint hunting parties, and, as it appeared to me (see p. 163),
also the joint fishing. As an apparently unsound excrescence of his authority I mention that
with shooting, races in rowing, etc., organised by Koning [1903, 266], the karesort exacted
the first prizes for his boats and people. He indicated as carriers for the expedition, the
young men of the temple, amongst whom, as will appear later on, he exercises special
authority. Finally under his care a kind of Public Exchequer exists, out of which, he pays
food in times of scarcity, the ransom of prisoners and the indemnification of wounded or killed.
Part of the fish, which after each catch are handed to the chief, was also intended for this

fund. The dignitary, called H\'dmadi, is, it is true, a strongly built man, who also obtained
a higher number with the dynamometer, and played the flutes in the temple with less effort
than any other, and he is also an extremely good shot; but all this we learned casuaUy,
and not by these means did he obtain or maintain his position in our eyes. On the con-
trary he belongs to that class of diplomats, who, in a friendly manner, demand everything
for themselves, working at the same time with delay; the word quot;nantiquot; (Malay = wait)
being constantly in his mouth. When once I ridiculed him about this eternal quot;nantiquot;, the
diplomat himself laughed and all his surrounding villagers joined. The eldest son of the
karesori was pointed out to us with some respect, whether the dignity is, however, hereditary,
and the exact relative position to the jente karesori, I do not know. Bowing before their
chiefs is no genuine Papuan custom (see however Van Hasselt [1876, 196]).

On Lake Sentani each village has its head, ondofra. At Asé this was an old man
(fig- Î63), completely blind from cataract in both eyes. Strangers, visiting the village were
usually brought to him, for which purpose he sat in the community house. Possibly his condi-
tion was the reason why I noticed but little of his authority in deeds. According to the
interpreter, however, he could in certain cases of misdemeanours amongst the population of
the vihage, command some of the older men to force the miscreant to remediate the damage
caused, as aU the intra-tribal crimes in fact are redeemable. To such older men a large
influence is also owing in Torres Straits (REPORTS [V, 263—265]).

On the S. W. coast, on Adi and Kaimani the chief very actively assists himself when
harmony is disturbed (Van DER Goes [1858, 113, 127]). On the occasion of a visit to Ifar,
Mr. Dumas and myself were received by the village chief who awaited us with a large number
of men in the community house. After we had all squatted down, only some of the elder
ones joined in the conversation with the ondofra and us. When we intimated our intention
to return for a longer visit, the chief, with an air of decided authority, gave the assurance
that the whole expedition could come and that he would hold himself responsible for
our safety.

Community houses, houses of assembly, to which women are by no means for-
bidden, but which are, as a rule, only visited by the men, have in Papua Talandjang always
a four-sided roof, with horizontal ridge pole. On one or more sides the vertical wall is wanting.
On Lake Sentani it is generally attached to the house of the chief. At Asé the tree trunks,
which supported the roof, were placed upside down, and the enlargement of the roots had
been beautifully carved à jour, whilst on the stem itself crocodile and human figures had
been cut out. Large drums like N°. 1277 (PI. XXVIII, fig. 4) were suspended above a fire-
place behind a screen; between the rafters of the roof, arms, taken in war, were stuck, the
war banner N°. 1268 and the brass objectsnbsp;694—696. Fishing gear of aU sorts was

stowed inside, and large rolls of prepared bark, whilst here also the dowry (see p. 267) was
exposed. The community house of Tobadi has an elevation on the roof like the Mohammedan
missigits, the ridge pole continued at both ends into ornaments. It stands exactly between
the house of the village chief and the temple, near the corner of the large platform, where
a horizontal beam has been carved into the figure of a woman in child-birth. On PL i of
Meyer and Parkinson [1900], who caU it jainpa, it is seen from the western side; in fig.
194 (p. 301) it is seen from the south-east. During the visit of BiNK [1897, 152], who heard

the building, as well as the temple, called karewdri, it was used as an abode for the night

by the same young men,
who were seen working
in it during the day. In
1903 it was sadly in want
of repairs {see fig. 194).
Some large nets, jane, and
also the Netherl. coat-of-
arms, were still to be
found, but seldom was
anybody seen there. The
community house of Thaë,
represented in figs. 175 and
176, is of the same shape
as the one of Asé. It is
built at the eastern end
of the village near the
temple, which stands quite
by itself, still more to the
east, and separated from
it by a fence; on this side
a vertical wall, whilst the other sides, turned towards the village, are

entirely open (fig. 176).
The ridge pole is, at each
of the ends, continued
into a crocodile, which,
with its mouth open,
seizes the partes poste-
riores of a human figure.
Inside I found some men,
also the shields (N°®. 1261
—65, PI. XXVI, figs. 2,
II-—14), captured on the
occasion of an attack by
the Arso people, whilst
wooden birds like N°. 565
(PI. XIX, fig. 8), were
hanging, suspended by
cords, from the beams.
The community house at
Jambue is of the same
shape and was harbouring at the time of my visit, a large number of male guests from other
villages, congregated for a wedding feast.

That the community houses, which also occur elsewhere, but in other shapes, as the
quot;alolquot; of K. W. Land (Meyer and parkinson [1894, Pl. 43], parkinson [1900, 35]), the
quot;kwodquot; of Torres Straits (reports [V, 173]), the quot;mareaquot; of British N.G. (D\'Albertis
[1880, I, 319]), have any religious meaning,, one may assume e.g. from the nature of the
ornament, in which the crocodile often occurs. Haddon [1900, 276] calls the club houses of
British N.G. quot;the centre of the social, pohtical and religious life of the menquot;. In Papua
Talandjang, they have, no doubt, less to do with religion and on Lake Sentani I have often
met women inside, which in this case, excludes a religious meaning.

Of Geelvink Bay no community houses are known, the front platforms (pag. 132) of the
common turtle-shaped dwelling houses serving as meeting places for the men, as is also
reported by Haddon [1900, 421] of the long houses on the Fly River.

In the settlements of the Manikion, which always consist of one building, one of the
men, by no means always the oldest, is called \'•\'■major\' and armed with the authority; with
these governors the expedition conducted the négociations concerning guides, carriers, etc.

On Lake Jamür, at Angadi, the expedition was received by two chiefs in European
dress, who had hoisted the Netherlands flag, whilst the greater part of the population had
fled. With their help we got the necessary boats and guides, but I have not been able to
ascertain how far the authority of these leading men extends.

It is the general opinion of travellers in New Guinea, that the Papuan is very fond
of feasts, the noise of which only too often disturbs the night\'s rest. But I must at the
same time observe that the inland tribes generally have much fewer feasts and that at Ase
during the 15 days of my stay, not a single nightly feast took place.

In these feasts also the intimate social life of the villagers shows itself, in so far as
small feasts limited to one family, or to the inhabitants of one house, do not occur; what-
ever may be the occasion, it is always kept up by the whole community. The catching of
a big sea turtle by men of Ingras was the occasion for such a feast, held in Tobadi together
with the other villages. After the shot boar (see p. 157), had been brought into the temple, a
similar feast took place, and each of the invited guests, including the members of the
expedition, received a small piece to take home. For so far as that day\'s feast (8tii of July)
took place on the platform, it was in no way connected with boar hunting, but, according
to the people, it was now the time for this feast, for this dance. It meant a New Year\'s
feast (see also Annual Report [1902—03, 23]) and I got the impression, that since the
15111 of June, when the ornamental staves (see p. 298) had been placed, a period of festivities
had begun, probably on account of the beginning of the east monsoon.

At Tobadi the feasts were celebrated either in the temple or on the large platform
situated in front. In the latter case, the young men of the temple, who must remain hidden
from the women, may never take any part in it. The oldest men generally limit themselves
to looking on, but otherwise there are feasts in which both sexes participate and others from
which the women are excluded. As to most feasts, if not to all, a religious character must
be granted, the further consideration of them finds a place under Chapter XIL

N°. 1269. Pl. XXIX, fig. 25. V3. Siai-î; top, of conical piece of reddish brown wood, with lengthwise run
of fibres, horizontal section somewhat elliptic, flat point; at \'/i of the height a broad, circular notch
for the string. Toy for men and boys.

N°. 1270. PI. XXIX, fig. 23. OJè. Asé; piece of a sago leaf stalk, simberi, mounted on convex side
with 119 flat pegs, ojè, of same material, all fixed between two lengthwise strips, ketjombi, bound
with bark fibre, sa. Abacus for the beads of a dowry.

N°. 1271. Nokawi. Ingrâs; like N°. 1270, in the stalk, arfan, 96 pegs, kamp;man, between lengthwise
strips, kanoan, of same material, wound round with vegetable fibre, war.

Every Papuan possesses a certain artistic sense, and all are accustomed to apply
it. It is for this reason that no member of Papuan society makes art his sole means of
existence. But it has already been pointed out above, that entire villages may possess a
kind of monopoly of producing articles of native, technical art. Music, singing and dancing
are dealt with in Chapter XII, consequently only a few remarks find their place here,
regarding plastic art.

A thorough knowledge can, after all, only be obtained, as remarked by VON LusCHAN
[1897, 76, 81], after prolonged residence and by a complete mastery of the language.
Uhle [1886, 5], Haddon [1894, 250], Preuss [1897, 81] and others are ofthe same opinion
with regard to the often mythological meaning of the ornaments, which have, moreover, a
definitive relation to the flora, and especially to the fauna of the country. With the ornaments
of primitive races even the most simple form has its special meaning (VoN den Steinen
[1904, 126]); this has been proved conclusively with the tattooing in H. B. (see p. 46), and
one may therefore call it a kind of writing (Preuss [1897, 83]), though difficult to translate,
firstly because the figure generally deviates much from the natural form of the subject it
represents, whilst another difficulty is to find out what mental ideas are hidden in the illustration.
Not the form, but the meaning is the most interesting part (Haddon [1894, 271], Preuss
[1897, 82]). A thorough knowledge is necessary in order to understand why certain figures
constantly recur on certain objects. The difficulty is only evaded by talking of an ornamental
„adatquot; (Loeber [1903, 69]).

That the Papuan is quite familiar with the idea of writing became evident to me,
when, writing a letter on a certain evening at Asé, I had explained to an enquiring Papuan,
who was looking on, that distant relations would be able to make out from my scribbling,
that I was at Asé and how I was getting on. From the animated explanation which the man
at once gave to his companions, I heard how he indicated my writing with the word quot;-dnequot;,
which was always used for ornament, also for the carved or painted ornament. The con-

viction that the ornament of the Papuan represents a kind of writing, expressing ideas, and
giving a legible form to thought, was then brought home to me for good.

Lines, apparently of an arbitrary shape, turn out, on closer inspection, to occur in
exactly the same manner on objects obtained from different places. The art of Papua Talan-
djang, which, as far west as Tanah Merah, is counted by PreuSS [1897, 85] to belong to
that of the German-Netherlands\' frontier territory, is rich in similar examples, proving that
not the personal artistic ideas, but the mental conceptions of the tribe guide the hand.

As an often occurring illustration I mention the complex of z i g z a g lines on the
tobacco cyhnder N°. 153, PL V, fig. 3, on the handles of the hme calabashes 185 and
186, Pl. VI, fig. 4a, and on the boar lance N°. 575, fig. loob.

Another illustration is the composition of circles and triangles on the handle
of the lime calabash N°. 179, PL VI, figs. 3 and 3a, on the boar lance N°. 574, fig. looa, on
the hackhng sticks 580—583, PL XX, fig. 16, on the chisel N°. 703, PL XXIV, fig. 11
and on the arrow N°. 748, PL XXVII, fig. i.

They belong to the tribal ornament described of these parts by the original studies of
Preuss. His figure of the flying Pteropus [1898, 102, fig. 143], taken by Biro [1899, 62]
for a human figure of which the limbs have been changed into spirals, has since been
explained by SCHMIDT [1903, 77, 78, fig. i] and PoCH [1905,445] as representing a butterfly.
It occurs on the shields 1263—64, PL XXVP figs. 13 and 12.

The linked ornament taken by Preuss [1897, 95, 105, figs. 2—lo; 1898, 104
figs. 148—150] for a row of dancers, or Pteropus, also illustrated by Finsch [1888—93,
PL 9, fig. 6], Biro [1899, 61, PL XIII, fig. i; 1901, 38, fig. 10, N°. 3], Erdweg [1902, 369,
fxg. 255] and Graebner [1902, 301, 302, figs. 6—14] also occurs on the shields N°^ 1261—62,
PL XXVI, figs. 14 and 2. The objection advanced by Preuss himself [1897, 104] against
his view, namely, that such an arrangement of dancers does not occur with the dances known,
may be considered as removed by the descriptions of dances by Erdweg [1902, 304] and
those treated in Chapter XII (see figs. 198—199).

Preuss [1898, 87, 88, fig. 55] and Parkinson [1900, PL XXI, figs. 39—40] mention
ornamented lower arms of bows, while in my opinion these are the upper arms, and the
ornament .should be looked at from the opposite direction.

On page 197 I already stated that the ornament of the oar, taken by Preuss
[1899, 174, PL V, fig. 27] as originating from snake figures, is on the contrary a convention-

ahzed fish figure, very common on Lake Sentani, to be found on the oars 670_672,

PL XXII, figs. 1—2. Also on PL I, figs. 11 —13 and 17; PL II; PL III, figs. 14—15; PL IV,
figs. ii and 21; PL V, fig. 4; PL XII, fig. 4; Pl- XVIII, figs. 2 and ii; PL XXII, fig. 6;
PL XXIII, figs. 1—4; PL XXV, fig. 4; PL XXVP fig. 3—6 and 8.

The loop coil is, to a high degree, characteristic of Lake Sentani and neighbourhood,
and startling is also the frequent use of the eye ornament, sometimes by a high number
covering a whole surface; — see PL XVII, figs. 11, 13 and 14; PL XVIII, fig. 11 ; PL XXV,
figs- 5—7; Pl- XXVI, figs. ii and 14. — I found it confirmed that the eye is also drawn
in the form of a spiral (Preuss [1898, 90]); see fig. 150 in text.

The plastic representation of man is characterised in H.B. and neighbourhood by
the upper part of the head being disproportionately large compared to the often triangular

face; it represents the mop of hair (see PL III, figs. 7, 7a and 8; PL IV, fig. 35; PL V, fig 6a;
PL XVIII, figs. 3a, 4, 5, 6a and 9; PL XIX, figs. 1—2 and 7; PL XX, fig. 16). preuss [1899, 165]
thought it represented a wig. The lengthened, pointed shape of the nose, known of the orna-
ments of K. W. Land, is very seldom met with on Netherlands territory (Schmeltz [1896,
114]). The regions of the shoulderblades, hips or trochanters are often in relief; the
same with the knees, as also reported of British N. G. (Haddon [1894, 52]). The placing of

the toes in a vertical row, as Schmeltz already pointed out [i
only takes place for technical
reasons (see PL XVIII, fig. 4).
Generally the sex is indicated,
which is not to be wondered at.
With dog figures (see p. 148) the
genitals are never wanting (see
also Haddon [1904, figs. 15 and
19]); the crocodile is characterised
by the prominent nostrils (see also
Haddon [1894, 53]); see PL IV,
fig. 23 ; PL XVIII, fig. 6b ; PL XIX,
fig. 9. It must not be confused with
the circular front ofthe pig\'s snout.

Birds flying are some-
times drawn in the phase of the
forward position of the wings;
PL XXII, fig. 11 gives some
illustrations of this, and VON
Luschan [1897, PL XLVII, fig. 4]
represents of New Mecklenburg a
hornbill, with the wings in this
position. On fig. 177, a number
of drawings, made with coloured
pencil on paper by a Tobadi
youth, entirely from his own
inspiration, this peculiarity can
also be noticed, to the right
below. The head end has gene-
rally a curl, the tail or wing less
often. The zigzag lines to be
found in this drawing, according to schellong [1895, 58, PL IX, fig. 19] represent snakes.
That ah drawings on the penis calabashes represent birds, I am unwilling to take for granted.
In the drawing on N°. 436, PL XVI, fig. 12, a broadening can be noticed at both sides,
which very possibly may be intended for the patagia, the extensible folds of skin, which with
flying marsupial animals are stretched from the fore to the hind limbs, and act as a parachute
Probably Petaurus is meant.

Echidna (Schmeltz [1895, 165, PL XV, figs, i and 2], Preuss [1897, 93]) does not
occur in K. W. Land (pôch [1905, 450]) nor in the neighbourhood of H. B.; Tobadi people
did not recognise the illustration shown to them.

On the left of fig. 177 triangular figures occur, with a curl on the top. Such
figures with a shorter, hook-shaped curl also occur on the bark girdle N°. 407, on the object
N°. 572, PI. XV, figs. i and 2, and on shield N°. 1262, PL XXVI, fig. 2, and can also be
seen as an ornament on the quot;alolquot; of Tumleo (Meyer and Parkinson [1900, PL 16]). They
have been taken by Preuss [1899, 174 and 175, figs. 4—5] for birds\' heads with strongly
curved beaks. Loeber [1903, 47, figs, bb, a, and 5], however, looks upon them as volcanos
with a column of smoke at the top. Girdle N°. 407 shows triangles with two hooks, bent in
different directions like the fig. b b, A, of Loeber. I, however, do not beheve that the people
of H. B. would use volcanos in their ornamental art.

The abekwe (see p. 45) can be distinguished in the left part of fig. 177, also the
crab (see p. 44), at the foot of the figure; the barbed drawing at the right, I guess,
represents a shell of Murex or Pteroceras,

D\'Albertis [1880, II, 66] and Thomson [1892, 154] give of the Fly River specimens
of figures cut in the bark of live trees; of Netherl N. G., Leon [1884, 584] mentions imprints
on rocks, also van Braam Morris [1884, 588], Ellis [1888, 19, fig. i] and De Clercq
[188913, 1676]; .some of them (hands!) probably belonged to Mohammedan graves. By the present
expedition, spiral figures, scratched in the sandstone, were seen on the small island of Sosena
(Lake Sentani, near Poe). On rocks, near the gardens of Tobadi, crocodile-like figures had

been drawn with red clay. Drawings with lime
were found on the back wall of the chief\'s house
at Angadi (see fig. 80, p. 134); amongst these
drawings (see background of fig. 201) occurred that
of fig. 178, presumably the illustration of a war
canoe, containing one headman with three others.

This IS certainly intended as a memento of a suc-
cessful excursion of war. Real picture-writing — pictography ■— recording events, and giving
by a series of pictures a connected story of the course of an event, does not appear to
occur on N. G. (Haddon [1894, 65]).

However difficult it may be to obtain correct information regarding the social hfe of
the Papuans, it is much more difficult to form an idea of the nature of their religious con-
victions. The experience, already gained before, and recently confirmed by van dissel
[1904a, 942] with regard to the western parts, was also gained by the expedition, that the
Papuan, in sharp contrast with the propagandism and proselytism of other cults, is not
inclined to talk to strangers about his religious sentiments. Temporary visitors very seldom
get to know anything about them, and even most missionaries are unable to form a fairly
clear opinion.

I must therefore limit myself to the statement of acts, which bore the character of a
religious service. It will then appear that in a good many respects, there exists a similitude
with the rites of Tumleo Island, situated near Berlin Harbour, and that the large pyramidical
buildings, which occur in Humboldt Bay and neighbourhood, take the place of the
quot;Geisterhauserquot;, parak, reported of the Berlin Harbour district. Both kinds of buildings
differ much in construction, and parkinson [1900, 33] is justified in writing that the parak
is not met with outside the said district; still the nature of the religious rites and ceremonies
employed resembles closely those of H. B.. Meyer and Parkinson use the term karawari
for the community houses [1894, 12, Pl. 43] as well as for the sacred houses [I.e., 13, PI. 49]
of K. W. Land. BiRO calls the quot;Geisterhauserquot;: churches, giving the native names of
karowara [1899, 45] and karowari [I.e., 51]. In H.B. the Jótëfa people generally indicated
the building by the name karewdri (probably the name of the principal spirit worshipped
inside), the name of the building proper being uhab, given by De CleRCQ [1889, 1266] as
onggi, by Meyer and parkinson [1900, i, Pl. i] as well as by Koning [1903, 258] as mau.

I will call these buildings quot;templesquot;, evading the names, rum seram, missigit, tabu-
house, which are all connected with representations, which stand in the way of a correct
judgment. However, inside these temples, some things are found and ceremonies take place,
of which I cannot indicate the connection with religion. This has evidently induced Finsch
[1888, 356] to deny to the karewdri every religious meaning, assuring [1903, 133] that these

temples are merely man-houses for bachelors. The authority which, in matters, concerning
New Guinea, must be granted to Finsch, makes it necessary to explain how Finsch on the occa-
sion of his short visit on the 17th of May 1885, no interpreters being present, most probably
by his energetic demeanour, without noticing this himself, intruded upon the ceremonial,

which is always more
or less maintained inside
the temples, the inha-
bitants being so much
taken aback, that they
even allowed him to
touch the sacred flutes.
But before this, van
der Goes [1858, 92,
99» 177] as well as
R0BIDÉ van der aa
[1879, 272], had learned
by visits to the temples
of Tobadi, Kajó and
Waba, the particular

meaning of these buildings and of several objects found inside. The same experience was
made by Horst [1889, 250], Bink [1897, 168—174] and Koning [1903, 258], and it has
also been confirmed by the members of the expedition, who, in the course of several months,

paid numerous visits to
the temples. In the fol-
lowing pages the reader
wiU find many proofs
from which it cannot be
doubted (Atlee Hunt
[1905, 8] regarding Bri-
tish N. G.) that the
natives have any reli-
gion, or as Hagen
[1899, 278] wrote of
Bogadjim, only possess
a germ of the same,
but that the Papuan
society of these parts
is entirely impregnated
by it.

religious acts performed outside the temples, and not connected with them. If I mention
a few dates, this is done because certain religious acts, as also learned by Erdweg at
Tumleo, are connected with the monsoons, and therefore with the harvest, navigation, fishing, etc.

On the 20tli of March 1903, when the expedition left by boat for Waba, the greater
part of the male population in canoes was seen at a distance, in the south western corner
of the inner bay; it was impossible to find out what they were doing there, but loud
singing could be heard, and, judging by the sound and the rythmus, entirely in the style
of the temple songs of Tobadi. Shortly after our arrival in the village, the whole of this
fleet, the men singing all the time, also returned there, the different crafts being decorated
with foliage, and the men, some armed with bow and arrow, elaborately got up. They were
in a state of great mental excitement, swinging their bodies and moving their heads and
arms backwards and forwards, whilst shaking on their legs; —• some placed arrows on their
bows (see fig. 179). When they had reached the shallow water near the shore, they jumped
out of their boats and continuing these excessive movements (fig. 180) some threw themselves
down in the water, to jump up again immediately and at last run to the shore. Many were
gasping for breath, partly from fatigue, and shouting at the same time, whilst some performed
with their arms strong vibrations and movements of the muscles, the weapons in their hands
shaking violently in consequence. Thus
most of them ran past the visitors into
the village, where we met them a few
moments later on, near their houses and
without their ornaments, now in the
most peaceful state of mind. Interpreters
of Tobadi said that this had been a
Satan feast, but I could not under-
stand what it meant. I only remark that
the fleet went, to hold the feast, to
that part of the inner bay where Waba
has its fishing rights.

At another time, about the /th of June,
something similar happened with some un-
armed men of Ingras. On the shore of the
peninsula opposite their village, they were
running to and fro in all directions,
staggering as if strength failed them to
walk properly, throwing backwards and
forwards their bodies and heads, now
moving their arms with great strength
and then again letting them hang by
their sides like lamed; at the same time
booming sounds were raised, the meaning

of which remained unknown to me. After moving from 30—50 paces in one direction, they
threw back their bodies as if being pushed back by an invisible power and then retreated
along a somewhat different line. The whole did not last longer than 40 minutes; women
and children paddling past this part of the shore in their boats, appeared to take no notice what-
ever of the proceedings. According to the interpreters this again was a Satan ceremony.

spots m the forest, like those which, according to the people of Tumleo (Erdweg [1902

297]), dwell on certain mountains and in the valleys. When the expedition was proceeding

on the 5th of May 1903 along the two small, marshy lakes Brébia Nanamësói and Brébia

Nanamêm, situated inland of the rocky Cape Bonpland, the guides of Humboldt Bay who

accompanied us, plainly showed their fear of the evil spirits residing there, and they tried

to hasten us a Httle. At Nimburan, people did not allow our coolies to scoop water from

the nver m the rice pots themselves but only in the lids, - otherwise the spirit of that
river would grow angry.

But the principal spirits reside in the temples and here the religious life is
concentrated and uttered in various forms.

The construction of the temples is, along a great part of the coast, pyramid-shaped
as e.g. at Omake in the district of Sëkâ (figs. 84, 176, i8r and 182), at Tobâdi (figs. 183
and 194), at Kajo Entsau (figs. 85 and 184) and at Sageisârâ (fig. 185). The temple at Nacheibe
has a horizontal ridgepole, as well as the one at Tanah Merah and at Anus (Horst [189,
147])^ The original shape (see Finsch [I888^ Pl. II, .]) is four-sided (not six-sided; see Meyer
and parkinson [1900, i]), but by a ridge on each wall usually becomes octagonal. At the top the
roof often has a continuation of a somewhat wider pyramid, generally kept four-sided. oLr-
wise ;h; /looquot;ng, side walls and roof covering are like those of the ordinary houses of this
type^ With those built above the water only one door opening is met with, towards the side
of the roomy platform, those on the shore have usually two, placed diametrically four
openings in the walls, as Van DER Goes [1858, 177] reports, I have seen nowhere, _ this
must certainly be a mistake. Very often the walls bend inward near the doors, and, having
passed below the edge of the roof, one first proceeds along a shoYt passage before reaching
he proper door opening. A fringe of leaf strips, depending from the edge of the roof, prevents
looking inside; moreover the temples are usually situated at one of the ends of the villages
separated by a palm leaf fence, as already noticed by Van der Goes [1858 92] or mL
or less surrounded by such a fence (see figs. 176, 182, 198-200). When there is more than
one door opening, there are no openings in the roof, otherwise a part of the roof covering
opposite to the door, can be pushed up like a lid and supported in this position by a stick^
None of he temples visited, had openings at the top to let out the\'smoke, al Finsch
1888 358] apparently wishes to indicate by the smoke issuing from the top of the Tobâdi

Special mention is still owing to the ornamental staves decorated with fruit shells

(fig 185), but which can also be plainly distinguished on the N. W. side of thenbsp;of

Tobadi, on a photo of Meyer and Parkinson [1900, Pl. 2]. I have been unable to find
out the meanmg of these sticks, but it will appear hereafter that they have something to do with
he religion. On the hills near Tobâdi (see fig. 87) and Kajó a number of them are also met with,
fastened in the trees and noticeable from afar by the waving of the leaf fringe; these were
erroneously taken by De Clercq ([1889, 1269], De Clercq and schmeltz [1893 186]) for
grave ornaments. On the margin of the forest opposite Ingrâs they have also been pLed

and in 1903 one was standing even in a tree on the south shore of Metu Débi. But it
is remarkable that also on Lake Sentani, where I have never noticed anything con-
nected with religious life, similar plumed sticks occur in the trees close to the village of Asé,
(fig. 160) and near Ifar (fig. 162), where they are also standing on a pyramid-shaped watch-
house. More towards the west than the village of Abar, also situated on Lake Sentani, I
did not see the ornamental staff. On
the spire of every temple a wooden
figure is to be seen, corresponding
to that of the pyramid-shaped houses
(see pp. 137 and 255). BiNK brought home
a specimen, which is at present in the
Utrecht coUection. According to KONING
[1903, 258] it is called korwar or karwari
and gives its name to the temple ; BiNK
[1897, 170] writes karakarau, the same
word which I put down for dolls and
human images on lime spatulas, etc.
and which shortened to kdrau, charaii
or chare means: human being (or frog,
see p. 45). De Clercq [1889, 1266]
calls the figure, tjèhè-, the sex I do not
know. ■— For the rest I can refer to
the description of FiNSCH, adding a few
interiors.

On fig. 186 of Kajó Entsau, the
nature of the flooring, the walls and
the roof are to be seen, and a couple
of fire places intended, according to
Horst [1893, 128], for the sacrifice of
turtles, sharks and fishes, more correctly,
to prepare meat dishes, ■— for the
partaking of meals sometimes takes
place as a religious act. Still I must remark, as Van der goes [1858, 178] already did,
that during the visits paid to the temple in the daytime no fires were burning. Above
the left fire place a large hook is hanging for suspending objects in the smoke, to protect
them against vermin. On the floor, head supports are also standing, as already reported by
Finsch [1888, 354] of the Tobâdi temple, and which prove that the place is also used for
sleeping. A cloth of bark for sitting on, as the one which was supphed to Finsch [1888,
356], I have never seen used, but the floor is always very clean, and the red saliva of the
siri quid they spit through the seams of the flooring. Fig. 187 represents the temple of
Tobadi and shows, to the right, one of the eight circumferential supporting poles, to which a
couple of fishing nets (see p. 165 and N°. 589, PI. XX, fig. 14) are suspended. In the fore-
ground, the village chief Hamadi is seated, dressed in a pair of trousers and a small jacket

such as are presented to native chiefs by the Government. Above the fire place, to the left, a
number of the large, old, beautifully carved drums are suspended, also a couple of short bamboo
flutes, whilst the baskets hanging higher up, again contain other objects to be preserved.

At the top of fig. 188 a row of kan-
garoo skulls can also be noticed, remains
of festive meals.

The c entrepole of the temple
of Tobadi does not rise out of the
water, as Horst [1893, 127] states of
such poles, but is hanging down under
the top figure to ± r.5 m. from the
floor; it is carved and wound round
with vegetable fibres, into which a
number of bamboo flutes is stuck (fig.
189 and 190). Higher up shells of turtle-
eggs are fastened and other objects,
which I could not recognise in the
darkness. Wherever this centre pole
occurs, be it as in Jambuë, Thaë, Oinake,
Nacheibe.or elsewhere, as a continuous
supporting pillar, it is always used for
holding the flutes. Fig. 190 gives a
survey, from which the distance between
side pole and centre pole can be judged.
The temple of Kajó Jenbi has no
centre pole at all and the peculiarity,
that a very large, sciuare shield is hanging
at the top, horizontally like an inner
ceiling, painted on the visible side in
red, white and black; a similar shield
is also reported by Van der Goes [1858, 178] without stating the place, but probably it is
the same. I understood that this object came originally from more eastern parts. Horst
[1893, 128] supposes it to be in connection with the Brahman behef.

What strikes one first on entering the temple, is, that the noisy behaviour, said to
be characteristic of the inhabitant of Humboldt Bay, is not heard inside, and that, as a
rule, the little that is spoken is soft, sometimes almost in a whisper. When something or
somebody is laughed at, this always is done in a subdued manner. De Clercq [1889, 1267]
only observed that the natives did not hke the visitors to speak loudly. — I have never
noticed anything of a special costume or dress used inside the temple ; —the kind of bando-
lier, which De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, N°. 202, Pl. XI, fig. i] mention of Jamna as
being exclusively worn at feasts in the temple, I saw several times in daily use (see p. 86,
harness). Neither did I see at any time or on any occasion the kneeling or crouching down
as an act of veneration in front of the temple or before the deities, worshipped inside, as

Van der Goes [1858, 92] understood it at Waba. What squatting means I have explained
on page 276. The bending of the head as an act of devotion (chalmers [1885, 118]) is
unknown in Papua Talandjang.

It will strike everybody that the temple is never entirely deserted, and that inside or
in front, behind the surrounding fence, young men especially are to be found. Actuallj^ the
temple is inhabited by a number of these youths, novices, who also sleep there and who,
during a longer or shorter period after the years of puberty, are not allowed to have any

connection with the parental home. They may even not be seen closely by any female
being. They told us most earnestly that the women would die in consequence; — from
Tumleo, ErdweG \\ 1902, 296] mentions that a woman who enters the pardk would be killed
by the men. It has happened several times that young men from the temple who were
visiting us, on hearing the voices of women who came to the dispensary for the treatment of
wounds, ran away in great fear, in order not to be seen by them. I lay some stress on this
institution of H. B., only referred to by others in passing, because I nowhere saw it kept up
as strictly and as long as by the villages of the Jotefa tribe. Amongst the Tugeri the

young men are kept apart for some time under the care of an old man. They are then not
yet allowed to wear any pubic covering, whilst women would die by looking at them; see
also pöch [1906a, 901]. In the neighbourhood of Finsch Harbour (nachrichten [1888, 227])
the boys are locked up, but only for a short time, immediately after the circumcision; —cir-
cumcision appears through this quite clearly in a religious light. Erdweg [1902, 308] reports
of Tumleo a prohibition to see women for some days before the feast of putting on the
bark girdle. In British n. G. seclusion is not compulsory (Beardmore [1890, 460]) or lasts
only two days, before religious feasts (Haddon [1894, 105]). In Torres Straits (reports [V, 208])
the sight of women, as well as being seen by them, is prohibited during the feast of initia-
tion. The period, during which the novices are locked up in the temple of Tobadi, is very
long, often more than a year. During this time the young men under the special superintend-
ence of Hamadi, they do all sorts of work, manufacture string, nets, carve and paint orna-
ments and also participate in hunting and fishing. In order to enable the young men to per-
form their work unseen in the broad daylight, a fence of palm leaves (see the figs.) is placed
outside at some distance, as-i already mentioned by Van der goes [1858, 178] ; the manufacture
of twine, described on p. 164 (see fig. 102), also took place behind this screen. At Waba, at
Oinâke, in the district of Sëkâ and at Nächeibe I also came across the fence, which screened
the temple from the remainder of the village, and the door opening of which is generally
hung with a curtain of strips of palm leaf, but it appeared to me that the separation was
not so strictly maintained here.

Another peculiarity, which shows the equality of these temples with the pardk of the
Berlin Harbour district, is the fact that the so-called sacred bamboo flutes are kept
inside. parkinson [1900, 35] and Erdweg [1902, 295, fig. 201] state of these flutes that the
performance thereon belongs to the adoration of the tapiim. That in H. B. the production
of sounds on these instruments is a religious act, was already stated by Van der GoES
[1858, 178], and it struck all the visitors who came after him, that the Papuans disliked to
see these flutes touched, and it was only after much trouble and on condition that they were
kept hidden from the women, that it was possible to get hold of such a flute. FiNSCH [1888,
357] states of the flutes: quot;ohne religiose Bedeutung, sind aber wahrscheinlich wie manche
andere Instrumente für die Frauen quot;tabuquot;quot;. He was allowed at Tobâdi to blow them, which,
however, he was unable to do, and they would, he thinks, have willingly sold him such a
flute. However F. did not attempt this decisive proof. I have myself been on a very confi-
dential footing with the people of Tobadi, was invited like the other members of the expe-
dition to the temple feasts, took interiors with flash-light, was allowed to join in the dancing
and singing, but the permission to buy a flute and carry it away with me was the last thing
permitted and only obtained after several months. It was principally the chief Hamadi who
watched with great care over these articles. In Kajó they were less obstinate, but here, like
everywhere else, the transport had to take place in such a way that the women could not see
the objects. horst [1889, 242] already learned this at Anus, and it was always explained to
the members of the expedition at Tobadi that the sight of the flutes would cost the women
their lives. It also appeared, but perhaps this statement was not correctly understood,
that the people of Tanah Merah were not allowed to see the flutes of Tobadi. The long
flutes are stuck, as stated above, in the material wound round the centre pole; the smaller

ones are placed in plaited baskets in the smoke of the fireplace. HOKST [1893, 146] has
erroneously, and probably through ignorance of the objects themselves, classed these
baskets with the figures of sun and moon, which Van Balen [1886a, 65] describes as a
roof ornament of the rtim seram of Jende. In Humboldt Bay the flutes are never used
outside the temple; more towards the west (HORST [1889, 247], ScHMELTZ [1903, 243, PI. XIV])
this custom is not strictly adhered to; it is also principally at night that they are played on.
Koning [1903, 260], however, thought wrongly that they were not used in the daytime; the
members of the expedition have several times heard the flutes in the daytime. BiNK [1897,
170] and Koning have already described how the long flutes with the opening at one end
are played; I point to the fact that the opening is not placed in the mouth as HoRST thought
[1889, 243] and as Maclay [1876, 321] reports of the Astrolabe Bay. The flute is grasped
close to the opening between both hands, as can be seen on fig. 189, held in front of the
mouth, the thumbs generally being stretched along the corners of the mouth and lying on the
cheeks, in which way the current of air is directed inside the hollow of the hands against
the edge of the bamboo opening. The opinion of BiNK that a tone is produced as well with
the inhaling as with the exhahng is incorrect; as a tone is only obtained with the exhahng.
Young people hke the novices cannot produce on these narrow flutes the desired high
tones, they, have not sufficient command of breath, and even older people bend forward
somewhat at the production of
each tone, in order to streng-
then the current of air by the
aid of the abdominal pressure;
usually the body is then turned
round a little, one of the
shoulders coming down some-
what more. It appears that
never one flute only is used
at a time; two men, their faces
turned towards each other,
produce in turns a tone on
their differently tuned flutes.
With the legs somewhat spread
out, they walk, one backwards
and the other forwards, round
the central pole, in the direc-
tion opposed to the hands of a
clock. They take twice as
many steps as the tones pro-
duced, one tone generally coin-
ciding with the putting down of the right foot. Occasionally two or three pairs walk round
but always a number of men and youths join in the walking, in the same tempo, but in
a wider circle, stamping on the rattling floor. The tempo is for both flutes from 40 to 60
notes to the minute, but accellerates towards the end. The playing on the narrow flutes is.

however, so tiring that it can only be kept up for a short time and the performers are even
then covered with perspiration. Indeed, I have seldom seen a male Papuan exerting him-
se f more than in producing this sacred music. Horst [1893, 149] creates a wrong impression
when he wntes that the loins are constantly kept in motion, as with the coitus [1889, 243!
and that they get into such a state of excitement, that the perspiration breaks out. Not the
excitement, but the bodily exertion (see page 307) causes the perspiration. Figs. 191 and 192
show the performance of a couple of men of Kaptiau; fig. 191 is the position at the begin-
ning, and fig. 192 that when, to increase the abdominal pressure, the body is more bent

as in the case of the blowing-
on the water flutes of Tumleo
(Erdweg [1902, 295]), by the
novices. In this case, according
to Bink [1897,174], no walking
takes place, but I have never
seen it done myself. Low tones
from two very thick flutes, we
heard on an evening before
the departure of the visitors
from Sëka.

I am convinced, that the
sacredness of the flutes does
not originate in the adoration of
bamboo, although that, in itself,
is not improbable since it has
become known that the Tugeri
hold a kind of bamboo sacred,
which may not be used in
ordinary circumstances. I here
, .nbsp;recall an occurrence which hap-

pened in the temple of Nacheibe. Wishing to buy a sacred flute, I offered for it an ebonite
holder of a clinical thermometer and demonstrated to the men how on this also a high tone
could be produced. This sound, however, created great alarm amongst the men squatted
round, and with frightened gesticulations I was told not to do this again, because the
sound was not allowed to be heard by the women, or at all events not at that hour (it was
60 clock in the morning);-the exchange, however, was efl-ected. It therefore appeared here
that the sound of the flutes gives to these objects their meaning; this sound often imi-
tates the singing of birds, after which, in the case of some .specimens, the flutes were named,
as far as could be judged with a faulty knowledge of the language, and it may therefore
be imagined that these birds play a certain part in the religious ideas of these Papuans.

When the Netherlands flag of Van deI Goes [1858, loo] was displayed, it was neces-
sary first to blow four times on the flutes; on account of this D. W. Horst [1893, 127]

recalls the holy number 4 of the Brahmans. On the occasion of a service, or at feasts held
in the temple of Tobadi, two men, who took their places near the door opening, at a given
moment, blew on the flutes, amidst deep silence and attention on the part of the others: scarcelj^
had the last note resounded when a number of men ran outside, fetched the baskets with sago
which were standing ready, carried these inside the temple, and instantly the blowing of the
flutes and the singing recommenced. When a pig is being cut up the flutes are also played.
Several times also, when the double tones of the flutes inside the temple were heard as far
as the house of the expedition, the answer to the question why they were blowing the flutes
was, that the k\'arewari (the spirit) indicated in this way that he was hungry, that the men
were not allowed to go out fishing and that the women had to prepare food for the inhabi-
tants of the temple. Perhaps it must be concluded from this that the flutes are blown
in order to obtain food or to show gratitude for having obtained it. Here again, there
is a striking resemblance to the temple service in the pardk of Tumleo, of which ErDWEG
[1902, 297] also reports that the sound of the flutes indicates that the spirit is in the temple,
and desires sago and fish to be prepared by the women and consumed by the men.

In the temple of Tobadi I found a couple of ceremonial staves (elsewhere they
may have escaped my notice on account of the darkness), provided near one of the ends
with a wreath of cassowary feathers, which I found only mentioned by R0BIDÉ van der Aa
[1879, 272]. In order to show the object of the staves a couple of handfuls of fine ashes
from one of the fire places was thrown out through the opening made in the roof at man\'s
height on the north-west side (Meyer and Parkinson [1900, PI. I and II]), which caused
in and near the opening a thick cloud of dust. Immediately afterwards one of the men
caught with both hands one of the said staves, and pointing it towards the opening, and
moving towards the wall with bent knees, stamping in a tempo of 120—140 per minute,
he stuck the feathered end through the opening and moved the staff several times in and
out. After this two of these staves were used, when two men, each carrying a staff, during
the singing and rythmical stamping of others, thrust the sticks first parallel and then cross-
ways backwards an*d forwards, through the cloud of dust, and far outside the opening. They
laughed at the interest I took in this ceremony, and they also laughed when I tried to imitate
it exactly, but I am certain that this also is a serious, religious act. Apparently it is intended
to keep back imaginary enemies from this opening, or to chase them away or even by
thrusting in all directions, to try and hit them outside.

Of the proceedings at a service inside the temple of Tobadi, witnessed on the
21 St of March 1903, I can report as follows. It was afternoon, and, whilst the sound of the
flutes in the temple was already heard, the older men were sitting outside the fence, apparently
indifferent to the feast, chewing their siri. Novices of the temple were sitting behind the
fence, colouring each other\'s hair with red clay, and pulling it up into a very regular
mop. Proceeding into the temple, to the left a number of young men were seen, who were
busy dividing the meat of a pig, whilst round the centre pole a couple of men were walking
round in the manner described on p. 295, playing the longest kind of flutes. This was repeated
a few times, and in between all present stamped on the floor now and then without walking
round, with somewhat bent knees, standing still on the same spot and keeping time in an ever
increasing tempo, ending each time with two loud stamps. After this the act with the cere-

monial staves took place and after this again the walk round with flute music, but now
only by the older people without the novices. These older people were, however, very
numerous, composmg a compact crowd of men, and walked round inside a circle of 4-5 m
m diameter. Then another stamp dance with flute accompaniment was executed by two
rows of eight men placed opposite each other, after which most of them took up a position
near the door opening, and hardly had a signal on two flutes been given (on another occasion
this turned out to consist of 24 double notes), when some ten men, standing ready, rushed
out of the temple, took on their shoulders the baskets of sago placed in readiness on the
platform, and, hopping and dancing all the time, carried them inside the temple. The baskets
were so numerous, that the men were obliged to go twice. Now inside, another circuit be^an
durmg which one ofthe older men, sitting near the entrance, sang a song of which the lines to
each time answered by the dancers. Finally with this also the flutes were played this time
mmadt himself being one of the performers, and I could observe how well and\' with how
httle effort (relatively) he could play the flute. Big drums were now also beaten, which were
standing m the darkness, on a platform, 2.5 m. above the entrance. When this had been
done a couple of times, a heavy, cylindrical piece of wood, carved with ornaments, was laid
down near the opening, whilst a man, in a bent position, caught hold of both ends. Deep
silence reigned, and Hamad,, who had taken up a position near the door opening, gave after
waiting a httle Mobile, a sign, when the piece of wood was raised high and suddenly thrown
down with a heavy thump, immediately after which all, with the exception of the novices,
rushed out. The service was now at an end.

The renewing or replacing of the ornamental staves (see p. 290) is another
religious performance, originating with the inhabitants of the temple, and certainly executed
by them in the service of the spirits. Already some days beforehand we were told that it
would take place, and thus on the 15th of June 1903, about three o\'clock in the afternoon, the
deep tones of the large flutes resounded inside the temple; soon after this again other somids
apparently produced on trumpet-sheUs, were heard at different places outside the villages of
Tobâdi, Ingrâs and Ingrau, on the margins of the forests. At this signal the women and
children were obliged to withdraw inside their houses. It was now the duty of part of the
men to throw stones on the roofs and against the walls of the houses or to beat against
them with sticks, all of which was accompanied by much noise and shouting Others carried
out of the temple, inside which the noise of the flutes continued, the ornamental
staves, decorated with sago leaves and orange fruits, and proceeded with their boats
m all directions to place the staves and to suspend here and there similar objects in the
branches. It was said that the women and children were not allowed to see all these acts
which are reported to be performed by the spirits themselves, but remained inside the houses
m great fear, at which the men laughed in the presence of the members of the expedition
They had promised also to place such an ornamental staff near the house of the expedition
but this did not happen, none being left. This action, however, clearly shows again a stron^.\'
resemblance to certain feasts of Tumleo, when (Erdweg [1902, 296]) the women and
children are also locked up inside the houses. In May or June, at the beginning of the east
monsoon [1. c., 295], when the temple has to be renewed, the women and children must even
leave the vihage, as soon as the music is heard, and proceed to the forest, evidently also

because they are not allowed to see the actions of the men. Whether on the I5tl). of June
1903, repairs had also been done to the temple of Tobadi, I am unable to say, but a new
young man-house (see fig. 195), at the north end of the village of Ingras, was inaugurated
about this time. During the afternoon there was much blowing of the flutes and when the
members of the expedition went to pay a visit, it struck me that, on this occasion, the
conversation took place in a specially subdued voice. Dancing again took place, that is to say,
they walked stamping round the centre pole; after this, amidst great silence, the floor was
struck heavily with the above described piece of wood, then several times all stamped on
the floor in very quick tempo, each time ending with two heavy stamps and then the feast
was over. They declared they had eaten nothing all the day and before doing so must first
go to sleep.

I saw a specially ornamented pole placed outside the village of Thaë, on the side
towards the shore, surrounded by a fence, inside which lay a number of empty cocoa-nut shells.
A similar pole is standing at Waba (fig. 193), entirely by itself, carved and hung with
empty turtle eggs, whilst
numerous dry sago leaves
are tied on to it obli-
quely, like on the centre
pole of the temple of
Tobadi. It is called
wdrepü, exactly the same
as the paddle N°. 676, but
it was impossible to find
out its meaning. In front
of the temple of Sageisârâ
(fig. 185), two ornamented
poles are also standing.

The temple is the
centre of feasts,
which again proves how
the religious idea per-
vades the daily life of
these people and the ques-
tion who or what is wor-
shipped in the temple forces itself to the front. Unfortunately, a clear answer to this is wanting.
Probably the different names given for the temple and the top figure (pp. 287 and 291) indicate
different spirits, whilst another is called kru or chru (see p. 27 under N°. 79 and flute
N°. 1299, p. 313). They appear to be goodnatured spirits, as Erdweg [I.e.] reports of the
tapum of Tumleo, but like the latter (a female one) they are at daggers drawn with the women.

The men were reproached by some members of the expedition, for having instituted
religious ceremonies purely out of selfishness, where to themselves the part falls to eat much
and enjoy themselves in the temple, whilst the women must prepare the dishes without
being able to taste them themselves. For their egoism and the deception of the women, the

Tobad, men had to listen to many hard words, and when taken to task as to the fright

aughed hearhly. Thus the impression was obtained that everything is really deception

from bepnmng to end. Erdweg [,902, 297] even obtained from the people of Tnmleo the

eonfess,on, that this is really the case, but still I cannot repress the conviction that the men

are .n dead earnest. For these Papuans can very well stand their religion being laughed

or scoffed at; they join ■„ the laughing, nodding - Yesquot; to all reproaches, but one does not

get to know anythmg about their real thoughts, and to-morrow they behave the same as before.

Very often when I happened to be awakened in the night by the barking of the watchdogs or

somethmg else I heard the double tones of the flutes, and, knowing how much exertion

was requ.red for th.s, I could not believe in the long run that this is exclusively done

for the amusement of the participators. It is the spirits who demand this heavy service of the

men. Moreover, w.th some ceremonies (see p. 299) the men are obhged to fast for some

.me. I emphas.ze th.s, in order to make it credible that also the eating of sago, yams, pork,

I obtained in H. B. a similar impression as Van Hasselt [,889, 264] did of the Numfor,

and that all feasts have a rel.gious character (Van Hasselt [1886, 586]), so far as they take

he place of prayers to turn off evil. Erdweg [I.e. 397] calls thenbsp;good-natured as

long as she ,s well served, but leading everybody to perdition, who her out of tem;eT

Van Dissel [1904», 94.] writes of the west coast, that all acts of the Papuan have

the i8.h of February ,903, the carriers of the expedition, under loud manifestations of

pleasure, went to bathe in the Maturi River, near Mapar, the Papuans earnestly requested them to
be sdent, as otherwise the spirit of that river would raise the water and cause great dar,.,er
Such sp.nts may arise out of, or be identical with, the spirits of the dead, who, according
to JENS [1904, 57] never have a beneticient influence on the living, and cause the Papuan
of Geelvink Bay to live in constant fear and trembling.nbsp;^

This possibly explains why feasts in commemoration of the dead in H R
take place .n the temple. Such a feast occurred on thenbsp;of May, beginning with a

remarkable amount of playing on the flutes.nbsp;a relative of the defunl, now I d to

offer a p.g, some twenty baskets of sago were provided by his fellow villagers (though
not by the women). Agam, as reported of the of March, there was a great dell of playiL
on the flutes and dancmg before the sago was taken inside, followed by singing and accomt
pamment on the drums, which continued till late in the night. The food wfs distributequot;
partly amongs the mterested visitors. The expedition received one basket of sago, a fish and\'
a p.ece of pork, the latter two articles being handed to us bynbsp;not by mri

In none of the other temples visited, did I witness a service; everywhere\': saw
fireplaces, head supports and, between the vegetable fibres of the centre poL, the flutes
wh,ch were always handled in a mysterious manner. The head ornaments N-nbsp;hun^

on the centre pole of the temple of Oinâke, and had also to be removed covered^

rh,s bufldmg, situated immediately on the sea under the trees, has a horizontal ridgepole.

as also found more towards the west. The direction is north-south, and at both ends the
ridge pole has been continued in a coloured, male figure with erect penis, the face turned
downwards. It has also a quot;missigit-roofquot;.

Tobadi has, moreover, a young man-house —a large, pyramid-shaped house (on the
right half of fig. 194), in
which boys from 12 till 16
years old live before they
are allowed into the temple.
The stay in this house must
be regarded as a religious
fore-stadium, during which
these young men, still wear-
ing the cock\'s comb,
must also keep themselves
aloof from the women.
Ingras had, during the stay
of the expedition, just
finished building a new
young man-house (fig. 195).
Both, old and new, have a
horizontal ridge pole, the projecting ends being carved, and have screens in front ofthe door. The
old one is also to be seen in Meyer and parkinson [1900, pi. 3]. Inside this house a watch is
kept, for which reason (like young man-houses in British n. g.; D\'Albertis [1880, I, 390])
it is built at the end
of the village.

The rum seram
are buildings character-
istic of Geelvink Bay,
used by the unmarried
men to pass the night
in. The one best known,
that of Doré, now
fallen down, was des-
cribed and illustrated
by Van der Goes
[1858, 151, PI. S] and
was supposed to serve
for the worship of the
ancestors incorporated
in the supporting poles,

which are carved into human and animal figures (crocodiles). Many of these images were characte-
rised by large genitals, whilst, on one of the platforms carved figures in actu copulationis were
found. Goudswaard [1863, 69] saw the young men going there before the evening meal.

the food being brought by slaves, whilst a single aged woman inside had to rub several
parts of their body with oil, provide them with medicines and instruct them in sexual
matters. De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 176] give a number of details about the rum
seram, some with the turtle-shaped roof [1. c. PI. XXXIX, fig. 12], others with horizontal
ridgepole; one of the beams is often shaped at the ends into the head and tail respect., of a
crocodile. I came across two of these buildings, one at Mios Kôrwâr (fig. 196), built like the
whole of this settlement, on the shore, near the margin of the forest, but at the end of the
settlement, a little separated from and on much higher poles than the other houses. The
floor is a parallelogram, the roof turtle-shaped. In the middle of each of the short walls there
is a low, narrow opening, and it is only possible to creep in and out, the same as e. g. Van
der Goes [1858, 153] reports of Doré, HoRST [1889, 242] of Anus, Van Balen [1886a, 65]
of Jendé, and clearly visible at the rum seram of Wendèsi, figured by Snelleman [1906b, 231].
The rum seram of Mios Korwar contains no furniture even no fire place, food cannot be prepared
here. The same is mentioned of the others; in that of Jendé two crocodile figures are
lying. The vertical timbers of the front side are continued at the bottom into human
figures, of which I omitted to note the sex. Similar timbers, not reaching to the ground,
have been noticed with other rum seram (De Clercq and schmeltz [1893, 178]) in the
shape of human figures with large genitals or in the shape of genital organs themselves. On a
side plank turned towards the sea, a drawing in red and black has been made, which can
be recognised on the photo, representing three persons, of which the two front ones run
forward with raised arms, the third is firing a gun in a backward direction. On the front
there are also painted representations of people in warlike attitudes, which remind one of
the armed figures under the rum seram of Doré. Horst [1893, 147] classes them with the
temple guards of the Siva temples. Those of Jendé van Balen [1. c., 65] calls korwars.

The rum seram of Ototâ stands (fig. 197), like the other buildings, on piles in the
shallow water of a bay opening towards the south, and is, by a fairly long foot bridge,
connected with the stage of one of these houses. It has the same shape as that of Wendèsi
(Snelleman [1906b, 231]). The people of Kwatisoré, call it aregie and I understood from
them that the young men, nonârè, have to sleep, immèrè {}], there until their marriage.
I have not been able to find out anything except this already known peculiarity, but that
these small houses have a deeper meaning than only that of a sleeping place for young men,
may already be concluded from their finish and ornaments. HORST [1893] supposes them to be\'
dedicated to a kind of linga-worship (Brahman religion), van Hasselt [1889, 262], who obtained
his knowledge on the spot, calls the rum seram simply quot;templequot;, and indeed the conclusion
is easily drawn that the rum seram of Geelvink Bay, the karewdri of Papua Talandjang
and the parâk of Berlin Harbour have their origin in the same fundamental idea, though
the external ceremonies of the service have, in the case of the rum seram, much diminished.

The cultus of ancestors appears in Geelvink Bay, according to Uhle [1886, 3], in
six forms, namely: ist korwars, 2nd animal figures, 3id skulls, 4th wooden figures with L skull
inside, 5tla dried corpses and 6tli amulets. N°^ i and 4, manufactured after the death of
relatives, are analogous, worshipped and consulted as household gods, and also taken on
sea voyages; they do not occur with the Manikion nor on Lake Jamur, and they are also
wanting at other inland places round Geelvink Bay (Uhle [1886, 3]), neither are they known

■ ■nbsp;.nbsp;\' ■.■i f- ■fU-\'\' ■nbsp;.nbsp;quot; ■ -Î-.:^ . U -!■- \'

De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 159]) to the east of Liki. Stone korwars (see Snelleman
[1906a, 83]) were till now only found in Geelvink Bay, manufactured at Wandamen. As far as the
ammal figures are concerned, if these are really worshipped as ancestors (they often occur in the
ornamentation, in hneal or plastic representation e.g. on the outside ofthe temple of Tobadi
in a great many forms), then the cultus of ancestors has here also great importance. But possibly
these animal figures represent, as Meyer [1875, 30] learned from the mouth of the Papuans,
regarding the wooden korwars of Geelvink Bay, merely their value as a food. The
skuUs and the dried bodies enjoy the veneration arising out of the remembrance of the
deceased person (Robidé van der Aa [1879, 234]). The mats of the dead bodies which I
found in the houses of the Manikion (see p. 271), were all so new and intact, that I could
nowhere get a glimpse of the contents, from which I conclude that the corpses, after some
time, when the memory of the dead has passed away with the living, are removed

Amulets or talismans, carried on the person, sometimes consist of simple pieces
o wood, of a kind which brings luck to the wearer; - even when a human face or a com-
plete human figure is carved on them, according to De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 169)
they se dom or never refer to certain deceased persons, the placing of them amongst the
cultus of ancestors being in this case somewhat artificial. Teeth of crocodiles, nails of cassowa-
nes and ^-fiar objects count as talismans, each for its particular purpose. The amulets of

published but they come from places where they had not been collected before, also from

Angadi. I have not seen any with the Manikion.nbsp;1328 has a dress of larval covering.

The appendices occurring on the breast shieldsnbsp;389-391), the contents ofthe knitted

bag of the girdle N . 421, and the figures of thenbsp;prows (see also Schmeltz [1903, 243,.

The wooden figures of the collection (N^^ 566-571) I have never seen carried on
the body; they were mentioned as house ornaments (p. 148). Still Preuss [1899, 24, PI. V.
%S I and 2] calls wooden figures of H. B. quot;Ahnenbildquot;. Schmeltz [1896, 128, PI. IX fig 5

Parkinson [1900] and Erdweg [1902] neither mention talismans, but Finsch [1888-93,

257, PI. 15] does take small wooden effigies, which he found more to the east, as such.

Of totemism and animism in Papua Talandjang I did not find a trace; the influence
of sorcerers is also in Netheri. N. G. almost entirely restricted to the west

Amongst the musical instruments, the Jew\'s harp has only very recently
become known of Netheri. N. G., of the north coast (Schmeltz [1903, 243]), made out of
bamboo, ornameMed with burnt-in lines, and at the closed end provided with a small
^nng; a photo, kindly placed at my disposal by the author, appears on PI. XXVIII, fig 12
On Lake Sentani and in H. B. the expedition also met with these instruments (N°. 1272-75\'
Pi. XXVIII, figs. 13 and 14), but made of palmwood. Ah but one have the broadening at
the ends of the legs, which facilitate the grasp by the left hand, whilst with N° 1272
fig. 14) those ends are tied together. Jew\'s harps of German N. G. are made of bamboo
(on a specimen of the Bismarck Mountains, now in the Beriin Museum, the bamboo is kept
cyhndrical at the closed end) or of palmwood (Biro [1899, 58]); the latter sometimes wi\'h
the ends of the legs tied together, as also illustrated by Finsch [1888-93, 28, PI. 3] ofthe

Bismarck Archipelago. Specimens of which the tongue vibrates inside a closed slit, such as
the specimen of Buru (Utrecht collection, 517), a form reported by Schadee [1896, 81,
PI. IV, fig. IX] ofthe western part of Borneo, by Meyer and Schadenberg [1890 PI XVIl\'
fig. 17] and Peal [1893, 251, PL XVI, fig. 6] of the Philippines, I have not come across.

According to Schellong [1889a, 82] and Schmidt-Ernsthausen [1890, 274 fig 5I
one of the legs of the Jew\'s harp is kept between the incisors, after which the\'central
piece IS made to vibrate by striking it with the middle finger or by pulling the string, when
by opening more or less the lips the pitch of the tones is modulated. Finsch [1. c ] writes
that the left hand places the instrument against the slightly parted teeth and the right
hand gives short pulls at the string; Biro [1. c.] also states that it is pressed against the
teeth. In H. B. and on Lake Sentani it was shown to me in a diff-erent way. The left hand
presses the ends of the legs against each other and causes the tongue to deviate somewhat
towards the convex surface of the instrument, and it is thus held, with this side outwards
horizontally m front of the open jaws along the corners of the open mouth, not against the\'
teeth. The right index, round which the end of the string is wound, pulls this at short
intervals, more or less in the direction of the length, towards the points, just as Hagen
[1899, 187] saw the Bataks doing. By enlarging more or less both the hollow and the opening,
of the mouth, the modulations of the resounding tone are obtained. The two specimens oquot;f
Schmeltz [1903, 243], fastened to one string, cannot, according to the above described
manner, be used at the same time. I have only seen the Jew\'s harp in the hands of men
and boys, but never at feasts and only for the amusement of the person using it. The
name of the objects in the collection is plainly onomatopoëtic; I was surprised to notice
that N°. 1272 of Asé was intended to represent a dog, the broad end being indicated as
the head, the vibrating part being called quot;otwquot; (penis).

The drum is, more than any other musical instrument, found over the whole of New
Guinea, and has a religious significance, as demonstrated by Haddon [1894, 22] of British
N.G. In BerHn Harbour district (Parkinson [1900, 35]) the drum, consisting of a hollowed
tree trunk, with a lengthways slit (therefore without vellum), as well as the bamboo temple
flutes, may only be used when the spirits are present in the temple. More towards the east
such drums are, however, sometimes seen lying outside (Meyer and parkinson [1894, PL 45;
1900, PL 20, 2]) and they are therefore presumably not everywhere so decidedly quot;tabuquot; as
Finsch [1888—93, 24] thinks; they are very often beautifully carved (Finsch [1888a,
PL XIII, fig. i], Krieger [1899, 492-493], Parkinson [1900, 40], Graebner [1902, 299])!
Similar drums are sometimes used to call fellow villagers (Schellong [1889a, 83], Schmidt
[1903, 77l PöCH [1905, 446]), a separate signal existing for each person. The large drum, hanging
m the temple of Tobadi, also called signal drum, kaduar, by Finsch [1888, 356 and 357]
is, however, a religious instrument, only used at ceremonies inside the temple. At the time
of Bink [1897, 169], who mistook these drums for boats, there were more. Graebner
[1902, 299] states correctly that H. B. forms the western limit of the area of distribution of
this kind of drum. I did not come across it on the adjacent Lake Sentani.

Another form of drum, often of a pronounced hour-glass shape, quite hollow, but
only covered with a tympanum at one end, is, as far as the bigger specimens are concerned,
like those suspended in the temple of Tobadi (figs. 185, 186, 188) also of a decidedly religious

character. Such a drum (N°. 1276, PI. XXVIII, fig. i), but by far not the most beautiful, which
had been made inside the temple and hollowed by fire, and which was never allowed to be
beaten, pau, anywhere but inside, nor to be seen by women and children, I obtained after
long pressure under great secrecy. In the community house at Asé similar drums, but carved
with different ornaments (zigzag line), were also hanging above the fire place and were
prized very highly. Here the great value was for the greater part owing to their age, and
also because they date from the stone period. I gathered at several places that the hollow
was obtained by burning, and the inside of some drums has still plainly a thin, charred
layer. Erdweg [1902, 302] proves that the core of certain palms, by putting water
in, rots very quickly and that thus the hollow might be easily obtained. When bartering
such a drum, N°. 1277 (PI. XXVIII, fig. 4) of Asé, they tried to make me believe that the value
lay in the sound and to convince me of this, it was beaten; in reply I had two steel axes
sounded against each other, asking them how they hked this sound, and amidst general
laughter the exchange took place. Here there was no necessity to hide the drums from anybody,
a smaller specimen, not less beautifully carved (N°. 1278, PI. XXVIII, fig. 3) being brought
to me by one of the villagers, evidently out of his own house.

The drum of Kaptiau (N°. 1286, PI. XXVIII, fig. 5), has the slender form which is
also so frequent in German N. G., called quot;tifaquot; in the Moluccas, whilst the specimens of
Kwatisoré (N°. 1287, PI. XXVIII, fig. 7) and Angadi (N°. 1288, PI. XXVIII, fig. 6) excel
on account of length and extraordinary thinness of the walls. The two drums of Mios Kôrwâr
(N°. 1289, PI. XXVIII, fig. 8, and N°. 1290) are in the shape of a moderately high and
wide cylinder, slightly of the hour-glass type, as appears to be characteristic of the West
(Van Dissel [1904, fig. 10]), the Moluccas (Martin [1894, PL VII, fig. i; PL XXXVII,
fig. i]) and the Babar Archipelago (Riedel [1886, PL XXXIII, figs. 9 and 10]).

Wherever there is a handle, it is often apphed in Netherl. territory (De ClercQ and
Schmeltz [1903]), as well as in German territory (Erdweg [1902, 303, fig. 203]) in the
shape of a crocodile, the hand grasping it round the body, between the fore and hind legs.
N°. 1279 of Waba (PL XXVIII, fig. 2) is worked in this manner.

In Tobadi I found small hand-drums of a cylindrical piece of bamboo, with and
without the carving of N°. 1284 (PL XXVIII, fig. 10), as the men carry about with them
without any secrecy; in Waba such small drums (N°. 1285, PL XXVIII, fig. 11) were even
used as tobacco holders, also for holding their spoon and fork.

The tympanum of the drum in most cases consists of Varanus skin, with the
specimens of Lake Sentani (N°quot;. 1277—78) of cassowary skin, which De Clercq and schmeltz
[1893, 156, N°. 666] also report from Wandisiau. On N°. 1284 of H. B. shark skin is used, on
N°. 1281 a membrane, undoubtedly coming from the tractus intestinalis of a crocodile or
pig, having on the inside dry, hard papillae. On Mios Kôrwâr, an island where no cassowary
or Varanus are found, the skin of the crocodile, belly part, (N°^ 1289—90) is used, the
scales of which have been loosened by a long soaking in sea water, at all events I found
Balanidae on the edges. The skin of marsupials (seligmann [1906, 229]) or snakes (van
der Goes [1858, 163]) does not occur with the drums in question, nor prepared bark -as
reported by Van der Goes [1858, 181] of H. B.; probably this author has confused this
with cassowary skin, which often retains the remnants of fibres of feathers.

To cover a drum at Tobadi, the edges of the sldn seized by a number of persons
with both hands, the skin was stretched in all directions, and held over the opening of the
drum in such a way that an exactly fitting ring could be passed over it, which pressed the
edges against the outside surface. With the drums of Mios Korwar the skin is spanned with a
strip of rattan inside a rattan hoop, and this is pushed down with wedges round the wall
of the drum. This method of fastening is met with as far to the east as Wewe (De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, 154, N°. 658]), according to Van Dissel [1904, fig. 10] also to the
south of MacCluer Gulf; here the drums serve to call protecting spirits.

Not only to fill up small holes (Erdweg [1902, 302]) but also to obtain a full sounding
tone, a number of small props are often glued on to the middle of the skin, of a material
taken by Erdweg [1902, 303] to be resin of the breadfruit tree, but in the case of the
specimens of the collection more like beeswax, for which it is also taken by Haddon
[1894, 39J. I never noticed that drums with Varanus skin are heated before being played
upon (Schellong [1889a, 83], Schmidt-Ernsthausen [1890, 271]).

When used, the small, cylindrical drums are carried u n d e r t h e 1 e f t a r m, the bigger
ones for greater facility with a carrying sling which passes over the left shoulder. Larger
drums are held horizontally by the handle, and the other hand beats in the peculiar
manner, so minutely described and illustrated by Hagen [1899, 185, PI. 30], the hypothenar
resting on the edge and the last 3 or 4 fingers only slightly touching the drum. Of the
S. W. coast I found the beating of drums with sticks mentioned (Van der Goes [1858, 114]),
and it is not surprising that at Angadi, so closely related to that part, a drum-stick 1288,\'
PI. XXVIII, fig. 6a) was found, the knob formed by a small ball of the above named bees-
wax. The drums of the Tugeri (schmeltz [1903, 223]) and those of Geelvink Bay are not
at all treated in a mysterious manner but serve for signalling. When the expedition left
Angadi by boat to visit the villages situated on the shores of the lake, the inhabitants had
been warned by drum signals from Angadi, and had fled before we arrived.

In Netherl. N.G. the bull-roarer is only met amongst the Tugeri (PoCH [1906a, 901]).

Of the wind instruments, known of K. W. Land, and amongst which calabashes
(Biro [1901, 179]) are mentioned, the whistle-like cocoa-nuts are in Netherl. N.G. only
used by the Tugeri (Schmeltz [1903, 224, Pk XI, figs. 9 and 10], Seligmann [1906a,\' 67]).
The bamboo flute (neither Pan pipe, nor nose flute; Haddon [1894, 247]) occurs on the
north coast, the area of its distribution reaching as far as Pt. D\'Urville. Finsch [1888a, 31,
PI. XIII, fig. 5] who illustrates a flute of Tobadi, wrongly classes this with the flutes of
K. W. Land [1888-93, 254]- Firstly the latter are blown at an endwise opening and are either
compo.sed of two pieces and filled partly with water (Erdweg [1902, 295, fig. 201]) or
they are prepared for the production of difl-erent scales of notes by pushing up\'or down a
piece fitting into the other end (ScHELLONG [1889a, 82], Schmidt-Ernsthausen [1890 273
fig. 2]), or again they are provided near this end (then closed) with one or two lateral
finger-holes [I.e. fig. 3] and would lend themselves to the playing of melodies (Biro [1901,
181, PL XVIII, fig. 4]), the thumb acting as a key. Maclay [1876, 321], however, mentions
long flutes, of more than one internode. Meanwhile Hagen mentions [1899, 186] a flute
which is blown by a lateral opening, made near the closed end, and which has also a
finger-hole near the open end.

Two kinds of bamboo flutes are to be found in Netherl. N. G., both closed at
one end by a node and both equally sacred, at all events to be hidden from the eyes of
women and children, v^^ho are allowed to hear the sound, which is not the case in K. W. Land
(Schmidt-Ernsthausen [1890, 272]). One kind (N°^ 1291 —1309, PL XXIX) is blown
at the open end and for this purpose, like almost all the specimens of the collection
which originate from H. B., it is provided at that end with a small projection, arau\\
the specimens of Tarfia (N°-\\ 1291—93, PL XXIX, fig. 21), however, are with a notch.
De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, 156, N°. 678] and Finsch [I.e.] have also mentioned
notched specimens of Tobadi andnbsp;1308—09 have neither projection nor notch, but

are cut off straight transversely. The flutes of this kind correspond with the stopped organ-
pipes ; the fundamental tone has therefore a wave-length of four times the length of the
flute. This wave-length divided into the velocity of sound (with a temp, of 27° C. equal to
m. 333 V I -t- 3V3 = 350 m.) gives the vibration-number of the fundamental tone. Gene-
rally people are not satisfied with the fundamental tone but thin, incisive overtones,
harmonics, are desired, which, as physics teaches, are created with narrow pipes by increased
force in blowing, and of which the vibration-numbers, with stopped pipes, are proportional
to the series 1:3:5:7, etc. Generally the blowing is so strong that the second or third
harmonic predominates. That this demands a great deal of exertion has already been remarked.
By blowing alternately with more or less strength, some experts produce different tones,
an effect which does not sound unpleasantly. With the flutes 1299, 1306 and 1307 the
fundamental tone is predominant.

The second kind (N\'\'^ 1310—1317, PL XXIX) has a lateral blowhole, near the
closed end (with one specimen of De Clercq [I.e., 157, N°. 528, PL XXXIX, fig. 10] about
half-way down the length). The flutes of this kind are, in contrast with those of the previous
category, analogous with open organ-pipes; the length thus corresponding with of the
wave-length of the fundamental tone, which can therefore be calculated from this. By over-
blowing, harmonics might also be produced whose vibrations, as compared with the funda-
mental note, are as the numbers 2, 4, 6, 8. But it is impossible for a human being to blow
hard enough, for this purpose the tubes are relatively too wide. One must therefore be satis-
fied with the diapason-like, fundamental tone, usually more or less lower than the theoreti-
cally calculated one, and so easily produced, that the youngest men of the temple can make
this sound (see p. 296).

Carved ornaments may occur on both kinds as well as a coronet of cassowary feathers;
still most of them have httle ornament. But the bamboo is usually pared away at the
closed end outside the node into one to three more or less sharp points. Such points are
with N°. 1314 (PL XXIX, fig. 20) of a special length.

On Lake Sentani I have not noticed any bamboo flutes, yet in 1901 officers of H. M.
quot;Ceramquot; heard the sound of flutes ir. the watch-house of Ifar (fig. 162) and Bink [1897, 171]
bought some at Waba, a village of the Sentani tribe. The Leyden Museum possesses an
object (Ser. 1482, N°. i), presented as a flute of Lake Sentani, consisting of a perforated,
cylindrical piece of wood, the intaglio parts whitened, and one end pared off.

Trumpet-shells (N°. 1319, PL XXIX, fig. 22 and N°. 1320), like that figured by
Edge Partington [1895, PL 201, N°. 3], are provided with a circular blowhole, always

to^be found at the same spot, on the 2nd whorl, outside the 3id varix; wing-shells
(N°. 1318, PI, XXIX, fig. 23) have, however, as also observed by Mosely [1879, 438], a
blowhole at the apex of the spire (see the black dots in the figs.). Both kinds were offered
to me inside a temple, but had not to be concealed from the women. In fact they are also
used outside, as also reported from elsewhere (Van der goes [1858, 46, 125], ScHMELTZ
[189s, 243]), as instruments of call, producing a very loud sound when blown. In British
N.G. they are used also to drive away evil spirits (Chalmers [1903, 124]).

Rattlers consisting of bunches of dried nuts without kernels (Chalmers [1903, 120]),
baskets of split bamboo, containing pieces of stone (Berlin Museum, N°. 10339), or bunches of
shells to be held in the hand as known of Konstantin Harbour (schmeltz [1895, 243, PI.
XVI, fig. i]), or to be tied to the body or to the hmbs, like N°. 502 (Pk XVII, fig. i)
(see also Biro [1899, 58, PI. I, fig. 7]), I have not seen used with social festivals.

More or less complete particulars offcasts, at which singing and dancing takes place,

were only collected of Tobadi, where the large platform near the temple was used for this
purpose. Each dance has its particular song, and it is a very remarkable fact that the
language of the songs, as well in Humboldt Bay as in the district of Seki and to the west,
is said to be an ancient language, which is now no longer spoken and only imperfectly
understood. The verses have no caudate rime, as Mac Farlane [1888, 98] also mentions.
The same author writes that the short sounds sung in chorus have no meaning; - perhaps
the meaning has got lost, as suggested above. Similar particulars were gathered by Mac
GreGOR [1897, 77], and in K. W. Land by schellong [1889a, 86] and poch [1905, 446];-
this matter is worthy of further investigation! - The use of that old language enables the
villagers, who with or without their wives, visit other villages, to join in the general song.

These visits are said to take place more particularly at the commencement of the
new year (probably the opening of the east monsoon is meant), when (Erdweg [1902, 371])
the condition of the sea makes sea voyages possible. The men of Tobadi then go as far as
Jamna. Moreover, on the occasion of such visits songs and dances are also taken over from
each other, and thus the dance to be described below as quot;-Unanung\' is said to have come
from the village of Si sin do, situated far in the east and where, as we inferred, a bird-
hunter was killed some years ago; perhaps Sissano is meant. Erdweg [1902,\'305] also
mentions that people of Tumleo knew dances of other villages, but amongst those\' which he
describes as such, none appear of H. B.

Still the open-air dances of H.B. and of Tumleo agree in so far as firstly the
dancers are standing side by side in circles (closed or partly open), with their faces towards
the centre, and as the individuals do not move backwards or forward, but sideways, all of
them thus describe the same circle. Only with some dances e. g. with the quot;Iba jondigequot;
and with the dance at Kaptiau (see fig. 2) the participators walk round. With all these
dances the movement takes place in the direction opposed to the hands of the clock as
was also remarked of the temple dances (see p. 295). This is in contrast-with the dances
mentioned by Haddon [1901, 113], in which the direction changes. The accuracy of the
step and the time are, as with the dances of the Bogadjim (Hagen [1899, 271]), oft\'en quite
unimpeachable, and there can be no question at all of the violent jumping up and down,
accompanied by wild singing and noise, by which Finsch [1888—93, 254],\' schmidt-

Ernsthausen [1890, 268 (regarding Finsch Harbour)] and Pratt [1906, 307 (regarding the
hill tribes)] qualify the Papuan dancing.

The first dance is the quot;Utiaquot;, to which is joined a funeral song of seven verses, with drum accom-

paniment : J j |, as heard in the temple on the 30th of May, and danced exclusively by men.

Ureb rechau.^ gater madiai;
it is said, that herein is expressed that human beings intended for the devil, ureb, are going to hell.
yabe roti., roti ai, kar chai saimèo, jabe roti;.
Tiarni.^ tremo tremo., rèmahè, remaho
this verse deals with arrow shooting.

Sejarti kimba., jadu-ai kimba ;
Aie ui, aiêwa^ \'aiëtva;
Manëmeni aie, mate^ e aie metau.
of a bird {G our af), nianemeni, which is sitting in a tree or on a branch, aie, and is shot dead.
The second dance is called quot;Bjauquot; and is executed wfith drum accompaniment by a row of men
opposite a row of women, both rows dancing towards each other and then back again, whereby the time
of the men is faster than that of the women. The first verse runs as follows :

The third dance, \'\'Unanu(ng)quot;, is executed by a circle of men and one of women; each has the

arms resting on the loins of his neighbours as can be seen in the figs. 198 and 199. __ At Tumleo

(Erdweg [1902, 304]) the arms are placed on the shoulders. — The circles are either closed or not, and
the dancers of each circle dance round in a direction opposed to that of the hands of a clock. A drum
is not used.

Sièaru sibara.^ tije tija^ monje naht ri;
Inatamine, babu misa adia ^ (or-, inatamine, watu rttsa hna);
Aromaiwe for aramaïbè), e è e^
Aroje inaihé ^
Tidia rowe;
A^rèje iaputarè.

On the 4th of July 1903 this dance was executed on the platform (figs. 198 and 199) of Tobadi,
alternately by people of Tobadi and visitors of Sëka (fig. 200). Only the want of boats, it was said\'
prevented the women from coming. In the middle, some men were sitting; round these, the dancers took

up their places, standing at
first separated from each other,
but at the beginning of the
first verse they caught hold of
each other in the manner
described above. Usually a
leader sang the first verse, after
which the others repeat it in
a much slower time. The be-
ginning of a verse usually is
sung in e, the end in c, but
some of the singers maintain
the e, the last part of the verse
sounding like a duet:

liftmg the right foot, 2nd a small jump to the right, coming down on the right foot only, 3 rd placing the left

foot without any noise alongside the right one. With the fifth verse the step became as follows- ist placing
the right foot sideways, only the toes on the floor, 2.d placing the left foot with a stamp alongside the
right one, also lowering the right heel in an audible manner. Other steps also occurred- - of British
N. G., Beardmore [1890, 463] and Poch [1906, 604] mention only slight variations in the steps -
Between the verses of the same chant there was often a fairly long interval, during which, as a rule
silence reigned, but some spoke to each other now and then in a subdued manner.

Of the «7^«°quot;, executed by men and women to a drum accompaniment, only one verse is known:

Ptiktir ane, njane waja, aie.
The fifth dance, quot;mjondigequot;, is executed by men, boys and girls. Of this one verse was given:

On the 8th of July 1903 this dance was performed on the platform of Tobadi by a crowd of about
50—60 persons, consisting of a number of men, behind which was a group of boys and again behind these a
group of girls, all standing on a corner of the platform. One of the oldest men now started the song, after
which ah feh in and began marking time in the tempo of the song, some only stamping with one leg. At
a given moment the whole crowd began to move, marching in step towards the next corner, and here,
again continuously singing, marked time, and then again to the next corner, and thus always moving
along the sides of the square platform, in a direction against the sun. The youngest and smartest men

sometimes went ahead,
in a trot, always in the
correct time. Two of
them beat a fairly large
drum, held under the left
arm. After having gone
round the platform
several times, they stood
still at the spot where
they finished. Some ran
away to beg some tobacco
from the members of
the expedition, who were
looking on. In a few
minutes another start was
made from this place of
rest. As the fence, made
in front of the temple,
does not continue to the
edge of the platform (see
fig. 200, where some
novices are looking round

the corner) the boys and girls avoided that part of the platform and therefore made their circuit in a smaller
radius than the men. It was said that later on in the evening, when the boys and girls would be gone,
the novices of the temple would also participate in the dancing.

The seventh dance quot;Càrïsquot;, quot;Ckrisatequot; is executed by men and women with drum accompa-
niment and blowing of Triton shells ; the first verse runs :

An inner circle is formed by the men, an outer circle by the women (see also Koning [1903, 271]),
as with dances which Erdweg [1902, 303] describes of Tumleo; ■— arrangements in several rows,
couples or solo dancers, as mentioned by Schellong [1889% 87] of Astrolabe Bay, by Pooh [1906, 605]
of British N. G., are unknown in Humboldt Bay.

We were informed by the people of Mapar, that with their numerous dances, which
take place inside the house, men, women and children are placed in separate rows, but
dance all at the same time. The hands of each dancer in the row are joined to his neigh-
bours as in the prayer of the Christians. These dances, also performed on the occasion

of a marriage, probably have a religious meaning, and last till late in the night. They like
to make the house shake by the dancing, which, with the long, thin poles here in use (see
73) is quite possible without endangering the stabihty.

N°. 1272. Pk XXVIII, fig. 14. 1/^. Bombom. Asé; of palmwood, the back concave, front convex; one
end, pchu ( = dog; head of), elliptical, open-worked; the extremities, koba, ofthe two pete,
broadened and tied together with vegetable fibre, x«;; vibrating part called mü (= penis); in small
hole of head a strip of calico, aniberi marâ\\ on one of the legs a carved eye- figure, settia.

N°. 1273. Pk XXVIII, fig. 13. 1/^. Pumbûne. Tobadi; as before, head more pointed, the edges
notched; carved squares on both sides, convex side with eye figure; half-way, the outer edges of legs
with some notches; the extremities not broadened or tied together.

1274.nbsp;Pompûne. Tobadi; like N°. 1273, only notched at the head;, legs slightly broadened at
the end; length 25, breadth 2.5 c.m., strip of calico 28 c.m. long.

1275.nbsp;Pumbûne. Tobadi; like N°. 1274, some carved triangles on the notched legs.

N°. 1276. PL XXVIII, fig. I. 1/3. Mesintje. Tobadi; hour-glass-shaped, the wall ± i c.m. thick; on the
narrowest part a relief band,/a?/, carved with 5 ellipses (eye ornaments) ; one opening, mesînije
dm, with Varanus skin, prom ón\'ge, on which small pieces of a black, wax-like material; jammed
by a thick ring, muda, medua, of bark strips, enclosing pieces of old fishing net.

N°. 1277. PI- XXVIII, fig. 4. Waku. Asé; as before, somewhat above the middle with a length-
ways^ handle, me (= ear), in which a loop, abuine, of rattan, kè-, whole surface carved, shnâ-, one
opening, puru, with skin, aieda, of cassowary, abwache, tightened by a ring, mewda, made of rattan,
covered with strips of bark, sa. Was suspended in the community house over a fire place.

N°. 1278. Pk XXVIII, fig. 3. 1/3. Waku, wachu. Asé; like N°. 1277, but of reddish brown wood,/«,
hour-glass shape less pronounced, thickness of wall 1.5—2 c.m. From a private house.

N°. 1279. PI- XXVIII, fig. 2. Vs- Wagu. Waba; shape as with N°. 1276, handle, m\'o, formed by a
lengthways ridge (in which 2 holes), continued upwards in a lozenge-shaped animal head, with eyes
and mouth; lower part carved with spirals, wagu semâ-, Varanus skin.

1280. PL XXVIII, fig. 9. 1/3. M-esïn{t)Je. Tobadi; thick bamboo,cut off just below a node;
the other end covered with Varanus skin, prom ori{ge), claws still adhering, fastened by a ring,
mesinje murda, like N°. 1276; carrying loop, orampo, of bark. From a private person.

N°. 1281. Mesïntje. Tobadi; like N°. 1280, covered with villous membrane from tractus intestinalis
of crocodile (?); ring like 1276; no sfing; length 39, thickness 7 c.m. From a private person.

N°. 1282. Mesînke. Kajó Entsâu; like N°. 1280, no node or loop; length 43, thickness 5 c.m.

N®. 1283. Mesintje. Tobâdi; like 1282 but with a node; Varanus skin also with the claws, aie
vanki-, ring of net, mèswâr-, length 40, thickness 4.5 c.m.

N°. 1284. Pk XXVIII, fig. 10 i/g. Meslntjt. Tobâdi; like N°. 1281, 2 circular rows of 6 carved
triangles, filled with fish or bird ornament; shark skin, aitebu-, ring of netting bound with barkfibres.

N°. 1285. PL XXVIII, fig. II. Vg. Pontsjè. Waba; like N°. 1284; bamboo without node; entirely
carved with spirals, fish and snake figures; skin of Varanus. Also used for holding fork, spoon, etc.

N°. 1286. PI. XXVIII, fig. 5. Jatlf. Kaptiau; light brown wood, hour-glass shape, in the middle
a carved band and handle; thickness of waU 1.5—2 c.m.; Varanus skin and bark fibre ring.

N°. 1287. PL XXVIII, fig. 7. i/g. Hirerè. Kwatisoré; light brown wood, hour-glass shape, in the middle

and at both ends a relief band; coloured black with the exception of the 2 outer bands, one of
these with zigzag carvings, the other pared off for tympanum. Manufactured in the interior.

N°. 1288. PI. XXVIII, fig. 6. 1/7. Erne. Angadi; as last, fourteen-sided, thickness of wall 4—12 m.m.;
relief bands at the ends carved with triangles; under the upper a row of rhombs; Varanus skin
èmè hiri, glued on, mounted with 5 plugs of wax-like material; drumstick, hiramè, made of cane,
inside which a peg of palmwood, hananio, bound with bark fibre, puama, and with a knob of
kenepa; cord loop, tiniani, with tassle of red, brown and white calico, piï.

N°. 1289. PI. XXVIII, fig. 8. i/g- Sandïp. Mios Korwar; cylindrical, thickness of waU i c.m., along
lower edge a band of hooks and curls; crocodile\'s skin (belly part), deprived of scales (along edge
some Balanidae) spanned in hoop of plaited rattan which is forged down by 14 wooden wedges
along outside surface of drum. A crack repaired with bark lashing and wedge jammed in.

N°. 1290. Sandip. Mios Korwar; like N°. 1289 but 17-sided, thickness of waU 1.5 c.m., along lower
edge a 2.5 c.m. broad, scafioped ridge; 13 wedges. A crack lashed with three-stranded cord.

N°. 1291. PI. XXIX, fig. 21. i/s- Jauwe. Tarfia; one end closed by node, the other end open and
with a notch, broad 1.5, deep 2.5 c.m., near this end a carved ornament. Ch\'); A, c and e.

1292—93. Jauwe. Tarfia; like N\'. 1291, no ornament; length 115 and 114 c.m. resp.; N°. 1292:
E; B, d and fi N°. 1293: D^; A, cj| and e.

N°. 1294. PI. XXIX, fig. 17. \'/«•nbsp;Tobadi; below node, pau, 2 points, tweri-, edge of opening, ide

suwi, with projection, arau, 2.5 c.m. broad, i long; partly bound by strip of rattan, chi. d; g\'quot;.

N°. 1295. Ide. Tobadi; like N°. 1294, no rattan binding, only one point; length 65 c.m.. d; c\'quot;, g\'quot;.

N°. 1296. Ide. Tobadi; like N°. 1294, over 16 c.m. of the length wound round with rattan, below this
a narrow, plaited ring of fiana; length 57 c.m.. djj; c|.

No^ 1297—98. PI. XXIX, fig. 16. \'/g. BukSib ide. Tobadi; like N°. 1295, below opening (with pro-
jection, ide kkau), wound round with two-stranded cord, nenui, i and 3 points, ide abcme, resp.;
N°. 1297: djt; cquot;, equot;. N°. 1298 with carved zigzag lines and snake figure. d| ; c\'quot;.

N°. 1299. PI. XXIX, fig. 12. Chru. Tobadi; opening, suwibo, with broad projection; one point,
with a hole, dibo, dibwo. d\'.

N°. 1300. PL XXIX, fig. 3. \'/g. Sitje. Tobadi; hke N°. 1299, one point, a\'; d\'quot;.

No^ 1301—02. PL XXIX, fig. 19. i/g. War ebb. Nacheibe; like N°. 1295; N^ 1301 with 2 blunt
points, N^ 1302 cut off transversely; both darkened by soot. d|j; c|.

1303. PI. XXIX, fig. 15. Vg- Kainrb. Kajó Entsau; like N°. 1301; obtained in temple, d; a\', e\'quot;.

N°. 1304. PI. XXIX, fig. 18. \'/t- Kainrb. Kajó Entsau; like N°. 1301, near opening wound round
with rattan, the end with wreath of cassowary feathers. d|; c\'^J\':

N°. 1305. PL XXIX, fig. 7. Darb. Kajó Entsau; like N^ 1303, no points, g\'; d\'quot;.

1306. PI. XXIX, fig. I. i/g- Limachiu. Kajó Entsau; like Nquot;. 1305, 2 long points, dquot;.

N°. 1307. Pi. XXIX, fig. 5. i/g. Nibpa. Kajó Entsau; like N°. 1306, points shorter. d\'|l; dquot;.

N°. 1308. PL XXIX, fig. 10. Ve- Tienti. Kajó Entsau; opening without projection; no points, a.

N°. 1309. PL XXIX, fig, 4. Vg- Chbchb. Kajó Entsau; like N°. 1308; 2 carved bands of chevrons,
and 2 of lozenges, in which spirals, d\'|; dquot;.

Nquot;, 1310. PL XXIX, fig. II. i/g, Wiwi. Kajó Entsau; opening at the end without projection or notch,
below the node cut off transversely, above this an oval side opening, b\'; g|.

l) The first tone mentioned is the theoretical fundamental tone, the others are overtones preferred.

1311.nbsp;Pl. XXIX, fig. 14.\'/g. Ibi. Kajó Entsâu; as before, at the node a ramification, c\'l; a\'.

1312.nbsp;PI. XXIX, fig. 2. Waima. Kajó Entsâu; as before, shorter. f\'j|; g\'i

N^ 1313. PI. XXIX, fig. 6. WiwL Tobâdi; lateral opening circular; carved loop coils and triangles;
one eye ornament; coloured red and white; below node 3 points each Avith a hole, in one of which
a three-stranded cord, made of bark fibres, gquot;; a\'.

N°. 1314. Pk XXIX, fig. 20. Pui. Thaë; as before, uncarved; 2 points, f\'«; d\'.

N\\ 1315. Pk XXIX, fig. 8. %. Pui. Thaë; as before, only i point on which eye ornament; carved
with 2 bands of triangles and lozenges, in the latter loop coils. d|; a\'.

1316. PI. XXIX, fig. 9. ï/g. Pui(^) Mabo; as before, 2 points; carved chevrons and spirals, f\'^.

N®. 1317. PL XXIX, fig. 13. i/g. Puil^) Jambuë; as before, only i point the edges notched; clrved
loop coils; near the end a plaited rattan ring, d\'i\'; c\'i\'

N°. 1318. Pk XXIX, fig. 24. Ve- LaisoisSi. Kajó Entsâu; shell of Strombus maximus, at the
apex of the spire with circular opening. From the temple. Used as instrument of call.

N^ 1319. PL XXIX, fig. 22. Vo- Embru. Kajó Entsâu; shell of Triton variegatum Lam., an
opening outside the last varix but two. Found and used as 1318.

N\\ 1320. Am. Tobâdi; like N°. 1319 but 37 c.m. long. Originating from Tanah Merah.
Amulets.

N°. 1321. Aimamun. Senge (Bay of Manokwari); wooden peg, 8 m.m. thick, 12 c.m. long, upper part
carved into a squatting human figure, karewar, karewaje, chin resting on vertical shield; octan-
gular headdress; suspended by cotton cord, serfe, 72 c.m. long, between 8 coloured beads, ida.

1322.nbsp;Aharh Kwatisoré; like 1321, 2.5 c.m. thick, 23 long; no shield below the\'face,
mogrè, cord 32 c.m. long.

1323.nbsp;Aâàrè. Kwatisoré; as before, 2 pegs 13 and ri c.m. long, 2.5 and 1.5 thick; hands under
chm; lower a vertical shield, (carved, on the smallest object, with a vertical cross); 10 yellow and
19 blue and white beads, nahab gh\'è, threaded on cotton cord, abibre.

N°. 132.4. PL XXIX, fig. 26. Otà. Angâdi; like N^ 1322, headdress hexangular, face, m tiha,
with eyes, màmè-, in nose, miha, a length of beads, kamuri-, coloured brown, lower down a coat
of red calico,/«; 10 white beads threaded on three-stranded cord, tèmani, passing below chin

N\'. 1325. Arioi. Wâri; as before, 1.4 c.m. thick, 16 long, vertical edge on frontside of head dress • face
manio, with mouth slit, in which indication of teeth; hands under chin, shield with carved lozenges\'
two-stranded cord, apas, 36 c.m. wide, through transverse opening below chin

NO. X326. PL XXIX, fig. 28. Arioi. Wâri; like N^ 1325, head covering septangular, no mouth,slit-
limbs curled, below chin a vertical shield with 2 vertical rows of 8 relief disks.

N°. 1327. Arioi. Wâri; as before, head covering octangular, lower part of figure seized by an open
muzzle; lower down wound round with red calico; suspending string of 73 c.m. passing under chin,
also carries 2 white beads, irai, and a thin, 6 c.m. long piece of wood

N°. 1328. PL XXIX, fig. 27. 1/5. Arioi. Wâri; bent, wooden pin, carved with a human head, and
pyramid headdress; lower down surrounded by larval envelope, isos- strip of bark for carrying.

1329. Anos. Wâri; octangular peg, 7 c.m. long, 1.5 thick, carved with human figure and verdcal
shield; two-stranded cord, 56 c.m. long, of Pandanus fibre, with another peg and 4 white beads, irai.

The inhabitants of New Guinea are usually known by the name of Papuans, and
(see Keane [1899, 126]) together with the Melanesians, called Papuasians, forming with
Australians, Tasmanians and Negritoes the group of Oceanic Negroes. The fact that reaUy
black Papuans do not exist (see p. 329), is not necessarily an objection to the use of the
name quot;negroquot;; all African Negroes are not black. With the increased number of observations
such variety has been found to exist amongst the Papuasians, that Haddon [1894, 253]
names both groups merely quot;peoplesquot;.

Supposing that the known Papuans form the autochthones of New Guinea a list of
characteristics was fixed upon for them, to which, however, only a provisional meaning must
be attached (see also Macgregor [1897, 31]), and will have to be revised before long. So,
for instance, the practice of tattooing is regarded as a characteristic of the Melanesian (Haddon
[1894, 254]), but in the ethnographical part (p. 40 et seq.) I pointed out that the Papuans
of the north coast are very generally tattooed. The use of the bull-roarer, by which in
British New Guinea the pure Papuan is said to be distinguished from the Melanesian (Haddon
1. c.), has as yet only in a single instance been reported of the Netherlands territory (see
p. 306) and can therefore in no case count as a characteristic of the Papuan.

As to the general functions ofthe body some details have already been reported
in the ethnographical part (food see p. 6, drink p. 14, sleeping p. 144). Belching is not
retained, neither does it offend, flatus only then when the smell is offensive. The act of
defaecation is always committed in secret; also for mixturiation one disappears or turns
away from the company. Squatting on the stage of a pile dwelling built in the water, the
urine is simply allowed to run away between the laths of the flooring.

In squatting, in Papua Talandjang as in other parts of the north coast (Maclay
[1873a, 247], comrie [1877, 104]), a position similar to that of the Malays is adopted, with
the haunches just off the ground. Often this position is changed into a sitting one, by pushing a
piece of wood or something else under the nates. Frequently a man will let himself down on
the nates, without such a support, whilst the legs (the soles of the feet on the ground) remain

bent and the knees often serve as a support for the arms {see figs. 29, 37, 163, 164, 188, 193;
also Meyer [1874, 95J). Therefore, Deniker [1900, 495] is wrong when mentioning a sitting
attitude, with limbs crossed tailor-fashion, as an ethnic character of the Papuans. This posi-
tion is only adopted on the clean floors (figs. 102 and 190). The women also squat (figs. 7
and 145), but they often drop down on the knees and then sit with the nates on or beside
the heels (see figs. 32, 146 and 174; also Meyer and Parkinson [1900, PI. 19]).

When standing, the position is up to an advanced age elastic and straight, however,
with striking lordosis of the loins, as already reported by Maclay [1873a 242] and Meyer
[1874, 96].

When moving, the arms are swung slightly; the footprints lie in an almost straight line.

Carrying loads by the men is generally performed on or from one shoulder and
then the opposite leg sometimes takes longer strides than the other. The women often carry
a child on one hip (see fig. 7; also annual Report [1897—98, PI. i]), however, they
prefer to carry on the back (see p. 181; also Annual Report [1897—98, PI. 20], Pratt
[1906, 303]); sometimes the bag with the baby is hung in front (Thomson [1892, 80]), but
the carrying sling is generally placed round the head. It appeared to me that the Papuan
prefers pulling to pushing, possibly because by pulling the load is also somewhat lifted,
e. g. when lowering boats into the water or dragging them up on the shore.

When necessary they can walk briskly and for a long time over uneven ground
without visible signs of fatigue. The female. Nagramadu carriers of the expedition, after
a day\'s march, rubbed their bodies and limbs with the leaves of a shrub, the species
of which I do not know, growing in the forest. Pratt [1906, 323] mentions a similar use of
the leaves of a small stinging plant, causing quot;violent irritation, followed by a feeling of
pleasant numbnessquot;.

The people of Tobadi swim on the chest and the arms are struck out alternately,
the fingers being held slightly apart, the tempo not always corresponding to that of the legs.

When climbing trees they try to make use of hanas hanging down, or of small
stems standing alongside (see also Schellong [1905, 614]). In the case of a tree standing
by itself a man of Tarfia acted as follows: he placed his hands breast-high round the trunk,
keeping his body entirely away from it, then raising and bending his knee, he first placed
one foot with the sole against the trunk, after this the other and walked upward, alternately
shifting his hands; a similar method is described by Comrie [1877, 104]. Pratt [1906, 94]
noted another manner, the ankles tied together by a hoop. By this method, also very common
in the Malay Archipelago, the arms are clasped round the stem and each time the body
must be pressed against the tree, to draw up the feet.

With a dynamometer of collin, I noted that in 4 out of 39 cases the strength of
both hands was the same, in 9 cases the left hand was stronger by 1—7 K. G., on an
average 3.5 K. G., than the right, whilst in 26 cases the right hand was stronger than the
left by 0.5—13 K. G., on an average 4.8 K. G.. This certainly indicates (see also Annual
Report [1894—95, 17]) a larger use of the left arm than with Europeans, as Maclay
[r873a, 243] has already pointed out; but the occurrence of decided 1 e ft h an d e d n e ss is less
frequent than indicated by the above figures. Only once I saw a man, while eating his sago
dinner, hold his fork with his left hand. The holding out and shaking of hands when meeting

(see p. 277 and D\'Albertis [1880, II, 189]) is not practised on the north coast of the Nether-
lands territory, and I fancy that a visitor who extends his right hand in European manner,
to a Papuan, practically invites the extension of the corresponding hand, in casu the left
one, from which a prevailing lefthandedness need not be concluded, as apparently by
D\'Albertis [1880, I, 248] in the case of people of Yule Island.

Pain as a rule is dreaded; and not a few of my patients were so accustomed to
their chronic ulcerations, which were the prevailing complaint, that they were unwilling to
endure any pain on that account.

Heat and cold the Papuans with whom I came in contact appeared very well able
to stand (see p. 35). Local freezing of the skin with ethyl chloride only caused surprise.

Great excitability, amounting to noisiness, is commonly accepted (Haddon [ 1894, 2 54],
Krieger [1899, 138], Keane [1899, 127]) as a characteristic of the Papuans, as distinguishing
them from the Melanesians. It has however often been pointed out that the tribes living
further in the interior possess in a much smaller measure the characteristic of being noisy
and laughterloving (Meyer [1873, 308], schellong [1891, 169]), — D\'Albertis [1880, I, 215]
calls the Ramoi the gloomiest people in the world. The noisy and rough reception of the
expedition in the year 1875 by the people of Humboldt Bay, caused R0BIDÉ van der Aa
[1879, 268] to write of quot;savagesquot;, a term which should be avoided. Since then, no doubt, man-
ners have considerably improved, but still the Sentani people living only a few miles inland
are much more sedate. With them playing and singing are rare; when they saw any of my
objects which were new to them, they did not utter any exclamations, but later on discussed
them among themselves. Of the Sekanto, who live still further inland, moolenburgh [1904, 185]
reports a decidedly depressed disposition. The people of Mapar and Horna, places situated
4 and 6 days\' journey resp. from the coast, were also very reserved in their behaviour,
although they were able to talk about festivities. Like MacGREGOR [1897, 32] I think that
the more active, intellectual trading life of the coast produces an intelligence of a higher order.

Although not entirely agreeing with Meyners d\'Estrey [1881, ii]- quot;Les Papous
sont généralement mauvais caractèrequot;, still it is known that helpless beings as prisoners
(Annual Report [1894—95, 42]), women, children and domestic animals are often treated
roughly. HaGEN [1899, 266] even found occasion to write of the Bogadjim that sympathy,
charity and gratitude are feelings unknown to them. I remember an instance when I had
narcotized with chloroform a Sentani boy to operate on a large wound in his foot. At the
moment when I began to remove the granulation tissue with a sharp spoon, to prevent
too great a loss of blood in a quick, apparently cruel manner, the father of the boy uttered
a plaintive \'■\'■sobaV (from the Malay sobat — ïrlenà). I could very well understand this and
appreciated it in this father. Not so the spectators, his fellow-villagers, squatting round ; —
with a general, loud quot;sis!quot; they silenced the man, afraid that for the sake of the father I
should interrupt this, to them unusual and attractive spectacle. They thereby showed a want
of sympathy as Hagen I.e. and Erdweg [1902, 291] noticed in a still greater measure
towards people dangerously ill or dying.

Gratitude very seldom finds expression. My patients often showed themselves very
well satisfied with the results of the medical treatment, to which I devoted much time and
trouble nearly every day, but only twice (and in both cases it was a woman), did they offer a

piece of sugar cane out of gratitude. Macgregor [1897, 36] also states that Papuans do not
give presents, and if so they expect or ask far more than an equivalent in return. This
indeed is their stand-point with regard to Europeans, who in the eyes of the natives are
loaded with desirable objects. A man of Tobadi, however, who had treated me very imper-
tinently and who had been reproved for this by the magistrate, argued that I had misunder-
stood his behaviour and some days later on offered me some of his ornamented arrows; after
that we were on a good footing.

Joy and sorrow are freely expressed, especially by the coast people. Tears of
grief are not rare. When taking leave they not infrequently weep (see p. 276 and Pratt
[1906, 278]); on the S.W. coast the women cried loudly every evening when the visitors
returned to the ship (müller [1857, 79]); however, the same thing happened when a pig
that had been sold, was taken on board [1. c., 76].

When quarrels take place disputes arise, in which words are not spared, as I
witnessed with the Tobadi people, especially with the women (see also Lawes [1880, 608]).
Instances are known where anger has led to sudden murder, also to suicide.

The gesture of astonishment often consists in bringing the hand to the mouth,
and laughing at the same time (see also Pratt [1906, 145]), as the woman standing in the
middle of fig. 170. Finsch [1888, 321] saw how the index or [1. c., 131] the thumb
(see also Chalmers [1885, 92]) was taken between the teeth, whilst the other hand
struck the belly. When hearing their own songs from the phonograph, young men of Tobadi
suddenly brought the back part of the left hand to the mouth, the first joint of the bent
index horizontally between the incisors, whilst some of them turned round on one heel and
with the right hand struck the hip on that side (see also Moseley [1879, 440]). Haddon
[1901, 246] mentions sucking and clicking noises with the lips (also observed on Lake Sentani)
and flicking the teeth with the thumb nail.

Generally it is not difficult to gain the c o n fi d e n c e of the Papuans. One should act
in every thing calmly, honestly, and adhere firmly to agreements, may they be ever so
trifling; once their confidence is gained they are hospitable (see also Pratt [1906, 329])
With male European visitors, the Papuan women often keep in the background, \' in the
villages of Abar and Poe, however, they were obtrusive.

Cases of dishonesty and theft towards visitors (Lawes [1880, 613] states- «all
are thieves!quot;) generally refer to metal objects and must be judged leniently, as these things
strongly excite cupidity. Thus I was robbed by a man of Ajapo of a pocket knife, which
was lying on a table between pencils and rulers. The honesty of our Papuan carriers was,
however, m favourable contrast with that of the Malay coolies, who preferred silver objects.

Breach of promise is another grievance brought against the Papuans and the
expedition experienced more than once great difficulties through this. The causes cannot
however, be always rightly judged, from want of knowledge of the language and disposition
of mind. The murder of officials, missionaries or traders, on Netherl. territory is very excepti-
onal, ^ and fs generally an act of revenge on account of a real or supposed infringement
of existing rights.

Atlee Hunt [1905, 8] declares that it is altogether a mistake to regard the
natives of New Guinea as amongst the lowest class of savages, and in this I agree with him.

Mac Farlane [1888, 103] and Guise [1899, 219] also point to this; the former, while
testifying the possession of many noble qualities, however, considers the Papuans as quot;the
remnant of a worn-out racequot;.

The people of Humboldt Bay were always praised (Van der GoeS [1858, 86], Finsch
[1888, 360]), on account of their sharpness and desire for knowledge. On several occasions it
appeared that all the actions of the members of the expedition were understood and the
object grasped. The comical side of a situation never escaped their notice and not uncom-
monly they were able by exaggeration to show up the ridiculous part. The Tobadi carriers
whom we took to Ternate, very soon made themselves at home amongst their new surround-
ings and they all learned several Malay words.

As to their knowledge of orientation, far from home the direction in which their
native village was situated was indicated with fair accuracy by our Papuan carriers.

The time of the day is calculated from the sun, besides which they count with
moons and monsoons, the beginning of the east monsoon being regarded as the beginning
of the year. The people of H. B. pointed out to us that during one part of the year the
sun rises exactly in the opening of the inner bay, but in other parts of the year more to
the north or to the south. During the night, the time at Tumleo (Erdweg [1902, 392])
is calculated by the position of the stars and moon. Living almost on the equator, the
native of the north coast has the advantage of being able to see the whole of the northern
as well as the southern sky, and it is therefore not surprising (NachrichtEx^ [1888, 227],
Hagen [1899, 245]) that he has proper names for planets, stars and constellations (Great
Bear, Orion, Southern Cross).

The moon, however, plays a very peculiar part, the moon\'s changes in British N.G.
causing menstruation (Beardmore [ 1890, 460] )• The first crescent which after the new moon
is just visible at sunset above the western horizon, is in Geelvink Bay (Meyer [1875, 37],
Van Hasselt [1889, 263]) saluted by women and children with singing, because, as they
say, the moon illuminates the nightly path of husbands and fathers, who may be travelling.
In K. W. Land (Hagen [1899, 287]) only the children raise a cheer, because the new crescent
shows that the moon, which was threatened by a shark, has been saved by small fishes.
Finsch [1888—-93, 34] mentions a similar custom in the Bismarck Archipelago.

In Plumboldt Bay and on Lake Sentani, when the thin crescent is seen, women and
children, as well as some of the men, with their faces turned towards the west, utter a loud
cry: aaaad, in the pitch of a\' = 440 vibrations, lasting about half a minute, whilst with
the flat hand, in a tempo of ±160 per minute, the opening of the mouth is lightly struck,
whereby the sound is interrupted: adada .... This ceremony, of course, occurs only once
a month, but it happened to be witnessed on two occasions. They could not make me
understand what the meaning of this was.

As they have no written language, the past can only be related from memory.
Very interesting is the account of the people of Tobadi of their first acquaintance with fire-arms.
A man of about 36 years described to the members of the expedition, how one day, when
he was still a little boy, a ship, painted black and with one funnel, had anchored in the
bay. When the boats were coming to the shore, some natives, seeing no bows and arrows
with their visitors, took them to be without arms and tried to steal iron objects. Some five

of them were then wounded by gunshots, two mortahy; ofthe others two were stiU ahve
and one of them showed the scars of the wounds made by the shot. This encounter must
have happened about 1875, but has never been reported. It is known that in 1874 and 1875
three men of war visited Humboldt Bay: Basihsk (Engl., May 1874), Challenger (Engk, Febr.
1875) and Soerabaija (Netherl., Dec. 1875). Both Challenger and Soerabaija had to endure the
extremely rough behaviour of the natives. From the latter ship metal objects were robbed
(swaan [1875—76, 342]), and to prevent attacks the crew were armed and the cannon
loaded (Beccari [1876, 36]). Probably some shots were then fired, but this has then been
the only occasion that fire-arms were turned upon these people and it is only as a curiosity,
and for the benefit of those who do not know, that I quote from the brief resumé given by
Armit (Comrie [1877, 118]) ofthe Dutch exploration in Humboldt Bay:

quot;The natives of the coast were either butchered or were driven to take refuge among
quot;the hill tribes, to whom they became slaves, and the cruelty of the Dutch has thus become
quot;proverbial along the whole length of the north-east coast of New Guineaquot;, .... which from
beginning to end is quite without foundation!

Counting I saw performed by some tribes by means of the hands and feet, and it
was proved that in these cases a more or less purely decimal numeration exists.

Thus at Horna with the number quot;onequot; the thumb of the left hand was grasped with
the entire right hand and when naming the following numbers the next fingers of the left
hand were doubled down one after the other. After this the calculation was continued along
the right hand from thumb to httle finger, and with quot;tenquot; both hands were placed flat
against each other. With quot;elevenquot; the left great toe was grasped, and then counting was
continued along this foot; with quot;fifteenquot; both hands were clasped round the left knee. After
this the right foot was similarly utihzed as far as quot;twentyquot;, when both knees were pressed
against each other by both hands. The numbers with this tribe (Manikion) are:

The numbers of 15 and higher are a little difi-erent from those gathered by Van Oosterzee [1904,
1020], who also notes a decimal numeration of the neighbouring Ménam tribe.

OnLakeSentania similar system is found. The numbers 1—4 simply bear the names
of the fingers (or vice-versa), the number 5 is indicated by the word quot;handquot;, for 6 they say
quot;one hand onequot;, for 7 quot;one hand twoquot;, for 10 quot;two handsquot;, etc.:

In Humboldt Bay they also use hands and feet, although sometimes (Bink [1897,
207]) for the second ten, instead of the feet the two hands of another person may be taken.

When one makes them count without using the limbs, most of them make mistakes. R0BIDÉ
van der Aa [1879, 121] saw a Tobadi man make 10 knots in a string, but in order to make
sure, he counted over the number on his fingers. For numbers up to five the right hand is
never used; — at Tobadi, to indicate that our carriers, hired from that village, were expected
back in 3 months, the women, sad at parting (see p. 276), held up thumb, index and middle
finger of the left hand, whilst calling out: tor! tori They never begin with the left little
finger, passing to wrist, elbow and body, as described by chalmers [1885, 163; 1903a, iii]
and Haddon [1894, 21] of British New Guinea, by Ray and Haddon [1896, 162] of the
Saibai. moolenburgh [1904, 176] comes to the conclusion that in H.B. they reckon by
„foursquot; and groups of „twenty-fourquot; are formed. His experience [1. c., 178] that also in
counting on the fingers and toes groups of quot;fourquot; are formed is, however, by no means
mine. In accordance with Kern [1900, 149] it is proved by moolenburgh that 10 is called
quot;eight plus twoquot;, just the reverse of the method attributed to all Papuan tribes by BrOWN
[1887, 327], of calling 8 quot;ten less twoquot;.

A man of G oré da, a village on the southern shore of the lake, gave me for i tinakwa, 2 janianini,
5 niaheri hèrori, 10 taórii.

Thus in both places Nagramâdu and Angâdi they have the binary system of
enumeration, mentioned by Macgregor [1897, 81] of the Fly estuary, by Ray and Haddon
[1896, 160] of the western tribe of Torres Straits. It is, however, clear that the binary system,
according to Ray [1895, 31] and müller [1897, 140] characteristic of the true Papuan (the
decimal system being Melanesian), is not pure, but that refuge is always taken in the hand
for quot;fivequot;, and both hands for quot;tenquot;. The people of Kaimani, S. W. coast, also use both
hands (Van der Goes [1858, 129]). — Pratt [1906, 316] reports of British N. G. that
people could not count farther than quot;threequot;; —a numeral for „threequot; is ascribed to Australian
influence (Ray and Haddon [1896, 161]). Still on reaching quot;twentyquot; a small piece of stone
or wood is generally placed apart.

Meyer [1873, 309] mentions that the Arfak people cannot count beyond five, a
mistake explained by the fact that the fingers of both hands have the same name as the
toes of both feet. The idea of higher numbers, however, exists with them just as well as
with the Manfkion with whom, as appears from von rosenberg [1875, 97], they entirely
agree in the way of counting. For numbers above quot;twentyquot; they begin again with the left
hand. The Karon count similarly (Bruyn [1877, 192]).

limit myself to the following words not mentioned in the ethnographical chapters
At H orna (Manikion tribe) only a few words were gathered:

Van Oosterzee [1904, 1020] noted, probably gathered from another village, for man:
gije or gidje, woman: gida.

fish ka\\ sorts of fishes: ka djamare.^
-grogi\'d., -haugru., -he., -hibe., -hidd,
-jo-, -orna., -seluis, -shndd^ -simem.,
-sinonga., -ute
food tore rhneha
fowl oia

marriage mie areiga., mie itage
mat abé
moon öchö., örö
morning tïne
mother and
Name mecha., rahine
Pain gegei., ïtëtë
person tötëre
pig öbö

sorcerer përàrdre
sore ahusdto ; gogo
stone tuga
sugar-cane ju
sun su
Taro ningai
tobacco sdchëbai
to-morrow wafëna
tree si

„ (sea-) pura
Ubi fam
uncle tieborefa
Whirlwind njangru njangrti
wind âru
woman niie
wound kamdu
Yesterday pënd

Ankle ote segau
anus feburu
arm jaro
arm-pit mÏ7iingai
Back mora
beard sei s jar a
belly jdhere
blood ogi
bone bd
breast 77ime
buttock dwawau., pete
Calf (of leg) oto klm
cheek katu (?)

I) The vowel pronunciations are as with Ray and Haddon [1891, 466], with this difference that d and ^ sound
hke the short French ^^ and ^ resp., amp; as in law, « as in the French«as in German; emphasis is indicated by «

„ (of head) ma
hand me
head farim
head-ache farim nachare
Incisor deha
indexfinger me noro
Knee ote hdr\'d
Legnbsp;ora

lip dja bonai
little finger me hembai
Mandible tawd
middle finger me nami
molar mabam
mouth i^\'fl, howd
Nail (of finger) mengai
navel purindl
neck soto
nipple tiime
nose joi

Palm of hand me fe
penis mu
Rib Mringe
ringfinger me geri
Saliva ki
scrotum sard
shin ote gomdu
shoulder nate
shoulder-blade handuru
skin wa

small-pox budu budu
sweat negi
Testis liebau
thigh pddd
throat mdniga
thumb me mdu
tongue few
tooth dje.^ ide., iije.
Vulva kemd
Whiskers set jewe

Afraid dwdte
alive -wari negate
Bad lebdm
beautiful /o?, foisja
black ebe
blind jocho bam
Cold mandirim., mantiri
Dead seddge
Eastern nabii
Good foid.^ poid
great kdbani
111 hanesonoi
Northern enesi
Old send.! senai
Recovered remabd
red mtre
Small kendim
southern tebam
Western -waibii
white au

Answer runimerl
ask jengenjera
Belch kente bubu
blow (one\'s nose) ensje
boil morombo
breathe 72a, ondu
Call Ttdra
come nuameni
come back onde mendi
cough kend
cry sere
Dance sorisi
deny zveirogwe
drink ansi.^ tu
Excrete k

Forget hanengera^i n.
Give jijijd
Kill karagowai
know neidje
Laugh te
lie (on back) nejl
lie (on belly) drfurisja

„ (tailor-like) (oto) saringa
„ (legs stretched) fotoj sisi
sleep jochu
sneeze sobi
speak arega
spit ki

(Please) go away dje ma more.
We are all from the village Ajapo Ajapo mo.
What is the matter? mdgd?
Cries for pain are: Mte! ognibnH

The interpreters of the expedition, originating from Humboldt Bay, who helped us
in the eastern part of Lake Sentani, were of little use in the villages situated in the western
parts of the said lake; the inhabitants of Nacheibe and Sâgeisârâ, on the other hand,
speak a language that contains many of the words in use in the eastern part of the lake.

Of the Sekanto tribe, living south-west of the lake, only six words were gathered:

With these people the pitch of the voice rises towards the end of each sentence in
a singing way, as has been stated also of other tribes living in the interior.

Armlet (silver) ma häretia
„ (fibres) ma are
„ (akar bahar) kaara
arrovf head taware
arrows (bundle of) kätiäro
Bamboo (for water) kiniï muti
bark (rough) ibi

(iron head of) kära nata
Knife kä ira
Maize käbuäi
man were
mat käpiri
moon ptira

morning jäU hinaumära
mother eneja
Night iratia
noon jaïi wau uliere
nose-peg (shell) kuräpahu
Paddle pamp;

roof (of sago leaves) orehe
rotan kema.^ èmèQ)
Sago amata
sago club ipiri
sago leaf fibres tähori
„ „ stalk toto
„ oven tä arani
sand täpara
son äropia petaifiiri
stair pole ma öte
stream waba
Tobacco käpäü
to-morrow kauj7iätiä
trunk (of Ceram) pota umu
Virgin were puaro
Water mi
wind kimiri

„ of hand mahare kore
belly dtdre.^ kopene
breast purii
buttock haimuruhu
Calf (of leg) ehanata
cheek dtoamu
chin kipare
Ear ihdni

Hair (of head) rupere
hand mahare
head riipau
Instep mdu kore
Knee iripu
Lip iri
Mamma aba
mouth kapu

„ (of toe) mdu hehe
navel moph\'e
neck amoi\'i
nose mirimoi
nostril mirimoi ipd.^ mihd
Palm (of hand) mahare tindta
penis kamare
Shin imiri

shoulder
skin 7iatdpa iri (?)
sole of foot mdü (i)tinata
Testis muta
thigh ahenata
throat kapu
toe mdü kömene
tongue mere
tooth titi

Verbs.
Awake emai ipa
Buy emdnu makordi
Drink mindraii
Eat majiajnari
excrete ata
Give kema(e)
Laugh ökö aiïme
lie atare meteö
Paddle pa jahtirtuna
perforate (ear-lobe) ihdni aimeri

„ „ (septum) mirimoi aimeri
Sleep ete kaimeri
smoke (tobacco) mamoma ndmdri
spit metdhö
Urinate ji
Walk md
weep mde aim}.

Comparing this vocabulary with that gathered by Müller [1857, 113—116] at Utanata (south-west
coast), it appears that both languages have many words in common, e, g. mvaniii cheek, mame eye, mail
foot, iripu knee, imiri shin (leg with Müller), titi tooth. Others are only slightly different; thus Müller
gives: bow awiire, cocoa-nut uteri, house kami, javelin kareh, sago amati-, back urimi, ear iani, hand
mareh, head upau, tongue mare-, to laugh oku, to sleep ete, to weep makeh.

So it is clear that the expedition, penetrating from Geelvink Bay to Lake Jamur,
never before visited, had reached the linguistic territory of the south-west coast. This linguistic
connexion was already noticed on the spot by Mr. Dumas, who accompanied the expedition
and had formerly travelled along the said coast, but who remarked that some words were
used with a somewhat different meaning.

Hair obuehi
head jahimd
house ja
Mouth mohdhd
Navel moberebu
neck ïimeke
nose peg ago gnobe

A vocabulary of the Jotefa language (inner bay of Humboldt Bay) has already been given by
Bink [1902] (also printed in Bulletins de la Société d\'Anthropologie de Paris, Vol. XI, 1888, p. 386 et seq.).
It needs a revision to which I could spare no time, but it was thoroughly treated by Kern [1900] and by
Schmidt, the latter [1902, 38] classing this tongue with the Jamir, Sauvein, Saliu and Tumleo, in his IV
group of Melanesian languages of the northern coast of the mainland. Melanesian dialects, have proved
to be very homogeneous (Ray [1893, 755]), dearly showing that they belong to the same stock. Judging

by this, one may suggest that the languages of which lists of
words have been given above, are Papuan. For it is charac-
teristic of the Papuan languages that they show little simi-
larity and apparently represent various, distinct, linguistic
stocks. The terms Papuan and Melanesian are here used in
the sense first indicated by Ray and Haddon [1891, 509,
note], to which, however, must be added, that the Tobadi
people with a Melanesian tongue show physical features that
are Papuan. The linguistic boundaries therefore are no race
boundaries, as also remarked by Poch [1905, 439].

From the Sëkâ tribe Moolenburgh [1904, 187] gave
a small vocabulary, and from the Moso tribe two young men
were met (fig. 202), but no words were gathered.

As to the illnesses amongst the tribes which
the expedition met, it was chiefly wounds that came
to my notice. Wounds on the lower legs, resulting
from occasional hurts, are especially frequent, as in
K. W. Land (Nachrichten [1890, 29]), in the case of
both sexes, and particularly with the inland tribes.
These cause ulcers sometimes giving rise to buboes,
both afterwards leaving deep, white scars, such as at
Humboldt Bay Comrie [1877, 106] took for quot;unmis-
takeable evidence of syphihsquot;, of which I could not
find a trace. Several men at Tobadi had scars left
by bites from crocodiles, which not infrequently attack
the genitals. In Papua Talandjang, as in K. W. Land (Nachrichten [1888, 233]), people pay
very little heed to these ulcers, although stiffness of a Hmb may be the result; I treated two

cases that almost inflamed the ankle joint. I never saw them use any treatment; medi-
cines in general being here as rare as in K. W. Land (Schellong [1889, 20], Biro [1891,
60, N°. 175]). The Bogadjim (Hagen [1899, 257]) treat their ulcers by bleeding, cutting
the skin with glass sherds. At Kaimani and Ajambori (van der GoES [1858, 120, 160]) a
certain leaf and siri saliva resp. is used. My patients liked the western art of surgery, if not
too painful, and were willing to be anaesthetized with chloroform; they said I made the people
dead, without stopping the heartbeat, and after the operation made them alive; similar ideas
about the chloroform sleep were gathered in British New Guinea (Macgregor [1897, 38]).
The chief of Tarfia made the voyage to Humboldt Bay, to get rid of a piece of an arrow
head, that had penetrated into his frontal bone; he was very glad seeing it extracted and the
wound healed. Cases like this make me sure that those people know nothing of trepanation,
as suggested by VoN Luschan [1898a, 398] and virchow [1901, 538] regarding New Mecklen-
burg and the Caroline Islands resp.. poch [1905a, 696] states that those „trepanation woundsquot;
are caused by slings.

Malaria was in H. B. not frequent during the time of our stay, I witnessed two cases;
one of these patients to cure himself lay down
near to a wood fire, a treatment also reported
from the Jabim (NACHRICHTEN [1888, 233]).
Mosquitoes were only collected at the Waudu
River, south of Lake Jamiir; these pests proved
to be a species of Culex\\ Mansonia uni-
f or mis.

Whether beri beri occurs in Papua Ta-
landjang is doubtful. Both in Humboldt Bay
and on Lake Sentani I met a man with paresis
of the lower extremities; in the case of the
latter (fig. 203) the knee-reflex was wanting,
but there was no anaesthesia and his pulse
was normal. Owing to faulty knowledge ofthe
language I could get no history, and could make
no definite diagnosis. At Demta a photo was
taken (fig. 204) of a dwarf, with paralysis of
the legs; I myself did not see the case and
the verbal information was faulty, but both
feet show extreme pedes vari, so that the case
probably represents acute anterior poliomyelitis.

bricata is spread over the whole of New Guinea (see p. 330). With the inland tribes it is
not infrequently universal; though in the coast villages only one half or less of the inha-
bitants are affected. It does not always by any means begin at the nates; with a child of two
years at Ingras it started at a spot in the side. Elephantiasis was found only amongst the Sekanto.

The larva of Thrombidium van der Sandei Oudms., which with Europeans
entering the bush causes the scrub-itch, I did not gather from the skin of the natives,
who I suppose are immune from its bites. This parasite has been studied by OUDEMANS

[1906, 131], to whose bibliography still might
be added: D\'albertis [1880, II, 34], New Guinea
[1890,95], Annual Report [1897—98, 8; 1899—
1900, 34] and Pratt [1906, 93]. Amongst the
Sekanto the expedition found a deaf-mute boy
(Moolenburgh [1904, 184]), who was very useful
as a guide, because he could understand much
better the gestures of the Europeans, the local
language being unknown.

The somatic characters to be considered
below, are principally taken from the schedules
of 22 fullgrown male Sentani peoplenbsp;i—22),

18 idem of Humboldt Bay (N°^ 23—40), 2 Sentani
boys (N°\\ 41—42), 3 Humboldt Bay women (N°^
43—45) and a Tarfia youth (N°. 46).

From the colour of the skin the Papuan is
ranged under the Negroes or quot;blackquot; races, and some
authors speak of quot;the black colour of the typical Papuanquot;
(Brown [1887, 321]); quot;franchement noirequot;, quot;peau de
nègrequot; (Hovelacque and Hervé [1887, 382, 597]).
Wallace [1869, II, 187] describes the Arfaks as quot;gene-
rally blackquot; and Krieger [1899, 370] mentions that
amongst the Tugeri there are some of a quot;pechkohlen-
schwarzequot; colour. Earl [1853, 3], however, states that
the black is certainly some shades lighter than the deep
black found among some Negro tribes of Africa; still
his native of Dourga street [1. c., Pl. I] he draws too
dark, and that of Utanata [1. c., Pl. IV] certainly too light. Often the colour is described as quot;nearly ap-
proaching the blackquot; (Van Hasselt [r886, 577], Virchow [1889, 162]), as quot;dark, often nearly blackquot;
(Flower [1885^, 381]), quot;brown that might be called blackquot; (Macgregor [1897, 28]), quot;sooty brown or
blackquot; (Brown [I.e.]), quot;a deep brown, often approaching closely to blackquot; (Wallace [1869, II, 185]), but
never quite equalling the jet-black of some negro races [I.e., 274], quot;very deep shades of chocolate brown,
often verging on blackquot; (Keane [1899, 127]). The observations mentioned above were made without using
chromatic tables; the same with the description of Erdweg [1902, 277]. In this respect, however, all agree,
that the colour of the skin differs not only according to the district but also individually among the inhabi-
tants of one and the same village (see also Meyer [1874, 98], Schellong [1891, 160], Krieger [1899, 141]),
a fact which I can entirely confirm. — N°. 3^ of my anthropometrical series, for instance, is much darker
than his fellow-villagers. — This explains why authors give wide limits of the colours occurring, the lightest
being yellowish (Meyer [1874, 98]); Comrie [1877, 106] mentions quot;from rusty black to a yellowish
brownquot;, D\'Albertis [1880, I, 260] quot;from nearly black to the yellowish tint of the Chinesequot;. In the western
half of the island, where there is no intermixture with Melanesian blood (Melanesians in general being
fairer than the Papuans; see Deniker [1900, 494]) the colour of the skin is darker among the mountaineers

than among the coast people (Wallace [1869, II, 187], D\'Albertis [1880, I, 48, 215, 217]). Van der
Goes [1858, 113] stated that on the S. W. coast the natives ofthe islands were lighter-skinned than those
on the coast, and the latter lighter than those of the mountains [I.e., 116].

In British New Guinea, dark people are met in the western part, in the Gulf and near the
Fly estuary (Macgregor [1897, 28], Atlee Hunt [1905, 7]). In a few cases the mountaineers are reported
to be the darkest (Seligmann [1906, 234]), generally the mountain people are the lightest-skinned (D\'Albertis
[1880, II, 123], Chalmers [1885, 36, 142], Annual Report [1896—97, 12], [1904—05, 5]). From this
the conclusion used to be drawn that the light-skinned people formed the true autochthones of New Guinea,
populating the whole interior (D\'Albertis [1880, II, 377]). All these observations, confusing as they may
appear, will obtain their proper importance by combining them with others, in anthropogeographical
studies like those of Haddon [1900].

As far as my investigations go there are no black Papuans (see also De Clercq
and Schmeltz [1893, PI. XL—XLII]), there is always a brown mixed with the colour, on
this point I agree with Deniker [1900, 47] and MeyER [1874, 97], the latter of whom
remarks that in contrast the African Negro is quot;grau-schwarzquot;. Even the Tugeri are brown
(Schmeltz [1903, 202], Poch [1906a, 897]). Avoiding the word quot;blackquot; Keane [1880, 285]
therefore tabulates the Papuans under quot;Dark Racesquot;; the same vvith the Australians who are
neither quite black (bonwick [1887, 201]). Meanwhile I owe to the reader this practical
hint: without previous washing a correct opinion of the colour of the skin can seldom be
obtained. After washing with soap half of a young man\'s face at Horna, this proved i or 2
shades of Broca lighter than the other half. All the natives of the interior, but especially the
Sekanto and the mountaineers, looked dirty. It appears further on that the palms of
the hands among the people of Lake Sentani and H. B. are lighter than among the Jabim
(Schellong [1891, 160]); this may be explained by the fact, that the former almost
daily, when fishing or boating, come in contact with water. Notwithstanding this relatively
greater cleanliness, I could not take any plaster casts or imprints of the hands without a
previous washing.

The lighter colour of the skin of the newly born, observed by von rosenberg
[1875, 88] amongst the Arfak, also mentioned by schellong [1889, 13], poch [1905, 440]
and Maclay [1873a, 230] of K. W. Land, remains visible, according to the latter, in the
male sex up to the 20th year, and indeed it could be noticed that 41 and 42, boys
of 12 and 14 years resp., were one shade of Broca lighter than the fullgrown (see also De
Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, pi. XLI, fig. 5]).

The lighter skin colour of the w o m e n, common with most coloured races (Denhcer
[1900, 51]), asserted in connection with the people of Mowat (D\'Albertis [1880, II, 189]), and
already mentioned with respect to Humboldt Bay by Van der goes [1858, 172] and
Parkinson [1890, 24], I found limited to one shade of Broca.

The figures given below relate to the men, where two numbers are mentioned, the
colour referred to lies in between, nearest to the number mentioned first. Little difference
has been noted between the Sentani and Humboldt Bay people, the latter being slightly
darker and having less red in the colour of their skin. So, for instance type 29 on Lake
Sentani may correspond with 37 or 37—43 in Humboldt Bay. The deepest colours of
Broca, be it observed by those who maintain the occurrence of dark negro black, were noted

by me no more than by Beccari [1876, 368], Langen (virchow [1889, 162]), Finsch
[1888—93, 183], schellong [1891, 160] and Hagen [1899]; the colours noted generally lie
between 29 and 30.

That the face is always lighter than the body, an observation already made by
Maclay [1873a, 230] and Schellong I.e. for K. W. Land, I found confirmed; besides it
can always be noticed that the cheeks, on an average 30—29 (with the women 30), are still
somewhat lighter than the forehead, 29—30.

Of the body the back is the darkest portion, whilst in front the breast is always
lighter than the belly; the types occurring most frequently are:

the back 43—29, the belly 29—43 and the breast 29;
or » 37—43, „ „ 37 „ „ « 30—37;
or „ „nbsp;43. ,gt; „ 43—29 „ „ „ 29—43.

On the different parts of the breast the skin differs in colour, being darkest towards the armpits.

The colour of the palms of the hands I mostly put down as 24—25 and never
darker than 30—33, whilst the ciphers of Schellong are 30, 29—30 and 44.

Albinos are reported from all parts of New Guinea (Meyer [1874, 99], D\'Albertis
[1880, I, 108], Finsch [1888, 240], Virchow [1889, 159], Macgregor [1897, 28],
Moolenburgh [1902, 169]). Piebald individuals (Annual Report [1897—98, PI. 25])
even tribes (?) (pratt [1906, 169, 172]), may represent cases of partial albinism, very pro-
bably, however, they are cases of leucopathia acquisita, as shown in the second woman from
the right in fig. 214, in which the affected spots show a distinct symmetry. Still I must
mention that tinea imbricata s. desquamans (Malay == cascado), caUed cMse in Humboldt
Bay (wrongly called ringworm by comrie [1877, 105] and poch [1905, 448]), causes the
pigment of the skin, even of the tattoed skin, to diminish. All the light-coloured patches of
figs. I and 2 of PI. XXXHI, figs. 3 and 4 of PI. XXXV, XLI and XLVI represent parts
affected by chase. Another skin disease, tinea albigena, described by NieuwenhuiS [1904a, 561],
.also causes discoloured spots, specially on hands and feet.

The cristae cutaniae of palms and soles of Sentani and Humboldt Bay people have been
studied from my plaster casts and imprints with printers ink, by Dr. Otto Schlaginhaufen [1905] from
whom I quote the foUowing: From 90 imprints, taken from 18 individuals, it appeared that the mainlines
of the hand are strongly reduced and the triangle of the carpal region is shifted in a distal direction. Only
in exceptional cases figurae tactiles are met with on thenar and hypothenar, whilst those of the metacarpo-
phalangeal region are always less developed. Contrary to this, the figurae tactiles of the finger tips are of
higher development. The stria transversa, stria obliqua and stria longitudinalis were wanting in 76 cases
whilst the spirula was met with 26 times. The simian type could still be recognised in 6 cases.

From 24 imprints of plantae it appeared that with regard to quot;radius R 9aquot; [I.e., 95] the design
deviates further from the original type (and this is stiU more evident in the right foot than in the left)
than with the African Negro. V/ith regard to the quot;triradius 9quot; this development even goes further than
with the European [1. c., 97—-98].

As for the elasticity of the skin, attention may be here called to the trans-
verse folds of the skin in the region of the knee when the leg is extended, resulting from the
habit of squatting; with older people these folds are most marked, and sometimes number three
above and three below the patella (see PI. XXXVIII, figs. 3 and 4, PI. XLI figs. 3 and 4).

Perspiring scpiellong [1891, 159] liardly ever saw with the Papuans, not even
from great bodily exertion, as when carrying heavy loads. Under similar circumstances, also
when rowing, I saw the people of H. B. perspiring very freely, the darkest of our carriers
(schedule N°. 36) excessively, still my olfactory organs were seldom offended by the
smell. Regarding the natives of British New Guinea macgregor [1897, 28J experienced the
same. With the mountain tribes, however, much grease adheres to the skin, especially when
this has the rough surface which is formed by the scales of tinea imbricata, and this some-
times causes a disagreeable smell, also experienced by moolenburgh [1902, 164] and jens
[1904, 52]. To prevent this in K. W. Land they oil the skin (Hagen [1899, 167]).

The nails of the fingers are clearly curved longitudinally, but, as already noticed by
Maclay [1873a, 243], far more transversely. Wherever I paid attention to it, the lunula
was visible on all the fingers with the exception of the little one. In most cases the side
edges of the visible part of the nail run parallel from the middle of the length, but often
they converge towards the top, a condition very seldom met with in Europeans (vigener
[1896, 603]). With 9 righthanded persons I determined the lineal as well as the bent breadth
of all the finger-nails of the right hand, 3 times also of the left. The bent breadth was
almost the same with the corresponding fingers of both hands, but the lineal breadth, which
on the right (from thumb to little finger) amounted to: 14.5, 11, 12, 11, 9 m.m., was on the

left from Va to i m.m. less, the curving-indexnbsp;^t!\'.nbsp;^^e right being 76, 75, 75,

74, 73» on the left was 73,nbsp;69 (?), 72, 70. Similar results, namely that the curving of

the nails of the left hand is greater than of the right, vigener [1. c., 589] noted with Euro-
peans. The above numbers also show that the thumb in both hands always has the flattest
nail, the curvature increasing more or less regularly towards the little finger. With Europeans
the same was found by boas and GegenbauR; later measurements of ViGENER [I.e., 596],
however, state that with Europeans the flattest nail is more often found on the index than
on the thumb. The foot-nails were measured from plaster casts; their absolute degree of
curvature is considerably less and diminishes towards the fifth toe, the indices being: 86;
88, 89, 89, 93.

The hair of the Papuan has from the earliest times excited the special interest of
all who made the acquaintance of this people; this m.ay be proved by the name quot;Papuanquot;
being derived from the frizzly hair (Riedel [1884, 428]), which at the same time must be
considered as the most constant characteristic of the race. Concerning the eastern parts of New
Guinea cases of wavy-, even straight-haired people were reported (e. g. FiNSCH [1888, 216, 283],
[1888—93, 83, fig. i, 184], Macgregor [1897, 30], Seligmann [1906, 232]), which are the
results of intermixture. Only once straight hair, quot;cheveux flottantsquot;, was mentioned of a
western, true Papuan tribe, namely from the Arfak, by De Rienzi (Lesson [1880, 46]), but
this must have been a mistake, as was afterwards proved by van der GoES [1858, 164],
Wallace [1869, II, 187], Meyer [1873, 309], Von Rosenberg [1875, 92], D\'Albertis
[1880, I, 217] and Van Hasselt [1886, 577].

Earl [1853, i], in writing that the hair of the Papuan quot;does not spread over the surface of the
head as is usual with the Negroes of Africa, but grows in smaU tufts, each of which keeps separate from
the restquot;, gave rise to the opinion that the hair grew like the bristles in a shoe-brush. This is decidedly

not the case, as has been proved by the researches of many travehers. D\'Albertis [1880, II, 12, 19] stated
this of people wearing the hair short; I myself shaved the whole head of a western Papuan and exa-
mined it with the help of another member of the expedition. We could not find that the hairs were
implanted in circles (Fritsch [1899% 46]), nor quot;die bekannten, um verschiedene Centren sich herum-
windenden Spiralenquot; (Meyer [1874, 103]). According to Deniker [1900, 41] an even mode of implanting
is common to ah races, quot;at the most it may be noted that in Negroes the rows of hair are closer together
in certain places, leaving in other rows intervals between them of two or three millimetresquot; (see also
Unna [1896]). We found that on several places some 4—5 hairs appeared to form a tortuous row,

as reported by De Meyere [1893, 120—127] of primates and
men, but for the rest the hairs proved, as was found by Maclay
[1873% 238], to be evenly implanted.

Unhappily, when doing away with the brush-like growth,
some people at the same time threw overboard the tufts,
and once being lost, Comrie [1877, 105] writes: quot;no trace of it
could be seen, although I frequently looked for itquot;. Also Notes
and Queries [1899, 19] putting the questions: quot;Does it grow in
separate tufts? Or is it uniformly scattered over the hairy scalp?quot;
makes one suppose that the one necessarily must exclude the
other, whilst the Papuan hair, though evenly implanted, grows up
in tufts, the character of which I will describe.

Hitherto various terms have been used to indicate the peculiar
form of the Papuan hair, e.g. quot;frizzledquot;, quot;woolly or twistedquot;
(Earl 1. c.), quot;frizzlyquot; (Wallace [1869, II, 274], Haddon [1894, 253],
Seligmann [1906, 227]), quot;crisp, disposed in smaU or large ringlets
resembling woolquot; (Pruner-Bey [1877, 74]), quot;crisp and frizzlyquot;
(CoMRiE [1877, 104]), quot;crisp, fine curlyquot; (Moseley [1877, 385]),
quot;woollyquot; (Staniland Wake [1883, 198]), quot;less woollyquot;, quot;with
broader spiralsquot; than with the Negro (Deniker [1900, 285,288]);
quot;lanosaquot; (Beccari [1876,368]); quot;demi-laineux, très touffusquot; (Hove-
lacque and Hervé [1887, 597]); quot;buschelig-wohigquot;, quot;in alien
Theilen gekrümmtquot; (Biro [1899, 3]), quot;negerähnliche Kräuselungquot;
(Hägen [1899, 158]), quot;krausquot;, quot;filzhaarigquot; (Parkinson [1900, 24]) ;
quot;gekroesdquot; (Van der Goes [1858, 1x7], De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 10]), quot;gekruld maar niet wollig als bij de negersquot; (Van
Hasselt [1886, 577]). Most of these terms have reference to the
external appearance of the hair taken as a mass, but are not des-
criptive of the form of one single hair. In this sense especially I
must object to the term quot;woollyquot;. It is known, and with the naked eye or with the aid of a magnifying
glass every one can see, that in good sorts of wool the single hair has a series of waves, more or less
lying in a plane, ergo it is not curly, stih less forming ringlets (according to Lobner [1898, 94] under
the influence of the staple), but is simply wavy.

To get a clear idea of the character of the hair, fuller descriptions are required, and one of the
shortest and clearest is that of Earl 1. c. : quot;the hairs if allowed to grow, twist round each other and form
spiral ringletsquot;; these he cahed tufts and adds that if quot;the ringlets are opened out by the hand and kept
quot;spread by the constant use of a sort of comb, the hair assumes a capacious, bushy appearance which has
quot;caused the people who adopt the latter practice to be called mop-headed Papuansquot;. Subsequent authors

gave the same description, using other words, Hke quot;tufts or curlsquot; (Wallace [1869, II, 274]), quot;ringlets
quite separate from one anotherquot; (D\'Albertis [1880, II, 12]); quot;Locken, Strähnen, Zottenquot; (Meyer [1873,
307; 1874, 103—105] also [1893, 27—32]), quot;Spirallockenquot; (Schellong [1891, 160]). They all point, like
Finsch [1888—93, 184], to the fact that naturally the single hair forms a cork-screw, and that without
any intervention of the wearer a number
of hairs wind together to form a tuft. Comrie
[1877, 104] also saw the cork-screw ringlets,
but thought they were artificial, whilst
Pruner-Bey [1877, 75] gave the opinion
that some Papuan tribes had tufts and
others were mop-headed, both by nature.

The very common occurrence that
the exaggeration of a natural, somatic cha-
racter is used for cosmetic purposes, leads
to the smearing of each spiral ringlet with
clay or other material, by which each tress
is kept quite separate. Such a tress of a
Humboldt Bay woman is seen in fig. 10
of PI. VII. Very often the people may be
seen busy in separating their spiral ring-
lets, smearing them with fresh clay, and
from this several authors, mentioning these
quot;Lockensträhnenquot;, quot;Kleistrengenquot;, \'■\'gatesiquot;
(Maclay [1873^, 232], Finsch [1880, 41,
108, 362; 1888—93, 227], Parkinson [1890,
24], Hagen [1899, 168J), drew the con-
clusion that they were totally artificial. Van
der Goes [1858, 172] and Bink [1897,
162] erroneously thought that each tress
was previously plaited; on the contrary,
the natural spiral winding is properly fixed
inside the mass of clay, as is shown in
the specimen from Humboldt Bay. Finally,
Krieger [1899, 138], who has mistaken
Meyer\'s meaning, gives anew the opinion
that the hair of the Papuan forms no
tufts at all, again increasing the existing
confusion of ideas.

My investigations confirm the
spiral winding of the single hair; the
inclination to form such spirals is so
strong that it is impossible by combing
or stretching ever to give it the appear-
ance of sleek hair (virchow [1889, 127, 161]), and when out of curl by moisture, it again curls
on drying (MacLAY [1873a, 234, note], virchow [i.e., 127]). Now these hairs to a number

varying between 67 and 115 (with the Negritoes Schadenberg [1880, 162] found from
50—100) join together, all the hairs forming the same circles which succeed each other at
different distances, so as to make tresses, which represent the natural growth, by
no means restricted to the Melanesian (Pruner-Bey [1877, 80]). In daily life the tresses
generally are dishevelled, be it accidentally or on purpose; then artificial tufts result,
as in fig. 205, each formed out of one tress and still showing at the base the original
spiral. The tuft in this figure I took out of such a mop as is depicted in fig. 206, which from
a superficial survey one would not presume to contain anything of the kind. The prettiest
tresses, on the contrary, I found with inland tribes, with whom the hair is little cared for,
specially with women of Lake Sentani, but also in the cock\'s comb (see p. 57) of boys, who
are not yet allowed to dress their hair. The natural inclination to form joint tresses was
clearly proved (Meyer [1874, 104]) in instances when mop-headed men had to dive, when the

hairs were disentangled and in drying formed their proper
tresses. The same is reported by guppy [1885, 278] regarding
the Solomon Islanders.

The length of the tresses, I mean the axis, according to
Earl I.e. may reach a foot ; Finsch [1888, 157] mentions «Sträh-
nenquot; of 18 inches, but I am convinced they can grow longer.

The number of the tresses could have been counted
with the women of Humboldt Bay (fig. 207).

The diameter of the tresses by Moseley [1877, 385]
is supposed to be constant in each race and characteristic.
Maclay [1873a, 232] found it to be smaller (3—5 m.m.) with
children than with adults (6—10 m.m.). The fact is that the
width differs individually, possibly also increases proportionately
to the growth of the skull, but above all sexually, the men
having a wider spiral, up to 10 m.m. (fig. 208, to the left),
than the women (see also virchow [1889, 160]). Thus the
narrowest tress, 2.5 m.m. (fig. 208, to the right), was found in
the case of Ima, a married woman above middle-age from
Ajapo; Radoi a virgin of about 18 years, who was in her
company, had tresses of 6—7 m.m. in diameter. The widest
tress observed with a woman is about equal to the narrowest
of the boys and men. With the Solomon Islanders, Guppy
[1885, 278] found the diameter of the tresses to vary between
5 and 10 m.m., but he mentions no differences of age or sex. With
Negritoes Meyer[i893, 27b, PL X, figs. 7—il] found a diameter of 4, with a young man of 3 m.m..

In the tresses of the collection turning-points (fig. 208 at X) can be noticed,
as in the tendrils of certain climbing plants (e. g. Bryonia dioica, Cu c u r b 11 a c e a e\\,
in which the spiral changes its direction. Sometimes the number of windings between two
consecutive turning-points is fairly large (6—8), often, and this is particularly the case with
moderately long tresses, after one spiral twist a turn takes place\', and often two or more
follow one another immediately.--But why does the spiral change its direction?

According to Fritsch [1899\'\', 46] the curvature in the hair is already determined in the hair-
follicle (the same with the hairs of sheep; Lobner [1898, PI. 17, fig. A]), in the case of spiral hairs by
a sword-shaped root (see Deniker [1900, 34, fitg. 3 B]). However, Maclay [1873% 232] stated, and my
own observations are similar, that Papuan hair which grows after shaving is straight for the first 1.5 m.m..
With the Negritoes the spiral form (Pincus [1873, 155]) only begins (Schadenberg I.e.) at a distance of
2 m.m. from the skin. It therefore appears very doubtful to me whether the spiral of the single hair and
the inclination to meet in numbers from 67—115 to form joint spirals, also the above mentioned turns,
are explained by the curvature of the root.
The hairs of one tress do not converge from
where they leave the skin towards the axis
of the tress, as indicated by Broca [1879,
107], but towards a point of the circumference
of the tress, which I take it, is always hollow;
also the entire bend of a turning-point falls
outside the axis and lies pretty well in the
cylindrical, circumferential surface formed by
the spiral twists themselves. The direction
of the first spiral (next to the skin, after the
first 1.5 m.m.), is in all sainples but two
towards the right, and in these two towards
the left, as is the case with a cork-screw
(holding the point upwards). It is probable
that with the two latter I made the mistake
of cutting the tress off above the lowest
turning-point, and that the direction of the
first, basal spiral is always and invariably
towards the right. Assuming this to be true,
the direction of the topmost spiral should
also be to the right, as the Papuans of H.B.
and Lake Sentani never cut ofiquot; their hair at
a certain length, but only know the process
of shaving. However, no certainty could be
obtained regarding this, the tresses being too
much entangled at the free end. It cannot
therefore be decided as yet whether the turns

are formed consecutively, at the base of a tress, during its growth, or whether, with a constant direction
of the basal part, they arise in the course of the tress. The fact is that short tresses with only a few spiral
twists and also the top-part of longer tresses show no turning-points. The hairs in the concave bend of a
turn are always more or less stretched, describing a much shorter curve, which gives the impression that
the turning-points are caused by a certain tension between the outer and the inner hairs of a spiral. The
true cause probably is situated in the torsion which each single hair undergoes by the spiral winding.
That this torsion really exists, is shown if one suspends vertically a length of hair of say four spiral twists,
cut off between two consecutive turning-points, and stretches it by weighting it at the lower end with a
small pincette. The latter then turns round in the sense of unrolling the spiral, but because of the concave
side of the hair being shorter than the convex, not fully four times 360°, as would agree with the
number of spiral twists, but only three times 360°, and the hair resists any further turning of the pincers.

Suspending a longer hair, containing one, two or more turning-points, but of which the number of right
and left spiral twists correspond, no turning of the pincers can be noticed, proving that the torsion the
hair undergoes between two turning-points is relieved by the latter.

That the existence ofthe turns, here described, has remained unnoticed up till now, may be attributed
to the custom of packing up samples of hair in envelopes, owing to which on their voyage home they
are pressed, and when received in the laboratory the form is difficult to be judged. D\'Albertis [1880,
II, 19] regarding the hair of Kiwai Islanders wrote that it quot;was that of the genuine Negroquot;, but this
author was not aware of the turns, which possibly will prove to be a distinctive race-character. The
Negrito hair, on the other hand, as described by Pincus [1873, 155] and Schaoenberg [1880], has so
many qualities in common with the Papuan, that I should not wonder if on closer examination the
former might prove also to possess the typical turning-points.

Papuan hair is hard and coarse (see also MoSELEY [1877, 385]), somewhat like
horsehair, so it seems to the touch (Biro [1899, 3]), and Hagen [1899, 158; 1906, 38] writes
that it feels like a mattress, — which of course is due to the spring-like spirals.

can only be found out by calculation. Maclay 1. c. erroneously thinks that Earl fixes the

maximum length at one foot, whilst in reality the length of (the axis of) the tress is meant.

On examination I found that a single hair when stretched is about three times as long as

the tress it originates from, a result that might be expected, where the height and diameter

of the spirals are often equal. Tresses a foot long therefore may correspond with a hair
length of about 90 c.m..

The thickness of the hair of the head was given by Maclay [1873a, 234] and
Finsch [1888-93, 184] as equal to, and by Biro [1899, 3] as iV, times, that of the Euro-
pean. Exact ciphers were given by Pruner-Bey [1877, 80], who in the sections found the
diameters 290:100 and 250:70 for the flattest, 250:140 for the widest; also 320:140 and
280:130, all in microns. (Of the Melanesians he gives 220:150, 240:180, 300:200 and
330:220). I must remark that the measuring of the diameters of hair in its cross-section,
gives rise to many faulty results. The hair of the Papuan is so hard and coarse, that in
trying to make fine sections of 5 or 7.5 microns, it easily shifts in the medium (Pruner-Bey:
quot;collapses in the direction of its lengthquot;), even when celloidin is used. Then the section is
not only misformed, but moreover not quite under 90° to the axis and will always give too
high ciphers, occasionally also a faulty proportion between the long and short diameters.
Seeing the high ciphers of Pruner-Bey, up to about miUimeter (!), I resolved to use
another method. A hair was gently stretched horizontally under the microscope, and whilst
turning it round the axis I noted the various transverse diameters that presented themselves,
the highest and the lowest of course being the long and the short diameter resp.. In this
way I found the hair of male adults in minimum 109 by 65 microns, in maximum 136 by
87, average 125 by 76, with women 81 by 49 microns; in all the hairs the short diameter
being ± of the long diameter. These ciphers are much lower than those given by Pruner-
Bey, but agree better with those of Guppy 1. c. regarding the Christoval natives, being
between 94 and 120 microns. With the tresses of Papua Talandjang the hair is placed on
edge and may be compared with a flat ribbon, wound spirally round a cylinder, the largest
diameter of the hair lying in the circumferential plane. This is also the case in the turning-

points, in each of which the lower edge becomes the upper edge, and vice-versa. Prùner-
Bey [1. c., 80, note] writes of the Negro hair that quot;the flattening is seen in the direction
of the scrollquot;, which apparently means a similar condition.

The colour of the hair is usually a dull black, as is also stated by Maclay [1873a, 233].
Towards the free end, as also observed by virchow [1889, 161], it is generally lighter than
at the base; Deniker [19OO, 494] only reports this peculiarity in the case of children. With
the women of Lake Sentani who often dive (see pp. 139 and 166) and daily row over great
distances in boats, unprotected against the rays of the sun, the tips of the tresses had
become a yellowish red. A somewhat lighter hair-colour with women, as observed among
European races (Denhcer [1900, 51]), could be noticed on Lake Sentani, those of Humboldt
Bay often using pigments. I could state that in early youth the colour is also lighter; the
same as reported by riedel [1884, 428] and by De Clercq and Schmeltz [1893, Pl. XLI,
fig. 5] and observed by Martin [1894, 119] with the quot;crisp-hairedquot; people of Ceram. With
older people it also becomes lighter, but quot;fox-colouredquot; hair (Hagen [1906, Pl. 44]), or hair
naturally red over its entire length, as seen by FiNSCH on Normanby Island, I never came
across, only at Kwatisoré I saw a young man with strikingly light brown hair, who had also
very light irides and skin. Such naturally fair hair is very common on New Mecklenburg
(Hagen [1899, 168]). In contradiction of biro [1899, 3], who emphatically states all the hair
of one and the same individual is of a uniform colour, I found differences even between the
hairs of one and the same spiral tress. Even before it is getting grey, the hair of the
head begins to fall out, especially with those people who use red clay (see also van der
Goes [1858, 169]). Generally baldness begins (see Pl. XXXIX, fig. 4) at the upper corners
of the forehead (as found by Stevens [1897, 178] amongst the population of the Malay
peninsula) and advances from there towards the crown, a small island of hair being thus
often preserved in the middle above the forehead (see fig. 214). I have not noticed any
baldness amongst women. That the eye brows, which are never shaved here (see p. 60) and
rarely or never unite over the root of the nose, also show quot;Kräuselungquot; (Hagen [1906, 38])
I did not notice. The eyelashes, generally large (see also MaCLAY [1. c., 237]), call
for no remark.

The hairs of the beard are not finer than those of the scalp and moreover in
K. W. Land (Maclay [1873a, 237], Parkinson [1900, 25]) apart from the pulling out (see
p. 59; also Lawes [1880, 607]) are reported luxurious, or moderate (schellong [1891, 158]),
the latter being also the case in Papua Talandjang. The growth starts later than with Euro-
peans, at first at the chin (see Pl. XXXVIII, fig. 4) and upper Hp; later on the greatest
development is along the lower edges of the lower jaw and below the chin (see Pl. XXXIX—
XLI). The spiral growth produces the quot;peppercornquot;, of a diameter similar to the tresses of
the head; Maclay [I.e., 237] stated that it was wider. When the hair grows longer, tufts can
be recognised, these were however too much entangled to show the presence of turning-
points. The hair of the beard grows grey before that of the head.

The hair on the privy parts is not noticeably thinner than that of the head and
generally appears sooner with the girls than with the boys. LANGEN (ViRCHOW [1889, 162])
saw it fully developed with a girl of 11 years ; the boy Kirain (Pl. XLVI, figs. 3 and 4),
12 years old, was still without, whilst Mengobi, N°. 42, =t 14 years of age, was fairly well

provided with it. Of adult men I put down quot;abundantquot; as often as quot;moderatequot;, occasionally
also quot;scantyquot;; with women on an average it is less. It forms spirals (see also virchow [1. c., 128]),
which, however, are generally disturbed. Often, even when the rest of the body remains free,
a growth of hair on the thighs and the lower belly joins the hair of the genitals, most
extensively in the linea alba, often reaching the epigastric region ; a similar hne then exists in
the back (see also Maclay [1873% 238]). With more hairy individuals, who, also according to
Van der Goes [1858, 171], Beccari [1876, 369] and Macgregor [1897, 29], are uncommon,
hair is seen on chest (see also Beccari I.e., D\'Albertis [1880, II, 188], De Clercq [1889b,
1669]) and nates. Only on two occasionsnbsp;3 and 40, PL XXXII and XLVI resp.) I

saw the trunk, also the shoulders, and the limbs with the exception of the inside of the
upper arms, but including the back of the hands (see Maclay 1. c.), entirely covered with
small peppercorn-like ringlets (see also Moseley [1877, 3^5]); called quot;woollyquot; by D\'AlbertiS
[1. c., I, 305]. The hair of the armpits is moderately developed and when drying, (virchow
[1889, 127]) curls. An entire absence of hair on the body as found with people at the mouth
of the Fly River (Haddon [1894, 69]) is often the consequence of tinea imbricata, between
the patches of which sometimes lanugo-like hair is found. A difference of hirsuteness between
the coast and the inland population has not been noticed by me.

The microscopical study of the hair showed the well known (Pruner-Bey
[1877, 80]) elliptical, oval or reniform section. The bulbus is strongly coloured, oval, often
provided with irregular excrescenses and its axis often curved irregularly, in one preparation
bent almost at right angles as met with in the Negro (Unna [1896]). In a few cases the
hair just above the bulbus proved to be thinner than higher up, whilst towards the end,
especially with short hairs as those of the armpits, it becomes considerably thinner. The clear
cuticula showing the imbricate arrangement and the undulating boundaries of its cells, is
narrowest in the short curves, where with an enlargement of 220 it can sometimes hardly
be noticed, thickest in the middle of the long sides, not infrequently straightening the concave
curve of a reniform cortex. Towards the point the cuticula retains, with the diminution of
the total diameter of the hair, the same thickness for a long distance, decreasing rapidly
after this and disappearing entirely at the point. The cortex, which at the thickest part of
the darkest hairs, with an enlargement of 220, is almost non-transparent (see also Biro [1899, 3]),
has in the thinner and lighter hairs, with transmitted light, a reddish brown colour, against which
the dark medulla, if present, shows up strongly. The cortex contains no pigment in a dissolved
state, but only in the shape of grains, joined into small longitudinal clouds, thickest towards
the circumference, closest together against the cuticula (as reported by Martin [1905, 311]
of the inland tribes of the Malay peninsula) thinner and more spread out towards the centre,
which is often quite blank. Towards the point the pigment is lighter. The medulla is often
wanting even in thick hairs; still it occurs first in the thickest parts of the single hair, some-
times as a continuous, though generally as an interrupted, dark column to the thickness of
Vs—V4 of the diameter of the hair (with Negrito hair ^/q—\'/g; pincus [1873, 155]), invariably
disappearing towards the thinner end. The colour of cortex and medulla show no fixed pro-
portion; dark hairs may lack a medulla, and hairs of a light yellowish pink may have very
dark medulla cells. A few of the hairs examined show along the edges loose split ramifications,
diverging towards the top.

The teeth of the Papuan owing to the use of betel are generally stained black, in K. W.
Land also blackened purposely (HaGEN [1899, 167], biro [1901, 37]), but otherwise they
are praised for.their whiteness (I.e., 272) and, as with the Melanesians (STEPHAN [1906, 15]),
for their regularity and .strength (van der goes [1858, 113, 170], PrATT [1906, 49]). Judged
evidently from their quot;black colour without further examination, the teeth of the H. b. people
were called bad (challenger [1876, 323]), however, as might be expected with a primitive
race (see also schellong [1891] and Wh.berforce Smith [1895, no]), a careful exami-
nation with the mouth mirror, with people up to the age of 45, proved to me that caries
is totally absent, as noticed in Papuan skulls by comrie [1877, 103] and Dorsey
[1897, 2; 1897a, 38]. In cases (Annual Report [1903—04, 41]) when dental troubles were
reported, these might have been caused by tartar, consecutive gingivitis, receding gums, and
by strong abrasion. This strong abrasion was already reported by Maclay [1873a, 242] and
by this author attributed to the predominating vegetable food, as he also noticed on himself.
I would put down the chewing of betel, siri and hme (the latter being a gritty substance)
to be the cause of the abrasion, at the age of 20 the abrasion being already perceptible,
whilst at 30 the cusps are generally, at least with M\', worn down. The said gingivitis, ascribed
by Hagen [1899, 204] to the use of raw fruit, I found very frequent amongst the men, and
when taking impressions not seldom caused some hemorrhage; with N°. 36 it was purulent.
By middle age the gums have already considerably receded, which accelerates the dropping
out of the teeth. Maclay [1873a, 242] pointing to the quot;bad teethquot; of the older people pro-
bably means the quot;loss of teethquot;, first of the front teeth (SELIGMANN [1906, 227]), owing to which,
as Biro [1901, 96] reports, in K. W. Land even toothless old people are met with. In one
single instance, N°. 21, a man of about 44 years, I found that M^j was lost; in his clamorous
surprise that I had noticed the absence of that molar, the man forgot to give the information
requested. The forcible removal of teeth, e.g. of I\'jl\' of which Haddon [1901, 191] makes
mention, or the filing of the teeth to a sharp point (modera [1830, 74], Earl [1853, 5],
Müller [1857, 66], D\'Albertis [1880,1, 213], Virchow [1889, 128], De Clercq and Schmeltz
[1893, 73]), I have never noticed in a single instance.

The permanent teeth generally appear early. With iTzr^wz fN°. 41, PL XLVI), an Asé boy
of about 12 years, all four M^ were fully irrupted. In the case of Ugai^ (N°. 43, PI. XLVII)
aged 18, all third molars were wanting, however, with N°. 23, also about 18 years old, three
third molars were irrupted and the fourth was irrupting, whilst N°. 46 (PI. L, figs. i and 2),
of the same age, only wanted M\'^|M\'l With N°. 32 (25 years) one might speak of retarded
third molars, as he only possessed iM^ as also with N°. 37 (29 years) who had only jM\'\';
their ages fall inside the hmits mentioned by Welcker (see ScHMIDT [1888, 149]) for the
irruption of M^. N°. 13 (PL XXXVII, figs. I and 2), 33 years old, with whom M^jM^\' were
absent, possibly represents a case of suppressed third molars. With 15 New Guinea crania
Dorsey [1897] found 3 ca.ses, where from 2—4 third molars were suppressed, but it appears
questionable whether D. was perhaps dealing with skulls of young people, for D. reports
emphatically the absence of wear of the teeth to any extent, whilst (see above) at the age
of thirty a set of teeth with normal cusps is very rare with males.

The impression trays in the size used in Europe, turned out to be too short for the

Papuans; even the extension of i c.m. soldered on vi^as not always sufficient. They also were
too wide at the back, and after the lengthening they could, in some instances, not be intro-
duced into the mouth. Of one boy (N°. 41) and ten adults I made plaster casts, which De
Terra [1905^] already reported, and which will be referred to here below.

The length of the arch of the lower jaw, measured as indicated by De Terra [1905, 2 and 3],
varies between 56.0 (N=. 9, PI. XXXV) and 63.6 m.m. (N=. 20, PI. XL), the average being 58.8 m.m.. In
the upper jaw the average is (if N°. 10 is excepted) 2.6 m.m. greater, varying from 58.3 (N°. 9) to
64.8 m.m. (N°. 24). In the case of this last man the row of the upper teeth, although normal bite, enar-
mosis (Grevers [1905, 555]), exists, reaches further backwards than the row of the lower teeth. This is
also the case with 36, but here combined with edge to edge bite, prosarmosis (I.e.). With N°. 10
(PI. XXXV) the upper jaw is about i m.m. shorter than the lower, and the back part of the masticating
surface of M® stands free, thus forming an exception to the rule that M^ strikes directly on M^ The arch
which in the upper jaw has generahy the shape of a parabola, varies in width between^.o m.m. in
N°. 10, and 70.3 m.m. in N°. 26, averaging 67.1 m.m., and is therefore just as large as that of the lower
jaw, always a hyperbola, which varies between the same amounts: 61.0 m.m. in N°. 10 and 70.3 m.m.
in N°. 46 (PI. L). Consequently the arch-index (of De Terra) is smaher for the upper jaw than for
the lower. The first varies between 105.2 with N°. 10 and 114.7 with N\'. 36, average 109.8, which
number hes between those given by De Terra [1905, 199] for Singhalese (108.0) and for Battak (110.03).
For the European it amounts to 124.97. In the lower jaw minimum and maximum are (with the same
individuals) 107.0 and 121.0 resp., average 114.5, which agrees with that ofthe Togo Negro (114.2); for
the European 148.0 has been found (De Terra 1. c.). It is worth noticing that with Nquot;. 25 and N°. 36
the greatest width of the upper jaw Avas taken across M^ M^ with N°. 41 even across Mi M^.

The dental length (mesio-distal molar length) of Flower [1885, 183] in the upper jaw varies
between 41.2 (N°. 10) and 49.9 m.m. (N°. 24), average 47.7 m.m.; in the lower jaw between 46.0 (N°. 10)
and 53.5 (N°. 46), average 50.5 m.m.; both numbers are higher than those given by Flower [I.e., 186]
for Melanesians (45.2), Australians (45.9) and Tasmanians (47.5). Below are given the bucco-lingual and
the mesio-distal diameters ofthe teeth, next to those found by De Terra [1905, 22, 23] for recent Europeans.

First incisor
Second incisor
Caninus
First premolar
Second premolar
First molar
Second molar
Third molar

This table shows that with the Papuans all minima and nearly all maxima are higher; often the
averages (calculated from 38—44 measurements) are close to, sometimes even above the maxima of the
European. Megadontism may therefore be mentioned as a decided characteristic of the Papuan.

Ah teeth are close together; I only found slight spaces with N°. 9 between and C{,
between Cj and and between jP and |C, with N°. 25 between Cj and P\'|.

The angle formed by the right and the left side of the lower jaw is often so sharp that there is
not sufficient room in front and with 2 5quot;/„ of the persons examined, the front teeth stood in irregular
position. I\' and stand just as often inside as outside, Cquot; stands almost exclusively outwards and then
(a character of low race; Thompson [1899, 164]) with the incisors in a plain square row, forming the
angles of the same. Not seldom P\' also stands outwards.

The occurrence of 3 cases of prosarmosis (one depicted on PI. XXX, fig. 10) in 11 casts means
a percentage of 27, which, although high, still remains considerably below the 57.1% mentioned by Welcker
[1902, 87] of the Papuans. The figure clearly shows that with prosarmosis the abrasion is most consider-
able, whilst with enarmosis (see PI. XXX, fig. 11), where a normal interdigatation exists, the wear is
much less. Protruding lower jaw, epharmosis (Grevers [1905, 555]), I have never seen. On the upper
jaw I noticed but once (N°. 33, PI. XLV, fig. i) an irregular position, namely P shifted hngually, and one
therefore may presume that the report of Maclay [1873% 242] that the rows of teeth are very often asym-
metrical only refers to the lower jaw. Usually the teeth are placed vertically,. which was also stated by
Schellong [1891, 212], sometimes, however, with the lower jaw they are somewhat inclined forward and
with the upper jaw slight sub-nasal prognathism, the ever si on of Grevers [I.e., 558], is found, espe-
cially plain with N°. 5 (PI. XXXIII), otherwise naturally increasing with the age.

The line of occlusion, being normaliter upward concave (Spee [1890, 287], Kirk [1900, 20,
fig- 4]), appears more pronounced than usual, partly caused by the stronger abrasion of SP, which forms
the lowest point of the curve.

After the foregoing it needs only to be remarked of the incisors, that the abrasion in the lower
jaw is horizontal, in the upper jaw in the direction linguo-labial downward, the front edge therefore being
sharp here. Cases of enlarged incisors as described by Maclay [1876^ 290] of Melanesians, I did not
meet with. The cuspids are little prominent (see also Lambert [1877, 585]); with young people they

show a quot;développement plus accentué de la pointe de la dentequot;, being _V3 of the entire height of the

tooth, a characteristic of primitive races (Regnault [1894, 16]). With a few there is a trace of two other
tubercles placed mesial and distal, but the top is soon worn down concave.

The premolars, however, are striking in size; in the lower jaw they are generally round and P
is larger than P», the same as found by Lambert [I.e., 584]; in the upper jaw pi is usually larger than
the bucco-lingual dimension predominates and the grinding surface is often of a trapezium shape, the
base lying bucally. All premolars, as a rule, have two cusps, which are in the upper jaw of about equal
length, the buccal one largest in mesio-distal direction. Below, the buccal always preponderates, especially
in height, the lingual cusp, as usual with primitive races (Lambert [I.e., 570]), often appearing like a
low ridge. In 4 casts this ridge shows two elevations, three tubercles being thus distinguishable. Besides
interstitial cusps are present in half the number ofthe cases, below as weH as above. With Melanesians,
amongst whom were also Papuans, De Terra [1905, 296] found no interstitial cusps on premolars. The
abraded surface is horizontal, or directed buccally downward.

The molars, closely arranged, in the lower jaw have a square form, length (mesio-distal) and width
(buccodingual) differing very little (see table). In the upper jaw the width is predominant and here is an
inchnation, increasing from to M^, to adopt a rhomboid shape, the approximal surfaces being directed
bucco-hngually backward (see PI. XXX, fig. 12). With the molars of the lower jaw the buccal surface is
belhshaped, with those of the upper jaw on the contrary, the lingual side is more strongly arched than

the buccah As appears from the table, in the upper jaw the molars gradually diminish in length as
weh as in width, thus:nbsp;In the eleven casts only two exceptions occur, namely with N°. 26

where the order is reversed, and with N°. 46 in which M\'gt; IvP. This latter relation is the rule for
the lower jaw (see Pl. XXX, fig. 13), also with two exceptions, namely with N°. 26 where M\'gt; W
and with N^. 20, where the condition of the upper jaw is found: M\'gt;M\'-gt;M3. Lambert [1.c., 589] found
in Papuans of Waigeu the molars of equal size, or in the lower jaW M^ a trifle larger than Mi and M^.

It must be remarked that whilst the first molars stand vertical, M^ inclines slightly and M^ in a
greater measure lingually, whilst in the upper jaw, in a compensatory way, the condition is reversed:
is directed less, M^ more buccally. The consequence is that with abraded teeth, where the grinding surfaces
of premolars and molars offer an uninterrupted ribbon-shaped fades, this surface is not only concave
below and convex above (see Pl. XXX, figs. 10 and 11), but. is also distorted on a mesio-distal axis, in
such a manner that the plane of occlusion (Kirk [1900, 20, fig. 4 C]) on the premolars and often
also on the first molars bevels outwards, on the second and third molars inwards, as described by
Spee [1890, 289].

The cusps of the molars are originally by no means low, in this respect they do not differ from
European molars (see also De Terra [1905, 90]). In 17 observations the formula of the cusps of the
lower molars has proved to be: 2x555, 7x 5 4 5, 7x5 44 and 1x546. In 11 observations of the upper
molars: 5x4 4 4, 3x4 4 4|3, rx4 4|3 4|3 and 2x4 413 3- The 11 casts show moreover the anterior trans-
versal groove 9x with IT^ and 8x with the posterior groove 2X with M^ and 2x with SP, but
here only httle developed and in Y-shape, in connection with the central groove.

Carabelli\'s cusp is found twice, the homonymous groove 4 times on M\'. — One M^ carries
lingually, another buccally, an accessorial cusp. Interstitial cusps also are numerous with the
molars, with M^ e.g. 8x i distal and 2x2 distal, with M^ 2x2—3 mesial ones.

The frequency of the pulse observed on 42 fullgrown men in erect posture
proved to differ a good deal, but by no means as physiology would have it (Schäfer [1900,
II, loi]), decreases with the increasing standing height of the individual. The tallest man
(N°. 29, Pl. XLII), 1712 m.m. tall, had exactly the highest pulse rate (100), the slowest pulse
(50) was found with N°. 14 (Pl. XXXVII), of little more than medium height (1640 m.m.),
and the shortest man (N°. 6, XXXIII), 1520 m.m., had a heartbeat at the rate of 58. In
18 cases (=437J the frequency taken in the day time between 10 and 4 o\'clock, proved
to be 68 or less (1x50, 1x52, 2x58, 1x59, 4x60 etc.), in 24 cases (=^57°/^ the frequency
was 72 or less and the average rate of the pulse might therefore be expected to be below
this cipher. However, an average frequency of 73 is found, owing to the higher pulse
frequencies which were caused by the nervousness of the moment. The Jabim (ScHELLONG
[1891, 168]) also have a low pulse rate. At the S.W. coast, KoCH [1906, 209] found a rate
of 76.1 in standing and of 63.3 in horizontal posture. JOUSSET [1884, 95, Pl. IV and V] for
natives of the tropics gives rates from 76 to 86; among the whites and the Negroes of the
United States the pulse has 74.8 and 74 beats resp. (Denhcer [1900, 108]).

The steepness of the ascending limb of the radial sphygmogram proves that the
systolic output is quick and vigorous. With a low pulse rate (fig. 209, P = 65 ; the time-
marker records one-fifths of a second) the arterial pressure is, as shown by the high position
of the dicrotic wave and the great number (3—4) minor waves, rather high; the oscilla-
tions of the wall of the artery here sometimes number ± 10 per second. With a higher
pulse rate (fig. 210; P = 77) the form of the curve indicates a moderate tension and elasticity

of the arterial wall. With a still higher frequency as in fig. 211 (P = 96), the low position
of the increased amplitude of the dicrotic wave proves that the pressure of the blood
has diminished but that a remarkably great elasticity of the arterial wall exists. This, a high
vascular elasticity combined with a relatively low blood pressure, according to JOUSSET
[1. c., 100], is the rule with tropical races. The respiratory undulations of arterial tension are
only slightly marked in my

The frequency of
respiration with 36 males
in erect posture, proved to
vary between 17 and 27,
averaging 22; schellong
[1891, 168] with the Jabim
also found 22, HaGEN
[1891, loi] with Melanesians
21.3; these numbers, agree-
ing with the results of
JOUSSET [1. c., 92] with diffe-
rent tropical races (see also
Deniker [1900, 108]), are
higher than that found with
the European. The relation
between the respiratory and
the cardiac frequency, being
3.55 with Europeans, varying
with coloured people between
3.43 and 3.69 (JoussET [1. c.,
96]), is only 3.32 with the
Papuans under mention.

Below are given some
tables dealing with the mea-
surements of the living, after schedules of Prof. Dr. RUDOLF M ARTIN of Zürich, and
taken with his traveller\'s anthropometer [1899, 130], whilst also the technique followed has
been the same as that taught at the Zürich Anthropological Institute by my friend and teacher
above-named. The measurements taken by others are marked with the respective names.

The data of the H. B. people, living on the coast, remain separate from those of the Sentani people,
living a few hours\' journey inland. Besides the mental differences stated on p. 317, both tribes differ in
physical characteristics, in the same way as noted elsewhere in the north, namely that the standing height
on the coast is greater than in the interior (Wallace [1869, II, 187], Meyer [1873, 309], D\'Albertis
[1880,1, 48, 215], Van Hasselt [1886, 577], De Clercq [i889\'\\ 1327 ; 1889\'\', 1678], Nachrichten [1891, 50],
Schellong [1891, 169], Horst [1899, 235], Hagen [1899, 159], Weule [1902, 247], Pöch [1905, 441]).
In a few instances tall inland people were reported, e.g. the Arfak (D\'Albertis [I.e., 217]) and the
Simbra (Van Dissel [i904^ 814]), also coa.st people of low stature as the Poum (Schellong [1891, 173])

and the Papuans of Sisir (De Clercq [1889^, 1672]). Some authors, and amongst them Meyer [1874, 92],
deny quot;constitutionehe Unterschiedequot;, others consider the mountaineers, differing, even in a relatively
narrow island as Japen (Horst [1889, 235]) so much from the coast people, as the autochthones driven
inland by taller, overbearing invaders. Where short people are found at the coast, this must be regarded
as a proof that no invaders from over the sea have ever landed here. The natives of Waba in the S. E.
corner of the inner bay of Humboldt Bay also represent such a case, agreeing in every respect, including
language, with the inland- Sentani people. Everywhere I could note the overbearing conduct of the coast-
people. Those of Kwatisoré considered themselves far too important to serve our expedition as carriers, but
were willing to fetch inland people from Nagramadu, who did the work. In former times it was the
custom m the western part to organize slave hunts in the mountains, and we were told that as a result of
continual harassing, the Sekanto tribe, formerly very numerous and spread over a number of villages
possessing seven temples, was reduced to merely a few families who now reside in very poor settlements
on the river Jafuri (see p. 128). Another tribe which until a short time ago lived on the MÖso River, has
been reduced by the persecution of Asa and Oinâke people to 15 persons, amongst whom are 8 males,
who after roaming about for some time have setded down in the mountains, 4 hours further inland.
PöCH [1906, 605] reports that in Goodenough Bay the Melanesian invaders drive the Papuan elements
towards the interior.

In the south also a mountain people of rather short stature is usually reported (Earl [1853, 6],
Müller [1857, 103], D\'Albertis [1880, I, 305], Chalmers [1885, 36, 84; 1897, 335], Thomson [1892,95],
Haddon [1900, 291, 415], Annual Report [1902—03, 14], Pratt [1904, 2; 1906, 304]). The Toro,
living on the Bensbach River, are rather tall (Seligmann [1906% 66]) but the neighbouring coast people,
the Tugeri, according to Poch [1906% 897] are stiU taller; see however table I.

It must stin be remarked that living pygmies have as yet been reported only from the interior
(D\'Albertis [1880, I, 305], Van Hasselt [1886, 578], Ellis [1888, 34], Nachrichten [1897, 56], Biro
[1901, 14], Weule [1902], Robinson [1904], Pöch [1905) 441]). Moreover, those who regard the Negritoes
as the infantile, undeveloped or primitive form of ah Negroes (Staniland Wake [1883, 214]), that has
also preceded the Papuans themselves in New Guinea (Allen [1879, 40]), could also expect such forms
exactly in the interior. However, basing their opinion on the study of skuhs, some anthropologists have
pointed out the presence of Negritoes or Negrito-Papuan cross-breeds at the mouth of the river Fly
(Deniker [1900, 494]).

In contrast with the north where the inland people are harassed by those of the coast, the popu-
lation of the mountains in the south seems to be strongest and drives the hill people towards the coast
and in some places (Haddon [1900, 415]) even advances tih there. As an example of this state of affairs
the raids to the S. W. coast by the Angadi people (Lake Jamur), really incited and aided by people of Geel-
vink Bay (Van Hille [1905, 315]), have already been recorded above (p. 242). That there are exceptions to
this rule is demonstrated by the Tugeri, who formerly on their hunts also ascended the rivers; and tall
inland people are reported by Chalmers [1885, 84]. Therefore on the northern parts of the island we see
the people being driven further inland, whilst at the southern parts exists a quot;continual pressure from the

mountains towards the coastquot; (Haddon [1900, 278]),.....both these facts combined mean a mass removal

over the whole breadth of the island from north to south. Verbal communications so far confirm this, as
some coast people of K. W. Land (Hagen [1899, 143]) declare that they have come over the sea, whilst
some of the south coast relate (Holmes [1903, 126]) that quot;the birthplace of the tribe was in the interiorquot;,
and that by fighting they came to the coast [I.e., 128]. Researches like those of Haddon I.e. will throw
the true light on this matter.

The difference in average standing height (see table I) between the male of Humboldt
Bay and Lake Sentani, the latter living only 3—4 hours inland, is 36 mm., therefore some-

what greater than the difference between the Jabim, living on the coast near Finsch Harbour,
and the Kai, living in the adjacent mountains. The average standing height of H. B. women
amounts to 95.6°/^ of that of the males (see also fig. 212); with Jabim and Poum women
Schellong [1891] found 95.370 ^^^nbsp;resp., with Tugeri women (Koch [1906, 203]) it

is 97°Io- With most of the eastern peoples the percentage is lower, also with Europeans:
947o (Manouvrier [1902, 80]). The individual differences in the tribe itself are great, as
shown in the following table by Martin [1905, 242], supplemented with other measurements;
also the people of the north coast are not so tall as some of the southern parts. Deniker
[1900, 582] for British New Guinea gives 1674 m.m.. At the S. W. coast the standing height
increases from west to east (Koch [1906, 203]).

Whether during the different periods of life the growth shows the same variations as
with Europeans, could not be discovered. According to communications of Mr. J. M. Dumas
who twice, with an interval of 2 years, visited Humboldt Bay, youths of 16—17 years had
during that period developed into manly forms and dimensions. It is sufficiently well known
that eastern people are early full-grown. This was also stated by HaGEN [1898, III], who,
however, for anthropometrical purposes separated a group of 20—25 years from the adults.
The measurements of my male Papuans between 18 and 21 years, examined especially as to
standing height and biacromial breadth, proved to agree with those of the older people,
for which reason I arranged them all (also those of Hagen) under one category; according
to Manouvrier [1902, 31] in this period the proportions of the skeleton are already fixed.

The span of arms measured with the solid anthropometer in front of the chest,
proved to be much greater than the standing height. Schedules N°. 14 (PI. XXXVII) and
Nova Guinea. TH. Anthropology.

N°. 29 (PL XLII) even show a surplus of 182 and 212 m.m. resp., giving a relative arm-span
of 11 I.I and 112.0 resp. With the taller (coast) people the relative span of arms is greater
than with the shorter (inland) people, the same as found by SCHELLONG [1891] and KoCH
[1. c., 205]. That a great biacromial breadth is not to be put down to this unusually large .span
of arms is proved by the fact that the relative biacromial breadth of the shorter inland
people is greater than that of the taller coast people (see table VIII). When examining the photos
one is struck by the length of the arms; often the tip of the middle finger reaches nearly
to the knee (e.g. N°. 14; length of arm 804, relative 1. o. a. 49.0), adding decidedly to the
ugly impression which many Papuans make upon us. In the figures tabulated below it appears
that (with the exception of the Tugeri; Merauke) the women, though possessing a lower
relative sp. o. a., also found with European women (Manouvrier [1902, 80]), have a higher
relative 1. o. a., which need not cause surprise, as Fritsch [1899, 161] gives for the male
43.1 and for the female 46.0.

All these Papuans are long-armed, in eastern Asia only the Deli Malays with 46.1
(Hagen [1898, 91]) and the Veddahs with 47.0 (Sarasin [1893, 89]) or 45.5 (Martin
[1905, 249]) have a corresponding relative arm-length. With the two Sentani boys (N°. 41,
PL XLVI, and N°. 42) at the age of 12 and 14 years resp. the relative sp. o. a. proved to
be 103.9 ^iid 103.7, the relative arm-length 45.1 and 45.7 resp..

The height at which the arms are fastened to the trunk, the height of the acro-
mion, is with my males as often above as below the height of the jugular notch, still on
an average the acromion lies 6 m.m. higher, with the H. B. women lower, another reason
for the tip of the finger to reach far downwards (see PL IL, fig. i). With the Tugeri Koch
1. c., found the reverse.

The following table concerns the different parts of the upper limb as compared with
the standing height. The forearm has been measured from the articular line between the
head of the radius and the external condyle of the humerus, to the extreme end of the
styloid process of the radius. — With the lower limb the tibia has been measured, from the
articular line of the knee-joint to the lower end of the internal malleolus.

This table proves that the hands are not quot;ùbermâszig grossquot; as Hagen [1905, 22]
says; Meyer [1874, 97] and Schellong [1891] already pointed this out, De Clercq [1889b,
1669] even calls the hands small; in fact, form (see also Maclay [1873a, 243]) and size as
shown by fig. 8 of PI. XXX, are quite ordinary. A relative shortness of the female hand
(Fritsch [1899, 161], Manouvrier [1902, 80]) is wanting here; 41 and 42, boys of 12
and 14 years resp. show the quicker growth of the upper arm as compared with that of the
forearm and hand, common to this period of hfe (see Hall [1895, 35]). The length-breadth
index with H.B. males is 44.2, females 43.7, with Lake Sentani males 43.8. In all hands the
3rd finger was longer than the index; with the Jabim they are generally (?) equal (schellong
[1891, 168]).

The humero-radial index is fairly high, in Humboldt Bay in the case of males
82.4, of females 83.2, with male Sentani people on an average 84.2, proving that the great
arm-length is principally due to the greater forearm-length. Koch [1906, 205] with males of
Fak-Fak even found an index of 91.8! Fritsch [I.e., 161] gives for upper arm, forearm and
hand relative lengths of 19.0, 15.2 and 10.7, and a humero-radial index of 80 (Topinard
[1885, 1043] for Europeans gives 72.5), besides stating that the superior length of the female
arm is due to a longer humerus ; contrary to this with the H. B. women it is the forearm
which is the longer; also with the Tugeri women (KoCH I.e.) the index is higher (89.8) than
with the males (77.1).

The next table contains the girths of the upper limb, absolute and proportionate
to the length of the arm as a whole.

The length of the lower limb, measured from the great trochanter (lying very
nearly on the same level as the head of the thighbone) was easy to determine on the gene-
rally thin Papuans, and proved in all schedules to exceed half the standing height, in the
case of N°. 14 (PI. XXXVII) by 75, and of N°. 9 (PI. XXXV) even by 93 m.m.; on an
average the anterior superior iliac spine is situated 40 m.m. higher than the trochanter. The
different measurements of the lower limb may be tabulated as follows:

The two Sentani boys being of an age in which (Ranke [1905, 168]) the relative
length of the leg is greatest, showed indeed a shghtly higher relative length than the full-
grown: N°. 41 (12 years) 54.3 and 42 (14 years) 54.9. The relative length ofthe lower
limb for Europeans amounts to 50.5 (Fritsch [1899, 162]).

In the quot;Proportionsschlusselquot; of Fritsch, depicted in fig. 212, the right halves
are Papuan; the height of the line combining the heads of the thighbones, taken as fixed,
could not be measured with the women, with the result that the thigh and the lower limb
appear too short and the trunk is too long. A relative longer leg with the women is a real
sexual characteristic (Manouvrier [1902, 81]), though the existence of such differences with
males and females of the same stature was denied by Regnault [1903, 287]; with the
women of Merauke, however, the lower limb is relatively shorter.

The femero-humeral index with FI. B. cT proved to be 74.0, Lake Sentani cT
73.6, Jabim cf 77-3, Merauke cT 89.5, Merauke $ 72.4.

Hagen [1898, 91] mentions of the Jabim a relative length of the foot of 16.9, which
indeed may be called extraordinarily long [1905, 22]; ofthe same tribe Schellong [1891, 171]
reports feet which he calls long and broad, like those of the Kai (length-breadth index between
38 and 42), but with a relative length that is little greater than that of the European, given
as 15.4 (Quetelet [1848, 593]), 15.1 (Fritsch [1899, 162]) and 15.69 (Manouvrier
[1902, 70]). Moreover, D\'Albertis [1877, 218; 1880, II, 188] also mentions feet of between
15.0 and 16.1 relative length, whilst other travellers stated that the feet are by no means
long (Meyer [1874, 97]) and sometimes, as also shown in the above table, may be called
short (De Clercq [1889b 1669]). Those of the Sentani people, living inland, are relatively
longer and broader and have a higher index. The female foot presents no constant diffe-
rences from the male foot, either in relative length or breadth; the feet of the Sentani boys
are of greater relative length and breadth, but the index has changed little. In a few
instances when I measured both feet of the same individual, the left turned out to be longer
and narrower than the right, a difference which Maclay [1873a, 243] attributes to unequal use.

In 3 out of 45 cases the first and second toes were of equal projection, in 12
other cases (27°/^; according to ScHELLONG [1891, 167] quot;bei einer grösseren Anzahl von Füssenquot;)
there was an excess of some m.m. in the projection of the second toe. Generally there
is a large interstitium between the first and second toes, which Nieuwenhuis—Kohlbrugge
[1903, 8] also noted with the Dajaks, and Ruelle [1904, 561] with the Negroes; also there
is often a space between the others, especially between the yi and 4th, the latter and the
5th sometimes lying slightly on their side. The first interstitium Maclay found to be
2—2.5 m.m., I found frequently 5—7, with N°. 28 even ± 12 m.m.. It did not strike me
that the space was narrower with the left foot (see also schellong [1891, 216, N°. 11]),
because of the less frequent use of it, as Maclay supposes. On the anthropological plates
it may be seen that in 8, 30, 35, 41 and in fig. 2 of PI. IL both feet are the same
in this respect, whilst innbsp;43 and 46 the left foot has the largest first interstitium.

Objects can be grasped by adduction of the first toe (see also Maclay I.e., comrie [1877,
104], Schellong [1891, 167], etc.) against the second, but also by a .strong plantar flexion,
the object being held between the toes and the ball of the foot (see also Meyer [1874, 97]).
No less than D\'Albertis [1880,1,98] did I envy the Papuans their feet when unbeaten tracks,
softened by rains, had to be scaled; the soles of their feet adapt themselves to the ground
and to prevent slipping they dig their toes into the soil. On flat ground the highly movable
toes, when the leg is swung forward, are curved upwards to escape injury against irregularities
of the ground (see e.g. Fritsch [1899, PI. XIX and XX, a and b]); as soon as the foot
finds support and takes the weight of the body the toes are spread out as in fig. 9 of
PI. XXX, and still more when the foot, now behind, has to push the body forward; for
when the supporting plane is shortened by the leverage of the heel, what is lost in length
is gained in breadth by the spreading of the toes. Thus the Papuans walked with ease on
marshy soil where we, Europeans, sank at each step. Owing to the elasticity of the ligatures
the tarsus and metatarsus will also increase in width by vertical pressure, for which reason
footprints give the impression of flat feet. Thus Comrie I.e. simply states: quot;the feet are
flatquot;. In 45 schedules I found 6 cases, but many instances in which the tuberositas ossis
navicularis, resembling a lowered, broadened internal malleolus, caused a convex bend in the

back half of the medial part of the tracing, as can also be seen in the contours published
by Schellong [1891, PI. V and VI]. With other peoples who go bare-footed, the same bend
may be found (Martin [1905, 273, 274]), and the Negroes even passed as a flat-footed race,
until Muskat [1902] proved this opinion to be untenable.

The natives ofthe Augusta River (Hollrung [1888, 306]) and the Agaiambo swamp
(Annual Report [1902—03, 14; 1904—05, 6], Robinson [1904, 244], Pöch [1906, 612])
are known by their atrophic legs; sabre-shaped legs were reported by comrie [1877, 104],
rhachitic pygmies by pöch [1905, 449], whilst X-formed legs, frequent in the coast people,
as also stated by Schellong [1891, 158], might be ascribed to the pecuhar position adopted
(p. 198) whilst boating. PI. L offers examples of this deformity, also occurring with women
(N°. 43, PL XLVII). Only the great trochanters are supported by the side-boards (see
fig. 130, p. 200), which causes a pronation of the thighs, already in adduction owing to the
narrowness of the opening of the boat, whilst the lower legs diverge in the hollow of the
hull and the feet are pressed against the sides.

The length of the neck (chin to sternal notch) with the H. B. people is 77 m.m.
(relat. 4.7), with the Sentani people 64 m.m. (relat. 4.0). The measurements of the trunk
(seat to sternal notch) are given in the following tables.

The dwarf Korobala (Robinson [1904, 244]) had a relative girth of chest of 50.9.
With the males the muse, pectoralis major is sometimes strongly developed and
prominent. The women of H.B. have relatively a somewhat greater girth of chest and of

waist than the men. The mammae, often of unequal size or form after lactation, are
usually well developed in the shape ofthe mamma areolata (Stratz [1904a, 165, fig. i.i5i:]),
the prominent areola, therefore, placed like a small mamma on the large one. Cases of
supramamma and hyperthely have not been noticed by me.

On page 343 I pointed to the coast people being taller than the mountaineers; the
latter, as often remarked, look healthy and strong, as well at the S.W. coast (Modera [1830,
99 and no], Van der Goes [1858, 33]) as in Geelvink Bay ([L c., 160]; Bruyn [1877, 188]).
The same magnificent physique of the shorter (Seligmann [1906, 234]) inland people is
mentioned of the southern parts (Haddon [1900, 278], Annual Report [1904—05, 5]), and it is
noted especially that they have better developed legs (Pratt [1906, 304]), whilst there is a quot;coast-
tendency to long and free-playing limbs, good arms, but flat chests and thin legsquot; (macgregor
[1897, 28]). Notwithstanding in the north the coast people are overpowering the inland tribes
(see also Weule [1902, 247]), the above tables show by exact ciphers that the same somatic
difference exists here; Hagen [1899, 158]\' however, calls the coast-Jabim quot;wohlproportionirtquot;.

Firstly it appears that all relative measurements of the trunk (with the exception of
the bitrochanteric diameter) are larger in people of Lake Sentani (inland type) than in H. B.
people (coast type) ; however, as regards the limbs, the figures in the tables III and V are not
very striking; more significant results are obtained by relating them to the trunk (Manouvrier
[1902, 11]). The relative length of the upper Hmb then is on Lake Sentani and Humboldt
Bay 141.4 and 143.8 resp., that of the lower limb 163.5 and 166.1 resp.. Therefore with
respect to these Papuans once more the experience of Manouvrier [1902, 63, 74] is confirmed,
that with the increase of the standing height the length of the limbs increases more than
that of the trunk, and that of the thoracic limb more than that of the abdominal limb. But
not only are the limbs of the inland tribe relatively shorter, and thus in better proportion
to the length of the trunk, the limbs themselves are also better developed, that is to say,
more fleshy, which is proved by the girths and indices of the tables IV and VI, being
superior in the case of the inland tribes. Hagen [1899, 160] in his description of the mountain
type, points to the same characteristics, classing that type with the premalays.

Comparing the weight of the body similar results are obtained. The weight of Sentani
males varies between 53 and 72.5 K.G., average 61.9 K.G., that of H.B. males between 50
and 64 K.G., average 57.6 K.G.; for the former this means 38.7 grams, for the latter only
35.3 grams per centimeter of the standing height. For the male inhabitants of Merauke, Mimika,
Etna Bay and Fak Fak this number is 39.5, 38.1, 35.7 and 33.4 grams resp..

As it was impossible to obtain more than one skull in Papua Talandjang, the head-
measurements of the living may be of some value; for comparison with the dimensions
of the skull it will be necessary to deduct lO m.m. from aU measurements taken with the
cahpers. With the grouping and nomination I follow Martin [1905, 342]:
Head index.nbsp;Skull index,

less than 76.4 dolichocephalic less than 74.9
76.5 tin 80.9 mesaticephalic 75.0 tiU 79.9
81.0 „ 85.9 brachycephalic 80.0 „ 84.9
86.0 and higher hyperbrachycephalic 85.0 and higher.

The form of the head can only be judged when the exuberant hair has been shaved
and then the top often appears ridged (see also the description of the skull of Ungrau,
page 358), a well-marked sagittal crest being perceptible (see N°. 41, PI. XLVI, fig. 3).

The absolute, but also the relative measurements of the head may be called small.
That the head of the women is in an absolute sense smaUer, in a relative sense larger than
that of the men is clearest with the Tugeri women. Judging from the average measurements
in the table the Sentani people must be called dolichocephalic, the H.B. people mesati-
cephalic, but it deserves attention that amongst the former there was a low range of
individual variations, 13 being dolichocephalic and 9 mesaticephalic, whilst with the coast-
people less than half (8) were dolichocephalic, 7 meso-, 2 brachy- and i hyperbrachycephalic.
This greater uniformity, also found with the length-height index, of the inland people is in
Nova Guinea. III. Anthropology.

accordance with the prevalence of intermarriage between coast and inland people (see p. 267).
By the above tables it is shown once more that the Papuan is by no means everywhere
dolichocephalic, as still taught by Keane [1899, 127] and Deniker [1900, 285]. Regarding
K. W. Land, HaGEN [1899, 159] declares the coast people to be purely dolichocephalic,
those of the interior inclined to be brachycephalic, but the numbers given by this author do
not confirm such a statement. The length-height indices range under hypsicephaly, the same
as the indices found by Schellong [1891].

Not infrequently a narrow forehead is mentioned as a characteristic ofthe northern
Papuan (Maclay [1873a, 240], Van Hasselt [1886, 577], Jens [1904, 51]); Van der Goes
[1858, 113, 118, 160] stated the same of many coast parts, but [I.e., 169] noted that the people
of H. B. had broader foreheads than were seen by him elsewhere. Now, the proportion to
the face, especially to the projecting malar bones, may make the forehead appear narrow, ....
as a part of the calvarium it must be compared with this, and then the next table shows
that the index is larger than with Europeans (Fritsch [1899, 159]).

This table proves that with the people of H.B. the height of the body is 7.3 times
that of the head. Topinard [1885, 1072] gave for the Negro 7.0, for the European 7.5, for
which Deniker [1900, 92] gives the percentage 13, corresponding with the cipher 7.7. That
females have a relatively higher head than males, as stated by different authors, is also,
though slightly, shown by the H.B. women; as, however, with women of all races the limit
of the hair reaches down lower than with the men, the facial dimensions are less. The
relation between the height of the forehead and the physiognomic height, varying little in
the Papuans of the north coast, differs very much between both sexes of the Tugeri (Merauke).
In Europeans the percentage of 40 but also of 32.5 is found (Martin [1905, 382]).

The above indices indicate the decimal relation to the bizygomatic breadth; the
women of Merauke present the exceptional condition that the minimum frontal breadth is larger.

As far as the measurements of face and nose determine the physiognomy, this is
included in the above tables. The degree of prognathism may be judged from the auriculo-
alveolar, auriculo-nasal and auriculo-gnathic radii, which are with the Humboldt Bay males 113,
93 and 133 m.m. resp., with the females 97, 84 and 119 m.m., with the Lake Sentani males
103, 86 and 121 m.m. resp..

The eyes are generally deeply set, the openings of medium width and on an average

29 m.m. in length. The eye slit of the Jabim Hagen [1899, 158] calls long and narrow,
Schellong [1891, 161] calls it wide and mentions a length of 35 m.m.. On 8 of the 45
schedulesnbsp;3, 5, 6, 19, 25, 31, 36 and 45) I noted a slightly oblique position of the eyes

and i, 25, 27, 28, 31 and 43 had a trace of epicanthus, without touching the caruncle;
still none were found who owing to this had a Chinese appearance, Haddon [1894, 157]
speaks of The irides are never black, although Maclay [1873a, 240], Meyer [1874, 99],
Comrie [1877, 106] and Jens [1904, 51] state they can be so, -— a quot;blackquot; iris means that
there is no difference in colour between iris and pupil ! —■ the colour is brown, sometimes
(Schellong [1891, 161]) dark brown. Further, the distance between the inner angles, with
the Jabim (schellon.g I.e.) not above 35 m.m., with H.B. males is seldom below this figure.

The nose of the Papuan merits attention, because up till now pre-eminent authors
as Keane [1899, 127] and Deniker [1900, 493], following the example of Wallace [1869,
II, 185], call the large, aquiline or convex nose characteristic, although Meyer [1873, 307]
already pointed out that at Doré and environs, where wallace resided, non-semitic,
European and Malay forms of noses occur as well. Of the same territory Van Hasselt
[1886, 577] and Jens [1904, 51] describe the flat, broad nose like that of the young man in
fig. 205 as a characteristic. Maclay [1873a, 240], (FiNSCH [1888—93, 183] for Astrolabe
Bay), Schellong [1891, 162, 175] and Parkinson [1900, 24] have testified against the
judgment of wallace; Earl [1853, 3] particularly mentioned the broad nose as the cause
of the Negro character of the Papuan physiognomy. I will merely say that the aquiline nose
is no characteristic of race ; that this form occurs, nearly all the above-mentioned authors
admit, also D\'Albertis [1880, I, 217], Thomson [1892, 95] and Hagen [1899, Pl. 19]. On
his territory Maclay saw altogether only 2 or 3 of such noses, and in Humboldt Bay, as
already remarked by Van der goes [1858, 169], in contrast with the supposition of Hagen
[1. c., 159], they do not occur at all, no more than on Lake Sentani. I therefore do not
understand how Moseley [1877, 386] can report long, Jewish noses from that part. The
difference between the North and South in this respect is so marked that some visitors to
the first named territory consider the flat nose as the characteristic of the true Papuan
(Parkinson I.e.), whilst visitors to the south coast (Comrie [1877, 105], Haddon [1894, 157],
Macgregor [1897, 29]) look upon the aquiline nose in the same way. And yet in some
parts of Papua Talandjang one comes upon such noses amongst the usual faces (fig. 214).
Hagen 1. c. and Nachrichten [1897, 56] report that in K. w. Land the long nose occurs
more on the coast than in the interior, whilst in British N.G. (PöCH [1906, 609]) it is just
the Kagi people, living in the mountains, who have very hooked noses.

That the wearing of a nose peg by its weight produces the long aquiline nose, as
supposed by Uhle [1886, 2], is erroneous (see also MoSELEY [1877, 386]), as is also the
opinion of De Clercq [1890, 152] that the nose peg has no influence at all on the form of
the nose. von rosenberg [1875, 85], Erdweg [1902, 319] and others have already pointed
out that the alae nasi are pushed aside and upwards, and illustrations of FiNSCH [1888a,
PL XX, figs. i and 2], Hagen [1899, PL 35], Meyer and Parkinson [1900, PL 9], and
Deniker [1900, figs. 149 and 150] (see also N°. 15 on PL XXXVIII, wearing a tube for
photographical tablets!) show this quite clearly. But it must be remembered that it is not
the nose bone (FiNSCH [1865, 137], Van Hasselt [1886, 579], De Clercq [1889b, 1669])

nor the nasal cartilage (Van der goes [1858, 29, 169], D\'albertis [1880, I, 86], Horst
[1889, 243], Thomson [1892, 17]) which is perforated, but that the piercing is in reality
performed below the lower edge of this cartilage, between this and the medial extremities of
the cartilagines alares. With a gradual increase of the diameter of the nose peg the neces-
sary enlargement of the opening in an upward direction is prevented by the cartilaginous
septum, and in a backward direction by the bony upper jaw. Thus the thin lower border is
pressed downward and the fleshy tip of the nose is forced forward, owing to which the ridge
of the nose often forms a concave hne. This can easily be noticed in the drawing of Finsch,
also in N°. 15 of PI. XXXVIH; from the lifting of the alae it is often possible to see through
the opening (see profiles in anthropological plates; also page 75 and Meyer [1874, fig. 5]).
The breadth of the nose measured over the extreme sides, therefore, is generahy unnatural, —

8 and 14 even have indices of 104.i and 106.7 resp.; — the nose of the women, a
moderate mesorrhine, is the typical in which, moreover, the relative height (see also
Fritsch [1899, 159]) is greater than that ofthe male nose. The shape ofthe nose mentioned
as quot;Papuanquot; by Notes and Queries [1899, 20, PI. IV, fig. 8], is very seldom seen in the
north part of the Netherl. territory.

Still rarer than the Semitic physiognomy is the Negro type in the parts visited by
the expedition, just as in K. W. Land (Hagen [L c., 158]). The tables show that the face
must be called mesoprosopic and that the judgment of Krieger [1899, 138] and Deniker
[1900, 493] that the Papuans have elongated faces cannot hold good for these parts. The
differences between inland and coast people, though small, are of the kind described by
Hagen, the inhabitants of the interior having shorter and broader faces, the broadened
parotid region (see Hagen [1899, 159; 1906, PI. 45], ScHELLONG [1891, 170, 175])
often being striking. With the Humboldt Bay people, on the other hand, the lower part of
the face not infrequently with the smaller bizygomatic and bigonial breadth forms a triangle,
so often shown in the wooden figures (see p. 284). The cheeks then converge like two
flattened surfaces towards the narrow chin (see also schellong [I.e. 173]). The face ofthe
women often has a nice, oval shape.

The mouth of the Papuan is generally called large (comrie [1877, 105], Hagen
[1899, 158]), also flabby (Macgregor [1897, 29]), even mouth openings of 75—80 m.m. are
reported (Maclay [1873a, 241]). The largest dimension found by Schellong [1891, 227]
is 66 m.m. ; in Humboldt Bay males, though chewing in much practised, the maximum was 62,
median 55 (ratio 3.4), with the females median 51 m.m. (ratio 3.3), whilst with the males
of Lake Sentani the maximum was 64, median 57 m.m. (ratio 3.6). Fritsch [1899, 154]
gives for the European a relative length of 2.7. The hps are mostly moderately thick and
prominent, which fact principahy depends on (Forster [1904, 45]) the development of
the orbicular muscle.

Osteological characters, a skull was found on the shore behind Ungrau, where
the people of this village deposit their dead; the other skeletal parts originate from the small
islands near Wendèsi (see figs. 78 and 79, p. 133), Of this skull, without doubt a male, the
lower jaw is missing and the lower part of the face not complete.

The index-frontozygomaticus is calculated from bistephanic and bizygomatic breadth
The angles are taken according to the German horizontal plane.

Seen in the norma verticalis (Pl. XXX, fig. 2), the frontal part is narrow, the
sides being straight and gradually diverging towards the parietal eminences.

The norma lateralis (fig. 3) shows a prominent glabella, extending far upward,
with an inclined forehead. The arching of the parietalia is regular and forms the highest
elevation, placing the skull in the German plane, about 2 c.m. behind the bregma. The upper
part of the os occipitale is slightly convex, the lower part fairly steep. The protuberantia
occip. ext. is feebly developed, but there exists a strong torus occipitalis. The lateral parts
of the nuchal portion are strongly arched; the margo parietalis is the longest.

In the norma occipitalis (fig. 4) the pentagonal form is very striking; the cranial
vault has a keeled form (which also causes the great breadth-height index), connected with
flat depressions of the upper parts of the parietalia, having prominent bosses, below which
the sides converge slightly downward.

In the norma frontalis (fig. i) the feeble development ofthe forehead is plainly
apparent as well in height as in breadth, and the whole facial portion makes a decidedly

chamaeprosopic impression. Pars nasalis oss. frontis is very long, the sutura nasi thus lying
almost in the middle of the medial edges of the orbits. The glabella is evenly developed
and prominent, the superciliary ridges are hardly marked. The interorbital region is broad
and the orbits are very roomy. The broad and massive maxilla shows a projecting alveolar
portion. The squamosal suture lies low, because the squama oss. temporis is shghtly developed
in height; the linea temporalis, however, is situated pretty high. The mastoid processes are
smaU, the muscular ridges moderate. Ah the sutures are of a very simple type (Broca N-. 2
and 3), even the lambdoidal suture. The pterion region shows no variations, except that it
is narrow. Most of the teeth are lost post mortem, those present are (see p. 339) somewhat
worn down.

Norma basilar is (fig. 5)- B^sion lies higher than opisthion and therefore the foramen
magnum looks forward, the skuh as an exception to the rule, resting on the back part of
the circumference.

Scapula. Five specimens of which the average length is 145 m.m., breadth 105 m.m.,
therefore the index 72.4; with Europeans (Martin [1905, 578]) it is 65.3. The infraspmous
index is 106.6! These shoulderblades strike one on account of the angle between the upper
and the lower part of the margo vertebrahs, being on an average 135°. The angle between
the spine lamella and the fossa infraspinata is less than 90°. In consequence of this, notwith-
standing the moderate dorso-ventral breadth of the spine, the fossa supraspinata is roomy
enough for a powerful muse, supraspinatus (FoRSTER 1904, 72])- The dorsal ridge ofthe
spine has, as usual, a thickening for the medial fibres of the muse, trapezius. This thicken-
ing, however {see PL XXX, fig. 7)\'nbsp;^asu exclusively directed downwards (with the
erect human being) so far that one can hide the top of the finger beneath it, and even in
this manner carry the shoulderblade on the finger. The acromion is short and broad, arches
in the usual way over the cavitas glenoidalis, with an almost right angle between the
hind and the lateral part. The coracoid process is less arched and directed more horizontally
than with European scapulae. The cavitas glenoidalis does not look upwards and has the
fairly large index of 74.1. Close to the angulus inferior there is a large flat space for t e
insertion of the Muse, teres major, with the Papuan strongly developed (FORSTER [L c., 74] )gt;
by which at a distance of 3—4 c.m. from the inferior angle a second angle is formed. Another
peculiarity is the curve of the blade along the line of the spine base, the fossa supraspinata
and the fossa infraspinata thus forming an angle, and the fossa subscapularis showing a very
strong concavity. On PL XXX a Papuan scapula (fig. 7) is shown beside an average European

Humerus. Four specimens, on an average 319 m.m. in length, which accordmg to
Manouvrier [1902, 104], corresponds to a standing height of 1641 m.m., which is above
the real stature of the Wendèsi people to whom those bones belonged. These humeri are
slender, their minimum circumference varies between 56 and 66 m.m.; both epiphyses, however,
are relatively strong. Two are right humeri, and although shorter than the left ones, have a
larger circumference than the latter, which are probably female. The ellipsoid form of the
caput (43X40 m.m.) is normal. Tuberculi, sulcus intertubercularis and crista tuberculi majoris,
well developed. The anatomical neck forms a marked groove, both towards the tuberculum
majus and the tuberculum minus, which latter through this stands more apart than in the

European. In consequence of the small angle of torsion, both tubercles lie rather ventrally,
that is to say, when the humerus is placed with the dorsal side on a table, the tub. maj.
rises higher from the surface of the table and the tub. min. is placed more towards the
median line than in European specimens. Thus the sulcus intertubercularis lies more in the
middle of the ventral surface, and without the curvature occurring with Europeans it runs
down almost parallel with the axis. The tuberositas deltoidea reaches rather far downwards.
The foramen nutritium is situated on the margo medialis below the middle. The lateral
epicondyle is only moderately developed. The angle between axis of diaphyse and axis of
lower articular surface more nearly approaches a right angle, and the lower articular surface itself
is more curved than with European humeri. The fossa radialis, in Europeans only a shallow
concavity, is almost as large and deep as the fossa coronoidea, besides it is situated more
towards the median line; the bony ridge that divides both fossae and which in Europeans
deviates strongly laterally, here runs more nearly parallel with the axis of the diaphyse. All
these peculiarities, met with by Martin [1905, 587, fig. 77] in a still greater measure in the
natives of the Malay Peninsula, form characteristics of primitive races. The angle of torsion,
determined with Martin\'s [1903, 129] paralellograph, is on an average 138°; for Europeans,
according to Broca, it is 161.5°. Lambert [1904, 81] gives of Melanesians 139° and of
Australians 134.5°. The capito-diaphysal angle on an average is 41.5°, the condylo-diaphysal
angle 80.5°; with 30 Swiss humeri Martin [1905, 593] found for the latter 77°.

Ulna. One specimen, 266 m.m. long, corresponding with a standing height of 1672
(male) or 1719 m.m. (female). The crista m. supinat. well developed, and a crista interossea
which makes the transverse section in the middle triangular, but entirely disappears below,
so that at 3 c.m. above the lower articular surface the thinnest part (circumference 34 m.m.)
is found. In the middle the maximum diameter is 16.5, the minimum diameter 13 m.m., the
circumference only 49 m.m.. European ulnae of the same length are much heavier. The
facies volaris is less concave than usual. The curvature of the diaphyse is in the upper part
in front, in the lower part behind, slightly concave. A similar S-shaped curvature, but less
pronounced, appears when it is examined from behind: the medial side concave at the top,
convex below. The articular surface of the olecranon is only 13 m.m. long, but 26 m.m.
broad, and is separated by a rough, slightly raised, transverse ridge from the almost equally
large articular surface of the proc. coronoides. There is a great resemblance with the ulna of
a New-Hollander, drawn by Fischer [1903, 166, fig. i B], only in the latter the decimal
relation between the length of olecranon and ulna is 2.57, in the specimen here described
1.65. The proc. coronoides ends with a small sharp crista that bends proximally, the extreme
edge thus being only 22 m.m. away from the edge of the olecranon. A wide nutrient foramen
lies ventrally between the proximal and the middle third part.

Radius. Two left radii, one right, all extremely slender and without marked curvature.
The length, being from 251 to 260 m.m. (average 255 m.m.), corresponds (manouvrier) with
a standing height of 1703 (male) or I774m.m. (female), much too great for the actual stature
of the people of Wendèsi. The minimum circumference (39 m.m.), in European radii situated
just below the tuberositas radii, notwithstanding the well developed crista interossea, is
found 1-—^3 c.m. below the middle. The tuberositas radii is found more proximal than in
Europeans, in one specimen at only i c.m. distance from the articular circumference, so

that the upper part of the bone looks more or less compressed. To determine the curvature
of the radius, FISCHER [1903, 169, fig. 2] drew a straight hne from the lateral border of the
styloid process to the same side of the head, and indicated the greatest deviation of
the diaphyse from that hne in percentages of the length, in these radii onlynbsp;According

to the experience that male long bones have larger epiphyses than female, these radii, havmg
a circumference of head of 47 m.m., might be male. All three have well developed ridges
and a nutrient foramen near the muscular roughness for the attachment ofthe pronator teres
muscle. The sulcus for the tendon of the muse, extens. poll, longus is well-marked.

Femur. Six specimens, forming three pairs. Their length {median 426 m.m.), large m
comparison to the circumference in the middle of the bone (81 m.m.), causes the index to be
only 19.1; according to SOULARUE [1899, 338] it is 20.4 in Europeans. The tendency
towards great length with small thickness is also shown in the rather large collo-diaphysal
angle (in the right specimens some degrees larger than in the left), on an average 132 ,
which raises the coUum upwards, and in the slenderness of the collum and smallness of the
head. That the total length of the upper epiphyse (93 m.m.) is less than in an average
European femur, is the result of the trochanter major being much thinner, that is to say
less developed in a lateral direction. As a result of the large coho-diaphysal angle the upper
border of the great trochanter, when in a natural position of the femur, scarcely reaches to
the horizontal hne of the articular head. The crista intertrochanteria is feebly developed, so
that the lesser trochanter stands more apart, and whilst being placed more towards the
median line than in the European femur its axis has a more dorsal direction. A trochanter
tertius is not to be found, but the tuberositas gluteahs is strongly developed in two
specimens and both labia of the linea aspera merge into a plain pilaster, both lateral surfaces
of which are slightly concave. A clear platymery, though with a high range of individual
variation, is borne out by an average index pilastricus of 123.4, which surpasses even those
of Negroes (119.8), Veddahs (122.1) and Australians (122.2) (see MARTIN [1905, 610]). Distally,
both labia of the linea aspera, where they include the planum popliteum, are well deve-
loped, specially the medial labium, which forms here a sharp ridge. The breadth of the
condyles is 73 m.m.. Their articular surface extends high upwards at the back and terminates on
the medial condyle nearly horizontally, a result of the custom of squatting. The curvature
of the diaphyse is rather strong; placed on a flat surface, the highest elevation is found at
of the length from the distal end. The angle of torsion, averaging 24°, is (MARTIN [I.e.,
625]) only surpassed by the Senoi, Ona, Negroes and Maori. For Europeans the average

Tibia. Five right specimens, showing a degree of platycnemy which in the neighbour-
hood of the nutrient foramen is quite as large as in the middle of the bone and must be con-
sidered as one of the highest known. A comparison with European tibiae shows that
the margo medialis has been removed more towards the back, that the strongly convex
facies posterior is directed more medially and in the crista interossea joins the facies lateralis
at a very obtuse angle. One can almost speak of a linea interossea. It runs in an almost
straight line towards the frontal part of the lateral edge of the lower epiphyse, thus differing
from European tibiae, where this line runs in a curve. The crista anterior runs as usual with
a faint curve (above medially, below laterally convex) to the front side of the maleolus.

Both epiphyses are narrow. The articular surface for the capitulum fibulae is circular and
quite flat, and on the front edge of the lower articular surface without exception a secondary
facet is found, which is characteristic of people that are accustomed to squat. The following
table gives a survey of the measurements, etc.

Without exception the minimum circumference is found at one fourth part distant from
the lower end of the bone. The concave curve of the articular surface of the extern condyle
deserves attention. The reti\'oflexion is extreme and is partially located in the distal part of
the diaphyse. The inclination is also very great, consequently the quot;angle biaxialquot; of MANOUVRIER
[1893, 231] is only moderate (3—4.5°).

Fibula. Three specimens, the longest being 365 m.m. in length (aver. 350 m.m.), all
with a very slight curvature, the lower third part especially being very straight. In antero-
posterior direction thinner than European fibulae, they give one the impression of being
narrow rulers. The sharp back ridge is formed by the crista lateralis, the front, 4.5—6 m.m.
broad and transversely concave, has laterally the crista anterior, medially the crista interossea.
The broad lateral surface shows along the front edge a shallow groove, along the back edge
a slight, transverse arching. The second broad surface is formed by the facies posterior and
the facies medialis together, and only on the middle third part of the bone has a ridge, which
represents the crista medialis. There is a muscular roughness for the soleus muscle and a
groove for the insertion of the muse, peronei. The capitulum is small in proportion to the
length of the bone, and has entirely at the end, there being no real apex, the circular
articular surface, slightly concave and surrounded by a low, bony ridge. The maleolus has
become almost bifid, owing to a medial fossa which continues round the lower end. The

Hans Virchow [1903, 794] rightly advises that the study of the skeleton should not
be limited to the individual bones, but that the manner in which they are joined should also
be investigated. Joining together tibia HI and the fibula that belongs to it, it strikes one
that the interosseal space is much broader than with the European, affording much more room
for the attachment of muscles, amongst which the muse, tibialis anticus was found to be
very strongly developed (Forster [1904, 115]). Be.sides the axes of fibula and tibia he almost
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In the first 88 p.p. for Schmeltz [1905] and [1904] read Schmeltz [1904] and [1903] resp..

(Several of the measurements taken by Koch have been revised by this author in his
soon to be published: quot;Bijdrage tot de anthropologie der bewoners van Zuid-West Nieuw-
Guineaquot;. Leiden, E. J. Brill).

(The ciphers in ordinary print refer to the pages of the text, the numbers and ciphers in

Arrows 242; fishing- 166, iV\'\'-^\'. 766—744, 258;
hunting- 157, 242, 24Z, N\'gt;K 745—765i orna-
mental- 244, 245, 318; protection against- 74, 83,
84, 88, 251, 253; -release 248; war- and others
242, 256, Nok 775—1224,258.

Bags, cord- 16, 178, 179, 220, 224; -for beads 187;
borders of- 181, 187; bottom of- 181, 183, 185;
-on graves 273; men\'s- 182, N\'\'k630—648, igo-,
women\'s- 180, Nquot;quot;. 626—62g, igo.

Bamboo, -arrowheads 157, 243; -belts 91; -bows
246; -combs 66; -cyhnders for arrows 246, for
Coix-seeds 107, for lime 22, for liquids 14, 129,
100, 2g, for percussion caps 159, for soot
53, for tobacco 17, 305.; -ear ornaments 79,
324—32g, 115-, -flutes 144, 292,294,306; -knives
61, 233; -nose ornaments Nquot;\'. 2g6-321, 114-,
-tubes in the hair 58, 69; -for war banner 254.

Bark, prepared, -behind bags 180; -used as blankets
36, 147; -for carrying loops 16, 179; -fibres 112,
113, 180, 185, 205; -petticoats 37, 94, 268; rolls
of- 279; -tobacco pouches 16; -as wrapper 71, 224.

Baskets, -for beads 219, 6pj, 2jo; carrying-178,
JVquot;^. Ó20—Ó2S, -as dishes 12, 87, 27-,
-above fireplaces 144; fishing-(traps) 168, iv^^.jpj,
171-, sago- 4, 297, 300, I, 23- tobacco-16, 179.

Beads, (see Currency), -on girdles 90; -in the hair
60, 61; -on necklace 82, 219; -in nose 75, 78.

Bird, -hunting 159, -of paradise 159; -figure 62, 70,
79, 145, 148, 201, 2op, 210, 213, 280, 285,

Black pigment 11, 12, 47, 53, 177, 245; -as mourning
colour 275; -as war colour 54.

Boar, -arrows 157, 243; -femur 5; -hunting 153,
154, 243, 281; -killing 2; -lances 155, 255;-scro-
tum 99, 157; -skulls 157, 158, 272; -snares 154;
-tails 85, 157; -tibia 5.

Boar tusks, -as armlet 99, loi, N°. 4^1, 124-, -on
bags 185; -for breast ornament 78, 82, 115, 118;
-as currency 217; -as forehead ornament 73,
N\'quot;^.2g2—2g4, 114] -as hunting trophy 157; -for
neck ring 78, 81, N^K 377—378, 117-, -in nose
76—78, Nquot;\'. 312—321, ii5\\ -as scrapers 78, 232,
Nquot;^. 6pp—700, 237.

Boats 142, 157, 160, 161, 172, 193, 196, 208,210;
fireplace in- 8, 202; men\'s- 195, JV°. 657, 211-
models of- 199, JVquot;^. 654—655, 211 pieces of a
boat 198, 656, 211-, platforms on- 161, 194,
201, 206; railing of- 201; -sailing 203; side-boards
of- 161, 194, 198, 199, 206; stabihty of- 202;
women\'s- 138, 177, 195, 206.

Bone, -armlet 102, N°. 4p5, 124-, -arrow tips 244;
-bodkins 76, 232; -breakers 5; -daggers 5, 97,
240, 256; -forks 6; -knives 5; -ringlets 79;
-spoons 5, 97.

Bows 129, 242, 246, 256; bamboo- 246, 248, Nlt;quot;.
1246—48, 263-, -on graves 271; ornamented- 247,
248, 268, 284; palmwood- 246, Nquot;\'. 1225—45,
263; the stringing of- 247; -figures tattooed 45;
-as toy 265, iVquot;^. 1242—2(5j; unstringing-248.

Bride, capture of a- 266; -\'s dress 38, 100, 268;
price of a- 176, 212, 219—-221, 267, 268, 279.

Burning, -the surface of boats 194; -the bush 176;
-inside of drums 305; -when hunting 155; scar-
49; shell- 22.

Calabashes, hme- 20, Nquot;\'. 174—ip5, 33, N°. 205,
34; -for liquids 13, Nquot;. p4, 28) -as musical in-
struments 306; -as pubic covering 39, 92, Nquot;\'.
433—443, 121-, -on suspensory strings 144.

Calico, -as currency 94, 215; -as pubic covering
37, 94; red- 38, on graves 273, as mourmng
dress 81, 274.

Carrying, -bags 181; -children 316; -loads 178, 181,
182, 216, 277, 316; -shields 253.

Carvings, 5, 8, 12, 18, 21, loi, 102, 140, 146,
156, 163, 165, 174, 177, 189, 197, 199,201,202,
209, 241, 242, 244, 247, 248, 279, 283, 301,307.

Cassowary, -bone 79; -eggs 147; -feathers 72, 307,
Nquot;^. 2/s—28/, izj; -figure as ornament 66, 147,
201,nbsp;66S, 212; -hunting 159; -primaries

Chiefs 65, 127, 138, 154, 161, 167, 175, 177, 186,
220, 224, 255, 269, 278, 279, 281, 291,294,327.

Clay, grey- i, 52, 53, 228, lop: red- 52, 235,
297, N°. 208, 108, in hair 56, 57, 235, 337,
jV°. 2op, 108; -for pottery 9, 53, 235; yellow-
53, 235, 713, 238.

Cocoa-nut, flesh of- 8, 154; milk of- 8, 13; -openers
8, N\'quot;.37—61, 23-, -palms 177; sprouting- 8.

Cocoa-nut shell, -armlet loi; -cups 13; -ladles 13;
-hme gourds 21; -spoons 5; -in war banner 254.

Community 162, 163, 167, 277; -houses 147, 256,
268, 279, 305; -treasury 220, 224, 278.

Conus, -as bells 107, Nlt;quot;.323—327, 126-, as breast
ornament 83, N°. 380, 118 •, -as currency 217 ;
-disks 73, -for nose ornaments 76, N°^.3io—311,
114-, -ringlets 79, 100, 103, 471, 123; -wrist
rings 103, N°.30I, 124.

Crocodile, bites from- 326; -as food 3; -hunting
158; -as ornament 22, 71, 145, 148, 213, 279,
281, 285, 3or, 305, N°.559, ^SI\', -skin 305;
-skulls 159.

Cuscus, -hunting 159; -skin 79, 185, Nquot;\'.330—332,
113, Nquot;\'. 322—323, 126.

Dead, burying the- 270, 271; -in cages 271; com-
memoration of the- 300; depositing the- 273;
drying the- 270; matting the- 271: squatting
position of the- 271; -in tree trunk 272, 274.
Dendrolagus, fibula as nose pegnbsp;114

166, 337; -for turdes 169.
Dogs 129, 153; -as food i, 154; hunting with- 153;
-figure as ornament 11, 71, 144, 146, 148, 189,
209, 271, 285, Nquot;\'. s6o 563,nbsp;-\'skulls

Dress, -against climate 35; hair- 55; pubic- 37.
Drinking, -cups 15 Nquot;\'. 96—99, 28; -water 13, 14,

Earthenware, -pots for drinking water 13; -pots
from Humboldt Bay 9, Nquot;\'. 63—67, 23, from Lake
Sentani 10, Nquot;\'. 68—73, 26-, -on graves 273;
-potsherd as fire place 8, 202.
Eatable earthnbsp;i, 53

Excitabilitynbsp;• 3i7-
Eye 355, -brows 60, 337; -colour 356, -lashes 337;
-as ornament 6, 195, 213, 284; -slit 355;
-triangles 199.

274, 280, 281, 289, 299, 300.
Feathers in the hairnbsp;62, Nquot;\'\'. 219—220, 108.

Fences 299, -round gardens 154, 176; -round graves
247, 271; -round temples 164, 280, 294, 297;
-round villages 142.
Ferns in the hairnbsp;62.

Fireplace, -in boats 8, 202; -in houses 8, 34, 128,
132, 136, 142, 143, 147;-in temples 291, 300, 305.
Firewoodnbsp;128, 136, 145, 158, 180.

Fish, -as food 3, 160; -figure 5, 12, 17, 22,79,145,
147, 148, 197, 2or, 209, 233, 241, 271, 284,
I^°^-555—557-gt; -^SO\', smoking of- 8; -eye as orna-
ment 10, 41.

Fishing 153, 160; -arrows 166; -basket 168; -grates
167; -hooks 166, 168; -kites 171; -nets 160, 161
163; -during night 166; -rights 163, 169; shark
168; -spears 161, 165, 166, 168; turtle- 169
-weirs 167.

nanients 64, 70, 72, 266—2^5, 112-, -pro-
tection against arrows 74; -tattooing 41, 48.

Grinding on stone (fihng), -beads 220; -boars\'tusks
77; -chloromelanite 175; -seeds 108; -shell 79.

56,nbsp;337 j colouring- 56; -cutting 60; -diameters
336; -dress 55, 57, 297; -fringes 36, 64 N^\'.
22i—222,iog-, dength 336; -mop 55, 59, 332;
-as mourning 64, 274; microscopical study of-
338; -ornaments 61; palmleaves in- 63; -pins 7;
-plaits 57, 59, N°.2II, 108 ■ -of pubis; 337 pull-
ing out- 59; -ringlets (spirals) 55, 332, 335;
-shaving 55, 57, 60; torsion ofthe- 335; -tresses

57,nbsp;59, 332, 334,nbsp;210—212,108-, -tufts 56,
331—333; turning points in- 334; -wigs 63.

Hammers 174, 233, N^K 7O5—70g,238-,nbsp;-for pre-
paring bark 234, N°. 712,238.

Hand, -drums 305; -measurements 347; -nets 167.
Harnessnbsp;86, Nquot;\'. 402—403,1 ig.

N\'K 603—6ig, i8g.
Head, -covering 36, 37; -measurements 353; -orna-
ments 58, N^\'K 208—265,108-, -supports 144,
256, 300, Nquot;\'. 542—553, 149-
Heat and cold, endurance against-nbsp;317-

Houses, arrangement of- 142; -of assembly 163;
community- 163; construction of- 128, 135, 138;
decorations of- 147, Nquot;\'. 554—572, 150-, floor of-
128, 130, 139, 140, 147, 290, 291, 316; perma-
nent- 128; roofs of-, see Roofs; temporary- 129,
tree- 128; two-storied- 141; waU of- 128—130,
132, 136, 138, 140, 141, 290; women\'s- 147, 266.
Human figure, -on buildings 137, 255, 291, 299;
-as ornament 12, 17, 21, 34, 67, 84, 137, i44—147,
255, 279, 291, 301—303, 566—571, 151-
Humerusnbsp;359-

Hunting 153; -arrows 157, 242, 243; dogs used in-
153; -ground 153; nets used in- 155, 159; snares
used in- 154, 159.

Knives, bamboo- 61, 233; bone- 5; metal- 5, 233, 238
Knob, copper-nbsp;228, . 6p6, 231

Lime 20; -boxes 22, Nquot;\'. 206—207,34; burning
22; -calabashes 20, 256, Nquot;\'. 174—^95,33
cocoa-nut sheh as -gourd 21, iVquot;^. ig6—200, 34;
-cyhnders 22, JVquot;\'. 201—204, 34; -as pigment
5, 53, 56, 102, 210, 245.
Livistonia rotundifolianbsp;235.

Mourning, -ceremonies 274; -colour 52, 8r, 275
-dress 37, 64, 81, 95, 100, 102, 274, 275; -tat
tooing 48, 275.
Moustachenbsp;60

encircling- 160, 163, 280, N°. 577, 170-, hunting-
155, 159; manufacture of- 165; repairing of- 166.
Netting needlesnbsp;165, iV«. 386—388, 171.

N\'K 296—321, 114.
Novices in temples 56, 57, 97, 129, 164, 293, 294,
296—298, 307, 311.

Paddlers 195, 197, 202, 207, N\'^K 669—677, 212.
Paddlingnbsp;i95gt; 196, 203.

Palm leaves 130, 134, iS7; 158, i77, 178, 198.
Palmwood, -arrow heads 243; -bows 246; -combs 67,
68; -hacklingsticks 164; -lances 155; -piles 139.
Pandanus, -leaves for baskets 198, as cigar wrapper
16, for roofs 129, for sails 204; -aerial root fibres
8, 100, loi, 164, 379, 170.
Papuansnbsp;S^S-

Pattern, -of apron 96; -of bands 80, 82, 86, 103—105;
-of bandoliers 86; -of borders (bindings) 16, 82, 96,
181, 187; -of festooning 91, 97; herringbone- 88;
interlooping- 17; -of plaiting 17, 83, 88, 104,105;

Percussion caps, holder for- 159, 373, 160.
Perineal bandsnbsp;91, 266, 431—432, 121.

Pig (see Boar), cutting up a- 2, 256, 297; -as food 2
-under the houses 129, 137, 158; -figure as orna
ment 148, Nquot;\'. 361—362, 131-, -rearing 158
-styes 158; -trade 158, 216, 220.
Pigmentsnbsp;52» 245

Piper, -betle L. 20; -7nethysticum 14; -siriboa L. 20
Pipes, tobacco-nbsp;18, Nquot;\'. 169—171, 32

Plaiting 17, 83—85, 88, 100, 104, 105, 178,180,232
Platforms, -on boats 161, 194, 201, 204, 206, 207;
-for fishing 166; -of houses 130, 132, 133, 138,
141, 142, 158, 203, 206, 255, 281, 315; -of vil-
lages 142, 157, 161, 206, 281, 310, 311.
Plectranthus, leaves of-nbsp;N°.339a, 119.

Rhyticeros plicatus Forst., -feathers 16, 62, log, no,
112-, -hunting 159; -mandible as ornament 80,
Nquot;\'. 351—352, ii6\\ -figure as ornament 43,
145, 201.

Roofs, eightsided- 134, 255, 290; foursided- 134, 141,
255, 279, 290; -with horizontal ridge 128—130,
137, 279, 300; leaves for- 128, 129, 134, 138;
pyramid-shaped- 133, 255, 290; quot;missigitquot;- 279,
301; saddle-shaped- 137; turtle-shaped- 132, 302.
Ropes of boatsnbsp;205.

I, 23] -cakes 4, 10; -clubs 172, 175, 234,
iVquot;^. 3Q3—5g8, i8g; -forests 172; -leaves 128,
148, 174, 602, i8g-, -oven 10, N°. 74, 26-,
-porridge 4, 6, 9, 11, 316; preparing -172; -strainers
174, 5gg—6oi, i8g.
Sagueirnbsp;^4

for- 168; skin of- 305.
Shaving 57, 60, 233, 268, 274; -with bamboo 61.
Sheds,nbsp;158, 176, 217.

Shells, -as bells 107; -burned for lime 22; figures of-
45, 286; -for hooks 166; -for ornaments 73, 74,
76, 79, 84, 103, 106, 107; -as musical instruments
298, 307, 308; -as pubic covering 91; -as scrapers
8, 234.

Skin (human), -colour 328; -disease 327; -elasticity
330; -painting 51; -tattooing 40, 48, 275; -wash-
ing 51; scars of the- 40, 49, 326.
Skull, cultus of the- 302; measurements of a- 358.
Slavesnbsp;254, 269; slave trade 214.

Spatulas, hme- 5, 22; stirring- 12, 88, 27.
Spears for fishing 161, 165, 166, 168, 252, Nquot;\'.

Spoons, -of cocoa-nutshell 5, Nquot;\'. 2—28, 23; -of
bone 5, 97, iVquot;-^. 29—40, 23-, scooping- 12,
Nquot;\'. 8g—g2, 27.
Squatting 55, 277, 3x5, 317;-position ofthe dead 271.
S-shaped ornamentnbsp;228.

Stone, -clubs 241; -hammers 235; -hatchets 174, 194,
220, 234, 242, 267; -sago clubs 172, 175, 234;
-underlayer 234, . 711, 238.
Strangers, treatment of- 100, 265, 276, 278, 280, 318.
String, to- a bownbsp;247.

Temples 142, 157, 165, 287; centre pole of- 292;
construction of- 290; fence round- 164, 280, 294,
297;- novices in- 56, 57, 97, 129, 164, 293, 294,
296—298, 307, 3n; platforms of- 142, 290;
watch in- 255, 293.
Theftnbsp;142, 318

Tobacco 15, 19, 215; -bags 16, Nquot;\'. 642—645, 191
-baskets 16, 179, iV\'\'^ 108—1x2, 29-, -cylinders
17, 305,nbsp;113—168, 30-, -pipes 18,

Trade 214; Ceram- 214; Chinese-223; coasting-215
-with the interior 216; -mark 5 2; Ternatian-15,215
Traps,nbsp;-for fish 168, iV^ 593, 171

135—136; -as tombs 272, 274.
Tresses of hair 57, 59, 332, 334, 210, 108.
Triangles, as ornamentsnbsp;284, 286.

Triton variegatum Lam. 307, N^K 131Q—20, 314
Trochus niloticusnbsp;79, 100, 113, 123, 21

Tubes of bamboo in the hair 58, 69, Nquot;\'. 213—217,108
Tufts of hairnbsp;56, 331—-333

Turtle, catching- 169; -eggs as food 3, 169, as orna-
ments 4, 169, 272.
Turtle shell, -armlets 100; -chains 80; -earrings 79;

Twine, -for bags 180; fibres for- 112, 113, 164, 180,
181, 185, 205; -for hackling stick 164, N°.384,
170; manufacture of- 164; four-, five- and seven-
stranded- 384, 381 and 380, 170.

Widows 267, 274; -caps 37, 276; lamenting- 273,
274; -hired as weepers 268, 274.

Women, -\'sbags 180; -\'sboats 138, 195, 206; capture
of- 266; -carriers 154, 216; -\'s houses 147, 266;
married- 269; purchase of- 266.

Wooden, -armlets 98, loi; -beaters 235; -dishes 12;
-figures 147; -hackling sticks 8, 164; -hammers
233; -head ornaments 36, 70; -laths for bag-
knitting 145, 188; -vessels 11.

(The ciphers in ordinary print refer to the pages of the text, the numbers and ciphers m

386				g.	A. J. VAN
Fig.	8	tobacco basket	16,		, jo.
7,	9	77 77	16,	77
,7	10	„ cyhnder	17,	77
„	ii	17 77	17,	77	149, 31-
	12	77 77	17,	,,	140, 31.
!1	13	„ 77	17,	77	139, 31-
71	14	77 „	17,	„	138, 31-
77	IS	71 77	17,	»	133, 30-
77	16	77 77	17,	77	130, 30-
77	17	lime calabash	21,	77	203, 34-
,7	18	tobacco cylinder	17,	77	127, 30.
77	19	lime „	22,	77	203, 34-
77	20	77 gourd	21,	77	200, 34-
77	21	77 77	21,	77	199, 34-
„	22	77 77	21,	77	198, 34.
,5	23	„ calabash	20,	77	193, 33-
,7	24 pin of hme calabash	21,	77	195, 34-
77	25	lime calabash	20,	77	183, 33-
„	26	77 7quot;	20,	77	181, 33-
77	27	77 77	20,	77	178, 33-
j,	28	!7 »	20,	77	174, 33-
77	29	tinder box	19,	77	172, 32.
77	29*	\' piece of porcelain to		77	172, 32.
77	30	tobacco pipe	19,	„	171, 32-
«	31	77 77	19,	77	169, 32.
77	32	„ cyhnder	17,	17	168, 32.
77	33	77 „	17,	77	167, 32.
77	34	,, 77	16,	77	166, 32.
77	35	pin of lime calabash	21,	77	177, 33-
		PLATE V.
Figs	• I,	tobacco cylinder	17,		136, 31-

PLATE XL

Fig.	I ear ornament	797		339, 116.
51	2 forehead ornament	737	71	293, 114-
)V	3 earring	79,	71	344, 114-
)1	4 nose peg	76,	71	303, 114-
11	5 quot;	76,	71	302, 114.
Figs. 6, neck ornament	837	71	384, 118.
Fig.	7 composed ornament	106,	71	519, 125.
17	8 ear „	.80,	11	353, 116.
,1	9 11 - 71	80,	n	366, 116.
11	10 ornament	106,	71	320, 126.
)i	11 ear ornament	88,	77	350, 116.
	12 forehead „	7I7	77	269, 112.
11	13 armlet	100,	11	476, 123.
n	14 forehead ornament	7I7	71	266, 112.

XIL

PLATE XXIIL

Fig. I stuffed fish skin	148,	SS6, ISO.
„ 2 fish figure	148,		557j
Figs. 3, 3=^ ornamental prow	209,		63Q, 211.
« 4, 4^quot;	209,	??	660, 211.
Fig. 5 currency bead	218,	5?	681, 22g.
» ^ jj jj	218,	j3	682, 22g.
jj 7 jj jj	218,		683, 22g.
q jj quot; jj jj	218,		683, 230.
Figs. 9\'^ currency bead	218,		687, 230.
„ 10% IQb	218,		688, 230.
Fig- II „ jj	218,	??	68g, 230.
Figs. 12, 13	218,	)\')	6go, 230.
jj I4jI5%I5^ jj	218,	jj	6g2, 230.
„ 16, 16^, 16quot; glass ring	224.
PLATE XXIV.
Fig. I knob-shaped copper object	228,		6g6, 231-
„ 2 copper thunder spade	227,	j\'	6g4, 230.
jj 3 jj jj jj	227,	??	695, 231.
jj 4 jj jj jj	228,	(N°.	1560).
JJ 5 JJ JJ JJ	228,		1561=).
JJ Ö JJ JJ JJ	228,	(jj	1561O.
„ 7 section of glass bead	219,		375, 117\'
JJ 8 „ „ „ „	218,		• 5553)-
„ 9 basket for beads	219,	693, 230.
„ 10 knife	233j	JJ	701, 238.
„II chisel	233,	jj	703, 238.
Figs. 12, 12^ paddle	208,	jj	677, 213.
Fig. 13 boar\'s tusk, scraper	232j	jj	6gg, 237.
„ 14 bailer	198,	jj	67g, 213.
PLATE XXV.
Fig. I weaving frame	237,		716, 23g.
„ 2 stone (pottery)	236,		714, 238.
„ 3 stone underlayer	234,	5?	711, 238.
„ 4 hammer	233j	j?	707, 238.
jj S jj	233,	??	708, 238.
„ 6 „	233j	jj	705, 238.
jj 7 jj	233j	jj	706, 238,
JJ 8 „	233,	?j	70g, 238.
„ 9 shell, scraper	234J	n	710. 238.
„ 10 beater (pottery)	236,	jj	713, 23g.
„11 JJ (bark-)	235J	jj	712, 238.

PLATES XXXI—L are anthropological plates, having underneath the names of the
individuals, the names of the villages, and, in brackets, the numbers of the anthropo-
metrical schedules.

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PAPUAN.	EUROPEAN.
	Length.	Width.	Length.	Width.
	Min.	Max.	Med.	Min.	Max.	Med.	Min.	Max.	Min.	Max.
sup.	8.4	9.4	9.0	8.1	9.2	8.6	7-7	9.8	6.7	8.0
inf.	5-3	6.3	5-9	6.9	7.8	7-3	4-3	6.0	5-7	7.0
sup.	7-4	8.1	7-7	6.8	8.1	7-5	5-8	7.8	5-5	7-5
inf.	6.2	7.6	6.8	7.2	8.0	7.6	S-o	6.7	5-7	8-5
sup.	8.2	9.1	8-5	8.6	ID.I	9.4	6.1	9-3	7.0	9.9
inf.	6.9	8-5	7.6	8.1	9.2	8.6	5-0	6.8	6.8	9.8
sup.	6.7	9.0	7-7	9.8	II.8	10.8	5-8	8.2	7-8	II.O
inf.	7-1	8.7	7-7	8.4	9.9	9.1	5-5	8.0	6.5	9-5
sup.	6.6	8.2	7.2 ■	9.2	ii-S	10.6	5-7	7.8	7-5	II-5
inf.	7-4	9.2	8.0	8.6	10.1	9.2.	S-S	8.2	7.0	10.1
sup.	lo.S	12.8	11.6	II.2	13-6	12.5	8.0	11.8	9.8	13.2
inf.	11.4	13-1	12.2	10.7	12.0	11.6	10,0	12.0	9.0	quot;•5
sup.	8.9	11.9	10.8	10.3	14.1	12.4	7.0	II.0	9-1	13-9
inf.	9.8	12.4	11.2	9-5	12.4	quot;•5	9.0	II.6	8.5	11.8
sup.	9-3	12.8	10.7	II.0	13-8	12.1	6.0	II.0	7-5	13-5
inf.	10.4	12.7	II.7	9.6	12.6	11.4	9.0	12.0	8.9	11.8

	MALE.	FEMALE.
Median.	Minimum.	Maximum.	Median.	Minimum.	Maximum.
Papua Kowiai . . .	■ —	1480	1750	_	13^0	1510
Geelvink Bay ....	—	1300	1755	—	1404	1534
11 )!••..	1537	1314	1773	1509	1419	1550	Meyer.
Humboldt Bay . . .	1633	15^1	1712	1561	1500	^597 ■	Van der Sande.
Lake Sentani ....	1597	1517	1696	—	—	—	dd»
Poum........	1543	1442	1598	1498	1451	1551	Schellong.
Jabim........	1614	1495	1705	—	—	—	Hägen.
n 11 ........	1606	1550	1692	1530	1438	1570	Schellong.
Kai . ........	1546	1507	1577	—	—	—	» n
Astrolabe Bay . . .	—	1420	1740	—	1320	—
East Nevs^ Guinea. .	—	1398	1692	—	1438	1570
South „ „ . .	—	1520	1810	—	1390	1580
Bensbach River. . ,	1691	—	—	—	—	.—	Seligmann.
Merauke.......	1700	—	i8_8o	—	—	—	PöCH.
	1649	—	1790	1567	—	—	Koch.
Mimika.......	1643	—	1727	1508	—	—	V
Etna Bay ......	1643	—	1775	1520	,—	—	V
Eak Fak.......	1557	—	1599	—	—	—	V

	Standing	Span of arms.	Length	of arm.
	height.	Surplus.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay dquot;	1633	121	1754	107.2	762	46.1
J) » » S	1561	ICI	1662	106.5	731	46.8
Lake Sentani	1597	94	1 i6gi	106.0	737	46.2
Jabim ....(ƒ	1614	—	—	—	745	46.1	Hagen.
n Ii	1606	98	1704	106.1	753	46.9	Scheli.ong.
„ „ .... Q	1530	66	1596	104.3	—	—	)) )!
Kai .....	1546	78	1624	105,0	712	46.7	n Î)
Poum ....(/	1543	70	1613	104-5	718	46.5	)) )i
Merauke . . . (f	1649	124	1773	107.5	846	51-3	Koch.
w n ... -9	1567	76	1643	104.8	736	46.9	»
British N. G. lt;/	1562	—	—	—	736	47-2	Comrie.

	Arm- length.	Upper arm-girth.	Fore- arm-girth.
Med.	Med.	Ratio.	Med.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay	762	266	34-9	160	21.0
« « « s	731	251	34-3	147	20.1
Lake Sentani	737	274	37-1	158	214
Merauke .,..lt;/	846	226	26.7	180	21.1	Koch.
„ „ . . . . ç	736	260	3S-3	160	21.8	V

	Total length.	Thigh.	Lower leg.	Foot.	Femoro- tibial index.	Inter- membral index.
Med.	Ratio.	Med.	Ratio.	Med.	Ratio.	Med.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay		869	53-2	423	25-9	387	23-7	59	3.6	91.5	71.7
Lake Sentani	rfquot;	852	53-3	413	25-9	380	24.0	59	3-7	92.0	70.6
Jabim.....		851	52.7	405	25.1	387	24.0	59	3-7	95-6	70.7	Hagen.
	cf	845	lt;i2 6									Schellong,
								—quot;	—
Poum.....	cf	806	51-7
							--	-	m ??
Merauke ....	dquot;	928	56.4	438	26.5	426	25.8	64	3.8	97.2	76.8	Koch.
n n ....	2	856	54.6	403	25.6	399	254	54	3-8	99.0	69.7	))

	Thigh.	Calf.	Min. supra-mail.	Thigh- calf index.	Calf index.
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay dquot;	480	55-2	335	37-4	202	23.2	69.8	60.3
Lake Sentani rfquot;	487	57-2	341	40.0	209	24-5	70.0	61.3
Merauke . ... ^	507	54-6	352	37-9	—	—	69.4	—	Koch.
« » .... 9	504	58.8	325	38.0	■ —	—	64.4		D

	Length.	Breadth.	Index,
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay dquot;	254	15-5	102	6.2	40.1
« « „ ^	242	15-5	96	6.1	39-7
Lake Sentani cf	251	15-7	102	6.4	40,6
Merauke . . . . cT	263	iS-9	loi	5-1	38.3	Koch.
„ „ . . . . q	247	15-7	95	5-4	38.4	»
Mimika	261	15-8	96	5-8	36.7	»
„ „ .... 2	232	15-3	88	5.8	37-9	n
Etna Bay . . . dquot;	257	15-6	103	5-2	40.1	n
„ „ . . . .	240	15-7	90	5-9	37.5	V
Fak Fak. ... lt;ƒ	249	iS-9	100	6.0	40.1	n

	Biacromial.	Biiliac	crest.	Biiliac	spine.	Bitrochanteric.
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt B^y	369	22.6	264	16.2	217	13-3	292	17.9
Lake Sentani (ƒ	365	22.9	267	16.7	215	134	284	17.8
Merauke . ... r}	378	22.9	279	16.9	267	16.1	319	19-3	Koch.
« » .... 9	347	21.0	271	17.2	258	16.4	290	17-5	»
Mimika . . . . rfquot;	377	22.9	270	16.2	267	16.2	289	17-5	))
„ „ .... lt;2	339	22.4	238	15-7	248	16.4	280	18.5	»
Etna Bay . . . öquot;	356	21.6	266	16.2	251	15.2	289	17-5	«
» n • • • e	330	21.7	255	16.7	230	15-3	270	17.7	n
Eak Fak . . . lt;ƒ	355	22.8	251	16.0	248	iS-9	277	17.7	w

	Height.	Girth of chest.	Girth of waist.
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay cf	523	32.0	872	53\'3	737	45-1
)gt; « 5	497	31-8	839	53-8	713	45.8
Lake Sentani (ƒ	521	32.6	870	S4-5	778	48.7

	Acromion.	Sternal notch.	Papilla.	Iliac crest.	Umbilicus.	Iliac spine.	Tro- chanter.	Pubis.
Humboldt Bay	cf	1325	1332	1194	994	990	913	869	849
» 7)	s	1286	1281	1098	—	937	—	—	—
Lake Sentani	c/ -	1309	1315	1189	966	945	889	852	822
Merauke	lt;/	1355	1375	1244	—	982	1	—	868	Koch.
» V	q	1284	1280	1129	—	945	—	—	828	»


\'\'-.\'y---.- r-

	/ ■ \'l


		-r:
	. .. . ;V. \'

	■^tl.Àquot;quot;\'
	f
V \'-^ \'^fy
. Jj	I\|

	Length. \|	Breadth.	Height.	Latitudinal index.	Altitudinal index.	Breadth- height index.
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay	190	II.7	148	9.1	122	7-5	77.90	64.28	82.4
„ S	183	II.7	138	8.8	116	7-4	75-67	63-44	85-5
Lake Sentani ^	189	12.4	144	9.0	121	7.6	75.-68	63-56	84.0

	Horizontal.	Sagittal.	Transverse.
Median.	. Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay	cT	557	34-1	366	22.4	340	20.8
)) 1)	Sgt;	538	34-5	356	22.8	345	22.1
Lake Sentani	dquot;	558	35-0	368	23.0	346	21.7
Jabim ....	c/	526	32.6	—	—	331	20.6	Hagen.
Merauke . . .	cf	569	34-6	358	21.7	334	20.3	Koch.
n » • • .	S	548	35-0	344	21.9.	324	.20.7	V
Mimika . . .	dquot;	546	33-2	369	22.5	334	20.3	))
Etna Bay . .	cf	546	33-2	360	21.9	329	20.0	n
Fak Fak...	c/	547	35-1	370	23.8	320	20.6	57

	Head (max.).	Forehead (min.).	Index,
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay ^	148	9.1	105	6.4	70.3
Lake Sentani dquot;	144	9.0	100	6.3	70.0
European.....	—	10.1	—	6.9	68.3

	Head.	Forehead.	Physiognomy.	Morphol. face.	Middle face.
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay ç^	224	13-7	72	4.4	190	11.6	118	7.2	68	4.2
0 J) !I	216	13-8	67	4-3	173	i i.i	106	6.8	64	4.1
Lake Sentani	218	13-6	71	4.4	185	11.6	114	7-1	65	4.1
Jabim.....cf	—	—	64	4.0	174	10.8	no	6.8	—	—	Hagen.
Merauke . . . . cT		—	94	5-7	205	12.4	113	6.9	—	—	Koch.
0	—	—	73	4-7	175	ii.2	104	6.6	—	—	11

	Minimum frontal.	Bizygomatic.	Bigonial.
Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay dquot;	105	6.4	142	8.7	102	6.3
„ -9-	102	6.5	131	8.4	91	5.8
Lake Sentani rfquot;	100	6.3	141	8.8	104	6.5
Jabim.....(/	—	—	137	8.5	102	6.3	Hagen.
Merauke	118	7.2	139	8.4	106	6.4	Koch.
» !i .... 9	136	8.6	131	8.4	98	6.3	71
Mimika.....d\'	110	6.7	143	8.7	108	6.6	V
Etna Bay ... cf	112	6.8	132	8.0	105	6.4	»
Fak Fak. . . . ^	113	7.2	138	8.9	loi	6.5	V

	Fronto- zygomatic.	Gonio- zygomatic.	Physio- gnomic.	Mid-facial.
Humboldt Bay dquot;	75-2	83.8	73-9	71.8
Q	75,5	80.8	77-9	69-5
Lake Sentani (/	76.2	80.5	70.9	73-8
Jabim.....c/	78.7	80.3	—	74-5	Hagen.
Merauke . ... J\'	84.6	76.2	67.8	81.3	Koch.
„ „ .... .9	103.8	74-7	75-4	79-4	7}
Mimika . . . . cf	76.9	75-5	71.8	—	rt
Etna Bay ... J\'	84.8	79-5	75-8	—	77
Fak Fak. . . . c/	81.8	73\'I	73-4	— 1	77

	Vertical length.	Breadth across nostrils.	Index.
Median. \'	Ratio.	Median.	Ratio.
Humboldt Bay dquot;	53	3-3	44	2.7	83-7
77 9	5°	3-3	39	2-5	78.9
Lake Sentani ^	49	3-1	44	2.7	87.9

	I	II	III	IV	V	Median.
	376	358	351	349	345	356
Condylo-astragalic length . . ,......	354	334	332	326	331	335
Maxim, breadth of proximal epiphyse . .	74	69	73	70	70	71
„ „ „ distal	47	46	50	46	—	47
Sagittal diameter in the middle.....	32.5	30	31	29	28	30
	20	21	18	18	19	19
	61.4	70.0	58.1	62.1	67.9	63-9
Circumference ,, m 5» .....	85	82	80	76	77	80
Sagittal diameter near for. nitritium . . .	35	36	37	34	34	35
Transversal „ n v n • • •	21.5	23	21	20.5	23	21.8
Index cnemicus „ „ „ ...	61.4	63-9	56.8	60.3	67.6	62.0
Circumference „ » n • ■ ■	92	91	92	86	91	90
	75	71	71	69	72	71
Length-thickness index..........	19.9	19.8	20.2	19.8	20.6	20.1
Angle of retroversion...........	19-5°	16°	17°	21.5°	—	18.5°
	15°	13°	13-5°	18°	—	15quot;
„ „ torsion..............	15°	16°	22quot;	22\'\'	—	19°
Corresponding standing height, male . .	1662	1573	1566	1545	1562	1582	Manouvrier.
„ „ „ „ female .	1586	1540	1536	1520	1533	1543	n V

Page	line	for	read	Page line for	read
I I	13	93	91	165—167 —Erdweg[1904] Erdweg[1902]
37	2	1873	1873a	174—^247 — Mosely	Moseley
39 and 40 — Westermark Westermarck	177,195,196 — Koning [1904] Koning [1903]
58	14	Sawéh	Sâwé	222 I 595	593
60	3	118	218	226 last but one shopje	schopje
64	I	1903	1893	232 19 670	700
86	13	Serui	Serué	235 4 and 15 1901	1900
88	18	1899	1900	237 4 Bushan	Buschan
122	28	fig- 7	fig. 9	242 29 1884	1885
127	last but two	1873	1873a	269 37 1904	1900
134	18	1900	1901	276 i Murphy	Morphy
137	I	1900	1901	281 32 1902—03	1903—04
146	17	1887	1897	343 last but two Horst [1899] Horst [1889]
15s	(fig- 99)	bear	boar

	PLATE 1.				Fig.	2	pot from Humboldt Bay	9,		Ó5, 25.
				Î1	2=»	ornament of		11	65, 25-
\'ig-	r eating tongs			7-			PLATE IIL
gt;5	2 fork	6,
??	3 ,,	6,	)!	41J 24.	Fig.	i	calabash for liquids	13,	JV°.	94, 28.
??	4 eating tongs	7,	ÎJ	51, 24.	n	2	vessel	II,	11	81, 27.
?J	5 !) quot;	1,	ÎÎ	54, 24.	11	3	water ladle	14,	11	99, 29.
Î,	6 fork	6,		46, 24.	n	4	n 11	13»	11	96, 28.
»	7 „	6,		45, 24.	5)	5	11 11	137	11	971 28.
JJ	8 eating tongs	6,		48, 24.	11	6	11 tl	14,	11	98, 29.
V	9 » »	7,	?gt;	52, 24.	Figs. 7,	Jquot;- scooping spoon	12,	11	91, 28.
n	10 „ „ in cyUnder	7,	ÎÎ	49, 24.	Fig.	8	!) n	12,	11	90, 28.
n	II spoon	5,	n	31, 23.	11	9 stirring spatula	12,	11	88, 27.
??	12 „	5,	»	15, 23.	))	10	pot support	1I7	11	79, 26.
	13 »	5,	!gt;	2, 23.	11	ii		1I7	11	78, 26.
	14 „	5,	JÎ	38, 24.	11	12	)7 11	II,	11	75, 26.
n	15 smoking apparatus	8,	V	62, 25.	ji	13	dish from Lake Sentani	12,	11	S3, 27.
	16 spoon	5gt;	11	34, 23.	)i	14	11 )) quot; quot;	12,	11	85, 27.
	17 „	S,	Î1	II, 23.	)i	15	11 11 11 quot;	12,	11	86, 27.
r	18 „		11	39, 24.	n	16	11 11 quot; quot;	12,	11	82, 27.
	19 cocoa-nut opener	8,		57, 25-	11	17	basket	12,	11	87, 27.
17	20 ji )i	8,	11	56, 23.	11	18	water-bucket	13,	J1	93, 28.
«	21 basket with sago	4,		I, 23-			PLATE IV.
	22nbsp;pot from Lake Sentani 23nbsp;n gt;1 H quot; 24nbsp;sago oven	10,	JJ	71, 2(i.			tobacco cylinder quot;			126, 30. 124, 30.
JÎ »	10,	Î7 J5	70, 26. 74, 26.	Fig. 11	1 2	17, iv-. 17, „
	25 pot from Lake Sentani	10,	)!	68, 26.	ÎÎ	3	11	17,	n	121, 30.
				11	4	11 )î	17,	11	119, 30.
	PLATE IL				n	5	» ij	17,	)i	ii4i 30.
Fig.	I pot from Humboldt Bay	9gt;		■ 63, 25.	11	6	„ pouch	16,	11	104, 29.
O »	I a ornament of		))	63, 23.	11	7	„ basket	16,	))	Ill, 30.
Nova Guinea. III. Ethnography.	, Anthropology.					49

der sande.
Fig. 3\'\'^ carved pin of			JJ-
Figs. 4, hme calabash	20,	77
Fig. 5 lime box	22,	77	20(5, 34.
„ 5® plaited ornament of		77	206, 34.
„ 6 red clay	52,	77	208, 108.
„ 7 hair tube	58,	77	214, 108.
„ 7^ ornament of		75	214, 108.
PLATE VIL
Fig. I composed comb	68,	234, III.
quot; 2 „ „	68,	77	248, III.
77 3 „ „	68,	77	244, no.
„ 4 bamboo „	66,	77	238, IIO.
quot; 5 71 „	66,	„	237, IIO.
77 6 „ „	66,	77	235, 109-
„ 7 „ j,	66,	77	236, IIO.
„ 8 scratchers	65,	»	232, 109.
„ 9 red clay in shell	53,	77	209, 108.
„ ID hair tress 57,	333,	77	210, 108.
„ II hair plait	59,	77	211, 108.
„ 12 hair tress	61,	77	212, 108.
„ 13 hair fringe	64,	77	221, 109.
„ 14 cap of hair	65,	77	223, 109.
„ 15 head ornament	70,	„	23g, III.
„ 16 composed comb	68,	7?	246, IIO.
PLATE VIIL
Figs. I, i^ bamboo comb	68,		243, IIO.
Fig. 2 browband	72,	„	288,113.
„ 3 composed head feather	62,	77	220, 109.
Figs. 4, 4% 4\'\' bamboo comb	68,	,,	242, IIO.
„ 5, S\' browband	73,	77	291, 113-
Fig. 6 composed head feather	62,	77	219, 108.
77 7 „ comb	69,	77	238, III.
PLATE IX.
Figs. I, i^ forehead ornament	71,	27Z,
fig- 2	71,	77	268, 112.
figs- 3, 3^ „	71,	77	273, 113-
Fig. 4 bandolier	86,	77	400, iig.
„ 5 bamboo comb	68,	77	241, no.
Figs. 6, forehead ornament	71,	77	276, 113-
Fig. 7 head ornament	70,	„	263, 112.
77 8 . „ „	70,	77	264, 112.
„ 9 forehead ornament	71,	77	267, 112.

Fig. I neck ornament	83,	N°.38O, 118.
„ 2 bandolier	857	17	397, 119-
„ 3 necklace	82,	71	375, 117-
„ 4 neck ornament	837	7,	383, 118.
71 5 11 17	82,	77	385, 118.
„ breast shield, front	. 84,	77	389, 118.
77 „ „ back	84,	57	389, 118.
„ 7 bandolier	86,	„	399, 119-
„ 8 forehead ornament	82,	11	379,
„ 9 neck ringquot;	81,	,7	378, T17.
PLATE	XIV.
Figs. I, 13 breast ornament	84,	, 392, 119.
Fig. 2 neck and breast ornament 82,	71	386, 118.
„ 3 girdle	92,	77	432, 121.
„ 4 calf band	104,	71	510\'-\', 125.
Figs. 5, calf band	104,	11	509, 125.
PLATE	XV.
Figs. I, 2 house ornament	148,	. 572, 152-
„ 3, 3\'\'breast „	837	,1	387, 118.
Fig. 4 penis calabash	93,	77	433, 121.
77 5 77 77	93,	71	437, 121.
„ ornament of		„	437, 121.
„ 6 calf band	104,	,,	510\'\', 125.

76,	306, 114.
76,	71	309, 114.		PLATE	XVI.
76,	71	307, 114-	Fig.	I harness	86,		403, 119.
79,	71	327, IIS-	77	2	86,	77	402, 119.
79,	7,	324, IIS-	77	3 girdle or bandolier	86,	77	404, 119.
79,	77	322, 115.	77	4 girdle	88,	71	405, 120.
79,	71	325, IIS-	77	5 armlet	100,	77	461, 122.
79,	77	329, IIS-	77	6 77	99,	77	456, 122.
79,	77	328, 115.	„	7 girdle	88,	77	412, 120.
73,	77	294, 114-	11	8 „	88,	71	416, 120.
79,	11	323, IIS-	77	9 armlet	99,	11	457, 122.
80,	77	354, 116.	77	10	ico,	77	467, 123.
79,	11	349, ii6-	77	ii penis calabash	93,	11	43S, 121.
76,	71	311, 115.	77	12 71	93,	gt;1	436, 121.
80,	,7	369, 117.	11	13 knitted apron	96,	77	451, 122.
80,	71	352, 116.	gt;1	14 armlet	102,	11	495, 124.
80,	77	363, 117-	11	15 „ , being made	100,		464, 123.
81,	11	370, 117.	11	16 wrist band	loi,	71	493, 124-

388		G.	A. J. VAIS
Fig. 17 armlet	100,
„ 18 whalebone armlet	102,	77
„ 19 girdle	90,	11
,, 20 armlet	lOI,	71
„ 21 ,,	lOI,	77	49P
PLATE	XVIL
Fig. I calf band	104,	JV°. S02,. 124.
)■gt; 2 „ „	105,	77	516, 125.
3 gt;5 ))	104,	77	504, 124.
J5 4 17 5?	104,	11	508, 125.
„ 5 wrist ring	1037	77	501, 124.
„ 6 „ band	102,	77	499,
„ 7 Conus bell	107,	71	525, 126.
„ 8 wrist band	102,	71	497, 124.
„ 9 calf „	104,	71	505, ^23.
	105,	77	515, 125.
„II suspensory hook	1447	77	537, 149-
12 „	144,	71	S34, 148.
,1 13 ,1 »	1447	71	535, 148.
5, 14 ■ n »	1447	71	536, 149-
15 ornamented fruit kernels 106,	71	321, 126.
„16 ball of Cuscus skin	107,		322, 126.
PLATE	XVIIL
Figs. 1% 1head support	1457	543, 149-
„ 2 a, 2^ „ „	1457	11	542, 149-
71 0 ! 0 » quot;	146,	17	549, 150.
Fig. 4 human figure	1487	71	570, 152.
JJ 5 71 quot;	148,	17	571, 152.
Figs. 6^, head support	146,	77	550, 150.
Fig. 7	146,	77	552, 150.
,1 8 „	1477	77	553, 150.
9 quot; quot;	146,	77	548, 150.
„ 10 suspensory hook	1447	77	539, ^49-
nil „ „	1447	71	540, 149-
PLATE	XIX.
Figs. I, I a human figure	148,		■ 567, 151.
Fig. 2 „ „	1487	71	3Ó8, 152.
,1 .3 dog\'s	148,	71	360, 151.
7) 4 H 75	148,	77	563, 151-
7, 5 pig\'s	148,	77	561, 151-
71 6 „ „	148,	17	562, 151.
Figs. 7, 7a human „	148,	77	366, 151.
Fig. 8 bird\'s „	148,	77	363, 131.
„ 9 crocodile\'s „	148,	77	559, 151.

	PLATE	XX.
Fig.	I cord bag	179, 183,	633, 190.
77	2 sago strainer	1747	77	599, 189-
77	3 77 77	174,	77	601, 189.
1.7	4 cord bag	1837	77	636, 191.
77	5 77 77	181,	77	628, 190.
77	6 rattle (fishery)	168,	77	594, 117.
77	7 sago club	1737	71	398, 189.
77	8 stone hatchet	174,	„	618, 189.
77	9 floater	163,	77	378, 170.
77	ID plaited basket		77	624, 190.
77	II 77 71	179»	77	623, 190.
77	12 sago		77	620, 189.
71	13 plaited „	178,	„	622, igo.
„	14 dip net	166,	,,	589, 171-
77	15 netting needle	1657	„	587, 171-
77	16 hackling stick	164,	,,	580, 170.
77	17 meshpin	165,	77	585, 171\'
	PLATE	XXL
Fig.	, I cord bag, being made 183, N°.	648, ig2.
	2 cord bag	187,	77	644, ig2.
	3 77 77	186,	7,	642, ig2.
??	4 needle	184,	5,	648, ig2.
V	5 knitting lath	1457 188,	,7	630, ig2.
V	6 „ ,7	1457 188,	,7	632, ig2.
5?	7 77	1457 188,	„	631, ig2.
	8 77 71	145, 188,	77	649, 192-
j?	9 cord bag, being made 180, (	77	648a).
5?	ID cord bag	187,	,7	643, igi.
	II Pteropus phalang	184,	77	653, 192-
	PLATE	XXII.
Fig.	, I paddle	197,	672, 213.
71	2	1977	75	670, 213.
77	3. 77	202,	17	674, 213.
77	4 77	202,	77	675, 213.
77	5 77	202,	17	673, 213.
a	6 ornamental prow	210,	77	662, 212.
71	7 boat ornament	201,	77	668, 212.
77	8 ornamental prow	210,	77	663, 212.
77	9 77 77	210,	77	663, 212.
11	10 stern ornament	210,	77	664, 212.
77	II boat model	199,	77	654, 211.

Fig. 2	shield		253j	264.
jj	3 dagger		240,	jj	72s, 237.
ji	4	11		240,	jj	726. 237.
jj	5	11		240,	11	721, 237.
51	6	ii		240,	;7	72g, 237.
j1	7	scabbard		241,	11	7271 237-
j1	8	dagger in scabbard	241,	11	728, 237.
	9	stone club		241,	11	738, 237-
11	10	„ head	of club	241,	11	739gt; 237-
)1	II	shield		253j	11	1263, 264.
,,	12	11		253,	n	1264, 264.
11	13	11		2 53j	ji	1263, 264.
11	14	11		253,	11	1261, 264.
		PLATE	XXVII.
Fig. I	boar arrow		243j
11	2	\'1 11		243j	11	754i 258.
ji	3	ornamental	arrow	245j	11	759, 258.
11	4	11	11	244,	11	763, 258-
11	5 fishing	11	166,	11	766, 238.
11	6	11	11	166,	11	768, 238.
11	7	11	11	166,	11	773, 258.
11	8	11	11	166,	jj	774, 258.
11	9	war	11	243j	11	775, 258.
ii	IG	11	11	243j	ji	781, 238.
11	II	11	ji	243j	11	782, 23g.
11	12	11	11	243,	11	783, 25g-
11	13	11	n	243j	11	788, 23g.
ji	14	11	71	243j	11	79^, 259-
ii	15	11	11	243j	11	794, 259-
11	16	n	11	243j	11	807, 23g.
11	17	j;	jj	243j	11	827, 23g.
n	i8	11	11	243j	jj	828, 23g.
ii	19	11	11	243j	n	835, 25g.
11	20	ji	11	243j	n	842, 25g.
11	21	11	11	243j	11	853, 25g-
11	22	11	11	243j	11	862, 23g.
11	23	ji	11	243j	71	864, 23g.
11	24	11	11	243,	11	872, 23g.
11	25	ji	11	243,	11	881, 23g.
11	26	11	17	243,	n	882, 23g.
11	27	11	11	243j	11	883, 239.
11	28	11	11	243,	11	886, 260.
ji	29	11	71	243,	11	892, 260.
11	30	11	71	243,	11	8g3, 260.
ii	31	ornamental	51	245j	11	8g6, 260.

Fig. 32	ornamental arrow	2457		2(5O. [	Fig. 6 bamboo flute	307, iV». 1313, 314-
„ 33	n r	2457	n	8g8, 260.	77	7	r 77	307,	11	1305, 313-
„ 34	51 11	2457	,7	go3, 260.	71	8	77 11	307,	11	1315, 314-
„ 35	11 ))	2457	71	go8, 260.	7\'	9		307,	n	1316, 314.
r 36	war	243,	77	Qio, 260.	n	10		307,	71	1308, 313.
r 37	): \'1	243,	77	gii, 260.	77	11	n n	307,	77	13X0, 313.
„ 38	It	243,	77	gi3, 260.	!1	12	17 77	307,	77	1299, 313.
„ 39	ornamental „	245,	71	gi3, 260.	77	13	11 71	307,	11	I3I7, 314-
„ 40	11	245,	77	1073, 262.	I!	14	11 77	307,	77	I3II, 314.
„ 41	spear	252,	77	1238, 264.	11	15	77 1\'	307,	quot;	1303, 313-
„ 42	lance	242,	71	744, 237-	11	16	71 17	307,	77	J298, 313.
		XXVIII.			71	17		307,	;;	1294, 313-
	PLATE			7\'	18	77 77	307,	17	13041 313-
Fig. I :	Drum	305,		1276, 312.	11	19	„ 71	307,	77	1302, 313-
„ 2	11	305,	J1	1279, 312.	71	20	77 77	307,	77	I3I4, 314-
„ 3	n	305,	??	1278, 312.	75	21	„	307,	71	1291, 313.
„ 4	n	305,	r	1277, 312.	r	22	Triton shell	307,	11	I3I9, 314-
n 5	V	305,	V	1286, 312.		23	abacus 219,	267,	71	1270, 282.
Figs 6,	6\'-\' „ and drumstick 305,		1288, 313.	1quot;	24	Strombus shell	308,	11	1318, 314.
Fig. 7		305,		1287, 312.		25 top	265,	7\'	1269, 282.
„ 8	11	305,	ji	1289, 313.	77	26	amulet	303,	77	1324, 314.
,, 9	71	305,		1280, 312.	71	27		303,	77	1328, 314.
„ 10	hand-drum	305,	71	1284, 312.	J7	28	11	303,	77	1326, 314.
II	71 17	305,	V	1283, 312.			PLATE XXX.
12	Jew\'s harp	303-					—5 Skuh of Ungrau.	358.
«13	77 77	303,	«	1273, 312.	Figs. I
r 14	77 .\'! ■	303,		1272, 312.	Fig. 6 European scapula	359-
				i 11	7	Papuan „	359-
	PLATE XXIX.			11	8	Plaster cast of hand	347-
Fig. I	bamboo flute	307,	IJ06, 313.		9	„ . 11 foot	35°-
V 2	77 7!	307,	7,	1312, 314.	77	ID	Prosarmosis	341-
quot; 3	11 11	307,	rt	1300, 313.	I n	II	Enarmosis	341-
4	r. 77	307,	11	1309, 313-	V	12	Teeth of upper jaw	341-
,v 5	77 71	307,	77	1307, 313-	11	13	,, „ lower jaw	342.

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