r).

ilS

PROEFSCHRIFT TER VERKRIJGING VAN DEN GRAAD
VAN DOCTOR IN DE LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE
AAN DE RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT TE UTRECHT, OP GEZAG
VAN DEN RECTOR MAGNIFICUS Dr A. NOORDTZIJ.
HOOGLEERAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER GODGE-
LEERDHEID. VOLGENS BESLUIT VAN DEN SENAAT
DER UNIVERSITEIT, TEGEN DE BEDENKINGEN DER
FACULTEIT VAN LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE TE
VERDEDIGEN OP VRIJDAG 11 FEBRUARI 1927, DES
NAMIDDAGS TE 5 UUR

§ 1 — Tomba deir Oreo ± 360 B. C. The representations in this tomb are to be divided
in 3 groups.

I) Banqueting scenes. We need not say much about them; in tlie earlier tombs they
occur ever37where, but in the later series too we meet with them pretty often, of.

A)nbsp;Caere 1) t. delle Pitture (or del Triclinio) ± 360 B. C. CaninaEtr. maritt. pi. 63f.;
Bull. Inst. 1857, 116 note.

B)nbsp;Tarquinia 2) t. degli Scudi (± 330/20 B. C.) Weege Etr. Mai. pi. 51 and 54.

3) t. della Mercareccia {± 300 B. C.). The thing is very problematic here, but is
attested for the second room by Maffei Osservazioni litterarie V.

C)nbsp;Orvieio 4) t. d. due Bighe ± 360 B. C.: Conestabile Pitt. mur. pl. 1—3; Poulsen
Etr. t. p. fig. 23.

5)nbsp;t. degli Hescanas ± 360 B. C. It seems to be nearly certain that the left wall,
now lost, contained a banqueting scene, the traces of which are to be found now only on
the adjoining walls, viz. scene with table on the left side of the entrance wall; demon and
youth with vase on the left side of the back wall (cf. Cardella: t. d. Hescanas pi. II E and
A; Rom. Mitt. 8 (1893) 330 f.). It should be noticed that the right wall has a procession
(cf. below) in which one youth is kissed by another with a wreath on his head: from the
left a draped woman advances (whether a servant or a demon is not clear, but there are
no wings) holding, as far as can be seen, a wreath in her hand. Seemingly the new arrival
in Orcus is greeted by an ancestor and admitted to the family banquet, in token of which
he receives his wreath (cf. Cardella 1.1. pi. Ill B and C right figure). It might prove to be
of importance, if we knew the interpretation of the back wall; the principal object is
variously described as a funeral monument (Rom. Mitt. Id.) or an altar or a basis (Stryk
Etr. Kammergr. 98). Unfortunately I have no notes of my own.

6)nbsp;t. Golini ± 360 B. C.; Martha Art étr. fig. 279 and 292; Poulsen Etr. t. p. fig.
31/3, and elsewhere.

D)nbsp;Antella, 7) stele found there, now Florence Pal. Peruzzi (± 500 B. C.), Martha Art
étr. fig. 165. The upper part only concerns us, the lower has no banquet; Martha p. 215
is wrong in this.

E)nbsp;Fdsina, 8) some 4 fragmentary specimina of the stelae found in its necropolis and
belonging to the 5th/4th cent. B. C. Studied by Ducati Mon. Line. XX, 695 § 4. His No. 175
( = fig. 60) is curious: man lying on his couch, who is being dealt a blow by a female
demon with a hammer. Strictly speaking this scene does not belong to this series, since

II) (from Chianciano), now in Florence ibid, case A (± 350 B.C.). Same desif^ h,,»

13)nbsp;(from Chiusi). now in the Louvre (2nd cent. B. C.). Original design alterpH in

Art etr 340 says) at the head of the man. two slaves with vessels at his feet Martha 11

, ■ in, ^nbsp;P^®^® (woman on lid, two demons pressed against couch) Mu\'s fhniV

14)nbsp;(from Chiusi), lid of an urn in limestone, now in Berlin (2nd/lst cent B C ) M
lying at meal embracing little winged woman: at the left cup-bearer and dogquot; of 1 i\' i ?
above. Berlin Kurze Beschr. Sk. (1922) No. 1261.nbsp;• \'\' M

15)nbsp;(from Chiusi). Some monuments must be added: Brunn-Koerte III 109 c i
4?); also the types referred to ibid, text p. 135 ff.nbsp;\' \'

H)nbsp;Perugia 16) The motive is not frequent here. Urn in terra cotta (found 18301
2nd/Ist cent. B. C. Man and woman in the usual composition on lid Guida Perue-\' Tvi
65. with fipre. Cf. also the faces of urns Brunn-K. HI. 103 ff. and the piece 109 5

I)nbsp;Tarquinia. 17) Sarcophagus, now in Florence, Mus. arch. etr. topogr Room nf r
quinii (2nd half of 3rd cent. B. C.). The side beneath the left hand of the maiTh
cottabos in the centre with a figure lying at either side, each with a wreath (thar f
the woman is no longer there, because plunderers have made a hole) and a pat
Roundabout there are snakes of a curious type, recurring on a terra cottaurnin Vnif
(Guamacci No. 497 = Brunn-Koerte II. 1.2) and in Egyptian fayence in the v B^
collection in the Archaeological Museum of the Hague (unpublished^ TV,« o. \'
Milani Mus. topogr. Etr. fig.

The figure of Charun is placed between the couches in order to show th
takes place in the nether world (cf. ad II Mythological scenes). Cf. about h,\'^ n
191 ff.; the study of O. Waser: Charon. Charun. Charos; Roscher Myth Lei jT
welt 73. 6 ff. The reports between Charun and Orcus are established in Ppc^a\'i rnbsp;quot;

80. 3. The Charon of the later poets is developed out of the Etruscan cTarun!quot;cL7\'B\'

1) the Curators of the Museum give the demon the name of Parca Carmentalis I doubt wh th •

Myth. Lex. s. v. v. Parca and Carmenta, who arc really goddesses of biith. Possibly La« w^uJlnbsp;Roscher

The banquets subsisted in Roman times cf. Cumont After Life 53 ff.; 199 ff.; Br, Schroe-
der Stud. Grabdenkm. d. Kaiserzeit 2 ff.

II) Mythological scenes. The whole is merely intended to be an illustration in epic
style of the nether world: there is no symbolic or mystic meaning. The fact that these
additions are found is a sign of later development: in the earlier tombs the artist intended
the spectator to infer that the banquets were in the Orcus: a later generation expressed
it as a consequence of greater realistic feeling and narrative power (cf. the other tombs
refwred to above).

i u c h u 1 c h a. The scene forms part of a tradition, for which cf. E Petersen: ein Werk des
Panainos (Seemann Leipzig 1905): here most of the monuments are cited. We must add
to the foregoing a vase (S. Italy?) in the Mus. Gregor. (Case U section 5, 2nd row No, 200):
two youths are sit facing each other, a woman standing between them. Clearly the scene
in t, d, Orco is an Etruscan version adapted to the national religion. The monument adja-
cent to the hemicyclium on which the friends are sitting must have a meaning also: it
is not to be met with elsewhere in the Theseus scenes, but the urn in Berlin (Kurze Beschr.
1261, cited before) has a similar one: it is an Etruscan, or at least Italic, funeral monument.
The persons represented are bound to the tomb, Tuchulcha makes escape impossible,
1 he same idea is to be found on other Etruscan monuments:

1)nbsp;Perugia urn No. 151 in Museo del Palazzone (= t, d. Volunni) 2nd/lst cent.
I^- C.; E. Galli Perugia fig. 43 (= Conestabile Monum. Perug. pi. 52 (= 78), 2) also attri-
butes this composition to the 5th cent,, but gives a slightly different explanation: arrival
of a shade before the guardians of the gate of the nether would, I do not consider that
he is right, cf. Brunn—Koerte Ril, III p, 114 (ad pi, 93. 3) and

2)nbsp;[provenance imknown) Inghirami Pitt, vasi fitt, IV, 385: young man between 2
Furies wielding snakes against him;

3)nbsp;Cervetri, vase now in Vienna ± 300 B, C, Musician (usually taken to be Orpheus,
but more likely Cacu, cf. Brunn—K, II, 119) between two demons with serpent,Massner:
^asen und Terrak. Wien No. 448; Roscher s, v, Charybdis col. 887 one of the demons;
cf. Ann, Inst. 51 (1875) tav, V p, 305 = Reinach R, V. P, I, 343, 2 f,

4)nbsp;Tarquinia t. d, Cardinale (230/200 B, C,): demon leaning on his hammer, watching
^ figure.

The type of Tuchulcha requires no more words: I will only mention his big asses\'ears:
m some cases the ass has a demonological sense (cf, below). Similar ears are to be found

g. on the figure of Charun in our tomb and on a small demon-like head from Tarquinia
in the Museo Gregoriano (= Mus, Greg, (ed, of 1842) I, 97, 7 and p, 14).

Nekyia. Its design is the old one of dancing figures between trees, but here adapted
to a new purpose, an epic translation as it were. The impression one gets, that the persons
are walking, is false: there is no reason why they should. They are standing still without
any connection between them, and are placed in profile turning to one side, because the
artist desired a continuous line towards the ancient entrance, not interrupted by figures
facing each other. „Memrunquot; is Memnon, not Agamemnon: although both occur in Ho-
nier\'s Nekyia there can be no doubt on this point because of the oriental aspect of the

1) concerning the meaning of the presence of eyes in the wings of him and other death demons cf. Dennis IP, 170;
172 f; I93j 369^ where monuments and expbnations are enumerated.

figure; also there is no space in the inscription for two letters more {\'AxJfiei^Qvv). Cf.
Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v.v. Memnon and Memrun.

On his body bloody bandages are painted. This motive requires some attention be-
cause of the interpretation of it proposed by Weege (Etr. Mai. p. 29). It occurs on a Ta-
rentine vase at Munich too (Furtw. Reichhold I, 10), where Megara is sitting with her
children, the Heraclidae. Besides we can trace it in literature; Tibullus 1, 10. 35 ff. refers
to a similar conception in report with the deceased (cf. Maass: Orpheus 306 ff.); also
Vergil in Aen. VI (cf. Norden ad v. 446 and 495 ff.); finally Auson. Id. VI (cf. Rev. arch.
1903, 163 f.; 192 f.). Of this passage and some of the other materials Weege (E. M. 31 f.)
has made abuse, in order to estabhsh the Orphic character of the painting, which con-
siders us here. Neither Maass nor Norden have been able to point out a single instance
of this belief in Greece; it is purely Italic.

Why the shades which flutter in the bushes are ithyphallichasnotyet beenexplainedi).
It seems to me this peculiarity is best explained, when we take them to be the Manes, con-
tinuing the existence of the Genii (cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Genius 1618, 38 ff.); the
Genius on his side is first of all the abstraction of the man, especially of his procreative
energy (cf. ibid. 1614, I ff. and esp. 1615. 6 ff.; Wissowa Rel. Kult. R6m.2 175 is of the
same opinion). I do not think that the fact, that they occur only on the tree between
Memnon and Tiresias has any special meaning 2). The phalhc motive occurs several
times in Etruscan funeral art and possibly has some mystic meaning which in no way
need be Orphic, although there it is also to be found (cf. Philosoph. 5. 3 ed. Cruice and
J. Harrison Prolegg^. 641 ff. In Etruria

1)nbsp;Orhetello (? so Cat. Brit. Mus.; or Vulci}) vase with Charun ithyphallic, he is about
to slay ithyphallic man. ± 300 B. C. Cat. Vas. Brit. Mus. IV F 486 (the literature bearing
upon the monument, not in the catal., is: Ann. Inst. 1837, 2, 256; 257; 272; A. Frova in
Rinnovam. 1908, 1, 131; Waser Charon etc. 80, 7. Formerly Coll. Campanari).

2)nbsp;Chiusi ithyphallic hippocampi on urns; the genital has been transformed into a
vegetable motive cf. Brunn-Koerte Ril. Ill, 149, 12—14, and text p. 221 f.; the article
Hippokamp in Roscher mentions, shortly, Etruscan hippocampi, but draws no con-
clusions. They bear the deceased towards the Island of the Blessed and have also a close
connection with the circle of Aphrodite. Horses in the same fashion sometimes appear on
Faliscan vases (4th/3rd cent. B. C.) but here probably without funeral signification (such
a vase Archaeol. Mus. 12 Carnegielane the Hague Room XI F 35).

The phalloid monuments on graves in Central Etruria (archaic; cf. Stryk Kammer-
graber 111 ff.) may perhaps be cited here. I am not quite sure, if they are not to be
sometimes found on urns from Volterra, mostly in scenes of departure (Volterra Guar-

1)nbsp;An attempt has been made by Helbig Ann. Inst. 1870. 5 ff.: he declares them to be the laniae or lemures, and
insists too much on their obscene character, which in reality does not exist. But the character of the spirits, which he cites
is quite different cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. v.

2)nbsp;I doubt whether a comparison with the tree with the dreams in Vergil is in place here. Cf. Norden Aen. B.VI®p. 216.
Souls wingless, Radermacher Jenseits 88.

3)nbsp;for the phallus as a symbol of reincarnation cf. Pascal Credenze I, 162; Rohde Psyche I«, 58. Possibly there is
some connection with the ideas treated by Bulle: Silene i. d. arch. Kunst d. Griechen (Münchcn 1893) 70 f. I am
reminded by Dr. C. W. Lunsingh Scheurleer of a similar Egyptian belief concerning Osiris ithyphallic after his death:
he thus fecundated Isis. Cf. Erman Aeg. Religion\' 40; Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Usire 128,61 £E.

4)nbsp;cf. ithyphallic Hermes Head Hist. Numm.\' 261 (Imbros). From Pelasgic origin, cf..Hdt. II, 51.

nacci 87; 586; Florence Mus. archeol. etr. Room XXI, No. 5520 Inv.) and epiphany (cf.
Brunn-Koerte III, 45. 2; 65, 4). I doubt, whether there is any question of a sundial
in all these cases; sometimes at least the object closely resembles a pinion. This symbol
has been amply discussed by Hülsen (Rom. Mitt. 1903, 39 ff.; 1904, 87 ff.), Strzygowski
(Id. 1903, 185 ff.) and Petersen (1.1. 1903, 312 ff.); cf. also Bruno Schroeder Stud. Grab-
denkm. Kaiserz. (diss. Bonn 1902) 25 ff.

In any case neither the t. c. statue in Perugia (Mus. d. Univ. Cat. Bellucci (1910) No.
151, with small photogr.), which is a Hercules (cf. also Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Hercules
2270), notwithstanding his gesture of „„le cornaquot; with the right hand, and the obscene
(? v. E.) one with the left (not with the digitus impudicus but with the index), nor the
ithyphallic Hermaphrodite as a support of an Etruscan (funeral?) candelabrum in the
Pal. d. Conservatori in Rome has any relevance to this matter.

Hades—Persephone. Central motive of this wall is Hades giving a command to
Geryon^); the motive but with a different servant, recurs on an urn in VoUerra (Guam.
575 =Br.-K.Ril. Ill, 100, 17), for the objections raised by Koerte (1.1. p. 120) are not,
m my opinion, very serious.

Persephone is of the same type as 4 small heads of female demons in the Museo Faina
m Orvieto: the style may be identical also (abt. middle 4th cent.; cf. Albizzati in Diss, (or
Atti) Ac. pont. Roma II, 15 (1921) 233 ff.). Different in character is Persephone in t.
Campanari in Vulci (Mon. ined. II, 53,4); she is less of the type of a Gorgo (Gorgo in nether
worid cf. Rohde Psyche IP, 408, where Aristoph. Ran. 447 must be added).

The head of Hades, however, is that which demands most attention, especially because
of the cap he wears. As appears from Th. P. Sophoulis: Hades in der antiken Kunst (diss.
Würzburg 1884) and Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v.. Hades with the wolf cap occurs only in
Etruria This must have a special meaning, which as yet has not been sought for.
Nevertheless the question is not difficult.

The question of the quot;Auha xvvh] (Hom. II. 5, 845»); Hes. Sc. Her. 227) can safely be
passed over here: as appears clearly from the latter of these places this cap is a symbol
of darkness and there is no reason whatever, why it should be in the form of a wolf\'s
head That the wolf plays a great part in the myths of Italy is well known ®); he is the
^Id defender of the city as well as the representation of the destructive powers, that

1)nbsp;for his presence in Hades cf. Arrh. Jahrb. 1925, 66; Norden Aen. B. VI« p. 21.5, and here Ch. III p. 68,5b.

2)nbsp;besides this tomb here must be cited in Orvieto: t. Golini ± 360 B. C. (Martha .^rt étr. fig. 292) and the sarcophagus
rom Torre S. Severo (in the neighbourhood), now in the Museo dell\' 0pera± 230/20 B. C.; Al. d. Seta Ital. Anf.fig.239,

3)nbsp;Athena with the xvvéi)-, a statue, where she wears Hades\' wolf cap in Villa Albani (cf. Furtw. M. P. 80, l;s\'.
einach in Darcmb. - S. s. v. Galea 1430) brings us no further in the question under consideration. She might be an
tahc goddess, cf. below. Cf. also Helbig Ann. Inst. 1870, 26 ff.; Bulle Sch. M«. text col. 642, and lastly Lamer in Berl. Phil.

■1) I cannot agree in this question with S. Reinach (whose paper on this subject came loo late to my knowledge) Cultes
etc. 1\', 295 and in Daremb — S. s. v. Galea 430. I do not see any example either of „Hades, qui porte une peau de
oupquot; in Greece. The literature cited by him in Daremb.— S. is all Italic and Celtic. Possibly the bronze Charun from
ontepulciano, now in Florence (Mus. arch. etr. top. Room of Clusium Vitrine IV) was thought to wear it, cf. Rendic.
wnc. 1894, 270 (after which Weege Etr. M. fig. 45). Cf. also Brunn — K. Ril. II p. 103 ad pi. 39, 2.
437^rnbsp;Gemmen III p. 252, S. Reinach Cultes, Mythes, Religions I\', 59 f.; Head Hist. Numm.«

(ApDllo Lycius as wolf on coins of Argos) cited by Reinach in Darcmb—S. s. v.; Rev. arch. 1925, 362. The Felsinean
^ele with suckling she-wolf (Mon. Line. XX, 531 and G99; Grenier Bologne 441) is also important. The mirror from
^ 0 Sena with wolf suckling children (/\\na. Inst. 1879 pi. Ill, cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 42, 43 ff.) has been
wTlnbsp;^^^^ (Koerte in Gerhard Etr. Sp. V, 2, p. 172). In the Museum of Myconos I noticed a plastic vase

I gt; .1 similar motive, found on Uelos: it might be a she-dog however (communication from Mr. a. Laumonier).

must be appeased i). Death is the foremost among such, and, indeed, demons of death
in the form of wolves can often be traced, especially in Italic sphere of culture. So e.g.
in the legend of Temesa 2), in the fact, that the priests of Vediovis, a deity of Orcus, were
called hirpi (= wolves) 3), finally in the conception of the „werwolfquot;, of which Petron.
Cena Trim. 62 is a characteristic example^). Here Niceros relates, that once he took a
walk at night with a comrade, who, in some curious way, changed himself into a wolf.
In this shape he attacked cattle, but was wounded. The following day his comrade found him
in human form, with the same wound. The story can be paralleled by many others (cf.

Spence: Encycl. of Occultism s.v. Werwolf), of whichmurderisalwaysan essential element.

In Greece these ideas are much less prominent, but a trace can be found e.g. on a Corin-
thian vase in Berlin where the monster approaching Andromeda in order to devour
her, has clearly a wolf\'s head. This wolf demon of death occurs rather frequently in Etrus-
can art more especially in a curious group of urns, which has already given rise to
much discussion •). The urns come from Volterra, Chiusi and Perugia. Whatever may be
the exact meaning of the scene, we have here a demon with the appearance of an animal
a mixed being, or a man with a cap, starting from a puteal or a mundus 8). and assailing]
apparently with intention to murder, some of the surrounding men 9). His animal parts,\'
are either in the shape of a wolf (this in most cases), or of an ass 1°) (for this, and not a
horse, seems to me to be the right description). The wolf demon is quite familiar to us now
and confirms us in the belief that the Etruscan Hades with the wolf cap is an Italic demon
transformed into the Greek Hades, but with his original character still visible quot;).

Cerberus. The article Kerberos in Roscher ignores the existence of Etruscan monu-
ments with the hound of the nether world. A list follows here; some of the examples will
require remarks giving details.

2)nbsp;cf. Rohde Psyche 1«, 192, 1 (where Roscher Kynanthropie 60 f. is cited); Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Heros 2172
20 ff.; Frazer (Golden Bough) Spirits of the Com II, 283 f.; Arch. Jahrb. 1925, 45 ff.nbsp;\'

3)nbsp;Wissowa Rel. K. R^. 238, cf. Roscher s. v. Hades 1793, 58 (wolfaschthonic animal) and Kadermacher Jcnseits 52 f •
117 f. The hirpi go through fire in order to get rid from the (death?) demon, cf. Frazer (Golden Bough) Balder IJ 14 f\'
and 17. A curious custom is related also Cic. de Inuent. 2, 149 and Auct. ad Hercnn. 1, 23, viz. that the murderer\'s head
is put Into a bag of wolf\'s skin, cf. Landgraf\'s commentary ad Cic. Sex. Rose. 25, 70. Finally Dante\'s ..Maledetto 1 Tquot;
(Weege p. 49) belongs here.

5)nbsp;Zahn, in die Antike I, 82fig. 1. The corresponding scenes Brunn-K. Ril. II, 39 and 40 are not so clear: the mon tp
is here more phantastic.nbsp;^ ^

6)nbsp;it seems, however, that the male demons on the well-known small Chiusian urns (Br.-K. Ril. m 57 7 ^^^
Leidea, Louvre and Cortona must be added to the museography) wear lion\'s skins; also those III, 9.1, 5 ipcn, \' * 1 \'\'
78, 7 (Chiusi). But cf. the Chiusian urn Br.-K. Ril. Ill, 100, IC, and text p. 119, hero p. u. \' \'nbsp;\'\'

7)nbsp;Br.-K. Ril. Ill pi. 8—10, p. IG ff. Cf. Anziani Ddmonologie etr. in Mel. d\'arch. et d\' hist, de I\'Ecole fr de H
(1910) 257 and A. Piganiol: Recherches sur les jeux romains (Publ. de la Fac. des Lettrcs de Str.-isbourg 1923)nbsp;^^

8)nbsp;cf. Wissowa Rel. K. R. quot; 231 f. For the motive cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Unterwelt 49 u «. ,
Jenseits78ff.;87.nbsp;•Radermacher

9)nbsp;cf. Norden Aen. B. VI» p. 204; Rohde Psyche II\', 83 f. One of the man has his sword drawn cf Rol 1 p

10) for the ass one could compare the drapery of Core in Lycosura (S. Reinach R. R. G. R. H. 421. (gt;11.

fi\'ci «ltin\\ lt;1omrgt;Tic iwjfli lt;,cc«c\' liAnHe Siinilnr dpmons (oi the same eh.irnr.fpr\'^nbsp;»rnbsp;\' o • ^c. gr.

1)nbsp;Orvieto. Seriesof 3 vasesin the Museo Faina, redfigured with polychrome detail
(white and orange) ± 300/250 B. C. On two of them Cerberus represents the entrance to
the nether world, the procession with the deceased has just passed him. He is drawn eating
something not easy to define but resembling a heap of (human?) intestines. Some monu-
nients may be compared with these: I) lower part of a sword sheath from Capena (-Le-
prignano) in Villa Giulia (Cat. p. 340 No. 26523): feline monster with human leg in his
mouth; 7th cent. B. C., 2) cista Zannoni Bologna (Ducati Memorie Acad. Bologna 1923, 23
ff-; Zannoni Scavi d. Certosa pi. 35, 7 lowest line at the extreme right edge; Martha Art
étr. fig. 85 nethermost range quite at the right edge; S. Reinach Cultes, Mythes, Religions
I\', 285 fig. 8, text p. 283 ff. 2)).

In literature the same conception can be traced: Hesiodus (Theog. 311) speaks about the
iÜQ^eQoa (b/j.}]axija clearly a symbol of putrefaction (cf. Ch. Ill, p. 68,5b and 76.)

2)nbsp;Orvieto, vase found in the tomba Golini, redfigured ± 300 B. C.; now in Florence
(Mus. arch. etr. topogr. Room of Volsinii Vitrine II below.). Procession moving towards
a Cerberus. Conestabile Pitt. mur. pi. 17 (= Seemann Kunst d. Etr. pi. 26).

3)nbsp;VoUerra, short side of an urn, 2nd or 1st cent. B. C. Demon seated with torch and
sword. Cerberus at his side: no gate. Brunn—Koerte Ril. Ill, 2, 3a.

4)nbsp;Tarquinia, sarcophagus in grey tufa, a little before 200 i^. C. On the sides fighting
scene with griffin; on the lid a Cerberus. Mus. nazionale Tarquinia in the Cortile unnum-
bered. Identical with Bull. Inst. 1864, 39 = Waser Charon etc. II B 39? From this lite-
rature one would gather that it is a monument with „Cerberus between two Charunsquot;,
but this may be an inexact description.

5)nbsp;Chiusi; a series of urns from that city scattered in a number of Musea. Terra cotta;
2nd/lst cent. B. C. Fury leads figure towards gate, where a man is waiting near Cerbe-
rus «) (for interpretation see below). Brunn—Koerte Ril. Ill, 57, 8 (with p. 68, photogr.
on p. 69), to which an urn in the Louvre must be added; in the Museum of Chiusi 6 exam-
ples are cited, especially 1069 A: the other numbers are 1 9 A; 655; 798 A; 1058; the
6th I cannot make out. See also A. Frova in Rinnovam. 1908, I, 125 = 343 (.) s)

6)nbsp;Chiusi (?) Urn in Museo di Villa Giulia in Rome. Terra cotta 2nd/1st cent. B. C.
..Gate with, before it, youth in mantle, bare-headed and bare-footed, who lays his hand
„on one of the heads of Cerberus, partly invisible, in the centre of the composition; from
»the left Lasa leading shade by the hand; she bears a torch, the flames of which are in-

1)nbsp;It is absolutely uncomprchcnsible, why Koerte published these vases (in chromolithograph) in outline drawings,
dark-brown on light-browj» background (Mon. Ined. XI, 4 f. ^ Ducati Cer. gr. II, 47-1 f.; one of the vases Weege Etr.
M- fig. 49.). Ann. Inst. 1879, 299 ho says about them: „dal disegno franco ed alquanto trascurato eseguilo alarghiiralti
„dl pcncllo, dal color giallo dell\' argilla e dal bianco riportato, che vi è profuso, finalmente dal genere stesso delle rap-

..presentanze----si riconoscono come appartencnti all* epoca dclla dccadenzaquot;. Bull. Inst. 1876, 116 nothing is said

about the technique. Confusion was bound to result — and has resulted: Ducati 1.1. treats them .-is a separate class. In
reality they are redfigured, their polyciirome recalls the bright aspect of the tomb paintings of the Orviétan schcol.

2)nbsp;cf. also „animalandrophagequot; Rev. arch. 1924,324 f. I owe these references to the kindnessot Dr. Leopold at Rome.

3)nbsp;cf. Dieterich Nek.\' 49; 51; p. VIII; Rohde Psyche 1\', 304, 2. One should compare /iiovvooa wfitjatrjo or wfiddioa
(references Bruchmann-Roscher: Epith. Deor. poet. gr. p. 94; Pauly-W. s.v. Dionysos 1033, 33 ff.;Pape Wörterb. Eigenn.
s.v. /iiôvvaoa and Rohde Psyche II», 15). Here Dionysus is Zagreus, lord of the nether world.

1) tho Roman development of this figure is the lanitor Orel concerning which sec Pascal Crcdenze I, 61; Rossbach
Dämonen d. Unterwelt Rhein. Mus. 49, 593 f.

\'gt;) this paper deals with almost the same subject as the present chapter, but not very methodically. I did, however
gain some advantage by its use.

dicated above Cerberusquot;: Motive a variant of preceding series. Not in Brun^Ii^
della Seta Villa Gmlia p. 117 No. 25159 (date too high).

XT JL?^!!quot;^quot;\' ^^ ^^ ^^^^^ Cerberus at the entrance of Orcus. Cf. Kurze Beschr s (1922^
No. 1302; Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 100. 16 and p. 118 ff. (with photogr.).nbsp;^ ^^^

In one tomb Cerberus occurs also:
9) Cerveteri, tomba dei Rilievi back wall, where he is associated with a demon 3rd
cent. B. C. Martha Art étr. pl. II (between p.p. 184 and 185): Noel d. Vergers I\'EtnmV
et les Etrusques I, 94; Bull. Inst. 1857, 116 note.

The presence of Cerberus on Etruscan funeral monuments thus being established
beyond any doubt there is no difficulty in admitting him behind Geryon also where the
leg of a similar type of being is still visible.

Cyclops. The view that this scene has some religious signification (cf. Weege Etr M
p. 28) is mistaken. It is based upon Dieterich Nek.^ 47, which seems to me, is not quite
exact; he overlooks the comic element. On the contrary the scene is merely illustrative
and is to be found on urns also (Brunn-Koerte Ril. I, 86, 1 and 87, 3). The comparison
with Eur. quot;Aiôao fiàyeiQoa (Cycl. 397) has no meaning. He is Hades\' butcher in so far
as he prepares the victims for him, and the expression is only intended to make him
more repugnant than ever (cf. also the terms in Rohde Psyche 1«, 318, 2); but in no case
he can be called /xâyeiQoa. when he is blinded. Neither Roscher\'s article Kyklopen
nor ibid. Polyphemus show any appreciable connection with the nether world.
Ill) Demon scenes.

a)nbsp;scene with horse being led. This will be treated under tomba del Cardinale

A)nbsp;Tarquinia I), tomba dei Festoni (± 125 B. C.) Not. d. Scavi 1920, 248 ff.

2)nbsp;t. Byres B ( = the tomb reproduced Byres Hypogaei IV. 1—3). Here two demons
are to be found one at each side of a door, controlling a snake. Cf. also Brunn-K. II 63
3 b. Their manner is somewhat different, but they retain the idea of guarding a f t \'

3)nbsp;t. della Mercareccia (± 300 B. C. probably), although the motive is rather conjec-
tural here; it seems to occur in the passage from the 1st room to the second cf fnrquot; m
Etr. Ill cl. 2 p. 90 f. ( = Ch. VI § 5).nbsp;\' \'

C)nbsp;Perugia 6), the biggest urn in the t. dei Volunni (±150 b. C.); Martha\'Art étr fi

D)nbsp;Orvieto. Here the motive seems also to occur. Cf. Dennis IP, 193. Prova in R\'
vamento 1908, 1, 118, where much material has been collected. \' \'nbsp;lt;inno-

In other cases their attitude is changed into one of activity; they seize th 1
when he approaches the gate (Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 94, 4 and 5 i)- in 95 6 anoth ^
still (all from Perugia). In 100, 16 (Chiusi) the demon prevents a fi\'gure fromquot;quot;
of the gate; the character of the scene is somewhat satirical in 97, 10 (Chiusif^l^
altogether agree with the explanation given in the text p. 115 (cf. below Scudi- wa\'V^^

1) here there is a Lasa with a key in her hand, cf, below ad t. Tartaglia, p. 37 f.

figures). In Roman times also the two Furies at the gate occur; in this case they throw
it open (Roman urn in the Vatican 2nd/3rd cent. A. D. = Amelung Cat. Sc. Vatic. II pi.
21, 80), Brunn-K. Ill, 95, 7 (from Chiusi) has probably the meaning assigned to it by
Koerte (p, 115); therefore it does not belong to this type. Possibly two curious monuments
in the Mus, Guarnacci in VoUerra must be placed here: they are two prismatic pieces of
stone with Lasa\'s seated on a rock carved in relief: one is without attribute, the other
has a sword on her knees. They are placed at each side of a door, but could have had the
same function in a tomb. The motive also became more peaceful and ornamental, already
in Etruscan art; the gate tends to become a cartouche. A sarcophagus in the Mus. d.
Opera in Orvieto (unnumbered; phot, Alinari 25996) marks a step in this direction: the
development is complete on a Roman urn in Leiden,

§ 2 — Tomba degli Scudi, 330/20 B, C. General description: a procession is pain-
ted entering the tomb: it is welcomed by some persons and moves towards a banque-
ting scene.

The particularity, that the destination, towards which the procession
moves is given, occurs rarely and only in Orvieto in the t, Golini, where the biga
(Martha Art étr. fig, 281) is directed towards a banquet, and in the t,d, due Bighe,
where the two biga\'s, which start at each side of the door have a similar destination
(cf. Conestabile Pitt, mur, pi, 1—3 1)),

The type of the procession will be discussed in connection with the similar one in
t.d. Tifone.

Waiting figures. This motive occurs frequently and in different parts of Etruria.
The following examples are known to me:

A) Tarquinia 1) t. Bnischi ± 150 B, C., Brunn Kl. Schr, I fig. 47 = Mon. ined, VIII,
36, The group of 4 persons with a child before them (to the right of the centre of the back-
wall B) clearly await the procession, which comes from the left. It is not impossible, even,
that they are conceived of as expecting the other procession on wall C, too, though they
turn their backs to it; the painter had to adopt this solution of his problem, when project-
ing his composition on the walls.

2)nbsp;t. Forlivesi D, Date wholly unknown. The ancient description, our only source
for this tomb =), mentions „a woman on tribune\'), stretching her hand to a youthquot;. The
mterpretation is suggested by the

3)nbsp;t, Tartaglia, where a similar motive can be found. The idea of a welcome seems to
he plausible, at least,

(For t. Foriivesi D see Bull, Inst, 1831, 91 ff„ cf. Dennis P, 384, 7, who, however, omits
this scene; t, Tartaglia = Weege Etr, Mai. fig. 27, where the welcoming figure seems to
be a demon, cf, below),

4)nbsp;Sarcophagus (unnumbered) in the Museum in Tarquinia, 2nd/1st cent, B. C. A
description will be found Brunn-K. Ill, p, 93 (further literature Brunn Kl, Schr, 1,251;

1)nbsp;In this connection may be cited a (Roman?) painting in Bologna (I could not find if, however). Two Genii push a
Person into a room, where a banquet is held, evidently to show, that he will take part in it (cf. Rev. d\'Exégèse mythol.
II (1893) 20C). Maybe here is a connection with the cult of Sabazios (cf. Cumont Religions orientales 90).

2)nbsp;this W.1S the name I gave to the fourth of the tombs described by Forliwsi; cf. the literature cited here.

for the form of this tribune I might compare Brunn-K. II, 18, 3a, and III fig. 45 (on p. 192 of the text).

A. Frova in Rinnovamento 1908, 1, 335) i). The waiting figures are standing here before
a gate in a creneled wall, which detail recurs also on Roman stones (Br. Schröder: Stud,
z. Grabdenkm. d. Kaiserz. 24).

B) Volterra. Numerous urns (2nd/lst cent. B. C.) all to be found in Br.-K. Ill viz.

71,6, the only version: the small woman can be conceived to be awaiting the hor-
seman.

72,nbsp;8 3), the whole series: the woman seems to be presenting him a patera, seizes the
bridle of the horse or shakes hands with him.

73,nbsp;9, also the whole series. It will be observed that sometimes one person only is
waiting, sometimes several.

74, 12 the whole series. Here and in. the preceding scene there is a peculiarity, which
calls for remark. The Lasa, who conducts the shade (in 74, 11 this is less clear), lays her
arm round one of the waiting figures. I am not of opinion, that Koerte is right in declaring
of variant e (text p. 89), „that she desires to separate the woman from her departing
husband.quot; For from 72,8 it is clear that the horseman is entering Orcus; he has just passed
its gate, in the same way as on the vases in Mus. Faina in Orvieto the cars have passed
Cerberus ( = entrance of netherworld) and after that meet Hades and Persephone. There-
fore the woman, who died before the man, greets him. The motive of the Lasa, who lays
her arm round a waiting figure, can be paralleled. In some cases evidently it expresses
separation (so Brunn-Koerte I, 8, 18, where the warrior may not attack the man on the
altar; 11,40,4, where the warriors may not join Perseus, and III, 49, 10, where the figure
must be led away, and therefore she gives him her hand), in one case the signification is
uncertain (II, 14, 3, the struggle of Eteocles and Polynices: here one can take it to mean
either that she separates the two parties, as the demon of death, who puts an end to the
contest, or that she unites the two persons in death, takes possession of them both).
But in the present series the idea of uniting occurs to one at once: cf. Brunn-K. Ill, 74, 11
(the woman greets the horseman, and the demon urges the figure behind her to approach
in his turn), and 75, 14, where the only possible interpretation is that the horseman meet
on their last journey, and that all have the same destination (cf. the urns where a quadriga
is met by a horseman, III, 79 ff.). It is not possible to suppose that this represents separa-
tion. I believe that the solution is this, that the demon (whether Lasa, Fury of called by
any other name) embodies the ethical conception underlying the scene, and varies ac-
cordingly in signification. She is no definite deity with circumscribed sphere of action, but

1)nbsp;Helbig Bull. lust. 1877, 115 (cf. Frova 1.1. 336 and Waser: Charon etc. II B 38) describes a similar sarcophagus
(thcninthecoll. Marzi(rar5Mmta), butwithaservantcarry)ngluggageaiid2Charims. 1 was not able to identify this
piece, it is not in Tarquinia (or is there a confusion with our piece?).

2)nbsp;the motive of the £3rpent beneath the horse, observed by Koerte in the text (p. 80) occurs elsewhere also cf. Bologna
Fdsinean stele No. 42 (Ducati Mon. Line. 1912), in VoUerra besides Mus. Guarn. No. 182 (= Brunn-K. Ill, 2, 3) and cm
an Italic gem [provenance unknown) Furtw. Ant. Gemmen 1,19, 56. I might compare a series of other Volterranean urns,
where beneath the horses of a quadriga demons are to be seen (Br. — K. Ill, i and 3; 84, i). They estab.\'ish the funcrai
character of the journey.

3)nbsp;Sub8 i an urn in Florence is cited; this seems to be Mus.arch.etr. Room XXI No. 5174 (Inv.). The Curators of the
Museum cite in connection with this piece Gori Mus. etr. Ill, III, 11, J, but this represents .i rompletcly diffcrait acene

divine power in general, as shown in the various circumstances of life. Here, at least, we
can trace a henotheistical conception. In I, 8, 18 she represents respect for the sanctity
of the altar, in II, 40, 4 the Fatum that allows Perseus to fly, in III, 74, 11 and 12 an
abstraction: the belief in the reunion in the here-after i). There is therefore here a complete
absence of any horrible signification, any demonological speculation. There is no hierarchy
of some such beings in a sort of hell. They are nothing but the representations of abstrac-
tions.

77, 2; the deceased has just passed the gate and is greeted by his wife. Behind a
wailing figure?

56,nbsp;4 and 5. (To the variant a (= Chiusi Mus. civ. 1001 A; Br.-K. does not give the
number) Koerte appends the note that the Lasa behind lays her hand on the shoulder of the
approaching figure, whereas, as my notes point out, the arm belongs to the waiting figure).

97, 11; a demon gently leads three figures into the Orcus; she has a torch turned
down but this motive occurs so frequently and in such various circumstances, that I
doubt whether any conclusion can be drawn from it. Remarkable, however, is the gentle,
almost inviting manner, in which she leads the figures: here death is a persuasive friend.
Other instances will be cited in connection with a scene in t. d. Cardinale.

100, 16, beautiful urn (Berlin Beschr. Sc. 1922, No. 1302), but of difficult inter-
pretation (for the demon with wolf-head cf. demon mentioned earlier ad Orco). It seems
most probable that the left side gives the moment, when the husband vanishes through
the gate of the nether world, and the right side the subsequent moment, when he is
welcomed by another shade 2). The demon watching the gate hinders the waiting figure
from stepping forwards out of it by means of his outstretched hammer; a motive we often
meet with elsewhere.

97, 10; somewhat satirical in character. The shade has ventured out of the gate and,
while greeting the horseman just arrived (right hand extended) is drawn backwards by the
demon in charge, anxious not to let him escape 3).

D)nbsp;Perugia-, the biggest urn in the t. d. Volunni (± 150 B. C. cf. Meded. N. H. I. Rome
1926, 40) has the gate of Orcus painted between two Lasae en ronde bosse: within the
gate shades are waiting for others (the right explanation i. a. Koerte in Brunn-K. Ill
p. 119, 1).

E)nbsp;Orvieto. In the t. d. Hescanas occur similar figures (360/50 B. C.; literature cf. t. d.
Orco ad banquet); they are to be found on the right wall, the four figures from the back
wall onwards (= Cardella t. degli Hescanas pi. Ill D).

Not only from monuments do we gain instruction concerning this belief; in literature

2)nbsp;If this c.xplanation is right, here we have an example of the Italic „continuous n.irrative stylequot; (cf. Wickhoff Rom.
K. 9 ff.etc.) which just :u this iJeriod (2nd. c. B. C.) comes into prominence. The e.irliest example I kniow of is the frieze
of the monument of Aemilius Paullus in Delphi (cf. B. C. H. 1926); another trace on an Etruscan urn is Brunn-K. II,
25, 2: Periclymenus enters in his car the horses of which arc depictetl galloping: two consecuUve actions condensed
into one fi^jre and to be „readquot; one after the other. Therefore by no means an impossible conception, as Brumi
says in the text. A slight confirmation for our expl.ination of the Berlin uui is to be found in this, that the action
proceeds from left to right, .is is the rule.

^J) it is clear that I do not accept Koerte\'s explau.ition (1.1. p. 115). cf. Lucian. Catapl. !t f.

too it can be found. Traces of it are met with in Horn. Od. XXIV, 101, where Achilles
and Agamemnon go to meet the crowd of the shades of the suitors. But it is in Roman
literature, that we can trace it most easily, this being evidence at the same time, that
many an old creed was still in existence (of. Friedländer Sittengesch. III^ 312). Before
all should be mentioned Seneca Apocoloc. 13 which, as far as I know, has never been cited
in connection with the present theme. Claudius is removed from heaven to the nether world.
On coming there „Narcissus libertus ad patronum excipiendum . . . occurritquot;. Presently
other persons „cum plausu procedunt cantantes.quot; Of others it is said: „conuolant primi
omnium liberti . . . quos Claudius omnes, necubi imparatus esset, praemiserat.quot; Finally
„omnes plane consanguine!.quot; And these all „agmine facto Claudio occurrunt.quot; It is an
elaborate commentary on our Etruscan monuments, more rich, more detailed, and to be
taken as written in the veine of satire, but essentially identical In funeral inscriptions
it is even more clearly to be seen, cf.

Inferi 247, 51 ff.
I. L. VIII. 9691, cited Friedländer Sitteng. IIP, 313, 1.
I. L. VI, 11252 = Buecheler Carm. epigr. 150 (cited Friedl. I . 313, 7).
I. L. XII, 4938 = Buecheler 151.
I. L. V, 5279 = Dessau 6728 (cited Friedl. Ill M-)-
LL. VI, 18817 == Dessau 8806 (cited 1.1.).

Very curious, but with a similar meaning I. L. X, 2641 = Dessau 8148, cited Friedl.
IIP, 313, 2. What we find in all these epigrams is truly Italic 2) and may corroborate the
opinion, that Etruscan art and religion are essentially Italic, and that the pure Etruscans
being only a relatively small band of invaders had not much influence on them and lost
this influence in proportion as they became more and more absorbed in the original
population, whose ideas therefore became increasingly prominent m a corresponding
degree, in religion and in art as well as in other spheres of culture. Those who speak of
decadence would expect on the contrary that the original character of Italic genius
would disappear.

Seated figures left wall. On the right part of the left wall two persons are seated
on small benches side by side. What their function in report with the other figures is, is not
clear at once. Key to the solution is Brunn-K. I. 95. 2: Penelope present at the meal of the

suitors. While these are onacouch. Penelope is sittingupon exactly the same kind of scat

as the two persons here. But neither in Od. I. 330 ss.. nor m Od. XVIII. 206 ff. (which
scene is represented here) does Penelope take a seat: she remains standingfor a few mo-
ments only and then goes back into her apartments. When the artist represents her here
as sitting, it is because she presides over the festival as hostess, which is therefore an Italic
version of the Homeric tale. In the same way Velthur Velchas (his name is on the wall
(cf Mon Ined. Supplem. pi. 6/7, 2; Stryk Stud. Kammergr. 96; Prof. Cultrera had the
kindness to reexamine the inscriptions for me) and his wife preside, as ancestors of the

1)nbsp;Weitireich Scneca\'s Apocol. 123 f. derives the motive from the satyra Mcnippca, lx^cause of Luc. Catapl. 26 (Dial.
Mort 27 8 must be added). It might be popular therefore, but I doubt, whether the conclusion is right. As far as I know
it can scarcely be found in Greece, bnt mainly in Italy, and from here Lucianus might have taken it. cf. Ch. Ill p. 7G,10.

2)nbsp;I cannot agree with Friedländer III 1.1 when he speaks of Koman and Greek beliefs. I know of no Greek parallels.

gens Velchas, over the family banquet in the hereafter and do not take any part in it i).
For this reason alone already Ducati\'s interpretation of the figures as Hades and Per-
sephone (Atene e Roma 1914, 156) is untenable. Strongly against it is the absolute lack of
attributes, cf. the same gods in t.d. Oreo; t. Golini and t. Campanari in Vulci. On the
other hand it is of small importance that the man probably has a staff and no sceptre,
because in Oreo Hades does not have either the one or the other.

Banquet. The question as a whole has been dealt with in t.d. Oreo: some details only
remain to be considered. The women are sitting here, not reclining. This question has been
fully treated by Poulsen Etr. t.p. 32 ff. I shall add only a few analogies.

1)nbsp;Chiusi (exactly Città della Pieve) ± 400 B. C. Funeral group now in Florence,
Martha Art étr. fig. 233 (cf. ad Oreo).

2)nbsp;Perugia 2nd/lst cent. B. C.; urn now in the portico of the temple of Minerva at
Assisi; Brunn-K. Ill, 107, 13

3)nbsp;-provenance unknown Etruscan crater 4th cent., Rome Mus. Greg. Case U, section
5, nethermost range (so Jan./Febr. 1925); portion of banqueting scene: the women greets
the young man with the usual gesture.

One of the couples (back wall right hand part = Weege pi. 51) handles an egg, there
can be no doubt as to that. Poulsens interpretation of it (Etr. t.p. 31 f.) as a ring, however
seductive it may be cannot be applied here: the size of the object is too much against it.
For further discussion cf. Poulsen: I cite some analogies: t. delle Leonesse 1. wall ( =
Weege pi. 8); t. della Pulcella r. wall; t. dei Leopardi back wall (Weege pi. 15); also Or-
quot;quot;ieto t. Golini (cf. Dennis IP, 53), where they play an important rôle in the preparation
of the meal.

Demon writing. The question raised with regard to this figure is not at all an idle one.
Considered by itself a different solution might be found but I think only one is possible
here. In order to arrive at it, we will inspect all the monuments that can be compared »);
for figures with scrolls or writing tablets are rather frequent, but distinctions should be
drawn with regard to their functions.

1)nbsp;t. dei Volunni No. 171 ± 100 B. C.: a demon with hammer on his shoulder
approaches a woman; both have a scroll in their hand. The explanation given by Galli
(Perugia, Mus. d. Palazzone, p. 78 ff.) seems preferable to that given by Koerte (Brunn-K.
Ill p. 114): after Galli she is destined to die, as a sign of which she has already received
the scroll from the demon, which fact is pregnantly expressed: a curious instance of
continuous style, which we have met with before (cf. p. 11,2). Brunn-K. Ill, 93, 2 and
Galli Perugia fig. 45 (photogr.).

2)nbsp;Perugia t. d. Volunni No. 141, 2nd/lst cent. B. C. A demon is going with the scroll
towards a figure on a kline. Not quite clear. Galli 1.1. fig. 46.

3)nbsp;Volterra Mus. Guarnacci No. 238; 2nd/lst cent. B. C. A demon with the rotulus
closed in her hand appears in an agitated scene. Brunn-K. I, 9, 21.

2)nbsp;Bulle Ecrl. Ph. Woch. 1922, G93 against Weege Etr. M. 4.\') f. (cf. also Poulsen Etr. t. p. 54 f.).

3)nbsp;cf. Th. Birt: die Buchrolle i. d. ant. Kunst 69, 80 f.; 84 f.; 150. The other passages in his book do not con-
cem our subject (lying figures on lids of urns which is a mere genre motive). The note on p. 8G refers to Dennis
Cit. and Cem. II. 401 f. (?), which passage I cnnnot find. Cf. Birt in N. Jahrb. 1907, 700 ff., espec. 714 ff.

5)nbsp;VoUerra now Paris, Cabinet des Médailles? (formerly Florence Mus. Gaddi); 2nd/
1st cent. B. C.: Lasa with scroll closed in scene of murder. Brunn.-K. I, 74,2.

6)nbsp;VoUerra Mus. Guarnacci No. 199 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Similar (sense of whole un-
certain). Brunn-K. II, 114, 1 (cf. Radermacher Jenseits 29).

7)nbsp;VoUerra ibid. No. 82; 2nd/1st cent. B. C. Here she appears in scene with leave-
taking. Brunn.-K. Ill, 47, 6.

8)nbsp;Chiusi) Grosseto Mus. comunale, 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Male demon wielding a ham-
mer in one hand, having rotulus in the other, fights against Gigant; therefore scene of
murder. Brunn-K. II, 1 A, 2.

9)nbsp;Orvieto, t. Golini; 360/50 B. C. A Lasa accompanies the biga towards the nether
world with a closed scroll in her hand. Martha Art étr. fig. 281.

10)nbsp;Orvieio one of the set of curious late Etruscan redfigured vases in Mus. Faina
300/270 B. C. Draped female demon behind the quadriga with Hades. Ducati Ceram. gr.
II fig. 344 topmost piece; phot. Alinari 32478. (for questions relating to these vases cf.
p. 7,1).

11)nbsp;Orvieto Mus. dell\' Opera. Great sarcophagus with gisant, 2nd half 2nd cent. B. C.
On each of the legs a demon is sculptured (left male, right female), who lays his hand
on the centre decoration (as the piece on the left is badly damaged we have only proba-
bility to go upon there). The female demon has a scroll in the left hand. Phot. Alinari
No. 259961).

I do not understand the exact meaning of the rotuli in the case of VoUerra No. 276 and
277 (Brunn-K. Ill, 68, 1 and 2): scene of man taking leave of a woman seated: other
persons are present, to the left a ship (cf. ad Tifone); the men have rotuli (closed), in their
hands. Men with rotuli occur also on the sarcophagus of Hasti Afunei and Larth Afuna
(from Chiusi in Palermo; Brunn-K. Ill, 54, 1) 2).

In this group the demons appear as mysterious beings, conveying unknown messages,
or, may be, concealing their character in the unfolded rotuli they have in their hands.
They are different from the type occurring in t. degli Scudi. Although the topic is dangerous
I might point to a curious coincidence as to the character of closed rotuli in the hands
of certain figures in the reliefs on the façade of the Duomo in Orvieto, which represent
the creation of the world. God the Father sometimes has a scroll in His hand similar
to that which we found here. Once more it might be the symbol of His inscrutable wisdom
(Fr. Schillmann: Viterbo u. Orvieto (= Berühmte Kunstst. No. 55) fig. 76).

1) Tarquinia: Florence Mus. arch. Etr. topogr. Room of Tarquinii centre: sarco-
phagus with cottabos, 2nd half 3rd cent. B. C. On the side beneath the right hand of the
figure on the lid there are two figures lying between two winged snakes: Hermes bearded
and with a sort of cap, a long caduceus resting against him, and a female demon (cf. p. 2)
with scroll opened.

1)nbsp;here I venture to see a beginning of the cartouche borne by two figures; almost the same motive but a Roman
version of it on a urn in Leiden (Inv. No. K. 18/-7). Etruscan parallels cf. Brunn-K. II, 64, 4 and 5 (Chiusi); III, 139,
6 (Chiusi); 140, 9 (Perugia); 141, 11 (Perugia Mus. d. University No. 106 =gt; Catal. Bellucci (1910) fig, 22 a); 155,1-3
(VoUerra). The motive resulted from the centralizing tendency of later Etruscan decoration 2nd/lst cent. B.C.).

2)nbsp;Voltena No. 54 left side, 2nd/Ist cent. Lasa seated with scroll in hand. Inghirami
Mon. Etr. I, 35, cf. Brunn-K. Ill, 93, 1 f. on p. 113.

3)nbsp;Orvieto t. degli Hescanas 360/50 B. C. Twice a female demon is found with open
scroll, in both cases leading a figure (r. wall right comer = Cardella t, d. Hescanas pi.
Ill A, a biga, and back wall right corner = Card. II C, a pedestrian, cf. Weege E. M.
fig. 42). Neither here, nor in the preceding instance are the scrolls inscribed.

4)nbsp;Orvieto: two vases Museo Faïna, 300/270 B. C., where they bear the word Van#.
Here again the demons are female. It should be noted, that her character is clearly
different from that of the demon on the 3rd vase (with the closed scroll, cited above),
who therefore cannot be Van ê i) (for other questions relating to these vases cf. above p. 7,1 ).

5)nbsp;Chiusi (more precisely Chianciano): Florence Mus. arch. etr. topogr. Room of
Clusium Vitrine A. Funeral group 5th/4th cent. B. C. The demon is sitting on the couch
with an open hanging scroll; the man stretches out his hand towards it. The piece has been
treated in connexion with the banqueting scenes in Oreo. Hausenstein Bildnerei d. Etr.
pi. 52.

The solution of the question what may be the signification of the open scroll motive is,
I think, given by a mirror (Gerhard Etr.Sp. IV, 1, pi. 359 p. 12 f. = Petersen Werk des
Panainos fig. 4), where a demon reads something =) from the scroll to Aiax; the mystery
in those cases is being cleared up (5), or has been cleared up (3 and 4); in the cases 1 and 2
the scroll is only a sort of attribute. That on the Orviétan vases the name of the demon
has been written on the scroll creates no difficulty: it was looked at as an easy expedient
for labelling the figure. But it is also clear that this group cannot be connected with the
demon in Scudi.

Finally we also find tablets. I shall begin by eliminating two monuments, which
might be supposed to have some connection with our present subject.

ToscaneUa (territory of Tarquinia). Sarcophagus 2nd cent. B. C. Museo Gregoriano.
Biga on which a magistrate; man with writing-tablet (?) following. (Mus. Gregor. 1,97,9
cf, Brunn-K. Ill p. 106,4 where further literature).

Tarquinia Mus. Nazionale. Sarcophagus 2nd/1st cent. B. C. Biga with male figure
seated: several demons and persons follow, among whom a man with tablets(?) under
his arm (Brunn: Kl. Schr. I, 251; Frova Rinnovam. 1908, 1, 338; Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, p.
106, 5).

If they are tablets, we have in any case it is not demons, that carry them, and probably
it is merely a question of official documents, which the magistrates have taken with
them*).

A good analogy, however, with our tomb we have in t. degli Hescanas in Orvieto. Here
on the right wall, near the entrance wall, a young man, but probably a demon, is going
to meet the man on the biga, who has just entered guided by a female demon. This young

1)nbsp;the monuments are overlooked in the article Vanth in Roscher Myth. Lex. There the character is stated to bo
an infernal deity.

3)nbsp;the inscription contains only the names of the persons present (also the name of the Lasa herself!), but this
is a convenience which the artist allows himself, in order not to have to represent the whole of the text, which
was supposed to be on the tablet.

4)nbsp;tablets serve for secret messages cf. Gerhard Etr. Sp. V, 2 p. 170; Furtw. A. C. Ill, 2f»0.

man (it is Weege\'s figure 43) has a writing-tablet and a writing-style. Obviously he is
charged with the task of noting the names of those who arrive; for those who have passed
him, are depicted as arrived at their destination (cf. the young men greeting each other
with a kiss). And similar was the task of the demon in Scudi: only he could not be painted
on the entrance wall, because there all the space available was occupied by the procession:
therefore he was placed on the wall opposite, together with his colleague, whose more
especial task it was to watch the entrance (cf. t. d. Oreo, demons in ancient entrance). All
conjectures, therefore, about registers of sins i) were unnecessary, and, what is even more
important, here also all trace of Orphism is a priori to be denied

§ 3 —Tomba del Cardinale; 230/200 B. C. Of the friezes on the pillars the fighting
scenes are the only ones, that require attention; the boys on the snakes (Weege Etr.
Mai. fig. 19) are quite hypothetical and the rest is solely decorative. Why do those scenes
occur in the tomb? In studying these fights we must distinguish between two types:
the one symbolical, the other magical. Those symbolical contain an allusion to the
struggles of life, which the deceased has gone through (the Romans express the same
thing in their symbol of the dywvco,, cf. v. Hoorn Meded. Rome 1924). Such is the meaning
of a sarcophagus in the Museum of Tarquinia (Cortile) with fighting scenes, in which a
griffin appears (towards 200 B. C.) 3). Equally in Tarquinia (upper storey of the Museum)
is a sarcophagus of Etruscan style but, for the rest, quite Roman in appearence (2nd/lst
cent. B. C.), with fighting scenes also. The position of other pieces with definite scenes
depicted is not so easy to understand. For instance: are the Amazonomachies on the
sarcofago del Sacerdote in Tarquinia (± 350 B. C.) symbolic or not? Then there are the

numberless urns with the combat of Echetlos (2nd/lst cent. B, C.; Brunn-K. Ill, 4_7) of

Volterranean ajid Chiusian manufacture (the only piece from Perugia very much resembles
those from Chiusi) The wars against the Gauls too, which long after they had ceased
remained a symbol for the greatest trials a man can sustain. In Felsina probably the
monuments were contemporaneous with the wars themselves (cf. Ducati Mon Line
XX (1912) col. 667 ff. but the others (cf. Brunn-K. Ill, 113 ff.; from VoUerra. Chiusi,
Perugia) are undoubtedly posterior to the facts. But the other, magical, class had to

1)nbsp;Weege Etr. Mai. 45 f. cf. Dieterich Nekyia» 51, 1; 126, 1; Pascal Credenze I, 90; Maass Orpheus 258 ff Cf
also Arch. Rel. Wiss V. (1902) 226; Zeitschr. f. deutsch. Altert, (edit, by M. Haupt) VI (1848) 149 ff • landau
Hölle u. Fegfeuer 114 ff.

2)nbsp;the idea is Italic, not Greek. As appears from Norden Aen. B. VIquot; ad .\'gt;45, who has treated it, no instances can be
cited from Greece (for Pind. 01. 9, 33 f. (not 31, as Norden says), has no connection whatever with this idea)
The passages in Lucianus (Catapl. 4; Philops. 25, which last belongs to this group as well as Apul. Met. Ill 9 not
to the other one dealt with by Norden) arc borrowed from Italy as is öfters the case (cf. p. 68,5; 76,10; 78 5) Cf\' also
Schippke: de Speoulis etruscis (diss. Breslau 1881), 18 f. (Lasa scribunda). The conception defended \'by Bulle
Berl. Ph. Woch. 1922, 693 contra Weege 1.1. is not quite correct. He supposes it to be a genealogy of the man
below, because the tablets contain mainly proper names (cf. the transcription Abh, Bnyr, Ak. Wiss. 25 (lOJl) 4
14 f.) In any case we must be grateful that he contests the mysticism which Weege seeks here.

3)nbsp;on one of the sides the figure of Hercules? It is dubious, but if so, it would be curious as the first example
of a step towards the Roman sarcophagi with the labours of Hercules = Robert Sarcophagrel. Ill, l, 27 ff The
monument has been cited before in connexion with the Cerberus in Oreo.

4)nbsp;to the list dressed by Koerte text p. 5 ff. should be added pieces in the Archaeol. Mus. at the Hague; Cin-
quantenaire in Brussels; Louvre in Paris; Fiesole and Bologna.

5)nbsp;it is curious that the type of a horseman fighting with a pedestrian, so frequent here, also occurs on a late
redfigured vase in the Mus. of Chiusi (No. 1853J; this might be taken as a warning to us, that we must not fix
the (late of the stelae (oo late.

provide for a necessity of the deceased i). In order to keep him innoxious the shade had
to be propitiated with the blood of human sacrifices, from which custom originated the
gladiatorial games. These I find represented on an unpublished sarcophagus (2nd/lst
cent. B. C.) from Civita Musarna (near Viterbo, territory of Tarquinia, now in the Pal.
Comunale of Viterbo); these too Koerte found on a series of urns from Perugia and Vol-
terra (Brunn-K. Ill, 128, cf. p. 190 ff.), and it may be representations of something
similar occur on the reliefs Brunn-K. Ill, 124—127, mostly from Chiusi, also a single
piece from VoUerra. Those, being different from the combats with the Gauls, Koerte
does not venture to label (text p. 176 ff.). It is the same desire that is expressed in earlier
tombs {Tarquinia t. Stackelberg: t.d. Auguri; Chiusi t. Casuccini; t.d. Scimmia), the
desire, that is that the deceased had to be contented by the spectacle of these bloody
festivals, on this account painted on the walls of his tomb, and would not return on earth 2)
For the same reason similar paintings are to be found in Campania I believe that the
friezes with fighting scenes in t.d. Cardinale belong to the same series and also represent
gladiators«).

Motive I Kneeling figure, demon running towards it. The scene occurs repeatedly,
figures No. 2/3; 42/3; 81/2; 86/7; 132/3; 146/7; 148/9. The demon is always menacing in
some way or other. Cf.

Tarquinia: „sarcofago del Magistrato (Mus. No. 9804), 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Two Cha-
runs beat a man between them (but this one does not kneel. Why the man in the right
corner does, cannot be seen); della Seta Ital. Ant. fig. 237; descriptions Brunn-K. Ril.
Ill p. 120 f.; Bull. Inst. 1879, 79 ff.; further literature: Frova in Rinnovam. 1908, 1, 131
with fig. 5 on pi. 4.

Vulci (?) Two vases in private collections in Rome: 4th/3rd cent. B. C.: female demon
in Persian garments overmastering a youth; on one of them Charun is represented. Known
to me only through Albizzati in Dissert, (or Atti) Acad, pontif. Roma II, 15 (1921) 233 ff.

Felsina-, the stele already mentioned (p. 1) with man on couch, a demon giving him
a blow with a hammer.

Cf. also one of the paintings in Villa Item near Pompeii (50/30 B. C.), where a woman
is kneeling under the blows of a female demon: the ancient motive still persists, but
with a new meaning«). The same thought is expressed on those urns, which bear a griffin
assailing a man, whether or not it is assailed itself by another man (cf. Brunn-K. Ill,
35 ff.). To be compared within a wider range of thought should be the other series with
chthonic or marine monsters crushing figures in their volutes and beating them. (Brunn-

Ö) much material for such ideas is to be found in M. Landau: Hölle und Fegfeuer (Winter Heldelberg 1909) p. 211
ff. The underlying conception is, that those who die on such occasions become servants to the deceased.

3)nbsp;cf. Weege Arch. Jahrb. 1909, 132 ff.; this paper is overlooked by van Hoom Meded. Rome HI (1923) 63 ff.,
who treats t. d. Auguri; it is opposed by Weickert Münch. Jahrb. 1925, 23 ff.

4)nbsp;ancient opinion already put forward by Micali I\'ltalie av. la domin. rom. II, 210f. (= Stor. ant. pop. Ill,
111); later defended by Stryk Kammergr. 104 f.nbsp;\'

5)nbsp;the numbers of the figures used here are those given in a catalogue, which I made of the figures of the frieze.
It will be published later.

6)nbsp;reproductions Pfuhl: Mal. Z. fig. 714 and 715; for interpretation cf. Macchioro: Zagreus 121 ff. (also with
reproduction).

K. Ill, II ff.); but here we have come to another type. All those motives have this in
common, that they are symbols of death. In no case is there any question of torture in
the hereafter (cf. Ch. Ill), for this never would have been expressed upon funeral monu-
ments. They have the same function as sphinxes upon Greek tombs (cf. also Gerhard Etr.
Sp. IV, 1, 379) and the Harpies on the Monument of the Harpies at Xanthos and the
archaic Campana funeral paintings on t.c. in the Louvre (cf. p. 31).

Motive II Demon, who watching a figure stands leaning on his inverted hammer
(figures No. 5 and 6 of my catalogue). The motive as a whole has been treated at t. d.
Oreo: scene with Tuchulcha. The position of the hammer recurs e.g. in the contempora-
neous t. anonima di 1832, equally at Tarquinia (Weege fig. 37) and an urn in Chiusi (now
disappeared) Brunn-K. Ill, 127, 9 short side a (2nd/lst cent. B. C.).

Motive III Figures moving calmly^). Occurs twice: figures 50 ff, and 156/9 of
my catalogue. In the great procession demons are interspersed, evidently meant to guide
them. The figures themselves carry objects, rods and so forth, the most remarkable of
which are those, that resemble thyrsi. Similar processions occur elsewhere, though not so
often as one might expect, Cf,

1)nbsp;VoUerra Mus, Guamacci No, 124; 2nd/1st cent, B. C. Five figures moving to the
left, the central three with rods in their hands; the foremost in the attitude of a man carry-
ing a walking-stick (the same motive on two of the above-mentioned vases in Mus. Faina
Orvieto)] the man behind without any stick; his hands are conceiled in his drapery (cf!
ad t. d, Tifone), On the right short side two demons follow (same direction); on the left
short side two similar demons, but in opposite direction (because of decorative principle:
centralizing decoration), Koerte\'s explanation is hard to accept: the rods, which they carry
are not fasces: moreover in similar cases of processions of magistrates the type is quite
different (cf, ad t. d. Tifone), Brunn-K, Ril, III, 90, 1 and p. 110 f.

2)nbsp;Chiusi}: Florence Mus. arch, Etr. Room XXI No. 5559 (Inv,) 2nd/Ist cent. B. C.
Four figures without attributes moving to the left: to the left a demon (wingless, as is
often the case, cf. demons in t. d. Tifone; Florence Mus. arch, etr. Room XXI No! 5475
(Inv.); Charuns on front of sarcofago del magistrato Tarquinia, already cited) leaning on
torch, which is turned upside down, to the right second demon, guiding, I doubt whether
we have a case of leave-taking here: Koerte, in his text, ranges it among such represen-
tations (p, 59, but his reference is wrong and he does not treat it later). I inclined towards
seeing a procession in this case, for it strongly recalls the one in

3)nbsp;Vulci tomba Campanari, ± 270 B, C,, where, also, a similar group of a man and
a woman, a child between them, can be found, Mon. ined, II, 53 f.

With these examples I have exhausted the specimina known to me: it is curious that
this type is so rare. We must now consider some details.

One is struck by the fact that the shades are so closely enveloped in their drapery 2);
Greek art had a different conception as can be seen by the little shades in t. dell\' Oreo\'
which are Greek in conception, though with Italic features. Some reason there must be!
why they are depicted in this manner. The motive is most easily to be distinguished from
ordinary draping 3), cf, the following monuments.

1)nbsp;cf. the general remark by Ducati Mon. Line. XX, 609 ff; this type of viaggio belongs to a later period.

2)nbsp;they are also bare-footed; for the signification of this cf, Samter Geburt Hochzeit Tod p, 110 f.; it was a
generally accepted custom in Rome (in Israel also).

3)nbsp;to this class probably belongs the togatus on eagle cited by Cumont After Life p. 159,

^Volterra, all 2nd/lst cent. bTc. 1) Brunn-K. III, 65/7 correctly intitled by Koerte

(p. 74) „Apparition of the deceased husbandquot;, but I do not think that he is right, when

he adds that it is to call the woman to the other world. It is rather his last farewell before

he vanishes mto the nether world after the funeral rites have been performed i). The

deceased IS always closely enveloped in his garments, his face being almost the only part

of his body, that IS visible. Several of the figures present veil their faces in order not to
see him 2).

2)nbsp;among the urns representing journeys on horseback there are several in which
tiie deceased is characterized by the same feature, Brunn-K. Ill, 69, 1; 70, 2 and 4\' 72 7d
and 75, 13 (the horseman at the right hand); the greater part, however, are without.

3)nbsp;on the Volterranean urns with the ships (mentioned above p. 14) the foremost
iigure has the same appearance as those just dealt with; Brunn-K. Ill, 68.

4)nbsp;also a figure travelling on a sea-dragon. Here the motive is accentuated in so far
that the mouth is covered, Brunn-K. Ill, 33, 11. This will recur elsewhere, for on \'

5)nbsp;an urn m Volterra (No. 397) one of the short sides has, above two leaves, a winged
St cloth 3) Phrygian berrett, the lower part of which face is completely enveloped

Not only, in the case of the dead, does drapery play an important rôle, but also in the
case of the dying, or those awaiting death.

6)nbsp;An important example of the latter is Andromeda, while the monster advances

Figures of the dying are to be found in the scenes representing the murder of Aga-
memnon, viz. 7) Brunn-K. I, 74, 2.nbsp;bnbsp;6

In both cases Brunn\'s text (p. 90 and 92) commits a fundamental error in declaring
hat the figure tries to free itself from its drapery. On the contrary, it wraps itself up, and
the same thing IS told us of Caesar, who seeing that there is no escape possible:

^PWnbsp;\'Vo^erpaX^a rà l^ànov (Plut. Caes. 66 in fine); the same about Pompeius

9) from Chiusi also the urn Brunn-K. Ill, 100, 16 = text fig. on p. 118 (2nd/lst
cent. B. C.). where a shade takes leave and is also wrapped up. though not so very closely.
1 wo redfigured Etruscan vases {± 300 B. C.) must be referred to here:

10)nbsp;Bomarzo, now Beriin Antiquarium No. 2954 (Furtw.). Figure on horseback,
^narun walking before, female servant with a small box following. Deceased with head
Closely enveloped Rev. man closely clad lying on car.

11)nbsp;provenance unknown (now Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris?). Described by Waser

VPnbsp;^ «^«quot;fused with the one described Verg. Acn. VI. 472 ff. cf. Norden Aen. B.

2) the same custom in literature Sittl Gebärde 84. Cf. also Samter Geburt. Hochzeit, Tod 149 with note 5, and 150.

his mLti?wm TTnbsp;^nbsp;herm in the Cinquantenaire in Brussels, ithyphallic and veiling

cf. Daremb.-S. s. v. Dovot.o IIC ff. The scene on the urns appears therefore in an Italic fashion.

Charon etc. sub II, B. 21 i): woman conducted by 2 Charuns: she is wholly draped in
mantle and veiled.

For the motive of the shade with close wrappings, more especially round his head,
we have also analogies in Roman literature. In the first place the custom referred to
above (p. 6,3) in connection with the wolf demon: the head of a murderer is put into a
bag of wolf\'s skin. Secondly in Seneca\'s Apocol. § 13, already cited above (p. 12) for
another old motive. There we are told „that Claudius is transported from heaven to Orcus
„capite obuoluto, ne quis eum agnoscere -possitquot;. This is the central point, as we have
already seen, when treating the first class of urns of Volterra relating to this subject
For he who has seen a spirit will probably also die (Samter 1.1. 150; Rohde Psyche IP,
85, 2). For the same reason it is an evil omen, when Julianus Apostata sees the Genius
of Rome in this manner (cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Genius 1625, 16 ff.). The Genius is
the embodiment of the life or existence of man or thing: when it is veiled, it is, because
he is dead, and anyone seeing him thus is doomed to follow 3). The veiling of the Romans
when offering sacrifice has been declared to have the same origin«). Besides in many

mysteries draperies are of great importance (cf. Macchioro Zagreus 42 ff., especially 47_

49). The general sense seems to be that a greater concentration is acquired as garments
have a restraining influence (cf. also Samter Geburt etc. 114 f.). This significance of dra-
pery continues also into Roman times, cf. Jahn Unterwelt auf röm. Sarcoph. (= Ber.
Sächs. Ges. Wissensch. 1856) 281, 30; Frazer (Golden Bough) Taboo 120 ff. and Balder
II, 17; Rossbach in Rhein. Mus. 49,597; 4; Radermacher Jenseits 76 with note 2.1 suppose
souls were represented in this way, because under such influence they could do less evil.

The rods ®) which some of the figures carry are more likely thyrsi than anything else.
I am not quite sure about it, but the supposition may be strengthened by the fact, that
far more Bacchic motives occur in later Etruscan funeral art than one would conclude from
the facts put forward by L. R. Taylor in her Local Cults of Etruria. The following traces
may be indicated for the period after 400 B. C. On a stamnos from Falerii (now in Museo
di Villa Giulia at Rome; Catal. d. Seta I, p. 72 No. 1660) Eurydice, while Hermes conducts
her from Orcus, has a thyrsus in her hand: so this might corroborate our opinion concerning
the objects carried by the shades. On another vase (Berlin 2952 Furtw. from Vulci)
Charun is to be found in a Bacchic mood with wreaths etc. He is of the type of Silenus

1)nbsp;further literature: Bull. Inst. 1860, 233 f.; 1869, 175; Ann. Inst. 1879, 805; Frova in Rinnovam. 1908 1 129
C. Albizzati in Dissert, (or Atti) Acad, pontif. Roma II, 15 (1921) 233 if.

2)nbsp;for the motive in funeral art in general Cumont After Life 165; Weinreich Sen. Apocol. 120 f, is on the right
path, but has not seen the whole of the problem.

3)nbsp;in modem occultism the same motive occurs. The following is cited from G. Meyrink: das grüne Gesicht (K.
Wolff Verlag Leipzig 1916) 114: „Wenn Zulu erstesmal sieht Zombi und Zombi hat Gesicht verhüllt, so Zulu muss sterben.
Wenn aber Zombi erscheint mit verdecktes Stimzeichen und grünes Gesicht offen, so Zulu lebt und ist Vidu Tchanga,
grosse Medizin und Herr über Feuerquot;. About Zombi is said (ibid.): „Zombi erscheint als grosse Gift-Vidu-Schlange
mit grünes Menschengesicht und heiliges Fetischzeichen auf Stimequot;. Cf. also Radermacher Jenseits 7G, 2; Frazer
(Golden Bough) Taboo 120 ff. For the escaping of the soul through the mouth and nostrils ibid, 30 ff., where too
the notion occurs, that the soul of a dead man causes others to follow.

4)nbsp;cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v., Satumus 432; Samter Geburt, Hochzeit, Tod 149, 5; cf. S. Reinach: le Voiled\'Oblation
(= Cultes Mythes P, 299 ff). But the case of Satumus is different. Most probably those are right, who derive it from
the concealing of the primitive baetylus, from which Satumus\' figure originated (cf. Roscher 1.1. s. v. Kronos 1492
ff.; 1558 ff.) and can be compared with the covering of the Bacchic phallus (so in Villa Item, cf. the plate in Mac-
chioro Zagreus sub E and p. 121 ff.) The bridal veil, which seemi to belong to this part of our subject will be treated
later in connection with the tomba Bruschi.

in t. d. Tifone (cf. § 4), cf. the Silenus head on stelae from Felsina at Bologna (No. 17;
89; 111 Ducati in Mon Lino. XX, 653) and on a vase with 2 Charuns conducting a woman
(cf. Waser Charon etc. II, B. 21). Vases alluding to the wine god, canthari, amphorae,
appear frequently (Brunn-Koerte Ril. II, p. 165; III, 102, 1; 146, 1 and 2; 152 1-157 2-
p. 57); cf. also at Tarquinia the t. Forlivesi D and t. Byres B; Centaurs also occur, for the
Bacchic associations of which cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Kentauroi 1050 (col. 1054 ff.
their relations with Orcusalso are pointed out). One class of monuments which has been
studied displays Bacchic elements also, the Felsinean stelae (cf. Ducati Mon. d. Line. XX,
653 ff.; 695 ff.; 699 ff.). Probably in this connection also may be cited the „Sarcophagus
of the Warriorsquot; at Tarquinia (230/200 B. C.) on the lid of which an aged man lies holding
a patera to a fawn lying very near him i). If we consider the rôle played by deer on other
Etruscan funeral monuments, we are inclined to doubt, that this is a mere scene of genre.
Our discussion has to begin with the well-known type: a griffin, one of the symbols of the
destructive forces of death because of its character as a swift beast of prey (Roscher Myth.
Lex. s. v. Gryps 1771, 18 ff.) attacks an Amazon (on Etruscan urn VoUerra Brunn-K.
Ril. Ill, 38, 3, cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Amazonen 273, 2 ff.): this became a symbol
as it were, for human death; therefore ordinary human figures were substituted for them
(cf. Brunn-K. Ill, 35 ff. for the greater part Perugia) and sometimes in Hellenistic
manner a putto (Brunn-K. Ril. III. 39, 2 from Chiusi). This is varied sometimes by means
of a deer (Brunn-K. Ill, 147, 6 urns in VoUerra-, cf. two terra cotta urns in Florence (from
Chiusil not in Brunn-K. Ril.) Room XXI No. 84413 and 84414, the latter with a human
figure, the former with a deer; the deer motive reappears Schreiber Alex. Toreut. fig. 74,
another indication that therelarion of these pieces with Italy is very close. Parallel to this
runs another series originally decorative, on which stags are devoured by other animals
(t. François Vulci ± 250 B. C. Martha Art étr. fig. 277; a sarcophagus in nenfro in the
Cortile of the Museum of Tarquinia 300—250 B. C., without any number (= Brunn-K.
Ril. Ill, p. 219; date here given too early); stele in the Museum of Fiesole (Galli Fiesole
ftg. 33); urn in the Museum of VoUerra No. 53 (Brunn-K. Ill, 147,4); cf. the stones Lippold
Gemmen 81; Furtw. A. G. I, 11, 29; I, 31, 3 ff. (cf. text II and III)). The decorative cha-
racter disappears altogether, when again we find men substituted [Tarquinia tomba della
Mercareccia ± 300 B. C.(?) frieze at the top of the wall of the 1st room, Weege Etr. Mai.
hg. 66). Deer and fauns play a great part in the Bacchic sphere (cf. also urn in Perugia
Brunn-K. Ill, 136, 3 and blackfigured lecythus in Mus. di Villa Giulia (not in Catalogue
by della Seta) on which a Satyr in sexual intercourse with a deer). The same thing appears
on a painting in Villa Item, where a giri is suckling a fawn (Macchioro Zagreus plate
sub C). Macchioro in his interpretation (p. 80 ff.) is doubtless right =), and from the litera-
ture he cites it will be seen that actually, under certain circumstances, deer were sub-
^ituted for men. But I hesitate to call the whole complex of monuments discussed here
Orphic. We may content ourselves with calling them Bacchic, may be in a deeper sense
than those dealt with before; but I doubt whether they can be connected with the special
development of Dionysiac religion, which we shall meet with in Ch. II. Bacchic allusions
^extraordinarily frequent in Roman funeral art.

1)nbsp;discussion of date and list of reproductions in my paper on Etruscan sculpture in Meded. Rome VI (1026)
dated, but different, is the piece Martha Art 6tr. fig. 238 (after whom Weege E. M. fig. 12), where we find exactly
Pnest of Bacchus — if we can trust the reproduction. I do not know the original: it is not in Tarquinia.

2)nbsp;the formula ÎQitfpoa èa yâla tnejov will bc dealt with below (Ch. II).

Motive IV Figure led away between two demons. The motive is simple and requires
no further elucidation: I only wish to insist upon the fact that it occurs everywhere in the
sphere of Etruscan art

A)nbsp;Tarquinia. In our tomb it recurs several times, figures. No. 26/8; 47/9; 77/9 and 106/8
of my description. Elsewhere also it occurs in the same city, namely

2)nbsp;Sarcophagus in the Museo nazionale Tarquinia, 2nd cent, B. C. Deceased on horse-
back between two demons. Described by Koerte in Brunn-Koerte Ril. Ill, p, 93 (cf,
Frova in Rinnovam, 1908, 1, 335 and Brunn Kl. Schr, I, 251).

3)nbsp;fragment now in Florence (Mus. arch. Etr. topogr. Room of Tarquinia, No. 75218
Inv.). 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Reproduced Rendic. Line. 1894,272,1 fig. 3 cf, Frova in Rinnov.
1908, 1, 128 2).

B)nbsp;Chiusi, 4) of a rather early date is the urn in Bettolle (near Chiusi) Brunn-Koerte
Ril. Ill, 98, 12 and \\2a\\ 5th (rather than 4th) cent. B. C.

5) Chiusi Mus. civ. No, 886; 2nd/lst cent. B, C, Brunn-K, III, 99, 13; Monum, Line.
XX fig. 57 col. 613/4 (after photogr,).

C)nbsp;Orvieto. Here it occurs only on vases ± 300 B. C., 6) vase at Florence from tomba
Golini (literature cf. ad t. dell\'Orco sub Cerberus),

7) two of the three remarkable vases in Museo Faina Orvieto (literature and re-
marks cf. also ad Oreo sub Cerberus).

D)nbsp;Felsina, 8) stele No. 105 (Ducati) in Bologna, first decades of 4th cent, like 1) and
may be 4), Mon. Line. XX fig, 56 col. 611/2 (cf. col. 608); Grenier Bologne fig. 146 and
p. 446 with note 6.

10)nbsp;Mus. Guamacci 109 = Brunn-K. Ill, 71, 5^) f in all these cases the deceased

Of unknown provenance is the vase in Paris (± 300 B, C,) cited in connection with the
drapery of the shades (p, 19 f,).

As a mle the accompanying demons are male and female, and so they are here in
Cardinale (cf. also the demons drawing the little car with the woman and my remark
p. 27). Both demons are male in t.d. Oreo (uncertain), on the vases in Museo Faina, the
vase in Paris, the urn Volterra No, 105, Therefore the idea of couples of demons is
rather clearly expressed, and this is one reason the more for not considering the figures
in Cardinale to have symbolic meanings, such as good or evil spirits or anything of that
nature; otherwise the same would have to l)e accepted with regard to the other monu-
ments, and such is impossible,

M 01 i v e V Demons seated and guarding gates. This motive occurs twice; fig, 61 /2and
88—90 of my description. That these demons, otherwise so agile in their demeanour, are

1)nbsp;a great part of the material his been cited, to slightly different purpose by Ducati Mon. Line, XX, 609, 1.

2)nbsp;a similar fragment in Tarquinia Mus, nazion. (Room in upper storey) is of a different type.

3)nbsp;it would be interesting to know what is exactly meant by the figures lying on the ground (cf. p, 10,2). Koerte (text
p. 86) takes no notice of the existence of a problem. To be compared with the foregoing are scencs like Brunn-K. 11,49 ff.
andIII89(?).

represented here as seated constitutes no exception to the general rule. The representa-
tions are to be divided into two groups however; a) watching gates; h) seated, but looking
out for pray. In this case they are somewhat similar in character to the bronze Hermes
in Naples (Springer I^o fig. 661), already at the point of continuing his course (for the dif-
ference in the manner of resting cf. the boxer in the Museo delle Terme ibid. fig. 802).

As analogues under b may be mentioned: 1) Volterra Br.-K. Ril. I, 30. 2) VoUerra
Inghirami I, 29 (short side of Br.-K. II, 6, 1 a). 3) VoUerra, now in Florence Mus. Arch,
etr. Room XXI, No. 5518 (Inv.) (not in Br.-K. Ril. Ill; the urn shows a scene of leave-
taking between 2 seated Lasae, the left one with torch on shoulder, the right one with
torch obliquely on her knees). 4) VoUerra Brunn-K. II, 3, 1 and 2. 5) VoUerra Br.-K. Ill,
70, 2 a, short side. 6) VoUerra Br.-K. II, 114, 1. 7) Chiusi Brunn-K. II, fig. on p. 262!

For the motive with which we are really concerned here { = a) ci. 1) VoUerra Inghi-
rami Mon. Etr. I, 17 (short side of Br.-K. Ill, 62, 8) 2) Chiusi short side of Brunn-K. II,
119, 2 cf. text p. 256 (inaccurate in so far as the gate has been left out) 3) Chiusi Brunn-K.
Ill, 100, 16 right-hand part (the figure has been referred to before, when dealing with the
demons in the entrance of t.d. Oreo). We may add 4) Tarquinia t. Bruschi (± 150 B. C.:
therefore nearly contemporaneous with the other monuments considered here): the
Charun painted on one of the pillars (reproduced Weege Etr. Mai. fig. 38), property spea-
king, belongs to neither of our groups, since he merely looks on, while the processions
advance in the nether world. No doubt it will be possible to find more monuments: those
mentioned here are given only as examples. Others have been mentioned among those
compared with the demons at the entrance of t.d. Oreo.

Something may be said here about the gates themselves. Their importance in relation
with the realm of death is fully known: the literary side of the question will be found
treated in Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Unterwelt 65, 64 ff. (cf. also Landau Hölle u. Fegfeuer
66 f.) Here once more Italy shows the independant character of the iconography of its
religion. As far as I know the Greeks never depicted the gates of Hades, on the other hand
Etruscans and Romans strongly insisted upon them.

When studying the Etruscan monuments i) one\'s attention is drawn by the large
preponderance of urns from Chiusi all 2nd/lst cent. B. C., cf. Brunn-K. II, 119, 2 III,
54, 1 3); 56, 4 and 5; 57, 6, 7 and 8; 77, 2; 95, 7; 96, 8 and 9; 127 a and b; I\'oo, 16 and thé
numerous urns of the type 101, 2.

Perugia is also well represented with Br.-K. Ill, 101, 1, 3 and 4 types pretty closely
resembling those of Chiusi; with the big urn of the Volumnii (Martha A. é. fig. 242); Brunn-
K. Ill, 94, 4; 95, 6; 150, 17; Galli Perugia fig. 49 == Conestabile Mon. Perugini 5 ( = 2Ibis)
2, described Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, p. 46.

The monuments from other places are rare: it appears therefore, that the type rejoiced
a decided preference in the interior parts of Etruria. In VoUerra mention can only be made
of Mus. Guarnacci No. 95 = Brunn-K. Ill, 59, 2 f. In Tarquinia the tomba anonima di
1832 (230/200 B. C., therefore somewhat earlier than the other monuments cited here)
and the sarcophagus with the waiting figures (2nd/lst cent. B. C.) referred to when dealing

1) some material has been coUected by Fredrich; Sarkophag Stud. (= Nachr. Gött. Ges. Wiss. 1895, 1) 36. He also
points to the literary side of the question, cf. Radermacher Jenseits 150.

3) for the goddess Vanigt; (the one next to the gate resembling Aphrodite, not the one in the gate) cf. before p 15,1.

with the waiting figures in t. degli Scudi. Finally a Felsinean stele, Ducati Mon. Line XX
fig. 65 col. 634 f. (= No. 132; 480/50 B. C. cf. col. 715).

Ducati 1.1. says rightly that this gate is the gate of Orcus: it is not the gate of the tomb,
as has been suggested by Fredrich 1.1. and Koerte (Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, p. 121): at least, not
unless one is inclined to identify the two. But that the idea of a gate to the nether world
is always very strong appears from the figures which are often introduced into it. Very
interesting from this point of view is, once more, a group of Chiusian urns, Brunn-K. Ill,
99, 14 and 15. On 99, 15 the shade is brought into the Orcus; guided by a demon, who has
a rope, with which the hands of the deceased are bound on his back. On 14 on the other
hand he comes forth from it and is guarded by the demon who threatens him with his
hammer, lest he should escape a motive which we encountered when studying the
guarding demons in t.d. Orco.

In many cases for the real gate is substituted a Medusa head or Bendis such as appears
in Chiusi as well as in Perugia and VoUerra. Most evident is the substitution, when we
compare Brunn-K. Ill, 101, with 145, 13 (resp. Perugia and Chiusi); the other\'heads are
to be found on pi. 138 ff., in the text to which the distribution over the various places of
origin can be easily followed. A last and very curious variant is to be found on stelae
from Felsina, dealt with, at length, by Ducati Mon. Line. XX, 653 ff, (ad No. 17; 89 and
111 of his catalogue). Here a big head appears of the Silenus type, which he takes to be
the equivalent of the gate of Orcus, and which he compares with the gaping mouth of hell
on so many mediaeval representations of the last Judgment As it is notorious that
many such ideas of the „under-currentquot; (after Wide\'s happy term in Gercke-Norden\'s
Einführ, i.d, Altertumswiss, IP, 171) after having disappeared altogether, reappear
especially in Toscany during the Middle Ages (cf, Leland: Etruscan-Roman Remains
in popular Tradition, London 1892), I can fully endorse his opinions It may be there
is a similar underlying thought, when Plato (Republ, 615 E) speaks of the roaring mouth
of Hades (cf, Ch, III p, 71)5).

On Roman monuments I found the gate once, viz, on the urn Amelung Cat. Sc. Vat.
II pi. 21, 80, referred to above (p, 9), The gate is thrown open by two demons; the scene
is illustrative to Vergil\'s (Aen, VI, 127) noctes atque dies patet aira ianua Ditis (for atra
ianuacf. the urn of Chiusi with purple gate already, cited (note 1 here); purple and black
are not always distinguished in Antiquity, cf. in Homer alfxa fiéXav; noQcpvQeoa êâvaioa etc

M o t i v e VI Figures travelling on cars ®). They occur several times in the tomb viz
fig. 38; 118—120; 153—155 with horses; fig. 65—67; 69—71; 73—75 drawn by demons \')!
The motive is very common.

1)nbsp;my notes differ from the text of Brunn-Koerte in so far, that I noted Chiusi No, 10G5 A as a replica to 09,
14 (the face of the shade is turned towards the spectator). It should be observed that the background of this
relief is greenish, the aperture of the gate purple (cf. noQtpvqtoa Qâvatoa Hom. II. 5, 83; 16, 334; 20, 477),

2)nbsp;for the type cf. t. c. Arch. Mus. the Hague; she also was a goddess of the nether world, cf. Roscher Myth
Lex. s. v. esp. col. 782, 3 ff; 24 ff.; 38 ff.

8) Hades represented as a monster in later literature cf. Heinze Lucret. Ill p. 190.
4) add to the literature in his note 3: Mâle I, 422 and v. d. Miilbe: Darstellung d. Jüngsten Gerichtes an den
Kirchenportalen Frankreichs (Leipzig 1911) passim and summarizing p. 78.
Ö) also Luc. Dial. Mort. 21,1 and 2; 27, 8 and 9; Catapl. 4; Norden Aen. B. VI» p. 212 f.; Radermacher Jenseits 64 ff.

6)nbsp;the theme has not been dealt with in Roscher Mythol. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 70, § 43 ff. Cf., however, Fredrich
Sarkoph. Stud. (Nachr. Ges. Wiss. Gött. 1895) 26 f.; Radermacher Jenseits 76.

7)nbsp;in the case of fig. 65-67 at least one is certain, that one demon is female, the other male. Cf. what has al-
ready been said (p. 22) on the subject of this combination.

A)nbsp;Tarquinia, 1) unfinished sarcophagus 230/200 B. C. (therefore contemporaneous with
our tomb). Two horses drawing light chariot in which a figure is standing. Many figures
roundabout none of which is remarkable for an attribute or anything of that nature.
Brunn Kl. Schr. I, 251.

2)nbsp;Sarcophagus in nenfro 2nd/1st cent. B. C. On the front, procession towards the
left: a biga with a man standing on it is surrounded by a group of persons; 3 figures walk
before, two of them looking behind: they carry rods; that of the foremost is outstretched.
Unpublished.

3)nbsp;Sarcophagus 2nd/lst cent. B.C. Dealt with before (p. 15) Brunn-K. Ril, III,
p. 106, No. 5.

4)nbsp;So-called scyphos Marzi ± 300 B. C.(?); Brit. Mus.? Deceased on car drawn by
dogs and preceded by a burlesque Charun. For the dog as a funeral animal cf. the dogs
of Hecate and similar things. Here his employment is rather curious: but as a companion
he appears several times, cf. urn from Vulci (Martha Art etr. fig. 249); on stelae from
Felsina three times (Ducati No. 82 ( = Ducati 1.1. fig. 47); 169; 188 = 1.1. fig. 45); all of
more or less early date. In Roman times also, cf, Schröder Stud, zu Grabdenkm. röm.
Kaiserzeit p, 23, 2; D, IV. 482, Literature on the scyphos Ann. Inst. 1879, 304 f,; Rocco
Mito di Caronte 49. 2; Frova in Rinnovam. 1908. 1, 337; Waser Charon etc. II B 25 i).

5)nbsp;ToscaneUa, now Museo Gregoriano, man on biga 2nd/lst cent. B. C, Referred to
above (p, 15) Mus, Greg. (ed. B.) I, 97, 9; (A) II, 101, 9; cf, description Brunn-K, Ril.
Ill, p. 106 No. 4.

6)nbsp;Civitä Musarna (now in the Mus, civ, of Viterbo) 2nd/lst cent, B, C, Biga; 4
figures with rods preceding, slave with luggage follows 2). Brunn-K, Ril, III p, 106 No, 6;
Dennis P, 191,

B)nbsp;Vulci, 7) archaic urn middle of 6th cent. B. C, On the car (with 4 wheels) is a com-
pany, in the centre of which the deceased is sitting on a chair, enveloped in his drapery
in the manner which we have already seen. The car is drawn by mules guided by a man.
The soul bird flies above, a dog follows beneath (cf, Ducati Mon, Line. XX, 584 ff.).
Described by Martha Art etr. p, 360 ad fig, 185, To be added to the literature mentioned
hy Martha: Frova in Rinnovam, 1908, 1, 128; 337; Daremb.-S, s,v, Funus fig, 3354, p.
1383. 4; 1384. 4.

8)nbsp;sarcophagus ± 200 B, C, Now in Boston? Or in Mus, Gregor, from Musignano?
Married couple beneath parasol on two-wheeled chariot drawn by 2 mules. (Cf, Cumont
After Life 149 f.; Dennis Cit, and Cem, P. 472; Dütschke: Zwei röm. Kindersark. =
Progr, Joachimsthal Gymn. Berlin 1909, p. 14). This sort of team seems to have been
especially favoured there, it recurs on a third Vulcian monument

9)nbsp;a vase at Berlin (No. 2954 Furtw.) formerly in the German Institute at Rome.

1)nbsp;the t, Forlivesi A (so I named the last tomb of Tarquinia described Bull. Inst. 1831, 98 (a letter from Avvolta to
Gerhard; in which extracts from a manuscript by Forlivesi) = Weege Etr. M. p. 78 (exact translation) Dennis
J\', 384, 7 (less exact)) docs not concern us here: there was a goddess with turretcd crown on a car drawn by 4
ions, therefore Cybcle, not a journey. Her presence in a tomb is not astonishing: her cult Iiad close affinities with
ideas of resurrection cf. Cumont Religions oricntales p, 70 ff, also Norden Aen. B. VI» ad 784,

2)nbsp;almost identical is the triumphal procession on the monument of Philopappus at Athens (114/ 6 A. D.;
Springer !gt;» fig, ioi4, but dearer Stuart-Revett Antiq. of Athens (ed. Bell London 1913) pi. 63).

of. Ambrosch: de Charonte etr. p. 3; Ann. Inst. 1837, 2, 256; 273; Gerhard Monum. Mus.
Berol. reo. acquis, p. 47; Frova in Rinnovam. 1908, 1. 128(?); Diitschke l.I. i).

C)nbsp;Cerveteri, 10) sarcophagus, probably ± 2nd cent. B. C., now in the Museo Grego-
riano at Rome. Described Brunn-Koerte Ril. Ill, p. 104 (to the literature here given
must be added Daremb.-S. s.v. Funus 1383, 3).

D)nbsp;VoUerra, 1) here a very similar type occurs on the urn Brunn-K. Ill, 84, 2. It forms
part of

12)nbsp;a large group of urns, all from Volterra, with the journey on a chariot cf. Brunn-
K. Ill ad pi. 79 ff.; 84 ff.; 87 ff., the three groups mentioned here all representing variants
of the same idea. It should be noted that in most of these representations there is an
encounter (except 84; 87 ff.), the exact meaning of which has not yet been discovered
(for the explanation given by Koerte in Brunn-K. Ill, p. 95 is also far from satisfactory.
It does explain neither 79, 2, nor 83, 9 and 10). The type survives in Roman funeral art
cf. Schroder 1.1. 24.

13)nbsp;It is noteworthy that Fiesole, after having had a local art as late as the 5th cent.,
is in the Hellenistic epoch, mainly a secondary centre to Vol terra (cf. E. Galli: Fiesole
fig. 40, 41; but fig. 39 is contemporaneous local work; all referring to the subject which
concerns us here.

E)nbsp;In Chiusi the type is very rare, I know only one instance. 14) Colonette amphora,
Mus. Civ. unnumbered; ± 300 B. C. Old man on quadriga led by demon. On the neck
animals fighting.

15)nbsp;tomba Golini ± 360 B. C. Man on biga, guided by demon, a cornicen behind.
Martha Art étr. fig. 281 (cf. p. 9; 14 above)

16)nbsp;t. degli Hescanas ± 360 B. C. without secondary figures, Cardella t.d. Hescanas
pi. II D.; Rom. Mitt. 8 (1893) 330 f. (cf, p. 1 above).

17)nbsp;vase in the Museo Faina ± 300 B. C. Man lying on his back feet forward on
a car drawn by mules (cf. Vulci!). Ducati Ceram. gr. II fig. 344, 1.

18)nbsp;Bomarzo now in Berlin (No. 2954 Furtw.), where also a figure is riding on a
chariot.

H)nbsp;Felsina. On numerous stelae in Bologna, from the middle of the 6th cent, onwards
the motive is to be found. An exhaustive treatment has been accorded to it by Ducati
Mon. Line. XX, 582 ff. Very apposite, at this point, would be a few words about a
curious hypothesis maintained by Ducati 1.1. 618. I quote his own words „Dapprima il
„psicopompo, ricevuta la offerta propiziatrice, conduce I\'anima sotto terra, poi le fa
„attraversare una distesa d\'acqua. . , . e finalmente introduce nel regno di Mantus e di
„Mania I\'anima su cocchio.... Allora, non veramente di duplice maniera sarebbe il

1)nbsp;it seems to have been found on a Roman tomb stone also, but the fact is not quite certain cf. Br, Schrö-
der Stud, Grabd, röm, Kaiserz. 23, 2, D IV, 120,

„viaggio estremo, ma si comporrebbe di due parti diverse, cioe del cammino percorso
„ a piedi, di quelle percorso su carro: in mezzo sarebbe il tragitto sull\' acqua.

„Invece, secondo il concetto piii antico, il viaggio sarebbe compiuto a cavallo, e forse
»anche nella prima sua parte ... .quot;

Is this true? At first glance the thing seems to be rather complicated; and we know too
Uttle about Etruscan religion to acquire absolute certainty, but I think that I can com-
pare two monuments, which aptly illustrate Ducati\'s opinion i). He himself does not
refer to them.

1)nbsp;Volterra Mus. Guarnacci No. 57 = Brunn.-K. Ril. Ill, 42, 2; 2nd/lst cent.B. C.
Behind a turbulent sea, dotted with dolphins, a Lasa emerges holding 4 horses by the
bridle. These may be the horses, with which the shade has to continue his journey after
having crossed the water. Koerte 1.1. despairs of an interpretation

2)nbsp;Chiusi Mus. civ. No. 680 = Brunn-K. Ill, 77, 3; phot. Alinari 37521; 2nd/lst
cent. B. C. From the right (we can neglect the kneeling warrior) a horseman comes riding
on towards a tree, obviously a division between land and sea. The latter is indicated by
a big marine being, turned towards the horseman: we can easily assume that the horse-
man had to dismount and to continue his journey on the sea-monster 3),

I would like to point out at once that cars drawn by demons do not occur elsewhere.
The only things comparable are two Chiusian urns in the Museum of Berlin (Kurze Be-
schreib. 1922 No. 1227 and 1229), where in a funeral procession cars are drawn by men.
A further detail demanding some explanation is that on so many Felsinean stelae the
horses of the chariot are winged. This cannot be brushed aside by saying that it is due to
„Ionian influencequot; (Ducati 1.1. 583). They reappear on monuments too conspicuous, for
this to be possible, viz. on a number of friezes from Latino-campanian temples (E. Douglas
van Buren: Terracotta Revetments of Etruria and Latium pi. 31, p. 66 ff.) and on the
sarcophagus of Hagia Triada. We are here in the region of the mysterious chariots, with
which demons of death ride through the air and take the deceased with them (cf. Rader-
macher Jenseits im Mythos d. Hell. 76 *). This explains the presence of Medea on her
chariot on a terra cotta urn in VoUerra (Guamacci 497 = Brunn-K. II, 1, 2) and a similar
chariot in the lost tomba Foriivesi B. in Tarquinia (Bull. Inst. 1831, 92; Dennis P, 384, 7
(extract); Weege E. M.p. 78 (exact translation. Weege, however, is not lucky in the com-
parison which he cites), drawn, as is often the case, by serpents; but griffins also occur
(vases Faina Ducati Cer. gr. II, fig. 344; Apulian amphora Mus. Gregor. Semicircular
Room VII; Furtw.-R. II, 90) and remind us that a later age transformed this motive into
the apotheosis on the solar chariot (Cumont: After Life 102; 113; 155 ff.; Strong: Apotheo-
^nd After Life 126,20; Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Inferi 260, 43 ff.). But side by side with

2)nbsp;the representation recalls that on a vase in Chiusi ± 300 B. C. (Mus. civ. No. 1853) and a great number of
mirrors: Gerhard Etr. Spiegel II, 196; III, 257 B; IV, 1, 333, 2; IV, 2, 378; 398; V, 1, 34; 77; 78.

3)nbsp;Is the same idea alluded to in the reliefs Brunn-K. Ill, 1, 1 .ind 3, 5, where Pluto\'s car rides over a sea-demon?
Ordinary persons would have to get out, but his car can cross the sea in this manner! For the rest the rape of
Proserpina belongs to a different cycle from that under consideration here. The Triton beneath a quadriga reapjxjars
Furtw. A. G. I, 46, 10.

4)nbsp;also Cumont: After Life 155. I do not know whether it is necessary to accept the theory that „these wings in
primitive f;ishion were probably intended to c.xpress only the swiftness of this mythic.al steedquot;. It is a primitive
tiorthern belief that the deceased ride in the air: why should this not be an allusion to the same belief? Even here we
are far from the solar theory.

these ideas runs another current, which conserves the old design of the ordinary journey:
in Roman times it was especially strong in Northern Italy and the Northern provinces,
cf. Br. Schroder Stud. Grabd. röm. Kaiserz. 23 f. So far as I can .see the motive is not
to be found in literature except Plato 1.1.

Motive VII Figures travelling on horses (often led by a demon). Several times:
fig. 41; 93/6 (led by a demon); 109/10; 113/4.

The representation is too well known, for it to be necessary to insist much upon its
meaning: the question of its local dispersion and the date of the monuments is more
essential to us.

A)nbsp;1) Tarquinia, tomba Bruschi ± 150 B. C. Back wall right hand side. Brunn Kl.
Schr. I fig. 47 (p. 191) after Mon. ined. VIII, 36 3).

2) Sarcophagus in nenfro 2nd/lst cent. B. C., described Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, p. 93.
For questions relating to this piece cf. p. 9 f.

B)nbsp;Volterra. In this centre there was a great partiality for this motive. The urns have
been classified and considered Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 69 ff. (to this should be added the short
side of Volterra Mus. Guarnacci, No. 272 = Br.-K. II p. 163 (text to II, 68, 3) = Inghi-
rami Mon. Etr. I, 14,2). Sometimes there are snakes on the ground (cf. before p. 10 note 2
ad t. d. Scudi).

C)nbsp;The monuments relating to Chiusi are to be found Brunn-K. Ill, 77; 133, 1, cf. also
Berlin Beschreib. Sc. (1922), No. 1222 (5th cent. B. C.); besides Florence Mus. arch. etr.
Room XXI, No. 5475 (Inv.), not in Brunn-K, so far as I can see (from Chiusi?). Man on
horseback to the right, a draped figure leading. At the right hand near a gate a demon
(whose wings are scarcely visible in relief upon the gate) compels other figures to enter.

D)nbsp;The monuments from Perugia are reproduced Brunn-K. Ill, 78, Though differing
in detail considerably, the central thought and representation is identical. For III, 77, 2
cf. especially 72, 8 (arrival through gate of Orco), for 77, 3 p. 27 here: in this manner the
connection between Chiusi and Volterra is shown to be rather strong. Perugia is more
independent.

E)nbsp;From Orvieto I do not know of a single monument, but from Bomarzo, not so far away,
comes the vase Berlin, No. 2954 (Furtw.) on which a Charun is leading a person on horse-
back, who looks behind towards a woman, holding a small box (for date etc. mentio-
ned on p. 19).

F)nbsp;Very important because of its early date is the tomba Campana at Veii (± 650 B. C.;
Martha Art étr. fig. 282), where the design of the journey is completely fixed already.

G)nbsp;In Felsina it can be found very often, though the journey by chariot predominates.

1)nbsp;cf. Cumont After Life 15 f. Dütschke 1.1.: the paper is important t)ccaufie he considers Etruscan and Italic
religion to be the same thing like myself.

2)nbsp;cf. Roscher Myth. Le.x. s.v. Unterwelt 71, 60 ff.; Malten: das Pferd im Totenglauben, Arch. Jahrb. 1914, 179 ff.
(not accepted by Nilsson Hist, of Greek Rel. 104); Furtw. Coll. Sabouroff Introd. I, 39. The Greek conception is quite
different, cf. Roscher 1.1. s. v. Heros 2555—2558.

3)nbsp;of a different character was in Tarquinia in the t. Forlivesi D (Bull. Inst. 1831, 91 ff.; Deecke Etr. Forsch.
II (1876), 139; Mrs. Gray: a Tour 252 f.; Dennis I», 384, 7; Weege E. M. 78 f.) the scene with the man on an elephant.
It cannot be the Indian expedition of Bacchus (cf. Roscher Lex. s. v. Dionysos 1087 ff. § 22) because of the warriors
represented. Probably we have a historic painting here, relating to the triumph of Metellus on Carthage (cf. Ca-
vaignac Hist, de I\'Ant. Ill, 240) about the middle of the 3rd cent, more probably than Pyrrhus. The genre of
painting recalls paintings from a tomb on the Esquilinc (i 140 B. C.; Pfuhl. Mal. Z. III fig. 751).

The monuments are catalogued by Ducati Mon. Line. XX, 573ff. Sometimes the horses
are winged: the reason for this is the same as has been expounded with reference to the
journey by chariot (p. 27); this shows there is a connection with Latium, where they also
appear (cf. Van Buren; Terracotta Revetments of Etruria and Latium pi. 17; 31). We
need not wonder that having become so wide-spread the motive also survived in the
times of the Roman Empire, cf. Cumont After Life 155 f.; Schröder Stud. Grabdenkm.
Kaiserzeit 4 ff. Schröder also (p. 6) connects v/ith this representation the one of the
fighting horseman (Etruscan monuments cited by him p. 7); of this t. d. Cardinale fig. 41
(of my catalogue) is an example (after Byres). Cf. Brunn-K. Ill, 115 ff. (provenance
VoUerra, Chiusi (the greater part), Perugia), which all refer to Gaulish invasions. In
Felsina also the same fighting scenes sometimes occur (Mon. Line. XX, 673 ff.; for dates
cf. col. 715). To these must be added a monument in Tarquinia, the Sarcophagus del
Sacerdote (one of the short sides), where, however, a different sort of fight is depicted.

Motive VIII Solitary horse. This is connected in subject with the previous scenes.
It is to be found No. 12/3; 14/6; 22/4 of my catalogue. In all these cases, however, there
is no absolute certainty. But about No. 145, on the back wall, there is no doubt. It serves
as a condensed representation of the last journey, cf.

1 ) Tarquinia t. dell\' Oreo ± 360 B. C. on the wall near the ancient entrance. Nowhere
reproduced or mentioned.

2)nbsp;Tarquinia t. della Mercareccia probably ± 300 B. C. For interpretation of the
whole of the wall cf. t. Tartaglia below. Weege Etr. Mai. fig. 66 (= Byres Hypogaei of
Etruria I, pi. 7).

3)nbsp;In VoUerra in a whole series of leave-takings (2nd/lst cent. B. C.) a horse is held
ready to indicate the last journey, cf. Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 59—64. Here pi. 63 f. clearly
form a part of this series: for this reason I cannot adopt Koerte\'s view as I have already
stated (p. 19); this must be a last farewell, before the deceased descends into the nether
world, not an epiphany, in order to summon the wife to follow. To be added are 4) Volterra
308 = Brunn—K. HI, 65, 4 f, (forming in this manner a link between two series and
5) VoUerra 451 = Br.-K. Ill, 76, 16 2): leave-taking and departure: the kneeling figure
arranges the shoes of the departing man.

6)nbsp;a similar tvpe in Chiusi. (Mus. civ. No. 326 or 328; 2nd/lst cent. B. C.) is mentioned
in Brunn-K. Ril.\'ill on p. 73.

7)nbsp;Chiusi now Berlin. Urn 5th cent. B. C. Banquet: one of the short sides dancers,
the other with man leading horse. Berlin Kurze Beschr. Sk. (1922) No. 1237.

8)nbsp;Chiusi now Florence Mus. arch. etr. Room XXt No. 5557 (Inv.) 2nd/1st cent.
B. C. A solitary horse. Brunn-K. Ill, 149, 12; several replicas.

10) Felsina stele Bologna No. 42 (Ducati), 390/60 B. C. (cf. Ducati Mon. Line. XX, 715).
Similar. Ducati in his text (col. 533 f.) seems to me not quite correct, when he declares
the motive to be purely ornamental. Ducati Mon. Line. XX fig. 79 col. 677.

1)nbsp;also J. R. S. 1924 pi. I, 5; V, 26; XII, 83; XVII, 109b; 117; 122, all from Asia minor of Roman epoch.

2)nbsp;the resemblance to VoUerra 2SS {= Inghirami M. E. I, 80; Brunn-K. II, 29, is altogether accidental and due,

the first place, to the state of mutilation which has effaced differences, then to the fact that in both cases a

orse is being brought up, on 451 for the last journey, but in 288 in order to enable a servant to carry away the
quot;»onster. Koerte in the text to II, 29, 5a overrates the difficulties and the so-called stupidity of the artist. He is
right in separating from this series Br.-K. II, 109, 3, the which no one has as yet succeeded in interpreting.

M O t i V e IX Figure rudely carried away by demon, who sometimes seizes her by the
hair. Occurs repeatedly: No. 30/1; 98/9; but some of the groups with a figure between 2
demons come under this heading. There are analogies to these groups, but not so many
as one would be apt to suppose after having perused the literature on the subject. Unmista-
kable rudeness is to be found on the Volterranean urn No. 405 Guamacci (Brunn-K. Ill,
47, 6 d.), where a departing figure is seized by the hair; a similar scene is Volterranean
(Florence Mus. arch. etr. Room XXI No. 5515 Inv. = Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 47, 6 1.) In
Chiusi the numerous urns of the types Br.-K. Ill, 57, 6 and 7 have something of the
sort. On vases (of about 300/275) the same is to be seem, cf. the vase Waser Charon etc.
II B 21 (cited above) and those in Mus. Faina (cf. before: Ducati Ceram. gr. II fig. 344,
but for those cf. also Motive X) i). But in no case do we find the sadistic lust of doing ill,\'
which we see on the porches of our medieval cathedrals: we find the rudeness of those,\'
who have no reverence for the weak or old or timid, not the cruelty which is supposed to
punish fictitious ill deeds and to bring fear to the living. And the unpleasant treatment
accorded to some, symbolizing rather the fact that death is often difficult, is quite coun-
terbalanced by other scenes (Motive X and XI) where death appears as a friend, or at
least a kind guide, reminding us of Schubert\'s song: der Tod und das Mädchen. The figures
are either kindly introduced into Orcus or urged to accept death as a means of salvation.

M o t i v e X Old man sustained hy denim (figures No, 135/6, and possibly also 15—19
of my catalogue) is one of the cases just alluded to. Analogies can easily be found.

1)nbsp;on two of the set of three vases in the Museo Faina at Orvieto an old man similar
to the one in the tomb here is being kindly led by a demon. That another demon behind
is pushing him rudely does not lessen the kindliness of the other\'s action Ducati Cer
gr. II fig, 344, 2/3.

2)nbsp;On the urn VoUerra Mus, Guamacci No, 54 Chanm also is leading a figure by the
hand, Brunn-K, Ril. Ill, 92, If.

3)nbsp;The Felsinean stelae have the same subject several times, cf. numbers 43- 84\'
105; 168; possibly also 94. For the general treatment of the subject cf. Ducati Mon. Line!
XX, 606 ff. (who, however, does not notice this side of the representation); for reproduc-
tions cf, the descriptive catalogue in the first part of his paper.

In one case a demon actually pushes somebody to death, I refer to the scene on the
stamnos Casuccini (now in Palermo?) from Chiusi, where a demon instigates Aiax to
suicide, evidently representing death to him as the only salvation from his intolerable
grief. The sense is quite clear when one compares a cista from Praeneste with the same
representation (d. Seta Catal. Villa Giulia p. 439 No, 13148 in fine). The vase Casuccini
is to be found Reinach R. V. P. I, 278, 1. The greater number of the monuments cited
here are 4th cent, or a little later; only the urn in Volterra is 2nd/1st cent. B. C.

M o t i v e XI Two figures seated one in front of the other, one with a child on her lap:
the child is being fetched by a demon. Fig, 127/130 of my catalogue. Once more a scene
where Etruscan demons appear as friendly beings. Two figures seated in this manner
occur rather seldom; for Etruria I know only the stele from Antella (now in Florence-
Martha Art étr. fig. 165; ± 500 B. C.); elsewhere it may frequently be found on Hittite
funeral stelae (cf. E. Meyer: Reich u. Kultur d. Chet. fig. 28 ff.). For the motive of woman

1) cf, Lucianus Dial, Mort. 21, 2: dvayxa^ófitvot and wOovfisrpi-, 5, 1 and 2; 87, 1; Catapl. 6; Menipp, U, Cf.
note by Jacobitz ad Dial, Mort. 21, 1 {tov noêóa).

with child on her lap (the exactitude of which can be doubted here) cf. the Chiusian urn
Br.-K. Ril. Ill, 100, 16 (2nd/lst cent. B. C.) i), which translated into painting, would
give a very similar figure. The scene recalls strongly the pathetic sorrow portrayed on the
Campana slabs from Cervetri in the Louvre (± 550 B. C.; Martha Art étr. pl. IV facing
p. 428). Though in detail the interpretation may be doubtful, it is clear that a soul is
being carried away by the flying demon, and has only just parted from the figures, which
are speaking together on the left. One is reminded unvoluntarily of the monument of the
Harpies in Xanthos, where similar scenes are portrayed The painting in Cardinale
belongs to the same order of ideas: swift death approaching unexorably but kindly and
carrying away the soul. But I think that the treatment accorded to it by Weege (Etr.
Mai. p. 37 ff.) is a good deal too fantastical, and his comparison with the mediaeval „danses
macabresquot; is altogether inappropriate. What is just the central point there, the satirical
and social character, is lacking entirely here: the atmosphere of the piece is thoughtful
and tender.

Motive XII Figures carrying objects on head and shoulders, (fig. 137 and 138 of
my catalogue). The scene is common enough and gives no scope for symbolic interpre-
tations (cf. Weege Etr. Mai. p. 37). The following materials will make quite clear that
We have to do with figures carrying luggage.

1)nbsp;Cività Musarna (near Viterbo, territory of Tarquinia) sarcophagus already re-
ferred to (2nd/lst cent. B. C.) cf. Brunn-K. Ril. Ill p. 106 No. 6.

2)nbsp;Vulci sarcophagus with „wedding dayquot; (cf. below) 2nd half 3rd cent. B. C. Wo-
man with box on her head. Martha Art étr. fig. 245/6.

3)nbsp;Volterra numerous examples on urns 2nd/lst cent.B. C.cf. Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 60,3a
(= Mus. Guamacci 571 now??);4b;69,1 and 3; 70,2 with replicas; 72,7 with several replicas
and 8 g.-, 75,14; 76,15 and 16. Remarkable is Volterra Mus. Guarnacci 118 ( = Inghirami Mon.
etr. I, 31; Bmnn-K. text ad III, 75,13), because the luggage has been fastened to a stick, and
IS being carried in this way 3). Apparently there are two kinds of transport, on the shoulder
and on the head. The latter way of transporting objects (baskets in particular) is frequently
to be seen in Florentine paintings of the early Renaissance (cf. Springer Kunstgesch.
Illquot;, fig. 133 (Filippo Lippi); fig. 136 (Benozzo Gozzoli). The scenes on the urns mostly
show slaves being employed in this manner, but it is clear that common people had to
carry their things for themselves and this is certainly the case in our tomb. A different

1)nbsp;I doubt whether it isofauyuse to compare two funeral statues (6th cent.) from Chiusi (exactly Chianciano;
ut Milani says Città d. Pieve) in Florence Mus. arch. etr. topogr. Room of Clusium, one of which (in Vitrine D)

^ith a child on her lap. Is she really what Milani (Mus. topogr. (1898) 63 f.) calls her? For Mater Matuta cf. Roscher
s-v. In any case two statues, recalling these, in Mus. Papa Giulio are of quite a different kind though the type is
similar (cf. d. Seta Catal. Villa Giulia p. 117 f.). They seem to be Campanian ± 200 B. C. from Capua (?).

2)nbsp;slabs of Cervetri: Brunn Kl. Schr. I, 154 ff. Ann. Inst. 1859, 325 ff.); Stryk Stud. etr. Kammergr. 34 f.
1 ollows Brimn, but his citations are erroneous); Daremb.-S. s. v. Funus 1383 with note 12; Radermacher Jenseits

L (inexact with regard to the fluttering figure, which is not a demon, but a soul); Martha Arch. étr. et rom.
1 (scene of sacrifice); Martha Art. ótr. 425 ff. (funeral scene); Ducati in Mon. Line. XX, 610f. (journey of deceased;
gmning of journey on foot. He also compares Monum. of Harpies). MoriumciU of Harpies: Am. Joum. Arch. 1907,321
Brimn Abh. Bayr. Ak. Philos. — philol. Kl. 1872, 523 ff.; Friederichs—Wolters No. 127—130, where preceding
iterature; Rayet Mon. ant. I, 13—16; Picard Sculpt, ant. I, 1C9, 1, insists upon Hittite origin of this sculpture.
Or souls carried by birds cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 71, 42 ff.; carried by demons ibid. 73, 37 ff. The
occanera slabs have nothing to do here cf. J. H. S. 1889 pi. VII.

3)nbsp;this was customary with the Roman legionaries cf. Rich Rom. Antiq. fig. 9. v. Impediti (of the French edit.);
quot;aremb.-S. s. v. Impedimenta.

solution might be possible, viz. that the foremost figure on Weege E. M. pi. 59, 3 is la-
menting. The gesture is very similar on a Volterranean urn in Florence (Mus. arch. etr.
Room XXI, No. 5515 (Inv.) = Brunn-K. Ill, 47, 61), and it is quite intelligible in connex-
ion with the scene (leave-taking; Koerte 1.1. does not explain it) and on a Chiusian urn,
now in Palermo (Brunn-K. Ill, 77, 2; in this case also the text is silent), where, however,
the interpretation seems much less certain to me, though the movements are strikingly
like the other.

Motive XIII Two demons transporting a small car. Fig. 140/2 of my catalogue.
For this I do not know of any parallel.

Procession. The type consists of the deceased surrounded by followers, among whom
musicians (cornicines) and rod-bearers. The whole escorted by demons at the head, bringing
up the rear and also in the centre.

Similar processions occur in other tombs, but among those lost and those preserved
especially in Tarquinia.

1)nbsp;t. degli Scudi Section 2, ± 330/20 B. C.: here the similarity is striking (cf. § 2
above) Mon. ined. Suppl. pi. 4, 1; 5,2.

3)nbsp;t. Bruschi walls B and C ± 150 B. C. Variations in detail, but the type as a whole
the same. Brunn: Kl. Schr. I, fig. 47, p. 191 = Mon. ined. VIII, 36.

4)nbsp;t. Forlivesi A (2nd cent. B. C.). This tomb has been referred to above in connection
with the chariots in t. d. Cardinale (motive VI; there also literature). It was Cybele,
who was depicted here, but her chariot was preceded by 12 men: 4 playing cymbals,
4 flute, 4 tympana. Though the meaning is different, the general appearance strongly
recalls that of our tomb. Finally there is a possibility that Forlivesi mistook a tomb
with the procession of a magistrate (cf. below) for a religious procession, and that his
fancy did the rest.

5)\\nbsp;3 sarcophagi in the Museum of Tarquinia, all of them with similarly grouped

6)gt;nbsp;processions (but with deceased on chariot.; 2nd half 3rd cent, and 2nd/1st cent.

7))nbsp;B. C.). One of them (on which the men carry rods, which does not occur on the
others) unpublished; for the others cf. Brunn Kl. Schr. I, 251 (except the one also men-
tioned Brunn-K. Ill, p. 93, which does not belong to this type).

8)nbsp;Norchia relief in the fagade of one of the tombs. Its probable date, it seemed to
me, would prove it to be Hellenistic, and, when I inspected the originals, I concluded it
to be of the 2nd rather than of, the 3rd cent, judging by what can still be discerned of the
style of the relief i). Daremb.-S. s. v. Etrusques fig. 2804, A rather elaborate description
Dennis P, 200 f. The deceased is walking,

9)nbsp;Civitd, Musarna (near Viterbo). Sarcophagus in the Museo Comunale of Viterbo
(2nd/lst cent. B. C.). Dennis P, 191; Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, p. 106 f. No. 6. The deceased is on

1) the date suggested by the Curators of the Museum at Florence (where one fragment is preserved = Dennis P,
200) is certainly much too early. Fifth cent, reliefs in Etruria are of a very different appearance. It seems to me that
my date is confirmed by the observations J. R. S. 1925, 42 ff.

chariot here. This type recalls strongly the relief of the Monument of Philopappus at Athens
(consul preceded by lictors )of ± 115 A. D., reprod. Springer Kunstgesch. Pquot;, fig.
1014; more completely Stuart-Revett (ed. Bell London 1913) pi. 63.

10)nbsp;ToscaneUa (now Mus. Gregoriano Rome; 2nd/1st cent. B. C. Again the deceased
^ on chariot, but for the rest, the procession is very similar, only there are no musicians.
Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, p. 106. 4.

11)nbsp;Cervetri (now Mus. Gregoriano Rome) date probably Hellenistic Brunn-K. Ill,
p. 104.

12)nbsp;Vulci. Sarcophagus ± 200 B. C.. as a rule called ..of the wedding dayquot;. That this
js wrong, appears from our present considerations. The woman and the man are taking
leave: the persons behind the man are to be his escort on his last journey. The man with
the sella is to be found on the sarcophagus from Cervetri, and on urns from Volterra
(cf. below); lituus and cornu reappear constantly in this sort of scenes; flute and cithara
occasionally also on urns from Volterra (it should be observed that male and female
servants occur indiscriminately); cf. also below t. Tartaglia. Martha Art étr. fig. 245.

13)nbsp;VoUerra, series of urns 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Brunn-K. Ill, 84. 2—86. 5. Man on
quadriga lictores and musicians preceding.

14)nbsp;Related is ibid. 92. 4 and 5; 4 the actual procession, 5 the leave-taking that took
place before. The plate 91,2 and 3, however, shows what the true procession of a magistrate
was really like. It is clear that most of the instances cited here are not of this class, but
merely represent Etruscan noblemen on their last journey. So does the t. d. Tifone.

15)nbsp;Chiusi. Here, in the 5th cent., occur scenes on cippi, which recall the procession
m Tifone, but the resemblance is only superficial, for it is real funeral processions that
are represented. Cf. Daremb-S. s.v. Funus 1383 with note 2 (not quite exact). The same is
the case with urns in Beriin (Altes Mus. Kurze Beschr. 1922 No. 1223; 1226; 1229). They
l^re noteworthy, however, because they show us how in the later period the idea of the
journey came to be confused with that of the real funeral procession, (Important for
the understanding of the development of the religious thought?),

16)nbsp;Orvieto. In greatly curtailed form the procession appears on the entrance wall of
^he t. Golini ± 360 B. C, Martha Art étr, fig, 281.

We now turn to some details of the scene in Tifone, The most striking one is the t w i s t e d
^ods. They are carried by some of the men in the ranks before and behind the principal
person. The following analogies have come to my knowledge.

1) Tarquinia t, d, Mercareccia ± 300 B. C. It is doubtful whether the rods are
iwisted or not. Byres Hypogaei I, 8,

^ 2) Norchia one of the façades (3rd or) 2nd cent. B, C, So far as can be seen they are
arned by the persons behind the principal figure, Daremb. S, s,v. Etrusques fig, 2804,
he motive itself is certain cf. Dennis Cit. and Cem. P, 200 f.; J, R, S. 1925, 43 ff.,
those in the t. d, Rilievi at Cervetri (3rd cent, B, C,) are of a similar, yet somewhat
a»terent kind, cf. Martha Art étr. pi. III facing p. 296.

3) Orvkto t, d, Hescanas ± 360 B. C. Figure preceding the main figure: in corn-
nation with 2 musicians. As in the case of one of the figures in t. d, Tifone he carries
^gether with another rod,

ne question of its meaning has often been raised; Dennis 1,1. 201,5 gives a spicilegium

of explanations. Of those mentioned none is satisfactory. Funalia, a sort of torches, are
out of question; also, so far as can be seen, the „Golden Boughquot; (cf. Frazer) which was
probably a simple branch; magisterial rods cannot be thought of, because, as we. have
seen, the procession is not that of a magistrate, moreover it was a different kind of rod
that was carried on such occasions (cf. Brunn-K. Ill, 91): and the emblems of suppli-
cation (symbol of the Etruscan Hades) which Dennis himself suggests are excluded,
because the rods in the tomb are clearly not wound round with wool, but are of one piece.
The only thing, which can possibly bring us nearer a solution seems to be to me an affi-
nity with the caduceus. Though the origin of this does not seem to have been explained
as yet (cf.Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Mercurius 2805, 66 ff. and 2807, 23 ff. (magical rod
supplanting caduceus; cf. also Norden Aen. b. VI^, p. 171 f.); s.v. Hermes 2365, 16 ff. and
2401, 15 ff.; Daremb.-S. s.v. Mercurius 1807 (bow with twigs bound round it as origin
of caduceus; I incline to see the same thing here); Sarasin Helios u. Keraunos 80 f.),
there seem to be Mycenean and Oriental representations, which anticipate the motive
It may be we have a parallel development with a similar meaning: if this is so the men
provided with it would be a sort of heralds.

It will be noticed that these rods are carried in the hands concealed beneath
the drapery. This is not the case in the t. degli Hescanas; in Norchia and the t. d.
Mercareccia there is no certainty to be obtained. In some cases on other monuments, I
think there is clearly an allusion to the shroud (e.g. Br.-K. Ill, 65, 4 f.; 70, 4), also in
the Egyptian oushebti\'s carrying their tools, but in others it has quite the same meaning
as in our tomb (e.g. t.d. Scudi section 1; t. Bruschi; sarcophagus from Toscanella (Br.-K.
Ill, p. 106,4; sarcophagus Volterra No. 124 ibid. 90,1; that at Tarquinia ibid. p. 106, 5). It
is quite a different thing from that treated by Dieterich Kl. Schr. 440 ff. and has no
mystic or religious significance whatever. More probably it originates in a sense of what
is correct and appropriate: it can frequently be observed in sculpture from the 4th
cent, onwards (statuettes of Tanagra; statues with Hellenistic drapery). In the province
of oratory also we meet with injunctions which point to similar ideas (Cic. Orator 59; cf.,
the Arringatore and Pericles\' attitude while speaking). Whether in some Bacchic repre-
sentations (vase of Biygos Pfuhl Mai, Z, fig, 427 and the reliefs from the theatre in Athens
Reinach R. R. G. R. II, 371 f,), in the reliefs of Hermes with nymphs (Reinach R,R.G,R.
II, 358 ff.) there can be a religious meaning seems doubtful. It seems to be excluded in
the exvoto\'s ibid. II, 362; 366; where, again, it is in courtesy rather, that we must seek
the explanation.

The type of the Gigants on the pillar is decorative and too clearly meant to be that of
figures supporting the cornice above for there to be any question of their belonging to
the class of Typhons, which occur so very often on the urns (cf. Brunn-Koerte Ril. Ill,
11 ff.) Besides, the third figure, the woman terminating in volutes, puts this beyond any

1) A similar symbol occurs on Babylonian and later monuments which possibly represents lightning; it might
have been a symbol of death (cf. Arch. Jahrb. 1925, 39 fig. 27 ff.; Frank Kmistg. i. Bildem I, 2, 54, 3; Meissiier
Bab.-ass.Plast. fig, 121; 134; also, however, fig 197, where certainly lightning is represented). It would seem that
the crossing expresses swift movement, cf, Bezold Niniveh u. Babylon fig, 61, whilst also the „guillochtquot; band ex-
presses the same thing, cf, Meissner 1,1. fig. 200 f,; Frank 1.1. 42, 4. The lightning motive could have comc to Italy
through the Minoan-Mycenean medium. On the other hand one should compare a whip of the same formation, used by
a centurion on a coin of the gens Didia (Cohen M6d. cons. pi. XVI). Here again rapid movement is expressed by
the crossing. This, at the same time, proves that the objects in the tomb are different, for they are in rest.

doubt. 1). For the use of similar figures in architecture cf. my paper on the „Giants Hallquot; in
Athens in Bull. Corr. Hell. 1927.

The last thingthat must be pointed out is the frieze of dolphins and waves running
round the walls. Similar friezes occur frequently in the archaic period already and
are to be found down to the time of the later Hellenistic tombs. It has been
said 2) that it symbolizes the voyage over the sea, which the deceased had to take in
order to reach the land of death (cf. before p. 26 f. on riding and travelling by
chariot). This is not impossible, though it may be doubted whether, in the frequent use
made of it. this idea was always present to the mind of the painter. The decorative value
Will often have been uppermost. We have, however, definite proofs of the existence of such
a belief. In the first place there are the marine demons so often decorating the fronts of urns
(Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 11 ff.) and the actual journey on the backs of sea-demons, which
enjoyed such popularity on Roman monuments (ibid. 28 ff.; for Rome Br. Schröder: Stud,
zu den Grabd. röm. Kaizerz. 21). In Etruria as well as in Roman times (cf. Schröder 1.1. 22)
we find the notion that this last journey has to be taken on a ship 3). The following mo-
numents represent this.

1)nbsp;two urns in VoUerra (276 and 277) Brunn-K. Ill, 68, 1/2. Koerte thinks it pretty
certain that we have a representation of the last journey; it may be with an allusion to
the man\'s profession. Cf-. also Frova in Rinnovam. 1908, 1, 339.

2)nbsp;urn in Perugia (now lost) Brunn-K. Ill, 133, 3; probably an instance of the same,
It may be with a more realistic strain in it, cf. Koerte in the text.

3)nbsp;Much more uncertain is a lost tomb in Tarquinia, the t. Forlivesi C. That there
^as a ship is certain, but whether the persons on it were mythological or were a company
taking the last journey cannot now be ascertained. Cf. Bull. Inst. 1831, 92 ff. (letter to

erhard, giving an extract from Foriivesi\'s description; Dennis Cit. and Cem. P, 384, 7
(exact but for the words „seated on the deckquot;): Weege Etr. M. 78 (exact translation, but
omits last three words of original text; p. 79 he says the persons may represent Dionysus
^nd Ariadne. True?),

A ship also appears on the Felsinean stele No. 10 (Ducati) ± 430 B.C. =Mon.Linc.

fig. 82, col. 685 f., but Ducati judges, and probably he is right, that there is no
^mbolism here (cf, col, 684). Lastly should be mentioned the urn VoUerra Mus, Guarnacci
o. 67 = Brunn-K. Ill, 42, 1, a composition recalling somewhat Heracles crossing the
^ ceanus in the cup of Helios (Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Herakles fig. col. 2204; s. v. Weit-
je öpfung 455 note 3). But the interpretation being exceedingly obscure, I will not
venture a suggestion. Fr, Cumont in his work on Roman After Life 154 f. has collected a
^^st amount of material concerning this conception, ranging from Egyptian beliefs to
Iquot; y Christian doctrine. Two other suggestions might be made here. In the excava-
ns at San Sebastiano near Rome a room has been found, decorated with a wall
pa^inting representing a port *), beneath it was scratched the inscription x^div êxmjizóvrcoy.
^r. Leopold, who was the last, so far as my knowledge goes, to treat the subject (Meded.

a similar figure occure in a tomb in Älyra (Lydia); Canina Etr. Mar. II, 125 cf, p. 161 and Archit. ant. II, 1, 8
gt; Weege ad Etr. Mai. fig. 52; cf. Radermacher Jenseits 89 f.
\' cf. Radermacher Jenseits 90.

that the room was never used as a burying place it might possibly have served as a place
for funeral meals and the like, and be decorated as such with paintings relating to death.
In this case, the inscription might state that the said port was the „harbour of those, who
landquot; after having crossed the turbulent sea of life. We would then have another symbol
of a similar thought. There is yet another monument of the Roman epoch, unexplained as
yet, which I would be inclined to connect with this doctrine: the Roman relief (of Flavian
epoch?) in the Museo delle Terme Paribeni Catal. 1922, No. 532 which, though badly
damaged, makes an interpretation as „arrival on the Isle of the Blessedquot; possible

§ 5 — Tomba Tartaglia 180/70 B. C.(?). The description of this tomb will be
discussed in a later publication. We select certain figures as, properly speaking, belonging
to the scene (the „hangingquot; figures do ■)tot belong to it) and to be divided into 3 groups
viz. 1) two figures taking leave between 2 Charuns; 2) a soul conducted between 3 demons;
3) two figures taking leave, or a demon reaching out his hand to a figure in order to
sustain her.

Motive I two figures taking leave between 2 Charuns, one of whom takes hold of
his victim, while the other one advances at a run. Weege E. M. fig. 28. There is a great
number of analogies.

2)nbsp;t. d. Mercareccia ± 300 B. C. On the right hand part of the back wall 2 figures,
each reaching out the hand to the other. On the left wall the horse is ready for the final
journey. Other figures also are present (cf. below ad Volterra). Weege E. M. fig. 66.

3)nbsp;Vulci Vase with Admetus and Alcestis ± 300 B. C. Dennis Cit. and Cem. IP
frontispiece.

4)nbsp;Vulci Sarcophagus found there, but later (now still? Or in the Vatican?) at
Musignano. Probably ± 250 B. C. Described by Dennis P, 470.

6)nbsp;the great sarcophagus of the Afuna family now at Palermo 2nd/1st cent. B. C.
Brunn-K. Ril. Ill, 54, 1. \'

7)nbsp;Beriin Beschr. ant. Sk. (1922), 1302, 2nd/1st cent. B. C. Here the woman is .sitting
with a child on her lap. The motive recalls another Chiusian urn of the same epoch Br.-K.
Ill, 55, 3 where the person left behind is also seated. The Beriin urn: B.-K. Ill, 100, 16.

8)nbsp;Very numerous are the t. c. urns formed from moulds, a factory for which existed
here: 3 types, or two at least, represent the last farewell, III, 57, 6 and 7, probably 9 also

In Volterra there is a great number of variants, which I enumerate only with reference
to Brunn-Koerte. Date 2nd/lst cent. B.C.

1)nbsp;cf. Not. Sc. 1917, 304; provenance Via Salaria. The car starting from the water recalls somewhat Ducati\'s
theory about the journey on the Felsinean stelae, cf. p. 26 f. above.

16)nbsp;ibid. 92, 5; here a warrior is taking leave probably of his father. There is a com-
bination with the type of the procession.

In most of those cases demons are present, but that this is not necessary will be seen
from an inspection of the plates of Brunn-Koerte and the variants enumerated in the text.

A word may be said with respect to the well-known sarcophagus from Vulci (2nd half
3rd cent. B. C.) often designated as that „with the wedding dayquot;. It belongs wholly to
the type dealt with here (cf. also ad Tifone. p. 33) and is really one with a farewell scene.
It is curious that in such a manner a mistake should be perpetuated, which was already
made by antiquarians as ancient asGori c. s., who pronounced urns of the type Br.-K. Ill,
57, 6 and 7 to be „Nuptiae Etruscorumquot; (cf. e. g. Gori Mus. Etr. I, 189, 1).

The curious objects conceived generally as objects destined for tormenting carried
hy some of the demons in our present tomb might be keys. This appears from the com-
parison with the following monuments.

1)nbsp;Chiusi] sarcophagus of Afuna family 2nd/Ist cent. B. C. The goddess Yanamp;
handles a big object, in which Koerte also (cf. text III, p. 63) sees a key. Brunn-K. Ill,

2)nbsp;Chiusi] urn 5th cent. B. C. in the neighbourhood of this place: shade transported
between two demons, the second of which is bearded and carries a huge key cf. Koerte
P- 116; plate 98, 12.

3)nbsp;Volterra, now Munich; urn 2nd/lst cent. B. C. On one of the short sides Lasa
^ith key, cf. Brunn Ril. I, 29, 7 and text p. 35.

4)nbsp;Almost certainly dXsoVoUerra, one of the urns with „epiphanyquot;: 2nd/lst cent. B.C.:
a man standing before a door evidently with the intention to enter. Brunn-K. Ill, 63 1
^id text p. 76.

5)nbsp;Perugia neighbourhood of this city. Man seized by two demons, the female one
carrying a key: Bninn-K. Ill, 94, 5 and text. p. 114; 2nd/lst cent. B. C.

6)nbsp;I thought I could make out keys on the urns treated Brunn-K. Ill, p. 236 f.
(buppiemento), where Koerte speaks only of mutilated objects. Here, too, there are in-
ternal demons in question.

7)nbsp;in the collections of the Museo civico in Arezzo I found some bronze objects,
rather big (abt. 20—30 c.M.) that remind us closely of the instruments in t. Tartaglia!
^ ere is no explanation attached to them but I am inclined to consider them to be keys.
^^ similar example occurs Rich: Antiquités romaines s. v. Clauis laconica. For the size
? • ^Iso Daremb.—Saglio s. v. Sera (keys of 40 c.M. for temple doors; why could they not

hat this genus of beings was supposed to be provided with them is quite well to be

occurnbsp;^^ \'\'is c.xplanation of the use of it is, however, impossible. Very similar instruments

influen^*^ ^ Painting of the pseudo-Gcertgcn tot St. Jans and elsewhere in modern art. Similar scenes can have
•^is sid^nbsp;engravings of the t. Tartaglia. They are, therefore, a false interpretation on

understood: they presided over the entrance to the nether world. In Greek mythology
Hades sometimes had keys (cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Hades 1785, 21 ff.; 1800, 39;
Rohde Psyche 1«, 310, 1 in fine; Daremb.—S. s. v. Sera in fine), also the Parcae (Roscher
s. V. Moira 3102, 10 ff.). For Roman religion (lanus). cf. Wissowa Rel. K. Römer^,
106; 112.

M o t i V e II. A shade between two demons. The subject has been treated in t. d. Car-
dinale Motive IV.

Motive III. Either two figures taking leave of each other — Motive I of this tomb
or demon extending his hand to a figure.

This may be identical with the motive of the old man in t. d. Cardinale (motive X).
That the figure extending her hand is a demon is rendered probable by the fact that,
so far as can be ascertained, she wears cothurni, the ordinary wear of demons. They need
not have wings, cf. e. g. t. d. Tifone, where not a single demon has wings; t. Anonima di
1832 neither; a great number of urns (Br.-K. Ill, 42, 2; 48, 7 and 8; 49, 9; 51, 13; 54, 1;
70, 2 and 4; 90, la; 95, 6 etc.). Male demons especially are often without.

§ 6 — Tomba Anonima di 1832; 230/200 B. C. A young and an old man taking
leave of each other between 2 Charuns, one resting on his inverted hammer, the other run-
ning on, in order to catch his victim. It may be the scene took place before a gate (cf.
Weege Étr. Mal. fig. 37 and Ann. Inst. 1866.438; Dennis Cit. and Cem. 1,385). The question
will be considered in a later publication.

The representation has been treated in connection with the preceding tomb. The position
of the hammer recurs t. d. Cardinale motive IL The importance of the gates has been
pointed out in t. d. Cardinale motive V.

Motive I. Womatt at her toilet: a little female slave holding up a mirror to her. This
little scene placed among others of quite a different meaning (cf. Brunn: Kl. Schr. I. fig.
47, p. 191) is very interesting. It is impossible that this should have no meaning at all,
but what are the contents? Similar scenes occur more than once in funeral art.

1)nbsp;Most conspicuous is a class of Oscan tomb-paindngs probably of the 4th cent.
B. C. published by Weege Arch. Jahrb. 1909. 99 ff. (cf. Reinach R. P. G. R. 243). where
the toilet scene appears repeatedly. Weege himself however (p. 136) sees in them only a
secular subject. But in Etruria they are also found.

2)nbsp;Perugia 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Brunn-K. Ill, 110, 3 == Bellucci Catal. Mus. Univ.

3)nbsp;Perugia t. d. Volunni 2nd/lst cent. B. C.: Brunn-K. Ill, 135, 5 (not in E. Galli:
Perugia, Necropoli del Palazzone). Only the bust of a woman looking at herself in a mirror.

4)nbsp;Chiusi 2nd/lst cent. B. C. Woman (in no case Venus, as Koerte 1.1. says) sitting
on a Triton arranging her hair, while an Eros holds a mirror up to her. Brunn-K. Ill, 33,10.

5)nbsp;VoUerra, one of the urns with the epiphany of the deceased husband, 2nd/1st
cent. B. C. A female servant is handing the mirror to her mistress. In this case, as we shall
see, there is possibly some support for Koerte\'s hypothesis, because the woman might be
supposed to be dressing for death as for a marriage; but it is equally possible that she dres-

ses for the very reason, that it is her husband that is approaching. In this case Koerte
remains without support i).

That death was looked upon as a marriage is amply testified by ancient authors: women
were thought to marry Hades just as men married Persephone 2). The urns with the rape
of Persephone (Brunn-K. Ill, 1, 1 ff.) and the monuments and ideas connected with it 3)
belong to this part of our subject. And, after all, the fertility motives dealt with in con-
nection with the ithyphallic shades in t. d. Oreo (cf. p. 4 f.) may have their place here.
One may doubt, whether the articles of toilet occurring on the above-mentioned sarco-
phagus from Vulci (Martha Art étr. fig. 245) have a meaning only in so far, as they
characterize the life of woman, or whether they allude to the „marriage with deathquot;,
in any case the Volterranean urns Brunn-K. Ill, 110, 1—2 (2nd/lst cent. B. C.) have some-
thing to do with a state of bliss in the hereafter which is conceived of as a meeting of
man and woman: this is stated correctly by Koerte in the text. And that the scene in
our tomb is not an ordinary one is indicated clearly enough by the pomegranate in the
hand of the woman which is to be found, passim, in the Oscan tombs referred to above.

But is this thought of marriage with the death-god an Orphic one? That it is a mystical
conception is clear at once; it is rather common, even, in Orphic doctrine (cf. the examples
quoted by Macchioro Zagreus 70 f.); but it is not, for that reason, typical. It may also
be Orphic under given circumstances, but it cannot be proved, that we have traces of
exactly Orphic influence here. It might also be some other doctrine.

One question more must be posed: is it possible that we here have a case of the magic
mfluence of the mirror? Its power, especially with regard to the soul, has been studied
several times *). It may be it was believed to retain the soul of anyone who looked into
^t (cf. the case of Narcissus quoted by Frazer 1.1. It seems to me that this may be the
yeason, why people are not petrified by the reflection of the Gorgon\'s head as they are,
they look at the head itself. The reflection takes away and retains the soul, and nullifies
the terrible influence: what is seen is harmless and dead itself); but on the other hand
Puleius (Apol. 13 ff.) ascribes an edifying influence to its action and quotes a number
of instances (Socrates; Demosthenes).

All things considered I do not think that in this case we have to do with the magic
miuence of the mirror, but I believe that the scene merely represents preparation in the
sense indicated above.

Motive II Procession of a man, musicians going before him, a demon behind, after
ƒ0;« some other -persons walking leisurely. For this motive, to be seen twice, cf. ad t.d.
1 one. In one case persons arc waiting: this has been dealt with t. degli Scudi. For the
of the hands in the drapery cf. ad t. d. Tifone.
v e III Man o-n horseback, occurring twice, has been dealt with in t. d. Cardinale.

Va!\'nbsp;know what to say of a sccnc of a young man with a Lasa holding a mirror (?): Inghirami Pitture

Modnbsp;Lex. s.v. Unterwelt 93, 51 ff.; Pascal Credenze I, 40 ff.; Radermacher Jcnseits 118; Lawson

4nbsp;Koscher 1.1. 73, 50 ff.; painting of Vibia Maass: Orpheus 219 cf. Pascal 1.1., 99 f.

117 1. p Encycl. of Occultism s. v. Hypnotism 218 right col.; Cumont After Life 166; Rohde Psyche II«,
Macch-nbsp;(Golden Bough III) Taboo and Perils of the Soul 92 ff.; cf. I, 294 (after whom Samter: Geburt etc. 134 f.);

47 ffnbsp;97 ff.; 135 ff. Between the scene in Villa Item and that on .-m Etruscan mirror (Ann. Inst. 1879

theronbsp;Gerhard Etr. Sp. V, 2, 93) the analogy is only superficial. In the case of Villa Item

In one case a demon leads, in the other, warriors go before, one of them blowing the trum-
pet. The same thing (warriors going before) is to be found:

1)nbsp;Tarquinia lost tomb 3rd cent. B. C. (?) (t. Forlivesi D), in which a man on an
elephant preceded by warriors (Bull. Inst. 1831, 91 ff. = Dennis Cit. and Cem. P, 384, 7,
= Weege Etr. M. p. 78 f.). ^

2)nbsp;Orvieto t Golini ± 360 B. C. Dennis Cit. Cem. IP 54 ff. Martha Art étr. fig. 281.

3)nbsp;VoUerra 156, 2nd/lst cent. B. C. A scene full of warriors: Br.-K. Ill, 92, 5.

In two other cases at VoUerra, however, the meaning is different, here a servant car-
ries (or servants carry) only the lances of the master (Brunn-K. Ill, 70, 2a and 76, 15);
these are not warriors.

Of course the meaning of the Oscan paintings with the men returning home (cf. Arch.
Jahrb. 1909, 136 ff.) is an altogether different one.

For the seated demon on the pillar cf. the same motive in t. d. Cardinale (p. 22 f.); for the
big woman on another face of the pillar, I do not know an exact parallel. A similar big
figure also occurred in t. Byres A at Tarquinia, a tomb now lost (cf. Weege Etr. M, fig.
74 (giving another side of the pillar in the tomb) = Byres Hypogaei I, 2 ff.; Dennis 1.1.
P, 398 ff.), but this was a Fury, which our figure evidently is not. But can she be Per-
sephone and has she such a rôle as the figure has in t. d. Oreo? I fear it will never be
possible to ascertain.

Reviewing the whole, we see that the paintings in the tombs in question embrace
the following themes.

8)nbsp;figure being carried away between two demons (Oreo; Cardinale; Tartaglia).

17)nbsp;demon leaning on hammer, watching figure (Cardinale).
Further, motives of minor importance.

Nearly all of these scenes have their analogies on other monuments, most of them
through the whole of Etruria. The greater number of these analogies belong to the same
epoch as the tombs dealt with here, but, as occasional citations from earlier times show
us (e.g. journeys on horse-back, in cars etc.), these notions existed in the 5th and 6th
cent. Although it is true that the change which took place ± 400 B. C. (it will be more
closely considered at the end of this study, p. 81 f.) made them a good deal more important,
yet they are not new and are certainly not imported ideas just becoming prominent.
On the contrary it might be called a national reaction following upon Hellenic action
and has its roots much deeper than religion alone: the whole aspect of art was affected
by it. Only in t. d. Orco do we see the remains of the former tendency, paying homage
to the Greek epos. But its Necyia is as little Orphic as the Homeric Necyia itself: it is
purely epic. And if we assume, as Weege does in his book Etrusk. Mai., that the tombs
analyzed here are Orphic in their contents, then we must be consistent, and say that the
whole of the material compared in this chapter, must be Orphic, or lhai nearly the whole
of Etruscan funeral art in the Hellenistic epoch is illustrative of Orphic doctrines.

Apart from this, there is only one other solution, viz., that the manner in which the
available material was disposed of, was influenced by Orphism. This is very unlikely,
for in the t. d. Cardinale e.g., the greatest composition of all, only one system can be
made out in the treatment of the frieze, not a religious, but a decorative one, repeating
various scenes mostly with a similar meaning, the journey to the Orcus.

But an investigation into what Orphic eschatology really contained, in so far as this
Was made known through the medium of Orphic poetry, will reveal to us the truth. In
the following chapter an attempt will be made to reconstruct the main thought of this
religious teaching.

The book of Weege entitled Etruskische Malerei is intended to prove that the later
Etruscan tomb paintings (of which, however, we saw in the preceding chapter that they
contained no scenes of torture as he asserts they do) have been influenced by Orphic
doctrines concerning punishment in the hereafter. I think we may begin with inquiring
what is Orphism? A definition may prove not to be so easy to formulate as one might have
supposed it would be: and, indeed, seeing that our knowledge on Orphic doctrines is
somewhat scanty, it would seem safer not to attempt a definition at all i).

For my own part I should say that Orphism was one of the many phenomena which,
combined, make up the religious life of Antiquity, as distinct from the formal and
ritualistic worship of the Olympian gods. It is one of the manifestations of ancient piety,
extreme, it may be, and therefore conspicuous, and yet probably not much more fervent
than average religious feeling nowadays, but unpopular, because entirely lacking in the
great majority of people. It is no mere accident that not before the 5th cent, can we point
out any definite references to Orphism and reaction upon it.

It may be taken as granted that the movement, as such, did not exist before about
550 B. C.: that is to say, that it was at that epoch, that it crystallized The circumstances
were favourable. The tyrannis, based upon the lower strata of the population fostered

1)nbsp;quite reœntly the question was posed by André Boulanger: Orphée (1925) Introd. p. 13 f. His answer certainly
seems to me cautious, perhaps even a little over-cautious. He says: „Tout Id\'abord on donne communément le nom
„d\'orphismeàtoutle vaste mouvementde raysticismeetderénovationreHgicuse,qui se manifeste au début du Gmes.avant
„notre ère, et qui d\'ailleurs n\'est pas limité aux pays grecs. On tient donc pour orphiques toutes les nouveautés, qui appa-
„raisscnt à cette époque dans le domaine moral et religieux ... la croyance à des sanctions d\'outre-tombc, la préoccu-
„pation d\'une immortalité bienheureuse, la foi dans la vertu rédemptrice de l\'ascétisme... En fait,nous verrons, que l\'or-
„phisme n\'est qu\' une forme très spéciale de cette révolution, et qu\'il est illégitime d\'en tirer l\'explication universelle ...
„Déplus on le confond systématiquement avec les mystères bachiques et les cultes du Dionysos infernal, alors qu\'il en est
„en réalité bien distinct.Enfin on le considère trop souvent cxjmme un bloc insécable, une religion immobile.Or l\'appellation
„d\'orphisme recouvre des réalités bien diverses ... plus différentes l\'une de l\'autre, que ne le sont le pythagorisme et le
„néo-pythagorisme. Enfin, dès le début de notre ère ce n\'est plus qu\'un élément comiwsant du vaste syncrétisme reli-
„gieux, d\'où se sont dégagés le christianisme et les dernières formes du paganismequot;. Praiseworthy too is the attitude of
mind shown by Gruppe-Pfister Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 84, 14 ff.

2)nbsp;I do not know whether Gruppe-Pfister Roscher 1,1.85, 51 ff. are right, when they declare that the beginning of the
movement cannot be placed before 600 B.C. I think that there arc sufficient traces pointing to the Mycenean and Minoan
strata of ancient civilisation, one of which may be the dominant place accorded to a goddess (Persephone) in the golden
tablets (cf. Famell Greece and Babylon 81 ff., especially 92 ff.). On the other hand F. points out essential differences
between Greek and Mesopotamian religion (1.1. ch, XII), There arc also numerous connexions with older poetry (cf, p. 43,2
here). But in 85, 35 Gruppe and Pfister are right, cf, also Rohde Psyche II*, 103 with note 2, who is not in contradiction
with us, see below,

3)nbsp;Greenidge Greek Constitutional History 32; and p, 33 about religious elements; Wide Griech. Rel, in Gercke-Norden
Einl, Altert, Wiss, IP, 201 s. Cf, also Gomperz Griech, Dcnker 1,110 f.

it as a popular movement. Before that, in the epochs painted by Homer and Hesiodus,
the people, oppressed as they were, were a regular nothing. As a consequence the happiness
unattainable for them here on earth was transferred to the hereafter their conception of
it naturally being modelled on what they had seen and envied in the lives of the rich
(banquets etc.). At the same time they certainly did not wish much good to their oppressors.
Such an atmosphere, too, was favourable to ascetism; for if people suffered want and pri-
vation willingly their merit was all the greater i^). Such were the ideas which at this time
(± 550 B. C.) were formulated more clearly and comprised in a system: a reaction upon the
theology of the nobles expressed in the epic poems. It is a condensation of older, it may
even be of very old beliefs 2).

Whether the movement sprang from Ionia or Thracia is a question which does not
concern us and which, I think, is not to the point. Similar movements have had the way
prepared long beforehand and have sprung up everywhere, more in one place, fewer in
another. So much is certain that Athens and Southern Italy became two very important
centres 5). We must say something more about Athens. The coalition between Orphism
and tyrannis did not only rest upon the fact that they embodied popular ideas. Both were
founded upon a similar conception: the equality of all men. The tyrannis gave it a
political explanation, the followers of the mysteries a religious one: all members of the
thiasos were of equal station, but all others would meet with a „worse fatequot; When the
support of the mysteries, the tyrannis, died the consequences were rather grave. Some of
the mysteries, those of Eleusis e.g., lost nearly all religious value \') in the effort to retain
their dominating influence, others, and such was the case with Orphism, went to extremes
in another direction and the only critérium it admitted for the granting of eternal bliss
in the hereafter was corporal and spiritual purity. Driven by the derision of the
average man it fixed its ideal much too high and on account of this gradually came to
deserve more or less the attacks, to which it was subjected ®). Nevertheless the mo-
vement must always have been rather strong othenvise neither can the vehemence of

2)nbsp;Tlùs accounts for kindred opinions on cosmogony propounded by Homer and Thaïes (cf. Rohde Psyche II\',
137 ff.; Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Weltschöpfung 434,49ff.) and it seems to me to be tho exact conception of the „Orphic
gt;ntcrpolationsquot; in Homer, so readily admitted after Wilamowiti Hom. Unters. 100 ff. (cf. Diels N. Jahrb. 1922, 241;
Walten Arch. Jahrb. 1913, 43; Dieterich Nek». 63; 77; Dörfler Wiener Stud. 1911, 197; 206; Pascal Credenze I, 224 ff;
Macchioro Zagreus 176; 260. Protests have been uttered by Rohde Psyche i», 62f.; Radermacher Jenseits 10, 1; Gruppe-
™ster 1.1. .18 ff. (hesitatingly); 79, 52 ff. (here one is startled by the plurase: „die Unternehmungen, die sich mit den
^schwörungen befasstenquot; 81, lOff.); 84, 24 ff.). That some connection exists with the pre-Hellcnic population has often

stated, cf. Prof. Vollgraff: \'Eoi^oo ta yâi\' Ireiov in Meded. Ac. Wetensch. Amsterdam Afd. Letterk. 1924, 19
l^-; S. Reinach Rev. Arch. 1903,199 L; Cumont After Life 201; Macchioro Zagreus 156; Maass Orpheus 143 ff.; J. Harrison
Prolog.» lt;178 ff.. Gruppe in Roscher s. v. Orpheus 1064 ff.

3)nbsp;Mrs. Strong Apotheosis 197; 274 f.; cf. Monceaux in Daremb. — S. s. v. Orphici 246 ss.

Rohde Psyche II«, 103 ff.; Maass Orpheus 134 ff.; Pcrdrizet: Cultes ct Mythes du Pangée - Ann. de l\'Est S4 (1020)
doubted by Kern Orpheus 15.
5) two moments which far from disproving an Ionian origin seem to point to such, cf. Fouc^rt Myst. d\'Eleusis p.
•^3. The Ionian character of Pisistratid art is notorious, and the same can be said of the art of Tarantoquot; and.Locri. Bou-
^»Ser Orphée 24 ff. takes S. Italy as centre of origin. In the last resort this may be Ionia again. On the other hand
Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Orpheus 1078 ff. and especially 1082 ff. is very unfavourable because Ionia is entirely absent.
C) Hom. Hymn. V (Demeter) 480 ff., cf. Foucart Jlyst. d\'Eleusis 86; 362; Rohde 1\', 281; Dieterich Nek.« 64.
\'I cf. Rohde Psyche I«, 298 ff.; Foucart 1.1. 254.
^ ») Eur. Hippol. 948 ff.; fr. 475 (Cretenses) N«. Cf. J. Harrison Prol.\' 510 f.; Rohde Psyche II,« 111 and 125; Roscher
yth. Lex. s. V. Weltalter 402, 34 ss. Monceaux in Daremb. — S. s. v. Orphici p. 252.
\' Prof. Vollgraff: B. C. H. 1924,207:1\'orphisme a été très répandu en Grèce de tout temps. Cf. Kern Orpheus 14f.;39.

the attacks be easily explained nor the rapid recovery, when there had been a relapse.
This was in the 4th cent., after the dark years of the Peloponnesian war as we shall see
in the course of this chapter In this same epoch, Weege says, this doctrine had its
decisive influence upon Etruria,

To deal fully with the whole of Orphic doctrines cannot be our task here. Its adherents
had a clearly defined religious system of their own of which only their ideas concerning
the hereafter and especially of the punishment of the wicked are of interest to us in the
present connection. In this, even as in other things, they were not original in so far that
they did not create out of nothing. They gave a new meaning to notions already in existence
and added new features. Even the poetic form (for such was the aspect of their books) was
traditional: it was a Catabasis®). But here as on other occasions they added something
new: they changed the whole meaning. Formerly the motive had been a necyomantia
(Odysseus) or heroical deeds (Heracles; Theseus), now the object had become a revelation
of the state of the deceased (an apocalypse), and, last not least, it was intended to be an
exhortation to those, who were yet living (a didache): they were urged to become mystae in
order to avoid the miserable condition of those who had not done so, and to endeavour to
be among those who had their share in eternal felicity. We may gather at once one im-
portant fact from the title of this book (Catabasis): that Orphic doctrine placed the abode
of the wicked as well as of the good in the nether world, and not both, or one of them,
in the sky*).

Traces of this poem are to be found far and wide in ancient literature. When combining
the data, we learn in the first place the extent of its influence; secondly we put together
the materials which enable us to represent to ourselves the main lines of the whole of
the contents of the poem in question This will be our task now.

It was the sect of the Pythagoreans who had a large share in a greater spread of this
part, at least, of the Orphic doctrines. Without adopting the whole of Orphic teaching,
they incorporated in their own system what was consistent with it. How far they really
incorporated, how far they from the beginning had the same ideas as the Orphies already
of their own is, perhaps, a problem that will never be solved. In any case such a passage
as Diog. L. VIII, 31 f. may serve to show us what connection there is between Orphism

1)nbsp;eschatology of Plato. To the same effect Prof. Vollgrafff 1.1.: „ ... et gardons-nous aussi de conclure, que le culte
de Diongt;\'sos à Delphes a été pendant toute l\'époque classique un culte mystiquequot;. Prof.V. refers to the Delphian hymn
of the 4th cent., where there are mystic elements. This implies that such elements made their appearance during that
century, when the cult followed the general current. This must be kept absolutely distinct from the Orpheotelestaereferred
to by Plat. Resp. The sphere to which they belong is exactly characterized by Boulanger 1.1. 48 ff. Cf. also Eur. Cycl.
G46 (about which Kem Orpheus 12) and infra p. C9,l.

3)nbsp;after the Odyssea several epic poëmata had contained similar episodes, cf. Pauly — W. s. v. Katabasis. Apart

from poetry there is also the tale of Hermotimus of Clazomenae, a former incarnation of Pythagoras (cf. Pauly_W.

s. V. Hermotimus 2; Rohde Psyche II\', 94 f.) and Epimenides from Crete (cf. Rohde II\', 96).What we really know about the
contents of the Catabasis of Orpheus is to be found Orph. fr. 293—296 Keni.

4)nbsp;at least so far as concerns Orphism of the earlier period (before ± 300 B. C.) I cannot accept Mrs. Strong\'s views
(Apotheosis 197) about the astral character of Orphism.

5)nbsp;JIuch work has been done already by Jlonceaux in Daremberg-Saglio s. v. Orphici, especially 251 ff. (he is wTong
in so far that he does not distinguish with enough accuracy between ancient and later phases of Orphism), and by
Gruppein Roscher\'s Myth. Lex. s. v. Orpheus 1124, 9 ff. If I try to do the work anew, it is, because I think that by
means of a purely historical arrangement and a more detailed analysis much more certainty can be arrived at on many
points, and a better outline of the eschatology of the Orphies can be had than has been achieved as yet.

and Pythagorean doctrine, even if we allow, that in this passage later doctrines have a
large part But for our eschatological poem we gain nothing by its consideration, there-
fore we will dismiss the subject 2).

Sicilian literature also had close reports with Orphism. The cults of Demeter and
Persephone and of Dionysus met with everywhere in this country were like a fertile soil
in which Orphism could flourish^). There is much, too, in the eschatological visions of
Empedocles 490—430) that is in harmony with Orphism: but as their main interest
lays in the punishment of which they speak, treatment of this will be reserved for Ch. III.

In dealing with Pindarus (± 518—442) we do not altogether leave the sphere of Sicilia.
Rohde *) has pointed out the two widely different aspects of his eschatology; one would
be inclined to take the one tinged with mysticism as his own On considering his escha-
tology as a whole (with the restriction indicated by Rohde) one gets the conviction that
the different passages in his poems form a system of which first one part and then another
IS dealt with more fully, as circumstances may require. But on the other hand Pindarus
is no theologian: we are not entitled to require of him an explanation of any and every
possibility that may occur to us ®).

We must begin with the Olympian ode \'). „Wealthquot; the writer says, „when it is com-
..bined with personal gifts is a shining star for men: „If ®) one has this blessing and also
knows what is in store for him . . .quot;: he does not finish his phrase but continues with
^hat is in store: one of the most questionable parts of this difficult poem 9). One has to
know, that the sin committed after death (the wrong choice of a new life^«)) is punished
immediately here on earth (the punishment being a hard or an unhappy life), but that bad
deeds committed here on earth under the rule of Zeus are judged below by One who.

cf. also Ritter—Preller Hist. phil. gr. No, 86—90; Rohde Psyche H«, 159 ff.; Monceaux 1.1. 2-18.

2)nbsp;in this passage the punishment reserved for the impure is absolute loneliness, and they are to be bound iv aQQiixroia
^iofioia by the Erinyes. For the first thing cf Frazer Golden Bough General Index s. v. v. Seclusion and Tabooed Acts,
^or the second Plato Phaedo 108B and Plut.de sera num. uind. 564 B (where all souls wish to be lonely).

3)nbsp;cf. Ciaceri: Culti e Miti della Sicilia 187 ff.; 215 If. For the same phenomena in S. Italy Gianelli Culti e Miti della
Magna Grecia (Bemporad Fircnze 1924).

it is not necessary to consider him as an initiated as e. g. Maass does (Orpheus 107 and note 141; 273). I believe that
roiset is right, when he says (Hist. Litt. gr. II\', 404): „11 n\'est ni un Pythagoricien, ni un Orphique,ni un initié. Mais
\' l\'influence de tout ce mouvement de la pensée grecquequot;. This also appears from 01. II. It is not the initiated who
are beUeved to attain eternal bliss: this is reserved for all the tvoefieîa; but the fiefivijuivotlmvc a jigosÔQla (Pind. in the
*iochus of. p. 59). Rohde Psyche I«. 313,1 in fine thinks the idea to bo of a later date and not one to 1« traced
Pindarus.

p®^ is il this respect that LUbbert\'s paper: de Pindaro dogmatis de migratione animarum cultore ( = Ind. schol.

Bonn Wintersem. 1887/8) exaggerates. Chiefly as a result of this also Rohde Psyche II\', 208, 3; 209,2 and
•goes astray, but on p. 210 he is in the right road. Cf. below,
ft! o \'nbsp;composed for Thoron of Acragas.

0 Rohde Psyche II«, 212,1 quite overlooks this particle and on that account comes to erroneous conclusions.

I follow here E. Liibbert 1.1., accepted also by Dieterich Nekyia« 111 f. Rohde Psyche 11\', 208, 3 (followed by Maass
^_^heus 271 s. and Norden Aen. B. VI», 38, 1 with a reservation as to Schroeder B. Ph. W. 1904, 925 f.) gives quite a
\' erent explanation which seems to me to be inacceptable. Who says that amp;ayày,ea= amp;av6vtsa xai àvafiefitœxàua}
^^ ® fault is committed after death only. And who can know that the choice of a new life, or something of that kind, interred
^om the word ftoivàa is specific Platonical doctrine? Tlie whole grammatical construction proposed by him seems to
^ ƒ very artificial. Besides, Rohde\'s interpretation is impossible because of what follows. This is: „Sooi d\'iaxQia d/tçjo-
^jwd« ftslvansaquot; Pindarus, therefore, admits beyond any doubt a sin in the hereafter as well as here on earth.
^^ was already seen by Ruhl I.e. infra, note 3.

having made known his principles of judgement, judges with inexorable severity {avdyxa),
a severity opposed to all such deeds i). After this follows the picture of the zdnoa svoepmv
to which those go, whose life was just; but they have to return from there to another
life. With dignified restraint he speaks about the punishment of the wicked whose name
is not even mentioned: rot d\'oTtgoaoQaToi\' dxxiovxi novov. But a higher fate can be
attained. If thrice „on both sidesquot; anyone has altogether kept himself from bad deeds,
then such a man goes the Aiba 65dv towards the land where Rhadamanthys reigns as
ndoedgoa of Cronos, husband of Rhea

What is said about the two blessed places varies very little one from the other, and
contains nothing, which could not have been said elsewhere also. This stands to reason;
where happiness is portrayed, human invention is quickly at a loss. So far as I can see no
especially Orphic traces are to be found*).

Parallel with the ode runs the threnos The description of the blessed is not unlike the
previous one, but, having been written at a different time the details are not quite the
same and somewhat more elaborate. About the initiated cf. above. A little further Sisy-
phus is mentioned, and with him begins the place of punishment (cf. Ch, III). The other
fragments do not show any new features.

Plaio ®) presents serious difficulties, in so far as it is extremely difficult to distinguish
the character of the elements which compose his eschatology. What may be called Orphic,
what Pythagorean, what popular and what his own, in all this? That anyone like Plato
would have borrowed motives without adapting them to his own system is very unlikely.
But if we were to get at the bottom of this question, we should have to analyze the whole
of eschatology of the 4th and earlier centuries, which exceeds the scheme of the present
study. On the whole I venture to say that much too much, as a rule, is pronounced to be

1)nbsp;this is the right interpretation given by Maass Orpheus 272. The whole passage of the judgment has l)ecn treated
several times: Maass 1.1.; Dieterich Nek». Ill (translation only); Norden Aen, B. VI», 38, 1 (further literature); Roscher
Myth, Lex. s. v., Unterwelt 86, 39 ff, (summing up the question; literature). After all the question is of no importance
for our subject. Whether we read: One judges with severity (dat.) or Ananke judges (nom.) does not materially affect our
poem. But it should be remembered that on S, Italian vases Ananke is one of the Furies (cf. also Malten Arch. Jahrb,
1913, 47, 3) and that in Plut, de s. n, u. (not Orphie, cf. Ch. Ill) she has a similar rôle. Tlierefore Ananke as judge seems
Jess probable and the dat, preferable. Concerning the judges see Pascal Credenze I, 171 ff.; Ruhl de Mortuorum ludicio
(Rel, gesch. Vers, u, Vorarb.II, 2, 1903/5); Roscher 1,1.; Sarasin Helios und Keraunos (Innsbruck 1924) 89,

3)nbsp;for râ:f00 evaeßür Sind\'Hlvatov see Malten Arch. Jahrb. 28 (1913) 35 ff, (opposed by Mayer ibid. 1925, 61
ff.); Roscher s. v. Unterwelt 88 ff.; s. v, Weltalter 399, 8 ff.; for Cronos Rohde Psyche I«, 104 f,; Rhea also Eur. fr. 475
(Cretenses) and on the (Orphic?) tablet from Timpone grande (Orph, fr, 47 Kern; J, Harrison Proleg.« C64 ff.). The Ai6a
6Sùa is the way to the Land of the Dead here on earth and not beneath it, for on earth the Isles of the Blessed were
situated, Cf, Boeckh: Comment, ad h, 1. (= Vol. II, 2, 130 f. of his ed.); for details cf, Roscher s. v, Unterwelt 92, 32 ff.;
Rohde Psyche II\', 313, 2, who also gives the exact explanation. Whether Cronos or Zeus is meant cf, Rohde Psyche 1.1.
and Dieterich Nek*, 111, For Rhadamanthys Prof, Viirtheim: Rliadamanthys, Ilithyia, Elysium in Meded. Ac. Wet,
Amsterdam Letterk, 59 A (1925) 1 ff,

i) the Tlfiioi ^£Ûgt;v are explained differently as heroes or as Hades and Persephone themselves (cf. Norden Aen.
B. VI\', p. 38, 1); thoQxlaio is a far too common motive to have any special reference to Orphism (cf. Ch. III),

5)nbsp;reconstructed by Dieterich Nek*, p. 30 f.; 91; 119 ff. When arranged in logical order the sequence of the fragments
is as follows: 1) Plut, Consol, 120 B sq.; 2) Pind, fr, 129/130; parallel to which is [Plato] Axioch, 371 C.3) Plut, de occ.
uiu. 1130 C. Concerning the Axiochus cf, Pascal Credenze II, 136 f. Differing in this from Dieterich p, 121 Norden Ant.
Kunstprosa I*, 125 sees no reminiscenses of metre in the Axiochus nor does Wilamowitz (in Dieterich Nek.« p, XI ad
p. 121),

6)nbsp;cf, Rohde Psyche II*, 263 ff,; Dieterich Nekgt;\'ia* 113 ff. As the chronological sequence of Plato\'s dialogues is, partly
at least, one of the most incertain points in philological studies, they are dealt with here in free order.

Orphic in his ideas; very often they merely embody what were generally accepted religious
views 1).

Several times it had been observed that the 4 great eschatological myths of Plato
(Phaedo, Phaednis, Gorgias, Respublicä) form a unity which is fairly well rounded off,
even before A. Döring studied the question in detail. According to the Phaedo Plato
distinguishes 7 stadia in the migration of the soul :

It can be easily seen that the system is not quite complete, but the main lines are. Plato
never intended to write a complete eschatology comprised within a logical scheme. Further
he is a prophet. Starting from a complex of general ideas he adapted them to the purpose
of his dialogue without seizing his earlier writings and changing them accordingly. His
Work lives and grows. Passages containing contradictions are usually passages of great
difficulty in theological questions

Pot the present only points 5—7 ask our attention. The Phaedo is more explicit
concerning them than the Phaedrus. How does the soul come into the nether worid?
Inhere is no question here of Orphism: the ideas propounded are only those of a man
accustomed to think about such questions. They are followed (108 Dff.) by topographical
considerations. in which purely physical questions are mixed up with views about the
^^o rSjtot. The zönoa eöoeßamp;v is painted in the known colours but with strongly marked
Platonic features {rdv {jXiov... dgaadat .,.ola tvyxlt;^vei ovia etc.). The ronoa itself is
called gt;) dih^amp;iba y!}: here come ol oaiioo ßeßicoxöreo anaUazTd/ievoi (SojieQ dea-
ÜVCO acpwrovfiEvoi. All tliis sounds very religious, but he had no Orphic
doctrine in his mind here as appears cleariy from he word Svw. Orphic eschatology
Pjaced the hereafter beneath or in the worid, not in the heavens. We have general religious
^lews before us, also in the end: Kakbv ya^ xb Siamp;kov ttal fj ümo ^ityah). For the rojioa
^ot^wv I refer the reader to Ch. III.

1) tlie same idea exjiressed by Rohde in Dieterich Nekyia» p. XI ad 125.
disnbsp;® 475 If. (to p. 470, citation from Zellcr, ought to be added Zimmermann: Unsterbl. Platons

see^quot;nbsp;Dieterich Nek.« 112, 3 seems to accept all D.\'s conclusions, but I am not inclined to go so far; there

corH-^ ^ to me many a contestable point in his paiwr. His analy-sis however is useful. There is small mistake: ac
Xti to Döring the Phaedo contains the judgment in detail; this should be the going to judgment. I do not know K.
Dür^iT^rquot; Platonische Eschatologie in ihrer genetischen Entwicklung (Progr. Leibnitz G)^™». Berlin Ostem 1892).

ct. Pascal Credenze I. 171 ff.; Radermacher Jenseits 105, whose „Orphismquot; however goes too far.
lo^inbsp;Gel. Anz. 1894, 253) in Dieterich Nek.\' p. XI ad 118, 1. Cf. supra what has been said about the

Of L ^\'^\'quot;ormann: Plato\'s Unsterblichkeitslehre im Phaedo (diss. Leipzig 18Ü9) treats only the philosophical side

studied by Friedländer: die Anfänge der ErdkugeJgeographic in Arch. Jahrb. 29 (1914) 98 ff.

to temptation. Here we have a plain contradiction of Empedocles and Pindarus, who
stated that they belong to the class which immediately precedes the attainment of per-
fection. This place on the contrary is occupied here by lt;pd6ao(poi rd avzcbv ngd^avrea,
elsewhere (Phaedo) combined with oi naiÖEQaax^aavxea xaXwa. In my opinion Platonic
speculation has here supplanted religious doctrine The unanimous declaration of the
two poets here mentioned is plainly nearer to religious (Orphic?) doctrine than Plato.
And, after all these philosophers mentioned in Plato do not get „Orphicquot; happiness:
the Isles of the Blessed are enough for them. The punishment in the Gorgias will be
considered in Ch. III.

Finally the State At the end of Book X Socrates deals with the reward of the just here
on earth. In order to describe, what awaits the just man in the hereafter he relates what
was seen by the Armenian Er while he was apparently dead. The topography is the usual:
the good go to the right 3) (and to heaven! Cf. before), the bad to the left and downwards.
What is new is the strongly apocalyptical character of the piece. Er is instructed empha-
tically, on dioi avxbv äyyelov avamp;Qtbnoia ytvio\'amp;ai: we have already insisted on this
fundamental difference between the Catabasis of Orpheus and those of others. In the
beginning there is some theory of numbers, which however does not go far into details
and is of a more or less popular character. What is also merely touched upon is the problem
of those who died shortly after birth, and the nature of the punishment and rewards in
the hereafter (for the tyran Aridaeus cf, Ch. III). What follows although it is not imme-
diately connected with the subject of our paper, should be considered in some detail. By
studying it we get an insight into the curious manner in which Plato treated subjects such
as the present. It also helps to corroborate a part of the contents of the Orphic poem
into which we are inquiring. It contains a detailed explanation of the noivri jiaXaiov
nivamp;eoa, which we found in Pindarus and which we took to be the punishment for the
wrong choice of a new life. After a circumstantial description of the celestial spheres *)
the writer proceeds to the choice proper, the treatment of which part of the subject bears
completely the aspect of a theodicy: ,,ahla iXo/xhoa • Moa ävahioaquot; Platonic
requirements alternate with those often met with in Greek culture: often details are
remarkably well attended to. And again a preference is given to the Platonic philosopher,
because he only, provided with his knowledge of the ideas, can make the right choice and
avoid the /j.etaß6Xt] xamp;v xaxwv xal xwv dya^äv to which the others are doomed, because
they are guided by considerations concerned with the world of matter What formulas

2)nbsp;cf. Pascal Credenze II, 131 ff.; Macchioro Zagreus 200 f.; Dieterich Nek.\' 114 ff.; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unter-
welt 37, 47 ff,

3)nbsp;the same thing reappears in the Orphic tablet from Thurii (Kern: Fragm. Orph. No. 32 ƒ.). Cf. Dieterich Nek.\'
191 f.; Pascal Credenze I, 145 ff.

i) according to Döring 1.1., it cannot be taken from the doctrine of Pythagoras.

Ö) shortly dealt with also in Phaedrus 249 B. where, too, it is clearly said: alqovvtai ifSv ar ddXtji fxaaroa.
Cf. Cumont: After Life 182 f.; Roscher .Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 37, 66 ff. Starting from his theory of ideas Plato
follows a line of thought which brings him ciiriously into contact with religions which preach monotheism, but on reasons
of a very different kind.

6) there is a curious bit of ancient historical science in the selection of persons whom Er sees making their choice.
Strictly speaking this can be only one generation, living 1.000 years before Plato (in accordance with his own theory; there
is also no obvious reason why the story of Er should be placed long before the tmie of Plato). Among them we find several
figures of the Trojan war, besides Atalante, Orpheus, Thamyris. Plato, therefore, places the Trojan war in 1400—1350
B. C. (cf. Ed. Meyer Gesch. d. Alt. 1,2», 738; Beloch Griech. Gesch. I, 2«, 129 f.) For the animals into which some persons

were used and how the choice was formulated in mystic circles it is not difficult to guess.
The notion of the choice may very well have been Orphic; in no case, however, is it Pytha-
gorean. This doctrine had a notion, which, in my opinion, is inferior, from ethical point
of view, to the Orphic one; but perhaps it was rejected on physical grounds. Aristoteles
de an. 1,3,407 b 20 states plainly about the followers of Pythagoras: ollöh fiSvov huxeiQovai
^^ysiv noiöv XI rj ipvxij, negl de tov deSofxhov adgt;[iatoa ovamp;h eu nqoadioQi^ovaiv, moneQ
xaxä tova IIvamp;ayoQiHoha fivamp;ovo tijv xv%ovoav yfvxi]v eta xb xvx^v evdveaamp;ai amfia

It should be noted that, repeatedly and with emphasis, it is stated that souls until just
before their new incarnation are conscious of their former life and their sojourn in the
nether world: the fu-st feature is dimly traceable in the epos also, except reincarnation
naturally which Homer does not know; but the souls remember things that occurred in
their life. After havmg made their choice, they are provided with a guard, vvho is also
charged with the execution of the choice The detail is remarkable, because in this way
he becomes a representative of the powers below. After this things occur which, apparently,
Were not clear to Plato himself. Through great heat the souls go towards the plain of
Lethe which resembles a desert. There they remain for a time, and drink of the water of
the river Ameles^), when evening approaches. No vase can hold the water of this river
^^^ have to drink a certain quantity of this water, but, unless a man is restrained by his
reason, he drinks too much. Those that do so lose all memory of what has passed. They
fall asleep and are carried to their birth towards midnight amidst tremendous phenomena.

The meaning of this closing scene of the State will become quite clear to us if we turn
to a consideration of the tablets; the exact meaning of the thirst, the thunder and lightning,
the expression alxxovxea moneg äoxiQao, all this will be made clear to us. But on the
other hand we shall be taught that Plato handles his motives in his own way, that he
places them just where he wants them. The raw materials he takes from Orphism, Pytha-
goras and may be many other religious currents: but the system as such is his own and
answers to the needs of his own philosophy. The assistance he can give us in the recon-
struction of the Orphic eschatological poem is very restricted: but we can find in his work
corroborations and explanations of what we find elsewhere

Umquot;quot;nbsp;Semonides of Amorgos fr. 8 (Anthol. lyr.* Hilter p. 18) etc., closely connected with fables and me-

morphoses. Cf. also Phaedrus 249 B.; Plut. de s. n. u. 567 E. Pythagoras (Ritter-PreUerNo. 88); Empedocles fr. 117 Diels;

quot;■ph. fr. 224 Kern; considered also Cumont After Life 183 f.; Frazer: Spirits of the Com and of the Wild II (Golden
quot;ough) 285 ff.

thmw KAnimae II, 7, however, disagrees w\'th him, cf. Ritter-PreUer Hist. phil. graec. No. 86. I do not
wi^ n \'^\'quot;hority weighs against that of Aristoteles. We arc warned, in any case, not to connect too closely the Orphic
2)nbsp;doctrine.nbsp;^

^ the guard is also to be foimd Phaedo 107 D ff., cf. 108 C ^yi/icor Ma.
on \\ hnbsp;Koscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 68, 29 ff. It should be noted that the name of the river is not Lethe,

42 ff J see Norden Aen. B. VI» ad v. 705 and 715; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Lethe 1956 ff.; s. v. Unterwelt 68,

the oldest place for A^dtjanbsp;(not even wdia/zoa) is Aristoph. Ran. 186. Cf. Thes. gr. s. v. Aifiamp;i].

Ill, 483nbsp;Proleg.» 577 with note 2; Dörfler Wien. Stud. 33 (1911) 191; Jowctt-Campbell: Republic of Plato

It/\'nbsp;^ ^^^^ this is the only right interpretation; one should understand: lov di dri nlona (sc. nliov totJ

dolf\'nbsp;I am not certain, whether J. Harrison 1.1. has this explanation in her mind. If one

and th^ ^^^^nbsp;there is no common sense in the difference made between those who drink with ,pQ6rrioio

PhilJs Knbsp;it, for then they all alike lose their memory. It is just the man with qgt;e6rt]0ta. the

note ia^th \'nbsp;memory and knows the palingenesis: this distinguishes him from common people. Cf. the

® scepsis of Gruppe in his very instructive paper „Orpheusquot; in Roscher Myth. Lex, goes too far (cf. nS6

We must, now, try to summarize the contents of the golden Orphic tablets i). First of all
it is necessary to establish the relation between them, for they present us with extracts
from one great poem; in doing this we willingly omit 2 of the tablets: that of Caecilia
Secundina (Orph. fr. 34 g Kern) because it is too different from the others in time, content
and place of discovery, and the tablet Orph. fr. 47 Kern, because its subject is quite dif-
ferent from that of the others. The others may be divided as follows:
1) 1 tablet from Petelia (S. Italia), 4th/3rd cent. B. C.

From the point of view of contents the following belong together
1 (6 — 8); 2 — 4 3); while 5 stands alone.

The fact that from the point of view of time and place the tablets are fairly homogeneous,
while the contents cross, justifies us in the conclusion, already mentioned, that we have
extracts from one great poem or a group of poems, which makes small difference, in which
there is an exposition of the eschatological doctrines of the people, in whose graves the
tablets have been found *). That these doctrines are not Orphic is an inexact conclusion
as the analysis of the verses themselves will show.

There is one question, affecting the whole which presents difficulties and which I must
settle in advance. Whereas in their main lines the poems either harmonize or complete one
the other, it is surprizing to find that there are, either in reality or apparently, two ways,
in which the deceased reaches the state of the blessed. In most cases Persephone plays a
rôle, but on the tablet 32 a (Kern) the course of events is as follows. The soul is warned
that he will come to a well, watched by guards. In order to get a drink of the water, he
must answer certain questions, and „this donequot; he will be happy among the other heroes.
There is not a trace of Persephone here. Of course it is possible to accept that she had
no rôle in this poem ®), but it is not very probable, precisely because the drink is of value
only before her throne (cf. below). For my own part, I believe that this is one of the ca-
ses \'), where the concise style of the tablets creates difficulties for us which did not exist in
the original. The scene with Persephone is implied. If this view is not accepted, we must
simply admit that there were two different views of this question.

f., espec. 1127, 51 ff.). The roundabout route, he takes by way of Empedocles, is unnecessary. In Sicilia Plato had
every opportunity of knowing general features of S. Italian and Sicilian Orphism (influence of Sicily Phaedo 111 E; Gorg.
493 A). In no way, of course, do I wish to deny that he know the works of Empedocles; only (in accordance with H.
Weil in Dieterich Nek.» p. XI ad p. 119) I do not see that it is necessary to make out that the doctrines of Empedocles
and Plato are in harmony one with another.

1)nbsp;last edition Orph. fr. Kern 32a-f., where anterior literature is to be foimd. Cf. Rohde Psyche II*, 217 ff.; Foucart
Myst. d\'Eleusis 425 ff. (close relations with Egypt); Monceaux in Daremb. — S. s. v. Orphici p. 251 (contents); 253 (text):
254 (paraphrasis; on the whole he is right). Regarding the place of discovery of the tombs see Macchioro: Zagreus 240.
Perhaps the giving of such tablets to the dead is alluded to Plut, de Gen. Socr. 585 E, cf. also Maass Orpheus 161 note
and the parallel Arch. Anz. 1925, 42. For the importance of gold in funeral cult sec Norden Aen. B. VI« p. 172 f.

2)nbsp;for Crete as centre of Orphism cf. J. Harrison Proleg.« 478 ff.; Rutgers van der Loeff: de ludis Eleusiniis (diss,
Leiden 1903) 69.

3)nbsp;this is the group studied by J, H. Wieten: de tribus Laminis aureis quae in Sepulcris Thurinis simt inuentae (diss,
Leiden 1915),

4)nbsp;we find this is corroborated again when we observe that the much later tablet of Caecilia Secundina has connec-
ting links with all the other groups. Cf, also Kern Orpheus 18,

5)nbsp;defended by Wieten 1.1. 147 and elsewhere; also BouL-mger Orphée 15; 39 seems to mc to be hypercritical,

7)nbsp;rightly insisted upon by Murray in Jane Harrison Proleg.» 671 at the bottom.

If we try to put the tablets in a logical order we must not imagine that by so doing we
shall find the archetypus of the poem, the most we can do is to trace the main lines of the
thoughts expressed. I propose the following sequence (after Kern\'s numbering)

f -f (a b) (c d e) (a f)
tablet f 1) begins with the moment when the soul (of the initiated, not of the wicked man!)
leaves this earth, and goes to the nether world. The language is that of the oracles 2) and
of the epos We have already noticed (cf. p. 44) that just this idea that the souls of the
blessed, too, descend to the nether world distinguished the teachings of Orphism from
^•gquot;. those of Pythagoras. Unfortunately what follows is greatly corrupted. The myste has
to take the way to the right *) (cf. also v. 5); from tablet a we gather that the good spring
^as to be found on the right. The reading\'E\'vvoma on f does seem to me to be the most
probable one after all, also when we look at the facsimile given in Jane Harrison 1.1. p.
^ in the rest the reading d\'Uvai seems to me preferable to M tiva or aet xiva ®).

he soul is warned to be very careful because of the traps which even now on this last
journey are set for him. Tablet f stops at this general warning, but tablet a gives this
^ame passage with fuller detail. The soul has to avoid the spring with the white \') cypress ®)
on the left; he must go to the other one (clearly on the right hand side): cold water
streaming forth from the Lake of Mnemosyne^quot;). Two facts are made certain by the com-
ination of these tablets: first that the bad spring is the spring of Lethe as opposed to the
other quot;), secondly, that the Lake of Mnemosyne is identical (or nearly so) with the well
nnoia, which reading is more or less confirmed by these remarks. Then there is not a
^mgle objection to translating: the spring of Thought issuing from the Lake of Memory.

jjnbsp;«\'\'»rfrav... Cf. Hdt. I, 5.\'i; VIII, 77 e.g. Almost the same verse has I)ccn handed down to us as Ixjing.

(Orph. fr. 223 Kem). Kern 1.1.; Dieterich Nek.« 135 .ind Gruppe in Roscher\'s Lex. s. v. Orpheus 1124, 9 ff.
^ the resembljuice; Grupigt;e moreover adds other similarities.

gt; cf. Horn. Ocl. XI, 93. For tablet a Murray 1.1. «60 insists upon the purity of cpic forms.

P\'ato Phaedrus 249 A; Gorg. 624 A; Resp. 014 C; cpigr.am by Hegesippus (Mrd cent. B. C. cf. Christ: Gr. Lit.
ISo\'^ff-^Igf\'nbsp;\'\'nbsp;is dealt with by Rohde Psyche II«, 220, 4; Cumont After Life 26;

Qf\\nbsp;Nek\'.p. IX ad 85, 2. For a moment I thought of a form of the verb alovav or a subst. derived from it.

jj or xia= one cf. Thes. gr, s. v. tla col. 2287 and Brugmann-Tliumb Griech. Gr.« § 498, 2.
J^ek« »rnbsp;cult cf. Rohde Psyche 11«, 371, 2; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwclt 49, 32 ff,; Dieterich

\'sindicir^inbsp;clearly a contradiction with the tablets frx)m Crete, where it is jtist the spring near the cypress that

press o , ^quot;\'\'^quot;B\'^tone. The only way out of this difficulty would be to take it that the spring with the white cy-
Uck inbsp;Petelia is opposed to another one, with a tree of a different colour, which has fallen out owing to

quot;oticednbsp;this one would be then the one briefly referred to on the Cretan tablets. The difficulty has U^cn

P. 167 1 \'^\'quot;quot;PP^-P^i\'^ter in Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 69, 19 ff. For the white cypress cf.Nordcn Aen. B. VI.«

257. T \'^\'cnch Nek.« p. 95ff. and X; Rohde Psyche 11«, 389 ff.; Maass Orpheus 195; Pascal Cretlenze I, 250, 4; II,

e question about this goddess will be considered below (p. 54).
s. V. Unter^\'^quot;^^ adopted by Dieterich Nek\'. 90; J, Harrison 1.1. 574. Pascal Credenze I, 50 ff.; RoschcrMyth. Lex,

12) „^quot;^^clt 69, 18 ff. (without the necessary conclusions).
54) Qj^nbsp;..thoughtquot; as opposed to the unconsciousness which follows upon drinking from Lethe (cf. also p.

1.1.. jj\'^ ^^nbsp;in Munich (332 Jahn; Furtw.—R. I, 49) generally is read ENIIOEI on a wine-skin (cf. Jahn

to benbsp;Pquot; Puftw. — R. text I, 249). The reading, however, is not ccrtain and one might take it

^(\'^^quot;W\'jocf.nbsp;=nbsp;for-ijoin Attic dialect cf. Thumb Gr. Dial. 364), the skin

quot;^K thought, wisdom, which Dionysus procures. In Bacchic teaching this would not be unimportant, if

For ordinary mortals exhausted by the difficulties of life, forgetfulness may be a blessing,
the initiated deems the remembrance of these a small matter in comparison with the
consciousness of present good and with the thought that in this way he can obtain
perfect bliss

But why these reiterated warnings? If once the myste knew which well to take the
matter does not seem to be so difficult. It is time now to return to the end of Plato\'s
State. Here we find (621 A):... noQsvtaamp;ai ojiavxao da x6 xr}a Ar^-^a ntdiov ^td xavfxaxoa xe
xal nviyova deivov\' *a2 yamp;Q eJvai avxb xevov divdQcov xe xal 8aa y^ lt;pvti. Mutatis mutan-
dis 3) we find here the same: amp;»pat aioi *) the greater number of the dead run to the
very first spring.

But the tezeiea/iiyoa (the myste or the philosopher, as circumstances require) disci-
plines his inclinations and waits till he comes to the right well which, unlike the other, does
not rob him of memory®). It is not his greater self-control only that saves him, but
also the fact that his state is a better one, which is the case, too, in the Platonic scheme
(Resp. 614 B). There as well as here the wicked (here the uninitiated) are full of dust, the
others are clean. Nevertheless both groups look as if they returned from a long journey,
so that for all there is a certain amount of temptation to drink from the very first well.

Even now the draught of water is not given to him without further delay. The well is
watched by guards, who have to put him certain questions. This part of the poem is
given more explicitly in the tablets from Crete than in that from Petelia, but the meaning
is virtually the same. I think the words ought to be distributed among the different

it could be placed beyond doubt. The inscr. need not be devoid of sense, cf. Munich331 (Jahn) = 1-urtw. R. Ill, 150
with oflavoo water from a spring, cf. Jahn 1.1.) lignar, rjii/a oTvoa, Kretschmer Inschr. gr. V. does not mention
it but on p. 138 he speaks about I. G. II, 1, 616 (± 250 B. C.), where he reads (v. 19) hola which is not exact. The
word is doubtless incorrectly written for evrola as several faults occur (v. 16 : tnafijriaai and Ai6yvao(v), where
there is no question of later development of the language). Besides lines 14 f. run qpfijlortfilaa evixa xai elvjyotaa
xija ela rd xoirov a very common formula and accepted by the editors. The word Irvoia does not occur in Attic
inscr. (cf. Indices I. G. II, 5), but in Attic literature it does from Eur. onwards, cf, Thes. gr. s. v. frroia. If there is
any connection with Eunoe in Dante (cf. J. Harrison Proleg.« 582 f.; Weege Etr. M. 54) 1 dare not decide.

2)nbsp;for thus he can keep the memory of his former lives and intensify his consciousness of palingenesia. Cf. Ritter—
Preller Hist. Phil. gr. No. 88 and 182. Besides, he can improve his lives in the way indicated by Plato in the Resp. Similar
ideas may be met with in modem occultism.

3)nbsp;different e. g. is the detail that in Plato\'s account the scene is transported to the end of the soul\'s journey (also
in Verg, Aen. VI, 703 ff., who therefore follows Plato not Orphism). On the tablets this is impossible, if only becausc
the myste is definitively on journey to happiness (this applies to all the tablets; here I am not in agreement with Rohde
Psyche II*, 220), It is clear why Plato wrote as he did. On the tablets the memory had to disappear first, in order to
separate fivatai and iftvtjiot before Persephone, In Plato\'s case, however, memory had to remain in order to make
punishment effective. But afterwards it was neccssary to forget, for otherwise it could not be explained why the majority
of men know nothing about their former lives; the philosopher only retains the memory of them, because he does not
drink too deeply (p. 49,5). It is thus a very fine feature in his eschatology that a man himself decides his future life before
he drinks from Ameles, therefore while he still has a memory of the past. In Orphism the system is less perfectly logical.
If all ordinary people forget everything, one can only make progress by means of the teachings of the initiated. In Plut.
de s. n. u. (not Orphic, cf. Ch. III)Lethe has no sense at all.

4)nbsp;cf. Cumont After Life 50 ff.; 202; Rel. or. Ch. IV, 148 ff., esp. 152; Dleterich Nek». 99 ff.; Roscher s. v.; Isis 465,
29 ff.; Pascal Credenze I, 252; also representations on Hittite cylinders fWard: Seal cylinders of W. Asia fig. 854 ff.) One
question arises: how does this thirst on the tablets come into existence? Probably liecause of a journey, but which?
Is the journey of the souls after death painful? One does not get such an impression from the tablets (in Plato otherwise).
Or is life on earth a difficult journey to eternity? Then it may be by reason of that, that the soul is „parched with
thirstquot;,

persons in away other than Kern\'s way of doing it; what he puts together under B must
be given to different persons. \'AXkd nie jaov... nvcpamp;Qiaoa the well says, when the soul
declares, that he is thirsty. But the guards intervene and ask: xia d\'eai; neb Seai; Who
are you, and from where i) ? This excluded that anyone who was not initiated but happened
to know the place of the right well should avail himself of the water and thus come before
be throne as a mystic, what he was not. One has not only to be good, but also to know
be formulas which the mysteries alone taught. Only when all requirements are fulfilled
IS one admitted to eternity.

The answer bearing on the first question rather than the second runs: y^o jtala d/ii
*al oigavov dategoivroa. The question arises to which religious creed tliis refers 2). Hesio-
us Theog. 104 ff. tells us, that from T^ and OvQavoa sprang to damp;avaxcov legbv yhoa
Q\'^v idvTcov. He works this out in fuller detail. After having said (v. 116 ff.) that Gaia
IS one of almost the oldest of the divine beings, he proceeds to say that she brings forth
^Qlt;ivov doxEQdevxa (126 f.). Beginning at v. 132 follows the generation which they produce
, ^^ther and which can be separated into 2 groups: one oVQxiavoa-Kgdvoa, one of KvxXoinea-
wixdyxtiQta. TIlis division is not of a later date, as is proved by the epitheta and the
^vhole of the description. All those are put together (v. 207) under the name TixrjvEa-,
• ^^ Sreat fight against the gods of the generation of Zeus, they all come together
m Tartarus. From Diod. Sic. (V, 66, 1—3) we know that the Cretans had a similar notion
about the Titans; it also reappears in Orphic literature (Orph. fr. 57; 114; 119; 220 Kern),
ufnbsp;not too bold to assume that Orphic Cretans accepted this view and that

^ lets found in Crete, where such views occur, can be ascribed to Orphic Cretans. Where,
reover, a similar expression is met again on a tablet from a different centre, and where
lis tablet contains other features which we can accept as Orphic, we can safely assume
lat believers in Orphism accepted there the same idea and that we have a reference to
^em in these very words. It is not more than a reference, but this is enough (xdde d\' laze xal
QWTot). Wieten, therefore, (1.1, 68 ff.) is mistaken when he says: nihil enim de Titanibus
itnbsp;xegavydjaei legitur; that the latter subject is not considered is only natural, as

e following words are apparently pleonastic: avtdg ijuol yhoa ovgdnov, but we have
wh^ Knbsp;Hesiod separated the children of Ouranos and Gaia into 2 groups,

as b 1nbsp;considered as the powers of light and of darkness. The mystic is reckoned

2Inbsp;Cretan dialect cf, Brugmann-Thiimb Gr, Gr,* p- 261; and Thumb Gr. Dial, 196 for or© - unde.

Hesiod .nbsp;Hesiod\'s one is obvious (Kern, p, 138 also points it out), but it is possible to indicate one difficulty.

Mnequot; ^^ Ixsyond any doubt that all the children of Ouranos and Gaia, Cottus, Briarcos etc. as well as Hype-
^hereasnbsp;arc called Titans; in Orph, fr, 67 (Kem) on the contrary the first group is without the epithet

thisnbsp;one. But it should be remarked that the poetical fragment says xoi Ttx^raa. What

^^quot;^^frSTJtiiyt^^ solutions are possible: it expresses either that the Ovgavlavta only arc also called Titans
^henbsp;sccond group had the name as well as the first one, only Athenagoras (from whom

differencnbsp;l^^causc it was generally known. In favour of the first hypothesis can bc said that

^^retch out Co*\'the view of each author.nbsp;namely, derives Tii^wff from utaivtiy\'. to

from tiy a ^nbsp;gt;n order to achieve great things, which they did all in their turn; but the Orphic fragment derives

njy op-*^*quot; ^^^ punish, which Cronos only did for his kin, because the other group was ahready in the Tartarus.-
O\'^Phicnbsp;quot;^st solution is preferable. The mystic, therefore, in the verse acknowledges his descent from the

Of hi^^ -^quot;\'®nbsp;quot;Sht only) but in the same time he has achieved his mission and has stripped off this

« origin: the part descending from Zagreus remains alone (cf, Rohde Psyche II*, 12; Kem Orpheus 45),

teaches us that Ge, after having created the powers of the dark (Briareos. Hecatonchires
etc ) in wrath gave birth to the Titans, another name for the youths, sons of Ouranos or
the celestial youths i). Fr. 56 (Kern) gives us their names and those of the Titanides in
detail- there are among others: lapetus. Hyperion. Themis, Mnemosyne. The last name
explains why the myste has a special right to the „spring of Mnemosynequot;; he belongs.

The first part of the difficulties which the soul encounters is now over. The draught
from Mnemosyne has preserved his memory and enables him to recite a poem before the
throne of Persephone, in which he gives further evidence of his being initiated into her
mysteries; for this recital is the great difference between him and the other shades who
come to the nether world. Eternal happiness was not easily attained according to Orphism!
The poem contains fundamental doctrines of belief: therefore it is highly improbable
that one tablet should have quite a different meaning from another: even where different
formulas occur they must have the same meaning; the differences must be explained by
the fact that the content was not always summarized in the same way. Moreover, the
likeness is too great on the other hand to admit of any other explanation.

In the verse tQ^oiiai ex iioi^aqibv xxX. I put the comma afternbsp;=): there is no sense in

making the soul say to Persephone: pure queen of the dead; on the other hand it is quite

About the following we need not say much. We do not learn much about the state of
the soul in the hereafter, and whether or not the gods in question are exclusively Orphic
is of secondary importance. Here as well as elsewhere the Orphics made use of materials
already in existence, and changed their meaning. A comprehensive exposition will be
found in Wieten 1.1. 27—40 »); it leaves no room for many remarks. Concerning the vanant
xai amp;^6.vaxoi dtol mot and xai offoi daif^oreo a?dot we can be pretty brief. It
should be merely noticed that Wieten, who in other respects denies any Orphic character
whatever in the tablets, is here compelled (on p. 66) to admit a „color Orphicusquot;. I would
like to draw a further conclusion. I believe that by these deal and dai/wvea are meant the
f,eixvnfxhot, who are already there the new-comer comes, as it were, to present himself

The next as far as ol^ie xal fiaxaqmh (c.q. vvv d\'lxma {jxuy) is to be considered as
one single whole, but expressed in various renderings. It consists of two parts placed in

1) cf. also fr. 29 and 117 for cclestial character of Titans.nbsp;. „nbsp;. .nbsp;- .

2 so recently also Prof. Vollgraff B. C. H. 1921, 201. It is curious to see how Kern wavers: m c he reads »toOaQwv,
xoLod; \'in d and\'e Hadaqi,. Cf. also Pascal Credenze I. 72; 179 f.; Macchioro Zagreus 170 f.; Rohde Psyche 11\'. 218.1.

3) Vrnbsp;see also Prof. Vollgraff l.L 200 f.f.; Pascal Credenze I, 72; 179.nbsp;.....

d) cf. \\m\\oJ.{ftèaByivov ê^ dvamp;QÓ7ilt;ngt;. For the reports oir,QCOBa (elsewhere is alloiai r]Qlt;oBaciv aya^uo)
and daitioyaa cf.Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Heros 2458. 48 ff.; 2465, 23 ff. and 57 ff.; Pauly - W. s. v. Heros 1112, 31
ff • The character of heroes is important, they arc helpers (Roscher 1.1. 2447, 47 ff.; 2479. 49 ff.), which is worked out
for the deceased also Plut. de Facie in Orbe Limae 944 D. For the reports between {jgrnea and ^toi Pauly-W. 1.1. 1138,
50 ff. Aalfimv for the deceased already in Plato, cf. Rohde Psyche I\', 101, 1.

Immediately following on this come the formulae vvv d\'txEtla fjxca, with the answer oXpts
Hal ^axagiaze and the mystic words eQilt;poa ea yd^^ ejierov.

The myste has declared that he is of celestial origin even as the immortal gods, but he
is of the mortal branch: Moira and the other immortal gods subdued him i). Then come
the much discussed words: xai dareQofi^ijra (or daxeQOJi^ti) xeqavvamp;v (or xtQavvov,
which however is not generally accepted 2)). In dealing with these, two questions are of
fundamental importance, one logical and one grammatical.

1)nbsp;Does the expression open a new question? Or is it the immediate continuation
of what goes before?

I am convinced that the words speak of something different from the immortal gods
and MuiQa: the proof of it is, that one tablet has cite . .. elre. Some authors have seen a
stremthing-block in the (seeming) contradiction between xal.. xal and eae .. ehe. They
have overlooked the fact that the phrase with Molga is connected in one case with the
avowal of celestial origin, in the other with the confession that the soul was punished for
unrighteous deeds: the difference in the logical order necessitated a different syntactical
construction „1 am of celestial origin hut of the mortal branch: MdiQa and daxeQo^Xijza
subdued me.quot; The other poem declares „1 was punished for unrighteous deeds, whether
MoiQa subdued me or daxeQonrjza.quot; The meaning is quite the same: but it is clear
that there is a conjunction of two different things. The connexion with the second
question is very close; my view admits only dazEQof^lrjxa (or daxEQon^xa = daxEQonijzi
as a nominative because it is syntactically equivalent to MoiQa Wieten makes
several objections to this fact ®), which are all unnecessary. Homer knows nominativi
on -a in arsi and in thesi {vecpelr^yeqexd Zevo and Ijinoxd Neozcoq), so the thing is quite
in order. As far as I can see, Delatte (in accordance with Alline) ®) is the only one
who has seen that the words refer to the reincarnation of the souls and not, like
the preceding ones, to the death of man. He also cites the passage which supports
this opinion, Plato Resp. 621 B, very near the end of the history of Er. There we find
when the souls have drunk from Ameles, fiqovzrjv xal aeiajidv yevea§ai xal Ivxev^ev
i^OTih\'tja aXXov aXXtji (peqeo^ai dvat Eia xfjv yevEOiv, dizxovzEO wotieq daxEQaa\'^).
Plut. de Gen. Socr. 591 D knows a similar view Timarchus, in a vision, sees the souls
of the wicked, who are rejected by the moon (= Elysium cf. de Facie in Orbe Lunae
943 D) as noXlova dazEQaa tieqI to xao^a (= Hades = cone of shadow of the earth
1.1. 944 B) jzakko/xEVOva, izigova de xazadvojuiEVova eia avxo (sc. to yaofxa), zova dh

4)nbsp;the accusative gives rise to several difficulties. I hope that the observations concerning the meaning of the words
will remove the last traces of doubt.

5)nbsp;for instance (p. 79), that the nom. on -a of this very word occurs nowhere while àatBQOJtrjTtja does cf.Pape Gr.Wôrt.
s. v., which is an objection of no importance, for Horn, knows Hvavoxabrja as well as Hvavoxaha (nom.), and
aixfii]Tt]a \' atxfi*jtà. It is by chance only that this is the only passage with the nom. on — a.

7)nbsp;shooting stars in connection with the death of men are mentioned by Cumont After Life 92: this is a different
conception. The passage of Plato has been used by Luc. Ver. Hist. II, 35.

8)nbsp;Plut. uses, therefore, older terminology which he adapts to his system. But on this account his eschatology is not
Orphic! It is on the contrary purely astral.

àlxtovxaa xâxwamp;eyquot; Timarchus does not understand; and the voice which explains the
vision says: „avxova aga xova daifxôvaa ôqibv àyvoéiaquot;. That demons = deceased is
clear from the whole of Plutarch\'s eschatology. Delatte, therefore, interprétés daxeQo^Xijxa
as thrower of stars (àaxi^QY); others, however2), explain it as a haplology for *àaxEQ07i0^kijxa
(thrower of thunderbolts), which is also possible, and is corroborated by the aaxeQOJtijxa
on the other tablets and the following word: xEQavvcov. Thunder accompanied the rein-
carnation in Plato, and its holy force was also recognised by Pythagoras, for he taught
his followers Sxav ^Qovx^arji x^a yfja âtpaaûai., fivtjfiovEvovxaa xija yevéaecoa tcBv ôrtœv
(Iambi. Vita Pyth. 156, cited by Delatte 1.1.) Which of the two solutions is preferable
I dare not say; there are arguments in favour of each. Perhaps they even existed one
beside the other in the same region In any case it does not matter, for the character of
the conceptions is not different. Finally the reading xeQavvamp;v seems to me the only
acceptable one^). The verse cl\'te fih MoTq èàâjÀaaae eït* àaxeQo^hjxa xsQavvwv contains,
therefore, a mystic formule for the death and reincarnation of man. The mysteries were
Orphic, their ideas in this matter were also accepted by Pythagoras, At the same time we
have again seen that Orphic characteristics were absorbed into Plato\'s eschatology, this
time in the palingenesis which, a priori, it would not have been permissible to suspect.

We proceed to the next part (B) of the poem, where the punishment is spoken about
■vhich the soul had to suffer. We have already remarked, that there are two formulas
expressing the same thought. Tablet c said, that the myste died by Moira and was born
again by the „thrower of starsquot;. This is worked out in the next 4 verses ®), The xvxloa
^L^jiévamp;r]o \') is life on earth, from which the soul escaped to come into the xônoa evae^amp;v,
the î[XEQxba axécpavoa of the poem. This xônoa is situated beneath the earth, a fact
stated in the verse 8 {Aeanoivaa x-nb xôlnov g(5uv ®)), which therefore is a more detailed
explanation of v. 7: it confirms our opinion (cf. e.g. tablet f vers 1) that in Orphic spheres
each soul was thought to migrate to the nether world. But it is not then that the soul
has reached the end of its travels: it had to leave the Ifiegxba axélt;pavoa and to reappear
on earth: this is contained in v. 9. Here, then, we have the general course of palingenesis,

1)nbsp;a similar thought is found in J. Harrison Proleg,» 587 who, however, is too brief on this point. She takes the word
with a passive meaning which seems to me to be out of the question,

3)nbsp;Wieten l.L p. 75 is wrong in rejecting this evidence. His objection that tôîr ôvrûjc is genet, of tà Svra is of
shght importance; besides, Delatte translates equally: des êtres.

4)nbsp;N. B. Plato also combines the appearence of the souls as stars with effects of thunder.

5)nbsp;it was put forward by Hoffmann in Collitz-Bechtel Gr. Dial. Insch. II, 1654. Sacredness of lightning also Luc.
Alex. 59 Cf. Usener Rhein. Mus. 60 (1904) 9; Rohde Psyche 1\', 320 ff.; his note II, 218, 4 (as well as Wieten 1.1. 85 ff.
and 96 f.) shows, what strange conclusions one must draw, if one takes the words aareQofiXijTa xtgawmv as referring
to death also. Why should there be a separate class of mystae killed by lightning or sun-stroke( !) ? Did this so frequently
occur? Or was it so exceptional, that special provisions had to be made for it?

7)nbsp;è^éntav from niionai cf. Brugmann-Thumb Gr. Gr.lt; 106 f.; the form is late cf. Pape Gr. Wort. s.v.

8)nbsp;I do not think that either Dieterich Nek.» 88 is right in seeing here the xvxXoa Ttja ysviascoa or Prof. Vollgraff
(Meded. Ac. Wetensch. Amsterdam 1924,19,2 and B. C. H. 1924, 165, 5) when he sees in it the crown of life •= the
symbol of eternal life. The right explanation has been given by Dieterich Kl. Schr. 95 and after him Rohde Psyche II*,
219, 1. In this part of the poem the myste has not yet reached eternal happiness: he is only describing the preliminary
phase of the rônoa svasfiâv, whence he has to return. It is possible that in the ÔQcôfieya this orsqiavoa was expressed by
a circle of fire, into which the myste had to enter (rf. also Frazer Balder II (Golden Bough) 15 ff.; Spirits etc. II, 249.

9)nbsp;evQvxoXnoa Pind. Nem. 7, 33 and svQVOTSQyoo yaiia Hes. Theog. 117. Does the formula allude to mystical
marriage (cf. Ch. I p. 42 f.)? One should compare Apul. Met. XI, 23 (for whichsee P.Foucart: Mystères d\'Eleusis 80; 401 ff.);
Macchioro Zagreus 195; Rohde Psyche II*, 421 f.; Pauly—W. s.v. Isis 2129; Famell: Greece and Babylon 263 ff.

not the actual number of births and deaths the individual soul has passed through. We
have seen that the other formula (on tablet d) was connected with a similar thought about
Moira and the „star throwerquot; or the „lightning throwerquot;. Here occur the words: „1 did
„penance for unrighteous deeds, whether Moira subdued me or the dateQonijxaquot;
It is clear that, taken in connexion with each other, the two poems are an exact parallel
to the verses of Pindarus already considered „Whether Moira subdued me or the aategoniita
„whether I left life on earth and reached the evae^eia or was reborn into life, I did penance
„for unrighteous deeds.quot; Pindarus says that „shortcomings committed here on earth
„are judged below, and that sins of below are expiated in this kingdom of Zeus. But those
„who had managed to avoid sin three times on both sides, came to the Isles of the Blessed.quot;
Plato finally speaks about „the punishment of the wicked in the here-after, and the respon-
„sability of each individual in the choice of his coming life when he approaches a new
„incarnation; the consequence of a bad choice is an unhappy life on earth.quot; Are not these
striking parallels in three writers each of whom is in his own way connected with Orphism,
each of whom has caught a different side of its doctrines, while all of them are at one in
this cardinal point? It is an arresting fact that in the case of Pindarus the other explanation
necessitated a very strained construction and that it will be hard to extract any other
meaning from the words on the tablets c and d, where the same difficulties as to construc-
tion and meaning arise.

Finally there is a controversy about the meaning of this section of the poems, for which,
in reality, there are no grounds^). One party is of opinion, that only death and rebirth
of the myste is dealt with, the other, that we have different scenes of the dgcb/xeva before
us, which the myste had to go through. This last is very possibly true — but they exactly
symbolized death and reincarnation: therefore both parties were partly in the right.

The evils suffered by the soul in its migrations and especially in the last, when he sees
the final goal before him the means to attain which he may not take into his own hands
by resorting to suicide are summed up in the verse: „xcuQenbsp;t6 7idamp;r]/j,a x6 d\'ovnou

nQ6aamp;\' tnenov^aaquot; *), and he is allowed to go to the ^^gai siayimv^), where he may
rest eternally He is hailed by some one, who says to him: xaXqi, xaiQ^, de^tav\') odomoQamp;v I
leifiGivaa^) t/cj Uqovo xai SXaea ^eQaetpoveiaa.

2)nbsp;We may observe by the way, that after all even in this r\'lt;-itative no truly religious thoughts are expressed. The
myste declares himself to be pure, and we may safely assume that purity also included Saia (pQovsiv as in Epidanrus. But
the stress is laid upon this, that definite doctrines aie accepted concerning the origin of man, and that certain rites have
been fulfilled, which symbolize certain doctrines. But there is not a trace of the Christian doctrine of charity (cf. N. T.
Luke 10, 25 ff.), voluntary renunciation (Luke 18, 18 ff.) and the mercy of God, even at the last moment for the
repentant sinner (Luke 23, 40 ff.). Even the being confronted with Eleusis (cf. Foucart Myst. 254) Orphism is compara-
tively religious, though it is very far from any late development of ancient religion with which it has nothing in common
except certain rites and symbols. N. B. Although, as a rule, it might be expected that a theology such as that at
present under consideration would be opposite to views akin to those in modem Darwinism, it is curious to see that
even Empedocles in his speculations concerning the origin of animals is not far from them, cf. Heiberg in Gercke-
Norden Einl. Altert. Wiss. HS 385; Th. Gomperz Griech. Denker I, 196 f.

3)nbsp;different opinions Wieten. 1.1. 97 ff. For Eleusis as opposed to Orphism in this matter cf. Rohde Psyche I*, 292 f.

6)nbsp;it is only now that the tevxloa zrja ysviatma has come to an end, and that the myste has reached xvmIov t\'lt;iJl/l^|a»
xat drayiv^ai xaxotijioa. Cf. also Plat. Resp. 614 C. ff.; cf. Luc. Ver. Hist. II, 21 for the fact that only after havmg
gone through the xvxXoa can one reach eternal happiness (cf. Norden Aen. B. VI» p. 13). For the formula Maass Orpheus 96 f.

8)nbsp;regarding these meadows sec now Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v Unterwelt 66, 18 ff.

How is he to live there? The formulas indicating this differ, but must have the same
meaning:

■Oeba Èyivov avamp;qéTiov says tablet f; xat (laxaQiath, dioa d\'eatji dvii §qotoïo c
„A god thou shalt bequot; and „A god thou becamest instead of a mortal.quot; The myste who
claimed to be of the happy race of the gods now sees his wish fulfilled; he is also oX^ioa
and jiay.aQicxba: he is really a god. And so we find him on the Tarentine terracottas of
the classical period 2). Tablet a says it in a slightly different manner: «at lói men
uUoiot jued\' f]QcÓ£aaiv drd^eia. One is induced to think ijocoa identical or nearly so with
i^eba. Something remains to be said about dvdaaeiv. As a rule the verb means: to be more
than another, to be the master, connoting the sense of governing. But here this cannot
be, for the myste cannot reign over the other mystae or even gods. We must assume that
it can have an absolute sense and mean: to live in princely glory, in which sense we can
trace an allusion to the so often described advantages of the xónoa evoe^wv and the fxayAnoiv
vi]ooi. And indeed, the word occurs in a similar sense in Soph. EI. 837 ff. about Am-
phiaraus®), cidimpvyoa dvaaaei, which Xen. Cyneg. 1,8 renders in his own way: del \'Qibv
xtfiuiai, which is an exact parallel: Tidfitpvy^oa — and dvdoaei — xifiaxai\').

Towards the end or quite at the end appears then the formula: eQifpoa èa yüX\' tnetea
or eTiEiov. I think Prof. Vollgraff is right when he says: „The formula was not meant
„(at least not originally, and not only) to be a testimony delivered by the deceased of the
„bliss reached in the here-after. It refers to a ritual act in the past performed when he

1)nbsp;Pascal Credenze I, 245 ff.; Macchioro Zagreus 235. Dr. C. W. Lunsingh Scheurleer calls my attention to a similar
expression in the Egyptian Book of the Dead (Erman-Raiike Aegypten ed. of 1923) p. 393.

2)nbsp;cf. a learned unpublished paper by Dr. C. W. Lunsingh Scheurleer on his own collection of such terracottas
summed up by Prof. Six Meded. Acad. Amsterd. 1925, 50 f. with fig. 18. Plato Phaedo 69 C we find yasm amp;sc5v oixijoei
and 81 A: zov ioi^ov XQÓvov eia decj ^isxa iJewr èidyovaa\', also Emped. fr. 147 Diels*. But Plato is not speaking
about Orphism only, but about mysteries in general. Evidently the idea was not new.

4)nbsp;in the same manner Pind. fr. 133 (threnos): èa êe xov Xocjiov XQÓvov ^gota ayvoi jiqoa dvamp;Qwnwv y.aXêonai.

5)nbsp;cf. Rohde Psyche 1®, 146 ff.; Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Heros cited above, p. 61,1.

7)nbsp;a tentative reconstruction of the rest of tablet a may be put forward here. The matter is not so hopeless, if one
compares the facsimile in J. Harrison ProIeg.= 659. It is true that the number of characters missing cannot be established
with certainty, but on the other hand we can, pretty accurately, compute the number of syllables missing, becaiise the
rrosody is pure. If we take the last three lines only, and the words written in the margin, we have IIIEINamp;EIHZ

AHfo XiftvJHSl KAITOTEnEITA[Xloioi fieamp;\'J HPQEll 2SINANA3EI[a.\\ lijo /.uv evat^JIHSTOJEXfwy
yécaa ov xdUoio.\\ oï êe] || OANEISO\' [éaicoa vfüv dgsyco] TOAEEPAWfa. And in the margin: TOFAQZEIIIA
— IK0T02 AM^IKAAYVA2. The first line, and the first third part of the following give the generally accepted
readings. In the beginning of the last verse but one I have partly followed a conjecture by Compare tti (cf, critical ap-
paratus of the edition of Olivieri), who, however, does not fill up the gap after xóSs for there is room for many more
than 12 letters. After {)aveicamp; there is room for some 15 letters. On the other hand x6SsyQa%p[a or x6èEyQaxp[aa
(which however, I think, is less probable) may very well have been the last word. The verses after dvd^eia given
here have the following meaning: „If thou hast this present (= the golden tablet with its warnings) for thy piety, thou
canst not go astray (on thy journey to the nether world). For you who shall die in (mystic) purity, I wrote thisquot; (it
may be Orpheus is speaking). The words in the margin are complete, except for 4 (perhaps 3 or 5) letters. Is it neces-
sary to take xo as the article? This depends mamly on the question, whether yleoo can be taken as a termination or
not, I think it can; Brugmann-Thumb Gr, Gr, * p, 232 f, give some instances of a similar formation. But I despair of
filling the gap in a satisfactory manner.

8)nbsp;\'Egitpoa èa yal\' Snexov — Meded, Acad, Wet, Amsterdam Afd. Letterk. 1924, 19 ff. I caimot, however, accept
the second part of the paper, dealing with the Mycenean and, in the end, the Oriental origin of the idea, as it is there
expounded. The hypotheses seem to me to be too weighty for the fragile substructure, on which they are founded. Cf.
also Macchioro Zagreus 85; and p. 155 ff. for the idea of being bom again as a very young child or animal.

„was initiated into the mysteries. It is a „symbolonquot;, a pass-word and distinctive mark,
„by means of which the soul, when descending into the nether world, declares herself
„to be entitled to eternal happiness.quot; The new translation, too, proposed by him for
i\'jiEzov, „I rushed to the milkquot;, and the explanation of „milkquot; as „maternal breastquot; are
quite satisfactory. The parallel with the paintings in Villa Item, which has already been
pointed out by Macchioro (Zagreus) and passages in various writers confirm in the inter-
pretation here given

In the beginning of Hellenism must be placed the Axiochus, of which p. 371 A ff. are
of interest to us 2). The greater part of it has been treated already in connexion with the
threnos of Pindarus; a few details only remain to be considered. More frequently than
hitherto we find reports with Plut. de sera num. uind. 3); nevertheless a number of details
clearly point to Orphic teachings.

About the soul it is sai^: oooia fAv our Iv tön ^ijv ayarJoa dal/ncov enenvevoev. The same
genius occurs Plato Phaedo 107 D: . , daifiwv, oaneqnbsp;eiX/jxei:.; also Plut. de Gen.

Socr. 585 F: the soul of Lysis had been judged already and had undergone a new reincar-
nation a?dcoi daifiovi ovXXa\'/rovaa*^). After death the soul descends eio zdv adrjXov xonov
xaza zi]v vnoyuov xivijaiv which is the dark hemisphere caused by the shadow of the
earth (cf. Cumont 1.1.), a view which is also frequently to be found in Plutarchus (cf. Ch.
III). The nediov \'AXtj\'deiaa admits no doubt as to its Orphic origin The following words,
too, are spoken to the second person in the dialogue:. . jicoa ovv ov aoi fiizeazi xTja
zifiija dvzi yEv(v)i^Trji zamp;v dewv], a passage which Rohde (1.1422 f.) has rightly interpreted.
rev(r)iizai namely were the citizens at Athens who belonged to one yevoa; therefore we
have here the Athenian paraphrase of the verses said by the mystae on the S. Italian
tablets avzdg ijuov yevoa ovQunov z6de 6\' Taxe xal dvzoi and

We have now reached the end of the materials available for the reconstruction of the
Orphic eschatological poem, and it remains for us to try to find out its general contents
which have very possibly followed the lines of some great development of thought.

The beginning may have been an exposition of aagt;fia — aij/xa ®), for life here on earth was
considered as actual death \'). It was forbidden, however, for anyone to seek freedom from
the prison ®) by means of suicide, because it was the Deity who decreed our sojourn on
this earthnbsp;therefore are severely punished a.s dvaaeßela^^). The question

1)nbsp;Prof. Vollgraff 1.1. 28 ff.; cf. Ch. I for cerf. Cerf and kid have the same meaning here, as has been stated by
Macchioro Zagreus 83 (I\'uso ... di vezzeggiare e curare come un bambino un caprctto o un altro animate comuto).

2)nbsp;cf. Cumont C. R. Acad. Inscr. Paris 1920, 272 ff.; Rohde Psyche II«, 422.

R) which is nol Orphic, cf. Ch. III. Connections between Axiochus and de s. n. u. e. g. Ax. 371 B aidiov \'Alt]dtlaa
cf.de s.n.u. 565 Fand Plat. Phaedrus 248 B (where\'^i. should be written); Ax. 371 Eröleof Erinyes cf.de s.n. u. 564 F.

4)nbsp;cf. Rohde Psyche II\', 316, 1; 387, 2. The rapidity of the reincarnation should be noticed, it recurs in Empedocles
fr. 137. Modern occultism knows the same thing for souls with much energy,

6)nbsp;Plato Cratyl. 400 B; Phaedo 114 B; Gorg. 493 A; Philolai fr. 14 D. (Ritter-Preller No. 89).

8)nbsp;wg iv (pQOVQiM Ttvi eoftev Plat. Phaedo 62 B; cf. S. Reinacb \'Amgot ßiaioamp;ävatoi in Arch. Rel. Wiss. 9
(1906) 312 ff.

10)- Eur. Hippol. 1047: xaxvo yag \'Aidtja gäieroa avÖQi ivaceßet, Hippolytus is, as is generally aclmowledged,
the representative Orphic (cf. e.g. Kem Orpheu\'s 11 f.). Cf, Plato Resp. 015 C and Cumont After Life 143 f

also arises whether all living beings have a soul, and if so whether they have the same
fate as man; this is answered in the affirmative i); we need not wonder at this, because it
formed an essential part of metempsychosis 2). When the soul quits the body, she goes
to the other worid, beneath the earth together with all others. Here begin the warnings
for the difficulties, which call for the greatest caution on her part. Every soul is very
thirsty on account of the difficulties of a journey (= life?). At the entrance of the
nether world there are two springs, one at the left hand one at the right. That on the left
is the spring of Lethe: those not initiated into the mysteries go thither and drink of it:
consequently they forget everything and appear with vacant minds before the throne of
Persephone. But the myste, although he is also tortured by thirst, controls himself and
finds the way to the one which is ol\'Evvoia, streaming from the lake of Mvijfioaivr). Even
then he is not allowed to drink from it without further delay. He finds guards there, who
have to see to it that nobody shall wrongly obtain a draught of the water; for there is the
possibility that some amp;invrjxoa had got knowledge in some way or other of the existence of
this spring. In order to reveal his character the myste has to recite a couple of verses, in
which he avows his descent from the gods and declares himself to be of their kin. This done
he is allowed to have his draught, which secures him the memory of the past and of the
mystic teachings which are to be his guide. The journey is continued, and mystae and
non mystae, all come together before the throne of the Queen of the Nether Worid. There
again the myste occupies a position quite different from that of the other souls. Enabled
to do so by the virtue of the draught of water he recites a song, in which he insists upon
his purity, his descent from the gods, the doctrine of metempsychosis, and the sufferings
he has had to bear for his unrighteous deeds: sins in this world, unreasonable choice in the
other. Finally he implores to be admitted to the place of eternal happiness. This is granted
in mystic words, and he takes the right way, to the idQoi tvayefov.

About the other souls we learn next to nothing from all this literature. This would be
rather surprising, if punishment of the wicked was in such a degree a characteristic
element of Orphic eschatological literature, as people generally say. That all d/iu)?rot
were to have the worst of fates is not probable; there will have been a graduation. Those
who had attained or nearly attained goodness were admitted to the Land of the Pious,
from where they had to return to a new life. Others had first to be punished and purified
for a longer or a shorter period of time: but all of them had the opportunity of reaching
eternal bliss in the course of the circle of births. Only a few were punished eternally 3).
But in this matter Orphism had no special doctrine: its followers took what they found,
ideas that prevailed around them «). It is for this reason that Orphic punishment is never
distinguished in our tradition from others; there was no difference or a very small one.
We must imagine to ourselves the relationship e.g. between Orphism and Eleusinian

1)nbsp;Orp. fr. 22?. Kern. A caricature of this view is found in Luc. Catapl. 21, about which Reitzenstein Hellenist.Wunder-
erzahl. 19, 1, who calls it a popular idea.

4)nbsp;Ihe Orphica fragmenta {therefore what has been liandeA down to us as to have hem considered as undoubledly Orphic by
Antiquity) contain no scenes of punishment. The only one spoken of in the golden tablets is the circle of reincarnation.
For that reason I do not understand Rohde (Psyche 1«, 302, 2 in fine), when he speaks about „mancherlei Hollenmythologie
unter den Namen des Orpheusquot;. Besides, he is in plain contradiction with himself (p. 308 ff.), where he gives proof of
very sound judgment. Gruppe-Plister hi Roscher\'s Myth. Lex., s. v. Unterwelt 84, 25 f. express the same idea as I have
here expressed on this matter. I simply cannot agree with Dieterich Nek.® 135 f. and 161.

doctrines as somewhat similar to that between two Protestant sects one to another i).
For in this matter they were in no way alone: all mysteries are apt to have similar notions
and the general convictions of the people tend to be similar in matters concerned with
morality. As far as such notions existed in Orphism too much had been said. Perhaps
they worked out in detail some line of thought, making a system of their own out of it
which added some new features and emphasized certain points regarding purification.
But as a whole this part of their eschatology will not have been markedly different from
other literature on the same subject. There is therefore no justification in speaking of
an Orphic nether world or even hell; at best we might speak of a nether world with Orphic
features. Not in this had Orphism new things to say, but on the manner in
which eternal happiness could be attained they had their specific
doctrine The other side was secondary and served only two purposes: it was a counter-
part to this happiness, and a corrective meant for those who did not believe in it.

If, therefore, Weege in his Etruskisehe Malerei affirms that the scenes of punishment
which he believed he had discovered in the Etruscan tomb paintings, were due to Orphism,
he is certainly wrong: they might just as well be the outcome of any other current of reli-
gious thought that believed in a hereafter. But the following chapter will remove the last
doubt. In that we will consider the ideas on such matters which prevailed, not only
among the Greeks in general, but also in the teachings of Orphism.

2)nbsp;cf. Cumont .\'Vfter Life 34: „the ancient Greek conception going back to Orphismquot;. Nor does he see much difference
between the two. The cautious statements of Gruppe-Pfister 1.1. 84,40 ff. are also to be commended. The truth of Mon-
ceaux\'s assertion 1.1. p. 251 („rOrphisme paraît avoir contribué à répandre en Grèce ime nouvelle conception des „Enfersquot;.)
may be doubted. An inspection of what we really know about the Catabasis of Orpheus (Orph. fr. 293—296 Kern) puts
this beyond any doubt.

We saw that part of the Orphic eschatological poem was devoted to the punishment of
those who had not sought to be admitted to the mysteries and, as an inevitable result, had
become stained with sin. We have also seen that the ideas of Orphism did not differ greatly
from those prevailing in other circles. We must now see if we can sum up and form a
conception of those ideas to which Orphism also adhered: at the same time we can try to
disentangle from the others those that can with justice be termed truly Orphic

Dealing with the thoughts of the Ancients on punishment in the hereafter we have the
following passages in chronological order:

A) Pindarus—Empedocles; this last is joined by [Dem.] XXV; B) Aristophanes;
C) Plato; D) Plutarchus; E) Lucianus. The Latin poets will be considered apart.

A) Pindarus in his 01. II, 73 f. is as reserved as the hymn on Demeter was in the 7th
cent.: there it is said that those who do not accept the mysteries will not have a.ofiotn
alaa. Pindarus does not go beyond saying: tol d\'anQoaSQarov ox%iovxi novov. Not even
the qualifications of the sinners are mentioned. In the same way fr. 133 B^ only says:
olai yaQ av jtoivdv nakaiov nhdeoo JlEQatcpdvt] di^sxai. The threnos alone goes somewhat
more into detail. After having mentioned the general type Sisyphus^) it proceeds: f] Se

2)nbsp;occurs already in Horn. Od. XI, 593 ff., cf. S. Reinach Rev. arch. 1903, 167 ff. On blackf. vases he is often
to be found as a symbol for the nether world cf. Leiden XV, i, 59 (S. Reinach R. V. P. II, 273, 5, where this
side however is not reproduced); Munich 728 Jahn. (1.1.48, 3); Munich 153 Jahn (»= J. Harrison Proleg.® fig. 164).

TQizri avoalcoa i) ßeßtcoHÖrcov xal TtaQavo/ncov 2) odoa lativ eia sQsßoa te xal ßa.Qa§Qov
wdovaa \'^) xäa ipvxaa „evamp;ev xbv ämiQov Eqevyovtai axoxov ßkrixQol^) bvocpigao vvxxoa noxa^olquot;
bExof-uvoi xal anoxQVTtxovxEO äyvoiai xal /j]ßi]i rova xoXa^ofihova. The last words are
very striking, but it seems doubtful whether they belong to Pindarus or to Plutarchus,
who handed down to us the fragment In itself to have one\'s pride wounded is a severe
punishment for a Greekbut it is not in agreement with the teachings of Orphism, where
punishment was meant to be a means of purification^). The function of Lethe is quite
different here from what it is on the Orphic tablets, in Plato and Vergil and in Plutarchus
de sera num. uind. I cannot discover anything pointing directly to Orphic doctrine: only
current thoughts are expressed here, though they are on a higher religious and moral level
than those of the average man.

No punishment in the proper sense of the word, and certainly no torments, are to be
found in the fragments of Empedocles ®). We merely find an enumeration of figures, which
he evidently considers as demons (he says xrjQea but which in reahty are nothing but
abstractions. The infernal world is aavvrjamp;t\'ja; we find in it lt;P6voo and Kutoa and uUcov
edyea Ki]Q(bv, besides avxfirjQal voooi i^), oj/^tto and \'dQya (gt;evard The following fragment
presents only contrasting abstractionsquot;). Here we have:

1)nbsp;the word oaioa is in no way an especially Orphic one, but in a general sense religious in Antiquity. In

Hom. (Od. IG, 423; 22, 412) ovx oalr) merely means nefas. In Epidaurus the formula on the temple ran:--ayvila

Hart (pQovEiy oaia (Defrasse—Lechat: Epidaure p. 242; Theophrastus in Porphyr, de abstin. anim. II, 19 cf. Bemays:
Theophrasts Schrift über die Frömmigkeit Hertz Berlin 1866; Roscher Mythol. Ux. s.v. Weltalter 404, 25 ff.; Dieterich

2)nbsp;thi^ points to the sacred character of state and laws. Ilagavonoa is explained by adixoa in Hesych.; Aristo-
phanes uses naoavop-oa xai dvo\'uioa; Isocrates ^tagavo^ioa xal aiaxiOToa (cf. Thes. gr. s.v. nagdyoftoo). Cf. especially
Cic. Somn. Scip. Ill, 8 and Vergil. Aen. 6, 621 where the feature has much more stress as is consistent with Roman
mentality.

3)nbsp;the description of iqtßoa is not fundamentally different from the description,,certainly not Orphic, in Hesiod.
Theog. 807 ff. For the general use of ax6wa cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Unterwelt 63, 37 ff.

5)nbsp;the slow rivers also Plato Phaedo 112 E ff.; Verg. Geo. IV, 479; Aen. VI, 323 Stygia palus and sta.gna alta Cocyti.

7)nbsp;Tyrtaeus fr. 10; Callinus fr. 1, 18 ff.; Hom. II. 9, 413; cf. Norden Aen. B. VP p. 329; Rohde Psyche I«, 06 f.;
II«, 205.

8)nbsp;On the other hand it is quite consistent with one of the sorts of punishments mentioned in Plut. de s. n. v. cf.
p. 73 infra. For this reason I cannot agree with the view propounded by Rohde Psyche II«, 209, 2.

9)nbsp;cf. Dieterich Nek.» 108 ff.; Rohde Psyche II«, 171 ff. As a whole his eschatology is more close related to Py-
thagoras than to Orphism. But the title of his book is eloquent: Purifications. We are reminded of Orphism also,
when we read (fr. 144 Diels) rtjarsvoai xaxörfjtoa (cf. p. 57,6).

10)nbsp;the development of the Keres into evil spirits already occurs Theognis 837 ff., where xijQea näawa are to be foimd,
which are at war with one another.

12)nbsp;cf. demon Eurynomus m Polygnotus\' painting in Delphi = Pans. 10, 28, 4.

14)nbsp;concerning this place see Diels Fragm. d. Vorsokr. p. 218 f.; Zeller Philos. d. Griechen I, 2, 548 with note 6.

Out of the same sphere come the figures cited by [Dem.] XXV, 35 and 52 Here, too,
there is only question of accompaniment which may be considered as a sphere of bad
thoughts. For Aristogiton is in the society of \'Aqq, BXaacprifxia, 0^6voa (Emped. says
KStoa), 2tdaia and Newoa (Emped. A^Qia and 06voa), and these are the same figures,
/ite^\' ol ^(byQatpoi xova aae^eia iv quot;Aidov yQatpovatv, personifications of the sins which
the soul committed in this life. And §§ 10 f. and 37 of the same speech show clearly that
here, beyond any doubt, we are in Orphic sphere

With these and similar figures the Orphics peopled their nether world the general
features and punishments of which had been defined already long before, for they were
based on very different ideas. Similar figures are in agreement with Orphic doctrine, as
appears from an inspection of Index III of Kern\'s OrphicorumFragmenta^). There occur
Ald(ba(l), \'AAyea, quot;Avxavyrja, \'Andtt], quot;\'Air) Aixaioaijvt] and Jt«^, Ei/xaQfiivrj, Evae^ela,
EvqjQoavvt) etc. etc. Besides some figures, which were more generally acknowledged,
\'Adgdateia, \'Avdyxtj. We are reminded also of names in Plato and on the Orphic tablets:
\'AfxiXria, \'AXtjamp;da, Mvt]fioavvt], quot;Evvoia (?) and Ay^t^

How we are to represent to ourselves the figures mentioned by Empedocles and [De-
mosthenes] is shown us by the vases of Southern Italy\'). On some of them occur figures
looking entirely like Erinyes, but distinguished from them by means of inscriptions
(\'Arayx^/ JloiraO^): in this way they express their peculiar character 9). In another case
0amp;6voa is represented by an Eros, to which only the name has been subjoined

1)nbsp;wrongly interpreted by Weege Etr. Mai. p. 32, cf. Dieterich Nek.» p. 137. The words in question should be written
with capital initials, because what they stand for is conceived of as demons. So does Dieterich 1.1. cf. Norden
Verg. Aen. B. VI\'. p. 273 ff., who does not cite [Dem.].

3)nbsp;from the same source are derived, therefore, numbers of figures which Aeneas (Verg. Aen. VI, 273ff.;cf. Silius
It. XIII, 579 ff. » Pascal Credenze II, 96) sees uestibulura ante ipsum primisque in faucibus Orci, scil. Luctus,
Curae, Moibi (=• Emped. y)}aoi), Senectus, Metus, Fames, Egestas, Letum, Labos, Sopor (Emped. Ewalrj), Gaudia
Bellum (Emped. J^gio), Discordia ([Dem.] Stdota). Cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Unterwelt 76, 31 ff. (where not
only abstractions are cited); Pascal Credenze I, 96 f.; II, 64 ff.

4)nbsp;cf. Rohde Psyche II\', 114; Monceaux in Daremb.—S. s. v. Orphici p. 250; Kem Oipheus 49 f.

5)nbsp;also Horn. II. 9, 504 in a more confidential passage (Phoenix telling his owii experiences to Achillcs); Ancu
(502) and \'Art) (504 f.) should be written.

6)nbsp;this last figure also became more wider spread and more generally connected with the idea of Death. But
jts earliest occurrence shows it clearly yet in mystic sphere (Aristoph. Ran. 186).

7)nbsp;they enter wholly into the conception of the Orphic nether world, which I have here expounded. Taken as a
whole, they represent only Nixviai, with the ordinary attributes (palace of Hades; Sisyphus; Tantalus; Cerberus;
judges etc.) but with separate Orphic features. Amongst these I reckon the Furies, with their special denominations
{JloiVttl,\'Avayxtf), the preponderant place given to Persephone upon them, finally the parents with the child on the
vase of Munich. These are no mythological persons, to whom names could possibly be given, but types, representing
the uhaytia, because they are represented as ^tol, in the same manner as we find in the Tarentine terracottas (cf.
the paper by Dr. Lunsingh Scheurleer cited before, p.58,2). Perhaps the presence of Orpheus (not on his search after
Eurydicel) has a mystical meaning also. If it could be proved that the „Hades—Dionysusquot; with the cantharus on the
vase of Altamura was authentic we should have a representation here of Zagreus. But I find in my notes (taken
when standing before the original Nov. 1924): „Of Hades only the greater part of head and breast are ancient and
some fragments of the drapery about the knees also, but they seem to have been taken from another vasequot;. An
allusion to the Orphic „Rape of Persephonequot; has been pointed out Rom. Mitt. 13, 97 ff. (opposed 14, 101 f.) Further
literature has been cited by J. Harrison Proleg.\' 599 ff., cf. Rohde Psyche 1«, 318, 4; also Kem Orpheus 23 f.

8)nbsp;this last on the Altamura vase, but the inscription is all right (so far as it is preserved), as I myself had the
opport\'mity .^f ascertaining.

9)nbsp;cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Phthonos 2473, 64 ff.; Kekul6 in the paper cited in 3) p. 9ff.; Dieterich Nek.* 58; 138.

10) S. Italian vase at Naples published by Kekul6in Strenna festosa Henzen (1867) 5 ff., with plate; cf. however Ro-
scher 1.1. 8474, 3 ff. ( the result of which I can only regard as doubtful), where the paper by Kekul6 has been forgotten.

B) A ristophanes. In his comedy of the Ranae we find some more detailed ideas i). Before
we come to the subject itself, I would like to call special attention to a passage from the
Pax (372 ff.), in order to illustrate the difference between Orphic and Eleusinian concep-
tions. There we can trace the view that, by means of the simple act of a sacrifice, in
Eleusinian spheres admission was obtained to the „better fatequot; 2). indeed, instead of
the difficult and time-consuming ritual which we found on the Orphic tablets a simple
communion was thought to be sufficient here »). For the man in question, who is about
to die, wishes to be initiated just beforehand into the mysteries of Eleusis

We now turn to the views propounded by Aristophanes concerning the nether world ®).
The topography, which has been analysed with much subtlety by Radermacher «), can
be summed up in this schema:

This nether world is not an „Orphicquot; one, but thoroughly popular, with duplications
such as occur in similar spheres (cf. Radermacher 1.1.); there are some Orphic features in
it, but not where, as a rule, they are supposed to be: it is only in the xogoa xmv fivaxamp;v
that such traces are to be found \'); the place of punishment has none of them. This is the
place we have now to consider.

3)nbsp;a similar case Theophr. Char. XVI (JftoiSaj/wv/a). Though the text in the different editions is at variance

(Fraenkel and Groeneboom: xal ôxày lvlt;,:tviov Hdfji, Tioqeisaamp;ai---Telsoamp;rjaôftsvoa :iQÔa tova •OQ(peoTiXeatda

but Navarre in Edition Budé (1920): riXsa^jjaöf^svoa ng. r. \'OQq,Eox. xaxa /tjjra), the meaning is virtually the same.
This is not an initiation, which is performed only once (mto the same cult), but a „communionquot; in order to be freed from
evil influence and repeated on every new occasion or on fixed times.

4)nbsp;cf. Stengel: Gr. Kultusalt.» (= Iw. Müllers Hdb. V, 3) 161, by whom in note 3 this very passage is cited (= » 180,
9, but the text has been considerably changed.)

5)nbsp;cf. Dieterich Nek.» 70 ff. It should be noticed that Aristophanes is a moderate democrat (cf. M. Croiset: Aristo-
Phane et les partis à Athènes, Fontemoing Paris 1906) and that he has an aversion to extremist opinions in either
direction. But he cannot have been far from the truth, where Eleusinian mysteries are concerned: the people of
Athens were very sensitive in matters of this sort. And his play was a great success (cf. Kock\'s introd. to his
edition of the Ranae (Weidmann 1868) § 18, which edition I cite in the foUowing pages).

6)nbsp;das Jenseits im Mythos d. Hellenen 3 ff.: he rightly distinguishes the various elements (cf. also Pascal Credenze
n, 16 ff.). His strange note on ßqsxiHt^ is very regrettable.

7)nbsp;with verse 327 (cf. Prof. Vollgraff in B. C. H. 1924, 114 on 328 ff.) and 335 f. nothing can be done- Sa^oo
and ayvoa occur in the same combination in Epidaurus (cf. p.63,1). The same holds good for v. 355 (cf. again Epidaurus).
But in V. 357 we find the words KQaxlvov xov xavQOcpâyov, which is a definite allusion to the â/xorpayi\'a (cfquot;
Maass Orpheus 44, note 45; Macchioro Zagreus 78 ff.; B. C. H. 1924, 151; Rohde Psyche II«, 116 f.) and the whole
of the context belongs to mystic spheres. Stripped of its comic elements it states that those have to leave the place
who are not initiated into the mysteries of the Bull-eater. This is Dionysus, with whom Cratinus as a scenic poet is identi-
fied. Dionysus in his quality of the strong or the mighty one, is represented as a bull with a bearded human face
(beard = the Oriental symbol of strength; this may point to some connexion with Ionia, cf. p. 43,3). He is then the
god of Death, therefore àfidStoa, ôfitjaxtja (cf. Ch. I, p. 7,3; Rohde Psyche II«, 15, 1; P. Sarasin: Helios und
Keraimos (Innsbruck 1924) 90, of dubious acceptation), and in this form Orphic, ZayQeic. For Dionysus as a bull see
also t. d. Tori Tarquinia (= Ant. Denkm. II. 41/2 A, 2-^3); Lippold Gemmen 80, 6; v. Rohden—Winnefeld: Archit
rom. Terrak. Ant. Terrak. IV, 1) p. 58 left side; Ribbeck Anfänge und Entwickl. d. DionysoscuUcs in Attica

palace of Pluto;
life as on earth

Dionysus will see in Hades (v. 143) og?£ta xal ê^gia [ivqia. Snakes in connexion with
death are too common to justify the least thought of Orphism i); the wild beasts will
be dealt with below (v. 469 ff.) 2).

Next to this ^ôq^oqoo noXva (v. 145). This belief returns Plato Phaedo 69 C (where
generally àfxvrjxoi and àzéXeazoï are placed in it, not according to Orphic doctrine only);
Resp. 363 D f.; Diog. Laert. 6, 39; Verg. Georg. 4,478. It is worth remarking, that the mud
has no magic meaning here (as it has Demosth. XVIII (= de Corona), 259), but the souls
merely continue in the state of impurity in which they lived on earth

V. 146: xal axG)Q àdvaw, said, more drastically Aristoph. Gerytades fr. 2, 13 and
Strattis Atalante. It will be difficult to decide whether this was actually accepted, or
whether it is only comic exaggeration. In this dirt lie ®):

V. 147 si 710V hvov xla fjôixrjaev. The moral expressed here is popular and in no way
especially Orphic, cf. e.g. Aeschyl. Eum. 270; Verg. Aen. 6, 609; Plut. de s.n.u. 566 F.

After the description of a class of sinners invented ad hoc by Aristophanes (v. 148),
we find (v. 149 f., cf. v. 274) him who ?) /uTjzéQ yXétjaev /) naxQoa yvâ\'ôov Inâza^tv. This
class occurs repeatedly: Horn. II. 9, 461; man on the painting by Polygnotus in Delphi
(Paus. 10, 28, 4)y punished by means of talio; Plato Phaedo 113 E; Aeschin. in Timarch.
28; cf. Dieterich Nek.2 68; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Inferi 260, 4 ff. It is also merely
popular. Regard for one\'s parents is one of the first requirements of the ancient city-
states: xQicpav xova yoviaa an obligation for the ôoxi/xdaia xmv ^ïjzôgœv (Aeschin. 1.1.).
This also is quite independent of Orphism.

^\'moQxov ôfioaev (v. 150 and 275) is also connected with general popular morals as
appears^from Hom. II. 3, 279; 19, 260 «); Pind. 01. 2, 72; Emped. fr. 115 (said here of the
gods who commit this sin); Plat. Gorg. 524 E.

In what follows (v. 185) there is a motive which, if wrongly interpreted, might be sup-
posed to be Orphic. Charon announces the places to which he is conducting the shades,
and says: Tta ao àvanavXaaèx xaxamp;v xal nQaynàxow. But here there is no question of
a better existence in the hereafter; only of repose from the difficulties of this world, no
longing for release, but a certain fatigue, which we shall meet with again in. Lucianus
(below). It is a paraphrase of the more common oi xafiôvzEo or ot xexfirjxozea.

The mention of A^^rj (v. 186) does not help us \'); we can only say that it occurs here
in a generally mystic sphere (cf. p. 49,3).

speech Univ. Kiel 1869) 19 f.; Naohr. Gott. Ges. Wiss. 1891, 367 ff. Whether the combiaation of Eleusinian and Orphic
elements here is original or due to Aristophanes cannot be ascertained. Orphic influence on Eleusis is denied by Rohde
Psyche I», 285 f.; Foucart Mystères d\'Eleusis 253; Kern Orpheus 14; 30 (at least for the classic period; but ct.
p. 63); it is accepted on the contrary by Maass Orpheus 78 ff.; J. Harrison Proleg.\' 539 ff.; Macchioro Zagreus 176,
2, cf. Prof. Vollgraff 1.1. 119.

Ranae 420 {xoTa av« vexQoîoi) contains another reference to Orphism: without this background the joke would be
rather shallow: it is the conception expressed in aamp;iia — oijfia (cf. p. 59); Eur. fr. 639 (Polyidus) and Heraclitus
fr. 62 Diels (cf. Macchioro Zagreus 249, 1).

3)nbsp;cf. 1.1. 83. Stengel Kultusaltert». p. 157 is not right, when he takes this to be an Eleusinian creed only.

7)nbsp;Lethe also, apart from the passages cited p. 49,3, Diod. Sic. I, 96; Dion. Hal. Ant. 8, 52, 4 (p. 1629; here three
places are spoken about: the xaraji^ànoir zônot xal àqtéyyriff; the Ai^^a }tédwv and the aBtje); Paus. 9, 39, 8; Lucian.
de Dolore 5; 8 and elsewhere, cf. p. 76,6 below. See Rohde Psyche 1«, 316, 2.

He also refers to the quot;Oxvov nlonaa, a general type i), and (v. 194) to the Avatvov Xiêoa.
To my mind the scholia give the right interpretation here interspersed with many useless
remarks. They say (ed. I. Bekker Aristophanes Vol. II Whittaker London 1829 and
Dubner Didot Paris 1877), between the a^or-) xal àh^àvxea véxQoi, while at the same
time they reject this just rémark: (paal dk avaivov Xiêov uvà Xéyeaêai \'Aamp;tjvtjiai.., êjxsiôf]
ol noXvv xQàvov neQifiEÎvavxéa ztvaa eîéOaai Xèyeiv „avoa yèyova nsQijnévœvquot;. Therefore the
meaning is: wait at the stone, where you can wait till you are dry from it. Con-
cerning the meaning of the whole ..adhuc sub iudice lis estquot;. We must here distinguish
between real pieces of stone and others, purely mythological 3). Real, for instance, were
the MeXa^uji\'ôyoo Xiûoa on the Thermopylae (Hdt. 7, 216); the Xiamp;oo quot;Y^qewo and the
Xiamp;oa \'AvatÔEi\'ao (cf. Guide Joanne—Hachette: Grèce p. 91; Richter Topographie Athens
269) which we must perhaps represent to ourselves as in the form of seats hewn out in the
rock as well as other stones with names in Athens (cf. Richter 1.1. 354; Curtius—Kaupert
Atlas Athens pi. VI lt;)). Moreover we find the ^Qatijg XiÛoa (Poll. Ill, 78, 126) and the
y.i]Qvxoo Xlamp;oa {Flut Sol. 8, 2), finally on Ithaca the Kégaxoo ji£tqgt;} (Hom. Od. 13, 408;
cf. Guide Joanne Grèce p. 475; 478 and the map p. 477), and in Eleusis the àyéXaaroa
Mrga of the mysteries (cf. Foucart Mystères d\'Eleusis 342; Macchioro Zagreus 32 ff.;
182 f.; J. Harrison Proleg.2 127) 6). The Avaivov Xidoa referred to by the scholiast could
belong to the same category as the Uamp;oa-\'Y^QEœa etc.; it was. then, a piece of rock, where,
for some reason or other, people used to wait for a long time; Aristoph. fr. 514 uses avaivEoamp;at
exactly in the meaning of being occupied with something for a long time. On Lesbos, too,
there really was the Leucadian rock from which Sappho had precipitated herself into the
sea. But the last two had their counterpart in mythology. The aiaivov Xiêoa in the nether
world, therefore, represents the same idea as the „sedet aeternumque sedebit infelix
Theseusquot; of Vergil (Aen. 6, 617 f.), which in Chapter I (p. 8) we found expressed in
such a curious way in tomba dell\' Orco at Tarquinia «). The Leucadian rock was the rock
from which one leaped into death, or which one was at least bound to pass (cf. Hom. Od
24, 11; Rev. arch. 1903, 194; Dieterich Nek.^ 27); perhaps we find it represented in the
stucchi of the apse of the basilica near Porta Maggiore at Rome, of which it never yet has
been ascertained with certainty to which religious current it belongs (cf J H S 1924
103 andpl.4).In any case, in the presence of this „drying-stonequot; there is nothing markedly
Orphic.

Afterwards (273 ff.) when Dionysus and Xanthias have arrived in the nether worid
we get the description of what they see there. First of all come the axôroa and ^ôq^oqoo
after this the TcazQaXoîai, ênioQxoi and the amp;y]Qia. In the same region they meet the Empousa
(v. 293), a being which, originally a soul, had developed into an evil demon: it therefore

2)nbsp;aSoa also of one deceased in Lucianus, cf. p. 77,6 below. Maass Orpheus 113 note 150 speaks about a de-
mon Avaivoff.

4)nbsp;and Curtius-Milchhofer: Stadtgesch. von Athen (Weidmann Berlin 1891) pi. Ill (Felsenhausplatze) sub 2
and 0; p. 27.

0) evidently the nitQa and the vxâTislotT mentioned by Aristoph. Ran. 470 f. are of quite a different character.
8) for this reason it seems to me that J. Harrison (Proleg.« 576) does not give the right interpretation when she refers
the name to thirst and makes the passage Orphic. The same view as J. Harrison adopted by Dieterich Nek.« 99.

belongs properly to the nether world and has no connexion with Orphism, only with
popular beliefs

We see that only those are punished here who were wicked, not the uninitiated. I believe
the first to be the original conception, which was embodied in the mystic doctrines, but
after popular morality had already adopted it 2), But, after all, the punishment is not
worked out. The wild beasts referred to several times already, are described in fuller
detail v. 469 ff. Apart from Styx, Acheron, and Cocytus\' dogs = the Erinyes, he mentions:
the Echidna with a hundred heads; the muraena; the Gorgons, things only pointing to
popular beliefs. For the Echidna is a sort of snake, and reptiles are generally accepted
to be chthonic. \'ExaxoyxiqyaXoa is an epithet frequently applied to monsters in the nether
world. The muraena is an eel-hke fish, not dissimilar, therefore, to a snake and apt to be
transferred (if cornice only) to the nether world. Besides its voracity was notorious, and
death demons had the same characteristic. The Gorgons occur several times below (cf.
Dieterich Nek.2 48; Rohde Psyche II®, 408, who however overlooks this place; it can
hardly be believed that he omits it willingly because of the epithet Ti§Qdoiai, which
has only a comic meaning, cf, Kock ad h. 1. The diaanaQdxuiv of the Echidna occurs
again in Lucianus, cf. p. 76®).

To sum up, we have not found one trace of Orphism either in Aristophanes\' isolated
ideas concerning punishment, or in their combination, whereas in his Elysium we found
some. Although his attention had been drawn to Orphism he found in their views concern-
ing punishment no special doctrines to laugh at or to exaggerate, which confirms our
opinions that „Orphicquot; punishment did not exist. The views of Orphism on this subject
were the general ones.

C) Plato. In Plato\'s dialogues the aspect has changed sensibly. We shall try to make a

4)nbsp;I do not know, whether Gorgo is represented in the nether world Furtw, Ant. Gemmen I, 85, 2.

5)nbsp;A comparison with Verg, Aen, 0, 285 ff. (cf, Norden ad h, I.) is extremely instructive. Here we find two
groups: a) in common with Aristophanes the belua Lernae (a sort of snake, cf, Serv. ad h, 1.), and the Gorgons,
while Briareos in the nether world occurs elsewhere in Greek mythology (Norden 1.1.).

b) But the case of the Centaurs, Scyllae, Chimaera, Harpyiae and Geryoneus is different. The myth of Geryoneus
is closely connected with Italy and all sources placing him, as Vergil does, are Italic (t. d, Oreo—Tarquinia;
Horatius). The Harpies are demons of the air, but here, in the nether world, they remind us of the winged female demons
on Etruscan funeral monuments. The Chimaera in the nether world we meet with in Lucianus (cf. p. 76) is not
derived from an old untraceable Greek tradition, but from an easily traced Italic one (cf, Brunn—K, Ril, Ume etr.
II, 03 f.) well—known to Lucianus through his Roman relations. The Scylla (related to oxila^ cf. Boisacq Dic-
tionn, 6tymol, s, v.) in the plural is not to be found in Greek tradition, but she is in Italic (cf. Norden 1. 1.) and on
Etruscan ums she appears as trigemina (Brunn—K. Ill, 27, 2, together with two male figures, sometimes with
dogs); she is connected there with the Inferi. The case of the Centaurs is quite the same: again purely Italic tra-
dition (the first proof of the source from which Ovidius took Chthonius as a name of one of them remains to be
given), and on Etruscan urns they appear as representing the nether world (Brunn—K. II, 59; 64 ff.; cf. also Rader-
macher Jenseits 116, 3), So the view that maintains the Italic character of their infernal function is well founded, and
the opposite view is not. The word ugt;fi6qgt;ayoa does not prove anything; it is employed of wild animals and semi-

barbarous men (Thuc, 3, 94), and such were the Centaurs, But it is not employed of death_demons, while

and wfiaStoa are (cf, p, 7,3), The note of Koerte in Norden 1.1. cannot refute these facts, and Boll\'s remarks ibid, demand
a close inquiry into the date and the history of the views put forth in it (cf, Roscher Myth, Lex. s. v. Kentauren
1057 f.) That the Zodiacal sign the Centaur is of Mesopotamian origin does not imply that the infernal function of
the Centaurs came from the same source. I think, therefore, that Roscher in his Myth, Lex, 1,1. 1054, 59 ff. really
has the right explanation, and that Norden is wrong when he defends an opposite view. Etruscan views as thoroughly
Italic aie known to us already (cf. Ch. I).

system out of his scattered notices about sinners and their punishment. For whereas

hitherto only the lot of sinners was fully dealt with, here the same is to be said of the
punishment.

Resp. II. 364 E he speaks mockingly about the beggar priests who say that by means

of their reAerai (cf. p. 65 supra) they can deliver the deceased from the punishment thev

are suffering already i). and that on the other hand the living can take care, in the same
way that they. too. do not get a share in such sufferings;nbsp;^i) ^^aavtao decvd

mei/AEvsc. When describing the punishment. Plato clearly mixes up different classes
belonging to different spheres. For in Phaedo 69 C it is said 6a amp;v amp;iilt;,rixoa xal
axeXeatoa eia quot;Aidov amp;(pixi]xai iv ^oq^oqoh xeLaexai,

but Resp. II, 363 D:
xova dvoaiova xoaxivuji dvayxdCovai lt;pkQeiv
zova ddixova eia nijlov xiva xaxoQvxzovaiv

It appears from Paus. 10, 31. 9 and 11. where it is not the wicked, who bear water but
those who were not initiated = ol dvoaioi^).

These adixoi and their punishment are dealt with in several places. As a general prin-
ciple he accepts (Meno 81 B. Phaedo 113 D ff. and Resp. 614C ff.) the ^o.vd ^aAa/ou :zhamp;eoa
established by Pind. fr. 133. The character of the punishment is determined in a court
of justice (Phaedrus 249 A; Phaedo 107 D; 1I3D; Gorg. 523 A ff.; Resp. 614 C).
As sum^;-« Plato knows 3):

Leges IX, 872 D f., those who stained themselves with the blood of relatives
Phaedo 113 Dff.. also Gorgias 523 A ff.. ol ^fjSaicoa*) ^ccigt;aavzea are divided e).

TidXeia jiQodovxea (cf. Norden Aen. B. VP ad v. 621).
jioXXaiv {^avdzayv atzioi cf. q)oveia before.
xvQavvoi xal idiamp;xai fieyaXa fjfiaQxrjxoxea.

1)nbsp;I see no necessity to reject the common interpretation of tlie passage. For the notion of this aid given to the
Jad cf. Reinach: Mythes, Cultes, Religions P, 330 (analogies with Egypt); Norden Aen. B. VI» p 7 3 But
Borden considers the passage, wrongly, as Orphic. The sphere of Orphism is very well, however, characterized bv P
Monceaux in Daremberg-Saglio s. v. Orphiques 248: Dans la grande église populaire de Dionysos-Bacchos les Orphiques
formaient une Eglise mystique, une élite de dévots, pour qui l\'essentiel était la doctrine, la pureté de la vie, la préparation
à la mort et aux existences futuresquot;. The one under consideration, however, is nothing more than a lower current
which has its source in Orphism. Whether the view in question is really Orphic or only the invention of these
Orpheotelestae will be difficult to say. The right estimation of these men is to be found in Boulanger- Orphée 43 f

263; Rohde: Psyche II\', 128, 5; Stengel Kultusaltert.» (= Iw. Muller\'s Handb. V, 3) 151; Roscher Myth Lex s v
Unterwelt 94, 56 ff.; s. v. Weltalter 399, 51 ff.nbsp;^ . . . .

2)nbsp;in the same way he says Phaedrus 248 D: oa dr àèlxœa dcaydyrj, xeiQovoa fiolQaa ^cszaXafifidru, with a formula,
Which originally (Horn. Hymn. Demeter 481 f.) referred to the drdleatot.

4)nbsp;again confused terminology (Saioi not ftef^vf/fiévoi but those who are not stained with sin).

The catalogue gives nothing that points to Orphism, or even to mystic doctrine in
general. Murder, treason, lack of respect for gods or parents are surely no deeds, against
which Orphic doctrine was the only one to protest; this belongs to popular morals. Suicides
are even instinctively abhorred by the people. But eschatological mystic teaching had to
contain special warnings against this sin, because of its doctrine of eternal bliss 2).

We have now to consider the punishment. In Leges IX, 872 D f. it is said that those who
have murdered a relative bd na\'amp;eiv xavxa dvayxakoa, otisq ebQaaav; this therefore is a
simple case of talio, which occurs frequently in Antiquity 3). On the other hand we find
in the Respubl. (615 B.) the prescriptionnbsp;dtdovai ösnäxta^), further on generally

Each class of sinners gets its own punishment. 01 fiiacjoa ßicbaavtea n.oQev§evxea im
tbv \'Ax^QOvxa. . . d(pixvovvxai eia xt]v Xifxvijv xal Ixdi olxovai xe xal xaamp;acgS/uEvoi xägt;v te
ddtxtj/idxwv öiöovtea dixaa dnoXvovxai. The formulation makes no finer distinctions than
punishment and purification.

The great sinners, whose wickedness, however, admits of recovery i/uneadv do xbv Tdg-
xagov dvdyxi]\' iviavxbv ixei yevofievova exßdXXei xb xvfia. Ot de (pegofxevoi yiyvovtai xatd xrjv
Xufivrjv ti]v \'Axegovaidda... xaXeaavxea, ova vßgioav, Ixexevovai iäaai aq)äa ixßrjvai eia xi]v Xifxvrjv.
Tavxa ndaxovxea ov ngdxegov navovtai, Jtglv äv neiaoiai ova ddixtjaav The aspect of
Tartarus we lind in the same dialogue, 111 C ff.: it is a ;Kda//a fxeyiatov , where are
jivg and nvgba noxafiol: the centre of the earth is quite a xgatrjg fxeyaa, eta de xovtov ep.-
ßdXXovxa Qev/xaxa noxafiol degfiol xal yjvxgol jrrjXoa ßogßogwdi^a

The greatest sinners, xova dvidxcoa doxovvtaa throws t) ngoaYjxovaa Molga also
eia xbv Tdgxagov, from where they are nevermore allowed to go out. Nevertheless one must
imagine their fate as one of a different character from that described before, where they
are punished in the rivers, which flow there. For Gorgias 525 A ff. tells us xova dvidtova
xoXaCofxevova nagabeXyfia yiyveaamp;ai and dvrjgxrjfievoi dtexramp;a Ttagadeiy/xaxa xoXal^djxevoi.
This didactic principle is met with several times ^ö): it justifies Norden\'s remark, that apo-

1)nbsp;very instructive Aesch, in Timarchum 28, where it is said of parents: ovo Xaoo del tifiav tola ^toTo.

3)nbsp;cf. Rohde Psyche II«, 129, 4; 163, 2. Cf. also Paus. 10, 28, 1; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Inferi 254, 32 ff.

5)nbsp;this is a purely occult doctrine, occurring also in modem occultism. Instances are known of souls that cannot
find rest until they have obtained pardon from persons yet living, whom they have injured.

6)nbsp;Plut. de s. n. u. 565 E %äo/xa fiiya = Atj^tja jiiSiov, de Gen. Socr. 590 F = Hades; Plato Respubl. 614 C. about
•^dafiata.

7)nbsp;cf. the KQariiQ in Plut. de s. n. u. 566 B. ff. I doubt whethei the conclusions of Norden Aen. B. VI\' p. 276 are
right. Cf. also Dieterich Nek.\' 202. For the colours cf. Phaedo 113 B f.

9)nbsp;cf. Aristoph. Ran. cited before. The theme is dealt with in Plato from an entirely physical standpoint, cf. the
interesting paper by Friedländer Arch. Jahrb. 29 (1914), 93 ff.; Baensch: Arch. Gesch. Philos. 9 (1903) 189 ff.

10) cf. Resp. 616 A.; Protagoras 324 B (Protagoras rejects punishment as a requital and accepts it only as a preven-
tion or an example); Plut de s. n. u. 567 B.; Verg. Aen. 6, 618 ff.; with a sensation loving tourist\'s view Luc. Ver. Hist.
II, 31. The root of it can be found already in the 3 types in Homers Necyia Od. XI. Quite different is the conception
embodiedinthe|story of Lazarus in Abraham\'s lap when he sees the pains of the rich man (N.T. Luke 16, 22 ff), a pure
consequence of the doctrine of the revengeful God of Isniel. Here is also an example of vainly implored .-\\ssistance
in the here-after.

calypse and didache merge one into another i). Here is a passage where one can put catch
questions. In the first place how is this conception of souls, who are punished eternally
to be brought into harmony with the Phaedrus, where all souls after 10,000 years return
into their original state 2)? And secondly, how are those eternally punished souls to be
regarded by those who are in need of Ttagaddy^axa, are therefore not perfect and are being
purified themselves in the \'Axego^iaia h/nvj? But it seems to me that Norden Aen. B. VI^
p. 13 f. has given the right answer.

For the rest they only suffer zdjiQoo^xoyta in which formula it is clearly expressed
that punishment only aims at the improvement, either of the sinners themselves or of
those who see it3). There is no unreasonable torment^). There is another version of
06 dvidxoya lyovxzo in Respubl. 615 Cff. There they share the common journey of all
souls towards a new incarnation up to a certain point. When they arrive there and are
leaving the region of punishment, fxvHäxm axd^xiov 6). At this sound some avbqto aygioi
didjtvQoicome running up, they force the souls roughly to go back: in this description we
find the words ov/modiCeiv, xaxaßdUeiv, ixdetQEiv^), eXxeiv, in donaXdamp;wv xvdnxeiv

2)nbsp;248 E f.: dafisvyho x6 aizo ö3ev ijxu fj tpvxi] S x d o t ,3 ovx dlt;pigt;iveTrai izSv fivQloiv sad.,. sgi^ttaa,
• • • tia ra vtco yfja dtxatcoTijQia il^ovaai di\'ytjy sxrhovmv- no exceptions are mentioned

3)nbsp;cf. Pascal Credenze II, 199; Dieterich Nek.» 207 f. The Gorgias repeatedly insists upon\'this

4)nbsp;there ,s another place which deserves mention here, viz. Resp. 361 E f.: ^eoCo. a^ rd^., o\'r.

Tnr rfrquot;quot;\'«quot;quot;quot;\'\'quot;nbsp;\'\'\' \'nbsp;tortures wik eschatology aTd^natTralirwUh

Orphic eschatology. But this cannot be exact, already for the reason that th^nbsp;^ t T ,

Orphism but with the Orpheotelestae. Moreover he oirlooks thTSct ha here Tis a Jues\'t Tf. \'

upon living persons, and this, accounts for his mistaken view. The same LaJl^^^ of tortures practised

endeavours to trace motives from the Apocalypse of St. Pete uMoTescSs but f^stnbsp;^

^n order to arrive at bis interpretation. The wording (Eum. 185 f\') les ^o^uTou^^^^^^^^

^nse is clear (cf. ed. by Wilamowitz (Weidmann 19U) Ld the samel^ts h-tte^r^^^^^^^

here, in my, templequot; says Apollo to the Furies, „but there, where sins and fS IpHcnbsp;Z^l^\'^

on earth, naturally, not in the nether world: th^s would yie d nrgo^sle T^ L h committed ..e. here

which occurred on earth as the context shows; none of them are anywhere to be met with in ,, .knbsp;?

Plato Gorg. 473 C (tyrants!); Aristoph. Ran. 618 ff. (jurisdiction); .-Vndoc. 1 43 f • Demo h 18 ISS Lrnn^!!

h:w t:;i;\'oyntrf\'lSm. r 2^ :75\'ff!^\'\' ^^^nbsp;^^ ^^ -- -nbsp;niarkeiy W^nt\'and

thrasht. 41). Cf. Fragm. Orph. 270, 7 Kern. About roaring also Frazer Balder II (Golden Bough) 227 ff Maass Orpheus

ne says!) near the throne of Hades. Cf. also Dieterich Nek.\' 124.
6) for the ffid/noy cf. Ch. I, p. 24.

^pects of Hell). I would not venture to say whether theie is any connexion between these devils and the beings
Vnuoned here, or whether we have to reckon with figures and ideas originating in the East, or, perhaps, andeJ
northern conceptions. Cf. also Dieterich Nek.\' 60.nbsp;• . r ^ ,

8)nbsp;The idea of a skinned soul seems absurd to Döring Arch. Gesch. Philos. 6 (1893) 486. But apart from the fact

^mJ^r ru\'^\'tJl-^quot;quot;quot;\' 1nbsp;punishment for souls is strange, there is another way out of the

aitficulty. The Attic comedy gives ixd^tgeiv in the sense of „to thrash someonequot;, certainly Macho (Athen XIII
43 p 580 B, V. 37). Macho lived ± 250 B. C., and the quality of his Attic dialect is beyond any suspicion (cf\'
Chnst. Gr. Litt. II. 1«, 49 f.). We may here add Aristoph. Vesp. 450, although the other opinion is possible here\'
\'f we explain the passage as having a comic element in it.nbsp;\'

9)nbsp;cf. Hdt. 1, 92 with note by Stein; Dieterich Nek.\' 204; Groeneboom ad Herondas 4, 78 cited note 4

It should be noticed that it is rather a question of very rough treatment (as in the repre-
sentations of the Christian hell on the tympans of mediaeval cathedrals i)) than of punish-
ment in the hereafter in the strict sense of the word. Here, too, recurs the didactic element,

Finally on returning for their new reincarnation, the souls meet „wailing and weeping
when remembering 2) how much and what they had to suffer and what they had seen
^during their journey beneath the earth.quot; In „what they had seenquot; we again find an
allusion to the didache=\').

D) PlutarcJnis^). Between Plato and Plutarchus we have no links by which to follow
up our subject. For the Hellenistic Axiochus makes use of Pindaric motives (cf. p. 46
above), and the Latin authors will be considered separately; Weege, too, is only con-
cerned with Greek ideas.

rapid glance over the general character of his eschatological system s). In this manner the
great differences between him and Plato will become more clear to us notwithstanding
agreements in detail as well as in technical processes. Similarly to Plato he has expounded
his eschatology in various writings, each treating of a different part «).

The material has been dealt with most systematically in de Facte in Orbe Lunae\'\').
Here we find, that the bad souls are condemned to stay in the cone, which is formed by
the shadow of the earth s). This is described in de Genio Socratis 590 F as follows s). Timar-
chus sees a „yda/xa fiiya i»)... full of darkness... from where a thousand plaints and sighs
of thousands\'of beings could be heard, the weeping of children and wailing of men and
women mixed together, various sounds and noises rising from far out of the depth, feeble
and hard to distinguish.quot; We notice that his eschatology belongs to the intermundial
sphere the first trace of which we found in the Axiochus (cf. p. 59). These souls, according
to him\' remain in perpetual darkness, which, in itself, is a heavy punishment. This is

1) cf. V. d. Mülbe: die Darstellung des jüngsten Gerichtes a. d. rom. u. got. Kirchenportalen Frankreichs (Leip-

quot;nbsp;is connected with Plato\'s conception of Lethe cf. Ch. IL The entirely different doctrine at the end of

the Timaeus (cf. Th. H. Martin: Etudes sur le Timee de Platon; Ladrange Paris 1841) seems to have no connection

3)nbsp;Gorg 524 E ff. describes the soul of the sinners as: ovXiv {lesxr} vno exiOQXtäv and }iavza axoMa totiv

xai ov5h ei^i. Pint, de s.n.u. expresses tliis same opinion with much fuller detail cf. p. 74,7. This must not be con-
founded with the view that the shades of the deceased retain their wounds etc. (cf. Ch. 1 p. 4). Dörfler\'s paper
on the Gorg (Wien. Stud. 33 (1911) 177 ff.) is, in my opinion, altogether wrong. According to him hardly anythmg
can be traced to Plato, and the whole is Orphic. But he works with circuli uitiosi and he has a confused notion
about Orphism. Prof. Ovink: Plato\'s Gorgias (Brill Leiden 1909) contains no information for our purpose.

5)nbsp;cf. Cumont After Life 39 (denies the influence of Posidonius); Dieterich Nek.\' 144 ff.

6)nbsp;but the relation is not so close as Dieterich Nek.quot; 146 says.nbsp;. , ^ ,

7)nbsp;analysed by Heinze Xenokrates 123 ff.; cf. Norden Aen. B. VP p. 24 f. Plut. de Gen. Socr. is entirely based

quot;^tquot; tMsTas given rise to special customs during eclipses of the moon. Because then the shadow of the earth with
its wicked souls touches the moon (= Elysium, cf. Cumont After Life 93). care should be taken that those bad
souls cannot reach the moon. This cone also = night, the bad influence of this period of time can be declared
in this way. Cf. also Kern Orpheus 48, but is this eariy doctrine?
9) cf. Macchioro Zagreus 199.
10) cf. above in Plato.

given with fuller detail in de latenter uiueiido 1130 D f. i), where all wicked souls come in
this darkness, and non posse suauitcr uiui secundum Epicurum 1093 A, and 1104E. In
the last passage darknessnbsp;xai ayvoia) is also combined with avaiodrioia^ this is

put on a line with „to be no morequot; (1103 C), and that is the most fearful thing of all 3).
For the no^oa xov elvai is the oldest of all desires (1104 C).

In de sera Ntminis Vindicia 563 B ff. *) this doctrine is modified in this direction, that
it is only the incurable, which „the Erinys.. . makes invisible and throws into the un-
speakable and the unseen.quot; The difference can be explained very well in this way that here
the whole question is dealt with systematically, whereas in the other passages only the
most prominent features are taken into consideration.

About the very wicked hardly anything is said in de s.n.v. On the other hand there is
discussion at great length of the punishment of those who are capable of improvement:
this system will now be studied. We must make a distinction between

A what Thespesius is told;
B what he sees himself®).
A) ®) The supreme goddess of punishment is \'AdQaoxeia, the daughter of \'Araynij and
Zeva. She has 3 assistants, each of whom punishes a class of sinners, scil. IIoivq,\'EQivvo
and Aix^.

a) Poena. „Those that are punished immediately in their body and by means of it
takes a rapid Poena in a soft manner which remains far behind those who really are in
need of purification.quot; These punishments, inflicted here on earth, consist mainly in
humiliation in one\'s own eyes and in those of others\').

h) Eritiys. „The third and wildest of the ministers of Adrastia, the Erinys, runs behind
those that err round and fly everywhere in all directions and makes them invisible®) in
a piteous and miserable fashion; and they disappear in the unspeakable region that may
never be seen.quot;

c) Dice. But those for whom the treatment of their wickedness is a greater work
(than the treatment of those that were punished in their body), those gives their demon »)
after death to Dice. Her punishments are of the following kinds:

a) if he had good parents or ancestors he is shown to them (motive of shame);
/5) if they too were wicked, he is made to witness their punishment (didactic principle);

1)nbsp;cf. J. Harrison Proleg.» 581; Rohde Psyche II\', 209, 2. Darkness here is opposed to the dwelling placc of the
blessed=light=moon (cf. de Facie). Both ro\'aot are illustrated with citations from Pindarus\' threnos. Cf. Dieterich

3)nbsp;also de Facie in fine there is some question of dissolving souls (943 A ff.; 945 A ff.) but here all souls arc
concerned: they dissolve in their own elements. Modem occultism also knows the conception of wicked souls which
are destroyed by means of their own destructive force. In Stoical doctrine Dieterich Nek.» 140.

4)nbsp;Dieterich Nek.» 145 f.; Macchioro Zagreus 200. For the duration of similar visions and dreams cf. Macchioro
Zagreus 166 f.; Freud Traumdeutung»18 f.; 337; 427. That Plato and Plutarch make them last several days is
realistic adaptation.

9)nbsp;óöaifimv cf. Plat. Phaedo 107 D and from general point of view Norden Aen. B. VI,8 ad v. 743 (quisque suos
patimur manes) on p. 33 f. Here can be added the passage [Plat.] Axioch. 371 C. Sooto h rJJt ^fjy ayaSroa
daifiuv tnénvEVoev .... ; Maass Orpheus 230, 43 in fine.

y) he is punished a long time by means of affliction and misery (requital);
S unevennesses in his soul are to be eliminated and stains effaced (purification);
sometimes punishments are repeated that they may achieve the desired effect.

B) What Thespesius sees is naturally the last class (C) (= in Plutarchus\' enurneration the
second one). For the first is here on earth and the third in Tartarus, to which he has no

a) terrible suffering and hideous and painful pumshment (requital);
ft his father is constrained to tell his own hidden sins (principle of confession i));
y) those who were openly wicked are punished in a relatively mild manner;
lt;5) but these who were hypocritically good 2) have to turn themselves inside out
and are cut open and shown to others (didactic principle);
embittered enemies, wound one around the other, devour one another (contmua-

0 three pools, one hot. one icy cold, the third full of rough iron: they serve for the

are either sent back to their punishment by those pupils knowing all its horrors

The general meaning is that the punishment, horrible though its details may be, is a
means of amenament and purification, making improvement possible in the following
life; a few only are punished eternally. That the details are Orphic cannot be proved
however. The differences between them and earlier eschatology cannot only be differences
of epoch. The whole system is another one; very few points only can be connected with
Orphic doctrine which we have considered in Ch. II\').

-ITquot; XT J A R VT» T^ f this is Orphic- cf. also Cumont After Life 173. This seems not to

whicr^ok I had, however, no opportunity to consult). The mysteries there might be m rather ^^ ^
:!:h Babylonian a;d Assyrian religion, where the confession of sins is to be found m the h^us of peni nee c, A H
Edelkoorf Het Zondebesef in de Babylonische Boetepsalmen (diss. Utrecht 1918) Ch. 11 esp. p. 59 H.) Ihe passage
in SrosihÏes (X^ 259) cited by Norden 1.1. has decidedly close reports with Micrasiatic mysteries (not with

quot;quot;Tms motive is Platonic, cf. Resp. II, 4, p. 3G1 A;nbsp;Wnbsp;So.etrnbsp;«Va. m ovm The

words are said by Glaucon in an ironical speech in praise of the aSixfa (cf. 358 D).

5)nbsp;cf Plato Phaedo 113 E ff. and what has been said above (p. 70) m connexion with this.

p^f. von^aff (B. C. H. 1924, .4) pronounced
J rrtf b?!;horoughly Orphicquot;. J. Harrison (Proleg.» 581) says the same of ..nbsp;«.«.„io. But Kem

Orph. Fr. p. 309 duced the Orphic character to a minimum. In s. «. it is easy to find proofs of this _
t^graphy is quite different. The part played by Lethe is not the same (m Plut. the

UthS There is no judgment, there are no mystae. The whole theory of reincarnation is of a different character from
ÏToi rÏato which at^ast contained Orphic elements. The allusion to anbsp;in the narrative proves nothmg,

^fpa sag Ts even a Delphian argumentation against Orphic doctrine (therefore Norden Aen.B VI. p. 276 is wrong):

hLToSing to do with the Orphic poëmatanbsp;(cf- Orph. Fragm. Kem p. 308 ff.). On ^^ -

tology is much more fantastic and less ethical, than it had been before. We are sometimes Reminded o the Chnstian
Len Ind of Dante. Very curious is Plutarchus\'description of the souls of sinners with their different colours. It
tS ^ol minute description of Plato\'s (Gorg. 524 E f.) oWcSv /..an}. The points of agreement w.th modem occult

E) Lucianus When one collects from his writings all the passages which bear on
eschatology, the picture thus acquired is rather diversified. Two groups of ideas are to
be distinguished, and can fairly well be separated:
a) his borrowings from former writers,

h) his own conceptions i.e. for the greater part the conception of his own epoch. As
far as I can see they are without parallels in other literature. He introduces a pessimistic
strain of thought which dominates his eschatology entirely. The Tyche rules all things;
Lucianus makes a later formula of Heraclitus\' aliov nalo Ttai^cov, neaaevcov. Death is the
end of all things: the deceased is only a skeleton which rests in dust and oblivion. In what
degree we may here have to do with a general later development of ancient religion 2), in
how far we have ancient Syrian and Mesopotamian^) traditions does not interest us for the
moment. It is remarkable, however, how closely he often approaches to the Christian ideas
of resurrection*).

A) With full detail the nether world is discussed in Menippus siue Descensio ad Inferos
The title itself teaches us that Lucianus\' hereafter is placed beneath the earth; there is
no trace of the astral conception of Plutarchus. By means of circumstantial magic ritual
(§ 6 ff.) thQ nether world is opened, and guided by the magician ®) Menippus first comes
to a meadow \'), enveloped in total darkness (cf. Catapl. passim; Dial. mort. 15, 2), where
all souls meet. They have the conventional shape, as in the Homeric poëmata. Thereupon
they reach the tribunal of Minos «).Fettered and in chains») the sinners are led on by

doctrine are remarkable, the more so because any direct connection between the two is out of question. It proves
that similar conceptions are not so utterly devoid of foundation as they are generally supposed to be. Cf. C. W.
Leadbeater: de Zichtbare en de Onzichtbare Mensch (transl. J. van Manen, Amsterdam 1903) passim; also Rev.
Arch. 1925, 131 ss.

1)nbsp;as regards his relations with Menippus cf. Helm: Lucian und Menipp who, however, does not deal with the questions
considered here, and, therefore, does not say in how far Lucianus agrees in them with M. Cf. esp.the chapters on
the Menippus, the Cataplous, the Charon and the Dialogi Mortuorum. The results of the book are summarized
Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 44, 54 ff.; cf. also Arch. Rel. Gesch. VIII, 191 ff.

2)nbsp;cf. skeletons in ancient art. But the notion that the corpse becomes a skeleton after death must be kept
distinct from the idea that the deceased remains in existence in this shape after death. Are the cups from Boscoreale (cf.
Mon. Piot V (1897/1902) pi. VII/VIII, p. 58 ff.; 224 ff.) to be cited in this connexion, or are they orly a bitter joke?

3)nbsp;the deceased lying in dust occur already in Babylonian literature (cf. epos of Descent of Ishtar into the Nether
World and Jastrow: ReUgious Life in Babylonia and Assyria (American Lectures on the History of Religions 9th
series 1910) p. 353 ff.); also in the O.T. (Gen. 3, 19). Finally I might cite the 23rd quatrain of the Lamentations
by Omar Khayyam, a Persian poet of ± 1100 A. D. (translation by Fitz Gerald):

Ah, make the most of what we yet may spend
Before we, too, into the dust descend
Dust, into dust, and under dust to lie
Sans wine, sans song, sans singer, and sans end.

4)nbsp;Christian doctrine is opposed to Orphism in this e.g. that it admits of no reincarnation. The deceased rise
from the earth or from their tombs ri-clothed with flesh (cf. O. Wulff: Altchr. u. Byzant. Kunst I, 129 and fig.

15; II, 556, fig. 483; 561 fig. 488; 567, fig. 492; painting by Luca Signorelli in the cathedral of Orvieto (Schill-
mann: Viterbo u. Orvieto (= Seemann Berühmte Kunstst. 55) fig. 92); Barend van Orley: le Jugement dernier in the
Museum of Antwerp). Cf. p. 77,6 below. Nevertheless Cumont After Life 39 and 42 f. affirms that Christian belief
is not founded upon Syrian traditirn; cf. also ibid. 68 f.; 197.

6)nbsp;motive of the guide also Plut. and Verg. It does not occur cither in the ancient Orphic poems or in Homer
or in Plato. It seems to be a later development, cf. Norden Aen. B. VI« p. 43 f.

8)nbsp;judgment itself cf. Catapl. in fine. It should be noticed that Lucianus there mentions weals on souls (cf.
Plat, and Pint.); in § 24 the curious motive of sins annihilated in this life.

9)nbsp;cf. Cumont: After Life 67 f. (Plinius—Lucianus) concerning chains and modem occultism. The entire passage
may be found in Maass Orpheus 218, 22.

violence. He names especially: fioiyoi, noQvo^oaxol i), xeXSgt;vai xoXdxea, avxotpdvxai, xal 6
Toiovtoa o/idoo taiv jidvia xvxdgt;vTcov iv ran /Si\'coi. Separately come ol nXovaioi xai ol
tox6yXv(poi with heavy chains around their necks. The Verae Historiae add ol yjevmai,
and Dial. Mort. 30, 1 the rvgavvoa, the iegoavkoa and the Xijiat^a. It is the shadow of
each person that charges him with his sins.

Punishment is given xax d^iav xamp;v zsxoXfuj/xhcov, therefore requital; cf. the fate of
Cinyras in Ver. Hist. II, 26 and 31. It is, before all, the rich and the reckless that are
aimed at®).

After this they reach the xoXaaxrjQiov, the punishments of which are described generally
as TtoXXd xal iXeeiva \'). Lucianus mentions:

xijtXifxalQainQoadeiaamp;ai (cf. Dial. Mort. 30, I) ®);
fiaaxiyayy ■ipocpoa (cf. Ver. Hist. II, 29);

olficoyi] xamp;v inl xov nvQoa dnxcofiha)V (cf. de Luctu 8; Ver. Hist. II, 29) ®);

axgê^Xai = (de Luctu 8)
xv(po)veo
xQoxoi — (de Luctu 8)

instruments for tormenting slaves etc.
(wrenching instrument; block and wheel)
Cf. the appendix on Latin authors
A little further on he describes:
i5 XlfxaiQa ioTidQaxxE. Cf. xiji Xifiaigat nQoaàûadat. As the nearest parallel to this I
would remind the reader of the griffins, which on Etruscan urns lacerate men^i).

d KéQ^EQoa iôdQÔanxEv. Cerberus has a rôle different from the usual one; this may be
an ironical duplication in order to show the complete nonsense of similar conceptions;
the usual one is to be found also (§ 10; cf. Dial. Mort. 21). Cerberus in his shape of voracious
monster also Catapl. 28. The theme has been dealt with in Ch. I (vases Faina, p. 7),
Cf. also Norden Aen. B. VP p. 237.

ixoXd^ovxo X£ afia ndvxEO. This equality occurs passim in the Dial. Mort., also Catapl.
15 (cf. below). A difference, however, is made for the rich and the liars (Ver. Hist.
11,31).

3)nbsp;a theme frequently used by Lucianus: Dial. Mort. 1,1; 13,4; Menipp. 19 ff. Cf. N.T. Matth. 19, 23 = Marc. 10,25.

5)nbsp;cf. Catapl. 27. Concerning importance of shadow cf. Frazer: Taboo (Golden Bough) 77 ff.

6)nbsp;cf. Dial. Mort. 1, 1, where the mighty gentlemen „can be recognized only on accoimt of their wailingquot;; they

are „weak and low-spirited when they remember the things they left on earthquot;. And ibid. 2, 2 is said:.....this was

{fySotff____when you wished to be adored etc____therefore you shall weep now, when all these things are taken

from youquot;. Just this antithesis between now and then is one of Lucianus* points (cf. Dial. Mort. 2, 1; 24, 3; Menipp. 18;
Catapl. passim). The moral drawn in the Menippus (21) is: „the life of the private citizen is the bestquot;, cf. the choice
of the shade of Ulixes in Plat. Resp. 620 C. Nevertheless also the iâitàtai run risks and are punished (cf, Ver,
Hist, II, 31). The degradation expounded by Lucianus is a social, not a moral one, such as we found in Plutarchus (cf,
p. 73). All this is connected with the rôle assigned by Luc. to Lethe, which is expressed most characteristically
Dial. Mort. 13, 6; cf. 23, 2; Vita Demon. 8; Catapl. 28.

10) it will be seen that only Latin authors transferred earthly torments to the here-after. Lucianus, who knew
Italy well, borrowed this, for it is without a parallel in Greek literature. We traced another Italic conception in his
work before (p. 68,5) when dealing with the Chimaera in the nether world in connection with Aristophanes,
11) Brunn—K. Ril. Ume etr. Ill, 35 ff. For the fact that it is in the epoch of the urns only (2nd/lst cent.
B. C.) that similar scenes are represented cf, the end of Ch, I, and more especially of the present one. Cf. Norden
Aen. B. VI». p. 215.

The motive of recognition is also employed as so often in eschatological narratives
but here the persons whom he recognises turn away

The poor finally are punished less heavily 3). At the end of the narrative the mythical
sinners are mentioned.

Other writings mention other penalties coming from the same source. Connected with
the preceeding details is

Dial. Mort. 30, 1 (cf. de Luctu 8): lt;5 zijgawoa .. nagà rov Tavov ànoxaêsia vno xcbv yvnamp;v
xal avxoo XEigêa^o) xô Tjjiaç;

ibid. lt;5 Xïjiaxrja.. êo xov IIvQiqjÀeyé\'amp;ovxa ê/x^e^Xrjo\'amp;a} (the same punishment Catapl. 28;
cf. Ver. Hist, II, 30 for rivers).

A singular motive we find also Dial, Mort. 13, 6, Here Diogenes says to Alexander the
Great: xal yàg KXdxov Ixüvov 6qS) xal KaXXia^évtjv xal aXXova TxoXXova êjil aè ÔQfiamp;vxaa,
óa ôiaanâoaivto xal àfx\'ôvaivxô as wv UÔQaaaa avxova *). A similar conception but of quite a
different meaning, occurred in Ch. I (waiting figures; Plut. de s.n.u. provided us with a
more exact analogy: pupils avenging themselves upon their tutors).

B) If we go back to Menippus again at the point where we left him, we reach the Acherou-
sian plain, where all other deceased mortals dwell s). The picture changes here sensibly,
because the deceased are described clearly and insistently as skeletons (axEXexd) ®), and
also as being in decomposition This, too, is employed by him as a reason for equality,
on which he insists emphatically (cf. Dial. Mort. 15, 2; 25, 2; 26, 2) s).

Nevertheless punishment is not excluded in this part of the nether world neither. So,
e.g., when he says: ô MavacoX^oa ovxco xajiEivoa ^qquixo èv jiaQa^vaxcoi tzov Xavamp;dvoyv, Like

1)nbsp;cf. Ver. Hist. II, 31. One should compare Plut. de s.n.u.; Plato Resp.; Verg. Aen. etc.; but the differences
prevail.

2)nbsp;again very different from Plut. and Plato, there is nothing in common with the mystic didaxv\'. ^^ gt;s » purely
human point of view.

3)nbsp;in Plutarchus it is the upright ones who have an easier fate! Here again is the social tendency of Luc.

4)nbsp;Lucianus\' narrative has a close paraUel in a painting by the Belgian artist Wiertz (in the Mus6e Wiertz at
Brussels) entitled „Napoléon aux Enfersquot;. Napoleon is surrounded and menaced by all those who suffered through him.
It is well known that Wiertz was an occulttet and medium (cf. Spence: Encyclopedia of Occultism s. v. Hypnotism
in fine): this again gives us a curious analogy between ancient and modern occultism.

5)nbsp;the description is not quite clear, because the tóTtoa evae^Siv has been mixed up with it.

6)nbsp;cf. Dial, Mort, passim. The archaeological material dealing with skeletons has been collected by G. Treu: de
Ossium hum. Laruarumque Imaginibus (Weidmann Berlin 1874; cf. Arch. Anz. 1889, 106; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v.
Inferi 241, 47 ff.; Cumont After Life 165; Petron. Sat. 34). As far as I can see Lucianus\' conception has never been
studied separately (a remark Rohde Psyche IP, 366, 1). There is some slight similarity with Christian conception
here (cf. p. 75,4 before), but more difference. For the Christians also considered the deceased as skeletons, but sleeping
(cf. Homung: Beitr. z. Ikonogr. d. Todes (diss. Freib. i. B. 1902), 32 and 33); punishment follows only after the
resurrection. Lucianus also propounds other views, but this is merely literary (cf. Ver. Hist. II, 12); the other is really
his own, and is maintained even in the cento Homericus Charon 22 (cf. Catapl. 12 for avoa said of a corpse).

7)nbsp;cf. Philops. 24: lèv yov* Ttaxiga tldov (sc. iv Zltdov) àxgt^Sa avxà itcsha hi êftnexófisvor h olc
avToy xaxEamp;âtpantV (cf. Cumont After Life 165). This is a very commonplace description of Hades which is repeateil
S 25 (cf. Reitzeustein Hellenist. Wundererzâhl. 4 ff.). Directly opposite is what he says in the Menippus about Socrates,
viz. that he looked exactly as when he was dying (cf. Ch. I figures of Aiax and Memnon in t. d. Orco). It is consistent

with his own conceptions that he denies palingenesia cf. Dial. Mort. 26, 2:--xal ds^ast ch ftsrafioXriy C*}ifîy

Tiva xai hrevdey êa SUoy filoy, Sneg oifiat advyaroy. Cf. Menipp. 1; Dial. Mort. 10, 11; 13, ».

8)nbsp;cf. Rohde Psyche 11*, 367 with note 2. This does not prevent him from occasionally contradicting his o\\vn
principles for the sake of literary effect. Cf. Ver. Hist. II, 9; Dial. Mort. 12 (but in the Menipp. the rôle of Philippus
is quite different!)

all the deceased, he does not get from Aeacus more than one foot of space for himself
Again there is the system of degradation, but not, as in Plutarchus, here on earth, but in
the here-after. The same occurs Charon passim and Catapl. 15: td nQamp;yfiaxa ia to t[.ijcahv
avaxeiQaiLfiha^), (in immediately conjunction with an almost Christian expression
On the other hand in the same region there is a life quite similar to ours here in which
shoe-makers etc. exercise their trade. Here also often with the well-known antithesis.

The reason why the Latin authors will be considered separately has already been given:
they cannot be summoned as witnesses for Greek conceptions without a closer inquiry.
And because Weege founds his explanation of the contents of the Etruscan paintings,
which we saw that corresponded with general Italic ideas, on Greek tradition only, we
must inquire if, and how far, Italic authors harmonize with Greek ideas on these subjects.

Lucretius\') gives in his 3rd book (931 ff.) ideas about the here-after. He deals with
the ordinary types of mythological sinners (978 ff.) and declares them to be allegories
of restless endeavourings and longings here on earth, which we ourselves make into a
sort of hell (v. 1023: hie Acherusia fit stultorum denique uita) It is all the same, he
says, whether it is Cerberus, the Furies or Tartarus®). They are all conceptions which
our fears, justified by wicked deeds, project from here into the hereafter. And the „mens
sibi, conscia factis, praemetuens adhibet stimulos terretque flagellis, nec uidet interea
qui terminus esse malorum possit nec quae sit poenanim denique finisquot; (scil. mors, after
which all things end) „atque eadem metuit magis haec ne in morte grauescantquot;. Because
people do not see this end, they do not know that earthly punishment does not go any
farther than life, and they imagine in the here-after „carcer et horribilis de saxo iactu\'
debrsum^quot;), uerbera, carnifices, robur, pix, lammina, taedae^)quot;.

1)nbsp;Aeacus therefore has here more or less the character of a judge. As jivlcoQoa (again a doublette!)he appears
in Menipp. 8; also DiaL Mort. 20, 1; Catapl. 4; de Luctu 4; in the same manner Aristoph. Ran. 464 ff. (with note
by Kock).

3)nbsp;cf. Cumont After Life 191, where the deceased are called securi, therefore without jigdyfiara.

4)nbsp;etQtjytj ôè Jiaaa cf. Christian (and later ancient) epitaphs. Cf. Cumont After Life 191; 197.

5)nbsp;Cumont After Life 72 considers this belief to be essentially Italic which I think is right, cf. scenes on Etruscan
monuments processions etc. (Ch. I): further evidence will be furnished in the appendix. Lucianus, therefore, again
makes use of an Italic motive, with which he became acquainted probably through his relations with Italy. The
case of Aristophanes is quite different, for the Ranae, beginning in the nether world, end on the sUge at Athens,
with an imperceptible transition. Modem occultism has the same doctrine cf. Eisa Barker: Letters from a living dead
Man. Cf. also Radermacher Jenseits 5 ff., especially 9. A different opinion Lucian. Charon 22.

6)nbsp;the choice of the trade does not seem to be without importance. Feet and legs are of primary importance in occult
doctrine, because they form the support the human body. Even if the rest is feeble, the being is never powerless
if they are all right. Cf. in the prophecy of Daniel the colossus with the feet of clay (O.T. Daniel 2, 31 ff.).

9)nbsp;Tartarus horriferos eructans faucibus ignes, an idea not to be found in Greek tradition as far as my knowledge
goes. The mouth does occur (cf. p. 71), but not vomiting fire (cf. Heinze Lucrez B. Ill p. 190). It was one of
the cases where there is a close connection between Italic—Roman and Christian ideas.

11)nbsp;cf. Axiochus 372 a, where the Furies with their torches bum sinners (Pascal Credenze II, 73 f.) This does
not affect our thesis: this punishment is reserved for the nether world only, it is not mentioned by Greek authors
among, torture on earth (cf. p. 71 note 4), so in Greek tradition the difference is maintained also here. Moreover the

Here it is clearly said that Italians of the last century B. C., at least, conceived of
similar punishment in the nether world, a conception which we never found in Greece,
except in Lucianus whose Roman relations are notorious.

Vergilius\' description of the tojiug dae^wv (6, 540ff.) runs as follows^) „hic locus est
partis ubi se uia findit in ambas dextera quae Ditis magni sub moenia tendit hac iter
Elysium nobis; at laeua malorum exercet poenas et ad impia Tartara mittitquot;.

The place of punishment is a castle (moenia lata) surrounded by rivers, with a great
gate. At its entranceTisiphone is seated, succincta palla*).He proceeds then „hinc exaudiri
gemitus et saeuasonare uerbera tum stridor ferri tractaeque catenae®)quot;. The commentary
of Norden to this passage cannot be accepted. The source of all this, if it is necessary to
assume a source for the ideas are rather commonplace, is not Orphism but the doctrine
of Orpheotelestae, at least the literature which he cites points to such (cf. p. 69,1).

After this come some verses, in which Norden justly finds the principle of confession ®).

In Tartarus one finds first of all the ordinary mythological types\'), further®);
those who quarrelled with their brothers;
those who ill-treated their parents;
those who deceived their clients ®);

those who enriched themselves without giving others a share;
those who committed adultery
those who made a disgraceful revolt.

Their punishment is not described; the Sibylla only says „ne quaere doceri, quam poe-
nam aut quae forma uiros fortunaque mersitquot;.

And she proceeds: „Saxum ingens uoluont alii radiisque rotarum destricti pendentquot;.

Afterwards other classes of sinners are enumerated: „uendidit hic auro patriam domi-
numque potentem imposuit, fixit leges pretio atque refixit. Hic thalamum inuasit natae
uetitosque hymenaeosquot;.

After the visit to the Elysium follows the encounter with Anchises and his speech.

sinners in the Axiochus are licked {niQdixi^cjfievoi} by wild beasts. Cf. also Heinze Lucrez B. Ill p. 191. His
remark that the demons are supplanted by hangmen confirms our view that in Italic sphere earthly circumstances
and punishment continue in the hereafter. Plant. Capt. 997 ff. only refers to hard work, accompanied by whipping
at most (1001). Upupa in 1004 is an instrument for cutting stone.

1)nbsp;apart from the great commentary of Norden cf. Dieterich Nek.« 150 ff.; Pascal Credenze II, 73 ff. Georg.

467 ff. and the Culex 210 ff. give nothing beyond the traditional sinners and their punishment. About Culex

2)nbsp;this distinction occurs already in older mystic writings, also in Orphism. Cf. Norden Aen. B. VI« ad 540 ff.

3)nbsp;I think that these words imply that the road runs underneath along the walls of Pluto\'s castle, not towards
it, as Norden translates. The commentaries are silent. The castle therefore is identical with the one mentioned
in the following.

4)nbsp;this description reminds us everywhere of Etruscan, therefore Italic, monuments and ideas. For the castle
in this form cf. Ch. I p. 10; for the gate p. 23 f. Tisiphone in the same attitude on the great urn of the Vo\'
lumnii (cf. Ch. I p. 8; and Radermacher Jenseits 33, 1) but not in Greek literature; there we have Cerberus or
Aeacus cf. p. 76; 78,1. For Tisiphone cf. Lucianus Catapl. 23.

5)nbsp;uerbera and gemitus cf. Luc. Ver. Hist. II, 29 and Menipp. 14. Chains cf. p. 75,9.

6)nbsp;Norden Aen. B. VI« p. 275 f.; cf. ad Plut. de s.n.u. 566 F (p. 74). The custom of the Pythagoreans to ask
themselves: niji nag^Pi^v, xl Ipffa; xl(xot Sioy ovx irsXiadf]; (Ritter—Preller Hist. Philos. Gr. No. 94, c) might
be adduced here as establishing the same prmciple (cf. Cumont After Life 24).

The rôle of Lethe as here expounded, is the same as it is in Plato and therefore not
Orphic 1).

All souls are to be purified, because they are clausae tenebris et carcere caeco {aâfjta-
aijfia, an Orphic belief) 2). Then

„quin et supremo cum lumine uita reliquit non tamen omne malum miseris, nec
funditus omnes corporeae excedunt pestes, penitusque necesse est multa diu concreta
modis inolescere miris. Ergo exercentur poenis, ueterumque malorum supplicia ex-
pendunt^)quot;.
The purification is performed ®):
aliae panduntur inanes suspensae ad uentos \')
aliis sub gurgite uasto infectum eluitur scelus
aut exuritur igni ®)
quisque suos patimur manes

There is no need to argue the point that it is impossible to cite any Orphic parallels of
the punishments enumerated here (except the last general formula); the present chapter
is sufficient. Norden p. 28 is not able to name one from the classic epoch, except Empe-
docles, a Sicilian. In later times there are more examples, cf. 1.1. and p. 32. The instances
cited by Dieterich Nek.2 201 ; 211 are of quite a different kind. In any case this system does
not come within the limits of the literature which is generally ransacked in order to find
„Orphicquot; doctrines. This is confirmed by Cumont After Life 119; he knows of various
analogous ideas, but not in Orphic mysteries.

This historical grouping teaches us several things. First of all that ideas about punish-
ment were originally comparatively undeveloped, and that only later more detailed
descriptions are found. Nevertheless, even later, they remained somewhat elementary,
especially when compared with early Christian apocalyptical literature i«). The word hell
therefore, is totally out of place in describing any ancient eschatology. The teachings of
the older period of Orphism (before ± 300 B, C,) which according to Weege Etruskische
Malerei Ch. III „beyond any doubtquot; caused the new current in the Etruscan tomb paintings
knew nothing of the sort

1)nbsp;cf. Ch. H p. 52,3. Wrong e. g. Gruppe—Pfister Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt G9, 52 ff.

4)nbsp;cf. oiXal in Plato, Plutarchus, Lucianus (resp. p. 72,3; 74,7; 75,8). These stains are contracted by all souls
merely as a consequence of contact with matter. In Plato one can attribute it to a wrong choice (Ch. II p. 48).
but in Plut.de Facie 944 C, f, it is only a question of guilt, cf, the reason of reincarnation as expounded by him,

6)nbsp;cf. Norden Aen. B. VI» p. 19: methodically inexact („Dieser Läuterungsprozess wird von Pindar und Plato
nicht erwähnt, aber er passt in das Systemquot;, which exactly must be proved). Cf. p. 28 ff. Cumont After Life 185 ff.
states that the rivers of the nether world, wherein the souls are punished, became identical with the 4 elements.
Cf. Orph. Fragm. 123 Kern; Roscher Myth. Lex. s. v. Unterwelt 67, 45 ff.; Rohde Psyche II\', 122, 2 in fine. These ideas
are late, and certainly posterior to Etruscan monuments of the 3rd and 2nd cent, B. C.

9)nbsp;cf, Jat^cov in Plato and Axiochus; Norden 1.1. 33 f.; Pascal Credenze I, 129 f.; Rohde Psyche II, 316 f.

10)nbsp;Apocalypse of St. Peter of the 2nd cent. A. D. cf. Cumont After Life 173; Rohde Psyche I«, 317 ff.; Dieterich
Nek.» Ill; 196 ff.; especially 201, The cruelties seem to come from the Orient, cf. Radermacher Jenseits 32, 3,

11)nbsp;the same opinion Cumont After Life 174 f.; cf. his curious parallel with hagiography, Difierent Kern Orpheus 47-

But apart from this: we have seen that Orphic eschatology was in agreement with current
ideas on this subject, and that if it added anything it was only certain isolated features i).
If, therefore,nbsp;punishment had been represented, this would only appear in one

or other of the following: either in the combination of such punishment indicating a well-
organized system with purification as its means, and reincarnation as its end, or in the
presence of demons like Furies, incorporated abstractions bearing names.

6)nbsp;a glowing „plinthquot;. This is inexact if only because similar „plinthsquot; were placed
upon the victims, not the victims upon the „plinthsquot;; cf. Aristoph. Ran. 621.

The first four motives do not prove anything concerning Orphism. But if the last four
really had been depicted, they would enter, not into Greek tradition, but into Italic
for they are earthly punishments inflicted on slaves etc., and those the Greeks never
placed in Hades, while the Romans (and perhaps other peoples of Italy) did, as we have
seen in our last chapter. Nothing, therefore, remains of the whole of Weege\'s Orphic theory.

And then. Chapter I showed, what is represented. That this is absolutely different from
what has ordinarily been supposed to be represented there is not surprising 2). Who could
ever wish for paintings of the sufferings of the wicked in his funeral chamber? Or do we
find on modern tombs scenes of the burning in hell? And those who had religious scenes
painted on their tombs, did not, ipso facto, belong to the category of sinners; they were
pious, or at least they thought that they were. One should not compare with these tomb
paintings the representation of hell on porches of medieval cathedrals: they are meant
to be a warning addressed to all. „If thou wilt not obey the commands, this will be thy
fatequot;. This was natural enough, for a church is a building entirely for edification and teach-
ing. And paintings such as those of the „hellishquot; Brueghel cannot possibly be compared
with those under consideration; he was a visionary and in any case his pictures were not
decorations for tombs.

The prominent place occupied by the scenes which we find in Etruscan tombs from
about 350 B. C. onwards has nothing to do with the economical distress of the epoch.
The land was relatively quiet. After all, in distressful conditions people are apt to picture
the hereafter the more blissful in proportions as their life here is a hard one; this can be
seen in the later years of the Roman Empire. In reahty truly Italic ideas are represented
which show two influences at work:

1)nbsp;the ideas themselves are different because Italy had freed herself from the domi-
nation of Greek thought which had lasted for a considerable period (cf. p. 41);

2)nbsp;the representation of these ideas, more or less picturesque, was possible, because
the artistic temper of the period demanded it. The contents of the scenes were appreciated,

1)nbsp;retribution in the hereafter for sins committed on earth was also not new, cf. Democrit. fr. 297 Diels- Plato
Resp. I, 330 D ff.nbsp;quot;nbsp;\'

because classic taste prevailed no longer, and on this account they depicted them in their
own picturesque and realistic manner, vwth just a little touch of bitter humour in it.

If it is permissible to trace comparisons between cultures so very different in time and
partly even in space, we find an analogous development the beginning of which can some-
times be traced already in the Renaissance period, and carried through in Baroque art,
when on funeral monuments all sorts of gruesome things are to be found i) as well as
strongly emphasized situations 2), which contrast strangely with the dignity and tranquil-
lity of the tombs of the early Renaissance®) and late 18th cent. art. *), But even then
scenes of hell are never to be found on tombs! And although the iconography of the
Renaissance tombs is very different from that of those of the Baroque period, there is no
question here of another religious current which is the cause of this change. It is only
a different aspect of the same things which became favoured on account of a different
artistic feeling of the epoch. (The case of classicistic tombs naturally is different; here
there is influence of a different religion, also dictated, however, by a new artistic current).

Making allowance for all differences there is still in many respects a strong similarity
between the epochs from ± 300 A. D. — Christ\'s birth and from ± 1550—± 1800, and
in the same way the art of each epoch corresponds with its setting and is the expression
of a kindred mentality®).

1)nbsp;Bernini: tombs of Urbanus VIII and Alexander VII (Brinckmann Barocksk. (= Burger\'s Handb. Kunst-
gesch.) fig 249 and 250); Delcour. monument of d\'Allamond (ibid. fig. 319); M. A. Slodtz: monument of the priest
Languet de Gergy (Michel Hist, de I\'Art VII, 1, fig. 41), all wth the skeleton of Death appearing in them. Nie,
Seb. Adam: tomb of a queen of Pologne (Michel Hist, de I\'Art VII, 1, fig, 38): an angel shows the queen the way
to heaven,

2)nbsp;Pigalle: monument of the Marshall of Saxony (Michel 1.1, VII, 2, plate p. 552/3): the marshall descending into the
tomb; J. F. de Roubillac: tomb of Sir Peter Warren (ibid. fig. 398): a bust of the deceased placed upon the grave
by a man; A. Quellinus Jr.: tomb of Bishop Capello: the deceased arising for the Last Judgment (Brinckmann 1.1.
fig. 316); Rombout Verhulst: tomb of the Baron van Inn ende Knyphuisen in Midwolde (Gron.) = Brinckmann
1,1, fig. 323: the wife watching over her deceased husband,

3)nbsp;Donatella—Michelozzo: tomb Coscia (Bode: Flor. Bildh.» fig. 11); Desiderio da Settignano: tomb of Marsuppini
(Springer Kunstgesch, IIIquot; fig, 95); Rossellino tomb of the Cardinal of Portugal (ibid, fig, 96); Michelangelo: tombs of
the Medici. Even Algardi\'s tomb of Leo XI is of the same restraint (Brinckmann 1,1, fig, 259),

4)nbsp;Bacon the Elder: tomb of William Mason (Michel 1.1, VII, 2, fig, 401); Canova tomb of the Stuarts in St.
Peter at Rome (cf. A. G. Meyer: Canova (Velhagen und Klasing\'s KünstlermoDographießn No. 36) fig. 78); tomb
Volpato (Kuhn Allg. Kunstgesch. Plast. II fig, 1103); Kuhn 1.1. pi. between p. 780/1, tombs by Canova and Schadow.

5)nbsp;concerning art questions I may say that I do not accept the terms Baroque and Rococo for these epochs of
Hellenistic art. Notwithstanding some striking similarities there are also fundamental differences which forbid the
use of the terms.

I am indebted to Dr. C. W. Lunsingh Scheurleer for several remarks inserted here.

Gh. I p. 5 f. Cerberus with one head of a wolf by Bryaxis Arch. Jahrb. 32 (1917)
187, cf. p. 188.

Gh. I p. 6 note 10. Cf. the curious ass demon Winter Typen Terrak. II 411 3 =
Masner Vasen u. Terrak. Wien No. 901. Found in an Etruscan tomb, but i.jedenfalls
^lechischquot;. The statuette is placed, however, by Masner under „unbestimmte italische
tahncatxonsortcquot;. I do not know how to combine these two data. As far as the reproduc-
tions allow a judgment about the style, the figure seems to me to be Italic, 2nd half
^nd cent. B. C., and not Greek.

Gh. I p. 24 note 2. Add to the literature: Hartwig: Bendis (Leipzig—Berlin 1897)
and Foucart: Le Culte de Bendis en Attique (Mélanges Perrot 95 ff.). Foucart mentions
the report of Bendis with Cotytto, cf. Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v. Kotys and Pauly-W
s.v. Kotys. On the other hand Bendis had close connections with Artemis; about Artemis
and nether world cf. Pauly-W. s.v. Artemis 2, III, § 12; Roscher Myth. Lex. s.v Artemis
558 16 etc. Bendis and Adrasteia (cf. p. 73) cf. Hartwig 1.1. p. 2; Artemis and Adrasteia
I auly—W. 1.1. 1348, 47. The presence of Bendis in Etruria can be explained through the
medium of S.Italy, cf. Hartwig 1.1. 22 ff.nbsp;^

Gh. II p. 43 note 1 in initio. I should have said: Homer, Hesiod and Thaïes (cf
my page 53, 3). Kern Orpheus 43 also insists upon older connections.

Gh. II p. 50 note 1. Cf. for connections between Orphic tablets and Egypt Kern
Orpheus 31 and Arch. Jahrb. 32 (1917) 194 ff. (The citation from Furtwängler which
Wilcken p. 195 could not find, is Ant. Gemmen III, 263 f.).

Gh II p. 53 note 3. Cf. Kern Orpheus 48 f. about a generation of men living before
the Titans existed.

^ Gh. Ill p. 69 note 1. Cf. Kern Orpheus 9,1. To read with Diels a.o. égfia^bv for
oixadov does not change the sense of the whole. I do not believe that there is any connec-
tion here with the Xvaia ngoyâvœv àdsfitaiœv (about which cf. Kern Orpheus 46). The
same opinion as Monceaux about the reports between Orphism and Bacchic religion
Kern Orpheus 11.nbsp;^

Indices s.v. Roman epoch etc. Cf. also Röm. Mitt. 25 (1910) 74 ff. for the early period.

111.78nbsp;.
Ill, 79 ff.
Ill, 84 ff.
Ill, 84, 1
III, 84, 2
III, 84, 2-
III, 87 ff.
111,89 .
Ill, 90, I
111,90, 1, a .
Ill, 91, 2 and 3

111.96.9nbsp;. .
Ill, 97, 10 . .
111,97, 11 . .
Ill, 98, 12 and
III, 99, 13 . .
Ill, 99, 14 and
III, 100, 16 .

P-
. 10
10; 11
11;22
19; 31
10;31
31; 40
29; 31
. 28
28; 32
27; 28
. 28
10; 26
26; 37
10,2
. 26
. 33
. 26
. 22
18; 34
. 38
33; 34
. 30
. 33
37; 40
. 15
. 13
. 3
8; 23
6; 8; 37
; 23; 38
9; 23
8; 23
. 23
8; 11
. 11
22; 37
. 22
. 24
6,6; 8; 11;
23; 31; 36
5

Brunn-Koerte
III, 101, 1—4
III, 102, 1 . .
Ill, 103 ff. .
111,107,13 .
Ill, 109, 1—3; 5
III, no, 1—2
III, 110,3 .
Ill, 113ff. .
Ill, 115ff..
HI, 124—127
III, 127 . .
Ill, 127,9 .
Ill, 128 . .
Ill, 133, 1 .
Ill, 133, 2 .
Ill, 133, 3 .
Ill, 135, 5 .
Ill, 136,3 .
Ill, 138 ff..
Ill, 139,5 .
Ill, 140, 9 .
Ill, 141, 11
III, 145, 13
III, 146, 1 and
III, 147, 4
III, 147, 6 .
Ill, 149, 12
III, 149, 12—14
III, 150, 17
III, 152, 1
III, 155, 1—3
III, 157,2 .

P-
23; 24
. 21
. 3
. 13
. 2
. 39
. 38
. 16
. 29
. 17
. 23
18
. 17
. 28
. 29
. 35
. 38
. 21
. 24
14,1
14,1
14,1
24
21
21
21
29
4
23
21
14,1
21

262 figure
p. 5 ff.
p. 16 ff.
p. 18 ff.
p. 46 .
p. 57 .
p. 59 .
p. 63 .
p. 68 .
p. 73 .
p. 74 .
p. 76 .
p. 86 .
p. 89 .
p. 91 .
p. 93 .
p. 95 .
p.104 .
p. 106, 4
p. 106, 5

... 23
... 23
. . 16,4
... 6,7
... 8
... 23
... 21
... 18
... 37
... 7
. . 29; 36
... 20
... 37
10,2; 22,3
... 10
... 37
9; 22; 28; 32
.... 26
. . . 26; 33
15; 25; 33; 34
15; 25; 34
25; 31; 32
. . 18
. . 15
3; 13; 37
8; 9; 11,3
. 37
. 8
. 19
. 6,6
. II
. 5
. 17
. 24
. 17
. 17
. 9,3
. 21
. 4
. 37

106,6
p. llOf.
p. 113 .
p. 114 .
p. 115 .
p. 116 .
n 118ff. .

118nbsp;figure

119nbsp;.
119, 1

120nbsp;.
120 f.
121 .
176 ff
190 ff. .
192 fig. 45
219 .
221 f.
236 f.

N.B. Omitted are the head-lines of the pages. Greek words are to be found on the place
where they should be when written in Latin characters.

Admetus (on Etruscan vase) 36
Admission to „better fatequot; in Eleusis 65
Adrastia 73

Aeacus in Lucianus 78; 79, 4
Aemilius Paullus, monument of — at Del-
Aganiemnon 4; 12; 19nbsp;[phi 11,2

Archaic Etruscan monuments 1; 2; 7; 13;
15; 17; 18; 21; 22; 25; 27; 28; 29; 30; 31;
35; 37

Arezzo, bronze keys in the Mus. of — 37
Ariadne (in tomb at Tarquinia?) 35
Arringaiore 34
Ascetism 43

Astral character of Orphism not accepted
44,4; — character of eschatology of
Atalante 48, 6 [Plutarchus 55, 8; 72
Athena with quot;Atdoa yvvêt] 5, 3
Athens 34 (reliefs of theatre of Dionysus

— traces 20 f.
Bacchus, Indian expedition of — 28, 3
Banquet 1; 9; 13; 29; 43
Bare-footed figures 18,2
Baroque tombs 82
Bendis 24

Beard (symbol of strength) 65. 7
Benozzo Gózzoli 31
Bloody bandages 4
Bolsena, mirror from — 5, 5
Bomarzo, vase from — 19; 26; 28
^ÓQ^oQoa 66; 67; 69; 70
Boscoreale, cups from — 75, 2
Bough, golden — 34
Bridal veil 20,4
Brueghel, hellish 81

Campania 17 (tomb paintings related to
those of Etruria); 27 (terrac. friezes); 29
(dito); 31, 1 (statues from Capua)
Capena (sword-sheath from —) 7
Car vide sub Chariot
Car menta 2, 1
Cartouche 9; 14, 1
Castle as place of punishment 79
Catabasis, special character of Orphic —

slabs in t.c. in the Louvre from coll. Cam-
pana 18; 31
tomba d. Pitture or del Triclinio 1
t. d. Rilievi 8; 33
vase 3

17; 19; 20; 23; 25 (burlesque); 36
Child fetched by death demon 30 f.
Chimaera in nether world 68, 5; 76
Chiusi
cippi 33

funeral groups and statues 2; 13; 15; 31,1
sarcophages 2; 14; 16; 27; 36; 37
tomba Casuccini 17
t. della Scimmia 17
tombs in general 8

Plato 48 f.
Christian doctrine (early) concerning last
journey on ship 35; — of charity etc.
57, 2; — of hell 71, 7; 72; 74, 7; — of

yùàiv èxnmtôvrcûv 35; evQvxobioa 56, 9
Chthonic monsters 17
Circle of fire 56, 8

Cività Musarna (near Tarquinia), sarcopha-
ges from — 17; 25; 31; 32
Classicistic tombs 82
Claudius emperor 12; 20
Cold as punishment 70
Colours and weals of souls 74, 7; 75, 8;
Communion 65nbsp;[80,4

Confession 74; 79
Continuous narrative style 11,2; 13
Cothurni ordinary wear of Etruscan death

demons 38
Crete 27 (sarcophagus H. Triada); 50,2
as centre of Orphism); 51, 7 (golden
Cronos 46; 53nbsp;[tablets from —)

Crown of life not — IfieQxba atkcpavoa 56,8
Cybele (in tomb at Tarquinia?) 25, 1; 32
Cyclopes 8; 53; 81
Cypress 51; 51, 7

ÔaîfiovEo 54, 4; 56; 59
Danses macabres 31
Dante 6,3; 51, 12; 74,7
Darkness 67; 72 f.

—nbsp;drawing chariots 24; 27; — in entrance
of tombs 8 f.; — watching gate 11 ; 16; 22;

—nbsp;wingless 18;— lying on ground be-
neath chariots 22, 3; 27, 3; couples of —
accompanying deceased 22; 32; — car-
rying away figure rudely 30; — on
Etruscan monuments 68,5; —supplanted
by hangmen 78, 11

Didache 44; 70 f.; 72; 73; 74
Dionysus (in tomb at Tarquinia?) 35
Alba óèba 46
Dis 24

Egypt; fayence snake 2; belief concerning
Osiris ithyphallic 4, 3; oushabti\'s 34;
beliefs concerning last journey on ship
35; connections of Orphic tablets with —
50, 1; Book of the Dead 58, I; aid given
to the dead 69, 1
Elefant 28,3; 40

Eleusis, mysteries of — 43; 57, 2 (compared
with Orphism); 57,3 (opposed to Or-
phism); 60 f. (relation between — and
Orphism); 65; 65,7 (Orphic influence
Elysium 46, 3nbsp;[on —?)

Empedocles in connection with Plato 49, 6;
ideas of — related to Darwinism 57, 2;
— in connection with Vergil 80
Empousa 67
quot;EvvoLa 51; 60; 64

Epiphany (— of deceased husband) 29; 37;
Er the Armenian (story of —) 48; 55
Erehos 63, 3

EsquiUne, tomb paintings from — 28, 3
Eteocles on Etruscan urn 10
EixXrja 54, 3

Eunoe in Dante 51, 12
Eurydice, on vase from Falerii 20
Eurynomus (demon) 63, 12
eiaeß^ 45, 5; 46; 47; 56, 8; 58
Eyes in wings 3, 1

Fables 48, 6
Falerii, vases from 4; 20
Farewell scenes 29
Fasces 18
Fawn 21
Felsina
cista Zannoni 7

stelae 1; 5,5; 10,2; 16; 17; 21; 22; 24;
25; 26 (with theory of Ducati); 27; 28;
29; 30; 35; 36, 1
Fescennini 6,10
Fiesole

Gate 7; 10; 11; 23 f.; 28; 38; 79,4
Gaul, relations with Italy 6, 11
Gauls, wars against, 16; 29
Ge 53

Hades 5; 6 (Etruscan and Greek); 13; 24,3;
34 (Etruscan); 38 (— with key); 39 (—
married by women); 64,7 (on vases
S. Italy).
ayvoa 65,7
quot;Aidoa xvvirj 5
ATdov fiamp;ytiQoa 8

31; — in general 68, 5
Avaivov Xiêoa 67
Head enveloped in drapery 20
Heat during journey of souls 49; 52; — as
Hecate 25nbsp;[punishment 70

Hecatonchires 53; 54
eSgai evayécov 57; 60
Hell 24; 71,7; 72; 74,7; 80; 81
Herolds 34

Hercules 5 (ithyphallic?); 16, 3 (on Etr. sar-
cophagus?); 35 (crossing Oceanus in cup
Hermaphrodite 5nbsp;[of Helios)

Hermes 14; 20; 34 (reliefs of — with nymphs)
Hermotimus of Clazomenae 44, 3
^Qojea 54, 4; 58
Hippocampi 4
Hippolytus 59, 10

Inscriptions funeral 12
Ionia, origin of Orphism in —? 43; 65, 7
Isles of the Blessed 36; 46, 3; 58
Ithyphallic shades 4; 39; Hermes 4,4
(Pelasgic); Charun 4; Hercules (?) 5; Her-
maphrodite 5; Priapus herm 19, 3
lulianus Apostata sees Genius of Rome 20

Lasa scribunda 16, 2; — holding a mirror(?)
Latium, t. c. friezes from — 27; 29
Lazarus in Abraham\'s lap 70, 10
Leave-taking 18
Xeificbyea 57
Lemures 4, 1

Lethe, plain of — 49; 52; 66; 72, 2; 80;
spring of — 51; 60; — in Plutarchus
52,3; 63(?); 73; 74,7; — in Lucianus
Lictors 33nbsp;[66; 76, 6

Lightning 34, 2 (in Mesopotamian art); —
in connection with reincarnation 49; 55 f.
Lioit 6, 6

Locfi, Ionic character of art of — 43, 5
Loneliness as a punishment 45,2
Lucianus borrows Roman motives 12, 1;

Marine beings 17; 19; 27; 35; 38
Marriage, symbol of death 39; 56, 9
Mater Matuta 31, 1
Medea 27

fiEfivt]fj,evoi have a nQOEdgia 45, 5
Mesopotamia, ideas of — 34, 1; 68, 5; 74, 1;
Metamorphoses 48,6nbsp;[75; 75,3

Mirrors, Etruscan 15; mystic signification
Mnemosyne 51; 54; 60; 64
Modern occultism has similar conceptions
as ancient 6; 20,3; 52,2; 59,4; 70,5;
73,3; 74, 7; 75, 9; 77,4; 78.5; 78, 6
Moira 55

Moon = Elysium 72,8
Mouth covered 19; — of Hades 24; 71, 6;
Mules 25; 26 [78, 9 (vomiting fire)
Muraena (fish) 68

43, 2; 58, 8
Myconos, t. c. plastic vase in Mus. of — 5, 5
Myra (in Lydia), tomb of — 35, I

National reaction in Etruria during Helle-
Nekyiae 3 ff.; 41 (Homer\'s — not Orphic);

64, 7 (on vases S. Italy)
Norchia, reliefs on tomb of — 32; 33; 34
Northern beUefs 27,4

to religious life 42
fb/nddioo, Ai6wooa 7, 3; 65, 7; 68, 5
^lxrioxr\\a, KeQ^sQoo 7; Aidwaoa 7, 3; 65, 7;

Oratory, attitudes prescribed by —, 34
Orbetello, vase from —(?) 4
Orcus I; 2; 6; 7,4; 8; 10; II; 20; 24; 30
Orley, Barend van — 75, 4
Orpheotelestae 44, 1; 69; 71, 4; 79
Orpheus 3; 48, 6; 64, 7 (on vases S, Italy)
Orphic interpolations (so-called) 43, 2; —

influence on Eleusis? 65, 7
Orvieto
reliefs of cathedral 14
sarcophages 5,2; 9; 14
t. c. demonical heads 5
tomba d. due Bighe 1; 7, I; 9
t. Golini 1; 5, 2; 7, 1; 9; 13; 14; 26; 33; 40
t.d. Hescanas 1; 7, 1; 11; 15; 26; 33; 34
tombs necropolis 8
vases 7; 10; 14; 15; 21; 22; 26; 30; 76
Oscan tomb paintings 38; 39; 40

Parcae 2, 1; 38 (with keys)
Jiéèiov \'AXri\'amp;Elao 59
Pelasgic origin of motive 4, 4
Penelope 12

Pericles, attitude of — when speaking 34
Periclymenus on Etruscan urn 11,2
Persephone 5; 6, 10 (statue in Lycosoura);
13; 27, 3 (rape of —); 39 (dito); 40; 42,2
(preponderant position of —); 50 (roll of
— in Orphic tablets); 54 ff. (myste be-
fore throne of —); 60 (dito); 64, 7 (on
vases S. Italy and Orphic rape of —)
Perseus 10

Personifications 64
Perugia
t. c. statue of Hercules 5
tomba deiVolunni 3; 8; 11; 13;23;38; 79,4;
urns 2; 6; 6, 6; 13; 16; 17; 21; 23; 24; 28
29; 35; 37; 38
Phallic motive 4

Polygnotus, painting in Delphi 63, 12; 66
Polynices on Etruscan urn 10
Pomegranate 39

Pompeii, Villa Item 17; 20,4; 21; 39,4; 59
Pompeius dying 19
7ioQ(pvQEoa ■amp;dvaxoa 24 and note 1
Porta Maggiore, basilica of — 67
Praeneste cistae 6, 10; 30
Priapus herm in Brussels 19,3
Procession 9; 18; 32 ff.; 37; 39; 78, 5
Protagoras (theories about punishment)
70, 10nbsp;[with note 4

Punishment, Orphic — does not éxist 60
Purity dominant thought of Orphism 43;
Pyrrhus 28, 3nbsp;[54; 60; 81

Recital of myste before throne of Perse-
phone 54 ff.; 60
Reincarnation 4.3; 54 ff.; 71; 72; 74,7;
75,4 (rejected by Christian doctrine);
77, 7 (rejected by Lucianus); 81
Religion, Etruscan and Italic essentially

Rivers as place of punishment 70
Rods 18; 20; 25; 32; 331 (rods twisted)
Roman epoch continues Etruscan and
Italic ideas 3; 7,4; 9; 9, 1; 10; 12; 14, 1;
16; 16, 3(?); 20; 21; 23; 24; 25; 26; 26, 1;
28; 29; 31,3; 35; 36; 38; 78,9
Romans veiled when offering sacrifice 20

Sea, travel over — as symbol of death 35
Seated figures tomba d. Scudi 12 f.; —

demons 22 f.; 40
Serpent vide sub Snake
Shadow of the earth 59; 72; — of persons 76
Ship, symbol of last travel 14; 35; 37
Shroud 34

Sicily, literature of — connected with
Orphism 45; connections of Plato with —
Signorelli Luca in Orvieto 75, 4 [49, 6
Sileni 20 (Charun in type of —); 24 (similar

head on Felsinean stele)
Sinners 62; 69; 70; 78, 11; 79
Sins, registers of — rejected 16; — com-
mitted after death 45; personifications
Sisyphus 46; 62; 64, 7nbsp;[of — 64

teaching 44
Snakes 2; 3; 10,2 (beneath horse); 14; 16
(boys upon — in tomba d. Cardinale?);
27 (drawing chariots); 28 (beneath hor-
ses); 66 (in connexion with death); 68; 81
om/jia-aiifxa 59; 65, 7 in fine; 80
Soul wingless 4,2; — ithyphallic 4; —
escaping 20,3; — bird 25; — conscious
of former life and sojourn in nether world
49; 60; — dissolving 73, 3; — suspended
Sphinx 18nbsp;[and burnt 81

good or evil — in Etr, paintings 22
Springs in nether world 51 f.; 60
axicpavoo IfieQxoa 56

Ionic character of art of — 43, 5
terracottas from — 58; 64,7
vases from — 4; 27; 46. 1; 64
Tarquinia
demon-like head 3
fragment relief in stone 22
sarcophages 2; 7; 9; 10, 1; 14; 15; 16; 17;

18; 21; 22; 23; 25; 28; 29; 32; 34
tomba anonima di 1832, 18; 23; 36; 38
t, degli Auguri 17
t, Bruschi 9; 23; 28; 32; 34
t. Byres A 40
t. Byres B 8; 21
t. d, Cardinale 3; 38
t, d. Festoni 8
t. Forlivesi A 25, 1; 32
t, Forlivesi B 27
t, Forlivesi C 35

t. d. Mercareccia 1; 8; 21; 29; 32; 33; 34;
t. d. Orco 13; 22; 29; 39; 40; 67; 68,5;
t. d. Pulcella 13nbsp;[71,5; 77,7

t. d. Scudi 1; 32; 34
t. Stackelberg 17
t. Tartaglia 9; 33
t. d. Tifone 21; 38
t. d. Tori 65,7
vase 25
Tartarus 70
xavQÔcpayoa 65, 7
Temesa, legend of — 6
Temptations for souls in hereafter 52
Thaïes, ideas of — akin to Orphism 43, 2
Thaniyris 48, 6
^eoi 54,4; 58

Thracia, origin of Orphism in —? 43
Thunder in connection with reincarnation
Thyrsus 18; 20nbsp;49; 55 f.

meaning 11; 18; (funalia) 34
Torture 18; 37; 71; 71, 4 (practised upon
living persons); 76,10; 78,11; 79; 81
Toscanella (near Tarquinia), sarcophages
Tree 4; 81nbsp;[from — 15; 25; 33; 34

Vanth 15; 23,3; 37
Vases blackfigured 62,2;
Vediouis 6
Veii tomba Campana 28
Veiling of the face 19
Velthur Velchas 12
Vibia, painting of — 39, 3
Visions, duration of — 73, 4
Volterra
reliefs on prismatic stones 9
sarcophagus 18; 34

urns 2; 4; 5; 6; 7; 10; 13; 14; 15; 16; 17;
19; 21; 22; 23; 24; 26; 27; 28; 29; 30;
31; 32; 33; 35; 36; 37; 38; 39; 40
Vulci

sarcophages 25; 31; 33; 36; 37; 39
tomba Campanari 5; 13; 18
t. François 21
urn 25

Ulixes in Plato\'s State 76, 6

of S. Italy vide
sub Taranto

\' ■ ■ Jr .

rx J

■ \' * -

i ^ .

De voorstellingen in de etruscische graven van de 4e eeuw en later bevatten geen
straffen.

De straffen in de orphische eschatologie waren nauwlijks verschillend van die in de
eschatologie van soortgelijke stroomingen en algemeen volksgeloof. Zij komen niet voor
in de litteratuur, die de Oudheid ons als orphisch aanwijst.

Als typisch orphisch kan men alleen beschouwen de leeringen aangaande de wijze
waarop men de gelukzaligheid kon bereiken.

Grieksche eschatologie kent geen aardsche straffen in de onderwereld, italische wel.
Indien de door Weege [Etruskisehe Malerei Hoofdst. III) opgenoemde straffen dus in de
graven afgebeeld zouden zijn, zouden zij in italische traditie behooren en niet in grieksche;
allerminst orphische.

De verklaring door Hasluck {Cyzicus 251) aan het woord fiéarja gegeven (tusschenper-
soon, „middle-manquot;) is onjuist.

De Grieken kenden bij hun wedstrijden geen weddenschappen door toeschouwers; de
Romeinen wel.

De èmxólt;pioo Xóyoa voor één persoon, voor zoover bij de Grieken bekend, dateert uit
de romeinsche periode en is onder romeinschen invloed ontstaan.

Ten onrechte concludeert men (vgl. bijv. Courby: Vases grecs d reliefs p. 473) uit Theocr.
Id. I, 27 ss. en Verg. Ecl. III, 37 ss. dat vaatwerk als dat van Boscoreale en Hildesheim al
in Alexandrië in de 3e eeuw a.C. bekend was. De passage van Theocritus vertegenwoordigt
het stadium der „bols hellénistiquesquot;, Vergilius inderdaad dat van Boscoreale-Hildesheim.

De groote kop van Dionysus te Leiden behoort, zooals Bulle {in den text ad Arndt-
Bruckmann Einzelaufnahmen 1342/3) terecht opmerkt tot de school van Tralies en wel
uit den tijd omstreeks 100 a.C.. niet zooals men gewoonlijk meent 3e of 2e eeuw a.C.

De moeilijk te verklaren houdingen van de figuren van Athena in beide gevels van den
tempel van Aegina en de verwante houding van Apollo in den oostelijken gevel te
Olympia zijn te verklaren uit den afkeer van de grieksche kunst voor het frontaal plaatsen
van figuren, die in onverbrekelijk verband met een achtergrond gedacht zijn (zoowel
gevels als reliefs en schilderkunst dus).

Aan het reUef met Menander en Glycera in het Lateraan {Benndorf-Schöne No. 245;
Hekier Bildnisk. pl. 108) moet de interpretatie gegeven worden, dat Menander het effect
dat zijn figuren op het tooneel zullen maken, daardoor controleert dat Glycera hem
vooraf de rol voorspeelt.

De termen Barok en Rococo mogen voor de heUenistische kunst niet toegepast worden.

Terecht schrijft Brinckmann {Barockskulptur 209 s.; 406) de statue van de Razernij in
het Rijks Museum te Amsterdam aan de omgeving van Artus Quellinus de Oudere toe.

Ten onrechte schrijft Brinckmann {Barockskulptur 388 s.) de buste in terra cotta van
Pierre Lyonnet in het Mauritshuis te \'s Gravenhage aan Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne II
(1704—1778) toe.

Brunn-Koerte	P-	Brunn-Koerte	P-	Brunn-Koerte	P-
1,8,18 ....	. . 10; 11	11,114.1 . . .	. . 14; 23	III, 56, 4 and 5	. . . 11;23
1.9,21 ... .	. . . 13	II. 119 ... .	... 3	III, 56, 5, a	. . . . 11
1,14.30. . . .	. . . 14	11,119,2 . . .	... 23	111,57,6 . . 23; 30; 36; 37
1,29.7 ... .	. . . 37			111,57,7 . .	6,6; 23; 30;
1,30 .....	. . . 23	111,1.....	. . 10,2		[36; 37
1.74.2 ... .	. . 14;19	Ill, 1,1....	. . 27,3	111,57,8 . .	. 7; 11; 23
1,78.7 ....	. . . 6,6	Ill, 1 ff.. . . .	... 39	111,57,9 . .	. 6.6; 36
1,85,4 ....	. . . 19	HI. 2. 3 ... .	. . 10,2	Ill, 58, 1 and 2	... 37
1,86,1 ....	. . . 8	HI. 2. 3. a . . .	... 7	111,59 62 .	... 37
1,87,3 ... .	. . . 8	HI. 3.....	. . 10,2	111,59—64 .	... 29
1,95,2 ... .	12	III. 3.5 . . . .	. . 27,3	Ill, 59,2, f. .
	III. 4—7 . . .	... 16	III. 60, 3. a .	. . . 31
II, 1.2 . . . .	2; 27	Ill, 8—10 . . .	... 6,7	Ill, 60, 4, b	... 31
II, 1A,2 , ,	14	Ill, Ilff. . . .	17; 34; 35	111.62,8	... 23
II, 3. 1 and 2. . .	23	111,27,2 . . .	. . 68,5	111,63 67 .	. . . 37
11,6, 1, a . . . ,	23	III,28ff. . . .	... 35	111.63,1 . .	... 37
II. 14,3.....	10	Ill, 33. 10 . . .	... 38	111,65,4 . .	. 5; 29; 34
II, 18, 3, a. . . ,	, . .9,3	111,33, 11 . . .	... 19	111,65,5 . .	. . 29; 34
II, 25, 2.....	. . 11,2	III,35ff. . .17; 21; 76,11	111,65 67 .	... 19
II. 29 ..... .	29,2	111,38,3 . . .	... 21	Ill, 68, 1 and 2	. .14; 19;
II. 29, 5, a. . . .	, . 29,2	111,39,2 . . .	... 21		[35; 37
II, 39......	. . 6.5	111,42,1 . . .	... 35	III, 69 ff	... 28
II. 39, 2.....		111,42,2 . . .	. . 27; 38	III, 69, 1 . .	. . 19; 31
II, 39, 2, n	, . .6,3	111,45,2 . . .	... 5	111,69,3 ,	. . 22; 31
II. 40......	. .6.5	111,45,2—48 .	... 36	111,70,2 . .	19; 31; 38
II. 40, 3.....	19	111,47,6 . . .	... 14	Ill, 70, 2, a .	. . 23; 40
II, 40, 4.....	10-11	Ill, 47. 6. d . .	... 30	111,70,4 . .	19; 34; 38
II, 49 ff......	22	Ill, 47, 6,1 . .	. . 30; 32	III. 70.4. c and d . . . 10
II, 59......	68,5	HI. 48, 7 and 8 .	... 38	111.71.5	... 22
II, 63 and 64. . .	. 68,5	111,49,9 . . .	. . 36; 38	111,71,6 . .	10; 22; 35
II, 63, 3, b	8	Ill, 49, 10 . . .	. . 10; 36	111,72,7 . .	. . 10; 31
II. 64 ff......	68,5	111,50—54 . .	... 37	Ill, 72, 7, d .	... 19
II, 64,4 and 5 . .	. 14,1	111,51, 13 . . .	... 38	111,72.8 . .	. . 10; 28
II, 68, 3.....	, 28	Ill, 54, 1. 14; 23;	36; \'37; 38	Ill, 72. 8, g .	... 31
II, 109,3 . . . .	29,2	111,55,3 , . .	36	Ill, 72, 8. i .	. . . 10,3