TER VERKRIJGING VAN DEN GRAAD VAN DOCTOR IN DE LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE AAN DE RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT TE UTRECHT, OP GEZAG VAN DENnbsp;RECTOR MAGNIFICUS L. VAN VUUREN, HOOG-LEERAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER LETTEREN ENnbsp;WIJSBEGEERTE VOLGENS BESLUIT VAN DEN SENAATnbsp;DER UNIVERSITEIT TEGEN DE BEDENKINGEN VANnbsp;DE FACULTEIT DER LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTEnbsp;TE VERDEDIGEN OP VRIJDAG 2 JULI 1943 DESnbsp;NAMIDDAGS TE 3 UUR

Dit proefschrift is ter perse gegaan den fen Mei 1943. Promotor: C. W. Vollgraff

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.......

CHAPTER I. THE HYAKINTHIA

The rites as described by Athenaeus 6. The kopis 6. The arrangement of the Hyakinthia 12. The second day: choirs of boys and young men,nbsp;parade 13. Drive of girls in kannathra 16. The offerings 17. Women�snbsp;dances 20. Part of the women in the worship 21. Agonistic games 22.nbsp;Duration of the festival 24. The month Hyakinthios 25. Interpretationnbsp;of the rites 29. Bread-ritual 31. Garlands 37. The paean 38. Agrariannbsp;character 39. Dances 43.

CHAPTER II. HYAKINTHOS AS A DIVINE CHILD . .

His tomb at Amyklai and Tarentum 47. Artemis Hiakynthothrophos 48. Polyboia, Artemis and other goddesses round Hyakinthos 48. Thenbsp;reliefs of the throne 50. The sculptures of the altar 51. Polyboia as anbsp;Hyakinthotrophos 52. The Tithenidia and Artemis Korythalia 53.

The cult of Helen at Therapnae 55. The Attic Hyakinthides j6. Geraistos and Geraistiades 60. Poseidon Geraistios 6i. The ��daughters�nbsp;of Erechtheus 65. The Hyades 66.

CHAPTER III. HYAKINTHOS� RELATIONS ....

Divine childern in religious mythology and Mdrchen 70. The growing up of the Minoan child 73. The Knossos M.M, II clay sealing 76.nbsp;Comparisons with other dying gods. Tammuz 79. His various aspects,nbsp;his relations to flora and fauna, literary and archaeological evidence 80.nbsp;Adonis, the chest-motive 87. Osiris 9t. Attis 92. Hypothetical ancestornbsp;of these and other gods 94. Attis and the Minoan god closely relatednbsp;93- First appearance of the childgod in Crete 97. Connexions withnbsp;Dionysos 99. Diffusion of the cult of Hyakinthos loi. His name. Thenbsp;suffix -inthos, its ethnical and archaeological connexions t02. Hyakinthos resembling the Oriental gods in his relations to flora andnbsp;fauna (goats) 107. The harvest-rites part of the general ritual 109.

CHAPTER IV. THE AMYKLAION AND AMYKLAI . .118

The town and the sanctuary ii8. Its name 119. The pseudo-historical tradition concerning Amyklai. The Teleklos-version 120. The Aigeidainbsp;123. The pro-Spartan version, Philonomos 124. Amyklai and thenbsp;Minyans 126. Crete as the native country of the Amyclaeans 128.

Amyclae in Latium, Amunclae in North Africa 129. The foundation of Tarentum 129. Poetical use of the name of Amyklai 131. Thenbsp;results of the excavations in the Amyklaion 132. E. H. inhabitants,nbsp;Minoan influx 134. jProtogeometric ware 135. Chronology of thenbsp;domain 138. The Amyclaean god. Apollo Amyklaios on Cyprus 139nbsp;and Crete 141. Apollo as a Cretan hunter, succeeding the Minoannbsp;youthful god 143. Introduction of Apollo by the Achaeans 144. Thenbsp;�throne� and the pillarshaped image of Apollo 145. Other statuesnbsp;standing on a throne: Thornax, Ainos 147. Pillar-cult, funeral thrones,nbsp;thrones carrying pillars 149. Ritual use of thrones in Crete and Asianbsp;Minor in the cult of the Great Mother and her paredros ij2. The Amyclaean throne and pillar possibly pre-Apolline 156. Occurrence of thenbsp;name of the month Hyakinthios 157. The Tarentine cult 158.

CHAPTER V. THE SAGA OF HYAKINTHOS . . . .161

The tale of his death compared with similar legends 161. The quoit no astral symbol, throwing the disc an Amyclaean sport, the disc asnbsp;a hunting weapon 165. Antheus. Orion, Aktaion 167. Hyakinthos asnbsp;a swan-rider 168. His connexion with Zephyros 170. Literary treatment of the saga 172. Hyakinthos� transformation into a flower.nbsp;Popular belief contrasted with earlier religious conception 173.

LIST OF THE CHIEF ABBREVIATIONS.......177

FULL TITLES OF THE BOOKS REFERRED TO IN THE NOTES..................179

I owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. W. van der Straaten, who greatly obliged me by correcting my English manuscript. It is not through any fault of his, if mynbsp;text could not altogether be purged of barbarisms.

With many other terms of antiquity Hyakinthos shares the honour of having passed into the vocabulary of modern languages;nbsp;and the flower into which a charming myth transformed him will nonbsp;doubt cause his name to be remembered. But he has not hauntednbsp;human mind only on account of his botanic equivalent. He is anbsp;tenacious revenant with the students of myth and religion of ancientnbsp;Hellas. Though, as a figure of minor importance, he cannot rivalnbsp;many-sided colleagues, he enjoys a kind of popularity, either as annbsp;object for sentimental and abstruse speculations, or as a standardnbsp;example of degradation from god to hero, or, in recent times, as anbsp;pattern of pre-Greek relic.

A brief survey of the three stages of Hyakinthos-interpretation might be given as follows. The older literature started from thenbsp;myth, and saw vegetation-symbolism in the premature and bemoanednbsp;death of the youthful Hyakinthos by Apollo�s quoit, as an allegorynbsp;for the death of the luxurious flower-world ^). The following linesnbsp;ofG. F. Schoemann may be quoted as an example: �Hyakinthosnbsp;ist unverkennbar eine Personification der im Friihling durch dienbsp;hefruchtenden Regen erweckten und gendhrten, aber im Sommernbsp;durch die sengende Hitze verdorrenden und absterbenden Vegetation,nbsp;Apollon also der Gott, der diese Hitze sendet: der Diskos ist dienbsp;Sonne� �). What is known about the rites of the Hyakinthia, he goesnbsp;on, confirms this: sorrow because of the dying vegetation, but, connected with this, joy as the crop has been gathered in and naturenbsp;will soon wake again.

Such figures as Leimon, Linos, Adonis and Hylas are rather often compared as parallels. B r u g m a n n�s etymology is mostly quotednbsp;to bear out the argument: vdxivdog related to Sanskrit yuvaqa-,nbsp;meaning adulescentulus �). As regards this interpretation there exist

1) nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;For a recapitulation of the earlier views cf. Greve in Roscher�s M. L.

3) nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;See Boisacq: Diet. Etym. s.v. and B r u g m a n n-D e 1 b r ii c k: Grund-riss der vergl. Grammatik^, I, i, p. 261, where the uncertainty of the relationnbsp;is admitted.

some variants: by some Hyakinthos is considered a weaker sungod in contrast with the mighty Apollo ^); G r u p p e looked for thenbsp;origin in a rite which prescribes the squeezing out of the rain-flower�nbsp;with a �rain-stone� ^); W e 1 c k e r keeps more closely to the data,nbsp;when he compares stoning-rites (in use with Damia and Auxesia atnbsp;Troizen) with the throwing of the disc �). The latter scholars bothnbsp;left the mythical regions, only to suppose ritual backgrounds whichnbsp;tradition by no means supports. Nor can their mere hypotheses marknbsp;the stage in question. But generally speaking it is not so easy tonbsp;dispute the symbolic explanation of the myth, with its appeal to thenbsp;ritual of the Hyakinthia. Save for astral-mythological details suchnbsp;as the quoit being the disc of the sun, it seems to contain a germ ofnbsp;truth.

Yet R o h d e�s modernism in casu Hyacinthi soon met with approval, as appears from many quotations and adapted argumentations. He inaugurates the second stage of explanation, when he involvesnbsp;the situation in the sanctuary at Amyklai, as described by Pausaniasquot;*),nbsp;in the discussion and looks for an explanation of Hyakinthos� �tomb�nbsp;and the presence of Apollo. According to him the myth is a latenbsp;cliche-product. On the altar Hyakinthos is a bearded man, not anbsp;tender youth, and is translated to heaven, not transformed into anbsp;flower. Moreover he has got daughters. �Hyakinthos war ein alter,nbsp;unter der Erde hausender Localgott der amykldischen Landschaft,nbsp;sein Dienst in Amyklae alter als der des Apollo. Aber seine Gestaltnbsp;ist verblasst, der olympische Gott, der sich .... neben und Uber demnbsp;alten Erdgeiste festgesetzt hat, iiberstrahlt ihn, .. sein g�ttliches Lebennbsp;in der Tiefe kann sich die spdtere Zeit nur wie das Fortleben dernbsp;Psyche eines sterblichen und gestorbenen Heros denken, dessen Leibnbsp;im �Grabe�nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;�).Ambiguous as they are, the rites of the Hya

kinthia furnish evidence of a combination of �diistere Tage� for Hyakinthos and �heitere Verehrung� of Apollo. Later on they triednbsp;to make up for the degradation of the local god by a �nachtrdglichenbsp;Wiedererhebung ins G�tterreich�, as is shown by the altar withnbsp;Hyakinthos� ascension to heaven.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;�

Kl. Schr. I, p, 24 sqq. Cf. Paus. II, 32, 2 and S. Wide; De sacris Troezen-iorum p. 6i sqq.

This view had the charm of being new and looked also convincing, since it stated and tried to solve such problems as the relationnbsp;Apollo-Hyakinthos at Amyklai and the meaning of the evaytCeiv tonbsp;Hyakinthos before the sacrifice to Apollo, which as yet had beennbsp;left out of consideration. The information Pausanias gives aboutnbsp;the Amyklaion required accounting for, even when only the interpretation of the mythical figure was at issue, and its ancient authority soon procured credibility to R o h d e�s theory and the stamp ofnbsp;bygone romanticism to the vegetation-symbolism.

As time went on new ideas and discoveries appeared. K r e t s c h-m e r�s interpretation of the pre-Greek suffix -iv�os silenced all previous etymologies. Excavations disclosed inscriptions and culturalnbsp;connexions which inspired Nilsson with a new explanation ofnbsp;the Hyakinthos-figure. He penetrates into still deeper layers thannbsp;Rohde, and makes Hyakinthos act as one of the chief illustrationsnbsp;in his theory concerning the Minoan divine 'child *). Starting fromnbsp;the peculiar Cretan 2eus-mythology he reconstructs a typical Minoannbsp;conception of an annually born and dying child-god. Miss H arris o n �s �viavTog daiumv, who is abandoned by his mother andnbsp;reared by nymphs and animals. �In the myth of Hyakinthos thenbsp;most striking feature is his death; this originated in his cult, for henbsp;had a tomb both at Sparta and at Tarentum, as Zeus had in Crete.nbsp;But there is evidence that Hyakinthos resembled the Cretan Zeusnbsp;in regard to his childhood also. At Cnidus Artemis �latcvv�oxQ�cpognbsp;was much venerated and had a temple and a festival.. /laxvvt%rQ�-(pog signifies �the nurse of Hyakinthos�; cf. e.g. xovQoxQ�xpognbsp;.... This epithet shows that Hyakinthos like the Cretan Zeus wasnbsp;thought of as an infant child, which was not reared by its mother.nbsp;The nurse is, however, neither an animal nor a nymph, but thenbsp;Mistress of Animals and the foremost of the Nymphs, the pre-Greeknbsp;goddess Artemis. This agrees so well that we are justified in sayingnbsp;that the Cretan Zeus and Hyakinthos, who are both pre-Greek,nbsp;represent the same god of vegetation under different names.� �).nbsp;So Hyakinthos is seen, here, in broad connexion, as one of thenbsp;manifestations of the Minoan divine child, whose reminiscences arenbsp;also found in Erichthonios-Erechtheus, Ploutos of the mysteries and

Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (1896), p. 404. MMR p. 461 sqq; GgR p. 293 sqq.

Dionysos. The insight Rohde gained into the second-rate position of Hyakinthos, according to the description of Pausanias, still holdsnbsp;good, though the tomb appears to be a real one and the originalnbsp;figure is modified considerably: it is more like the pitiably perishingnbsp;youth of the ingenuous early interpreters than like R o h d e�s gloomynbsp;bearded earth-spirit.

This monograph on Hyakinthos wants to sum up the state of affairs at some length by combining the data and eliminating thenbsp;contradictory ones. At the same time the later hypotheses and thosenbsp;not yet universally accepted will especially be examined and possibly strengthened. The subject requires entering the transition periodnbsp;between Greeks and pre-Greeks. The ground is dark and doubtful,nbsp;but none the less attractive. The facts known to us have to benbsp;exploited as efficiently as possible, until perhaps the time will comenbsp;that new discoveries will disturb illusions and disclose new horizons.

The greater part of the tradition concerning Hyakinthos is connected with Laconian Amyklai. Here lay his shrine, described by Pausanias, hence colonists seem to have exported their cult elsewhere, from this, even in later times, Hyakinthos continues to derivenbsp;his epithets and genealogies. Here, finally, the important festivalnbsp;of the Hyakinthia was celebrated, about which, besides somenbsp;inscriptions and incidental remarks, a few pages of Athenaeus reportnbsp;particulars, though unfortunately not in unequivocal language, sonbsp;that many a discussion could be devoted to the reconstruction of thenbsp;course of things in the Amyclaean festival.

In spite of the contradictions of the explanations hitherto proposed it is recommendable to begin with the examination of the rites,nbsp;because, as the most concrete tradition about the Hyakinthos-cult,nbsp;they are able to furnish suggestions as to the nature of the deity,nbsp;and to exclude a number of hypotheses beforehand. The paths havenbsp;already been cleared a little here, but do not point into one definitenbsp;direction. Besides all sorts of preconceived expectations as to thenbsp;kind of rites thought suitable to a cult of Hyakinthos, the presencenbsp;and influence of Apollo in the Amyklaion acts as a confusing factornbsp;at first sight. Owing to his remarkable position he disturbs certaintynbsp;and harmony in the presumed cult-complex, his contribution to thenbsp;celebrations being both qualitatively and chronologically problematic. If we start from a definite hypothesis about Apollo�s originnbsp;and his penetration into the cult-centre in question, the supposednbsp;boundary line may be easily traced; but the attainable maximum ofnbsp;certainty is given up. It is better not to seek a starting-point in thenbsp;haze which envelops the prehistory of the Peloponnesus, so long asnbsp;the description of the rites has not been exhausted. It is true,nbsp;however, that some palpable results of excavations are available tonbsp;illustrate and complete literary tradition'.

The festival concerned is called Hyakinthia and thus derives its name from Hyakinthos, the most important clue to the questionnbsp;whom the rites originally were intended for. That Apollo had hisnbsp;share in the general celebration results from utterances of Pausanias

and others. 'Whether the rites mentioned by Athenaeus were partly performed in his honour, and how far therefore the old flag coverednbsp;a new cargo, will be examined from internal evidence only, for thenbsp;time being.

The passage of Athenaeus referred to^) owes its origin to a description of all sorts of food and meals. The Spartans supplynbsp;interesting material in this respect and one of the examples quotednbsp;is the ritual �meal called kopis and celebrated for instance at thenbsp;Hyakinthia. 'Various authors are cited in a nutshell and played offnbsp;against each other because of their mutual contradictions. Owingnbsp;to the lack of conciseness displayed both by Athenaeus and hisnbsp;predecessors in compiling and copying their, models, quite a fragmentnbsp;of the description of the festival slips through, so that not onlynbsp;the culinary pleasures have come down to posterity.

The contradictions of the testimonies, alluded to by Athenaeus, bear upon the menu of the kopis. Several kinds of food are mentioned,nbsp;and it is one of the chief problems of the Hyakinthia to differentiate properly between the meals held with them, for a special menunbsp;may give indications about the nature of the deity in the honour ofnbsp;which it is served. The somewhat confused impression given by thenbsp;fragments Athenaeus quotes is to be investigated in view of thenbsp;question if a greatest common divisor of opinions can be derivednbsp;from the ancient authors �).

Though strictly speaking the Hyakinthia are only mentioned in i39d, the transitory formula Tavta juev 6 JJoUjucov' ngog ov avrd�-ycov Aidvjuog proves that the preceding quotation from Polemonnbsp;should be read in connexion with Didymos� and refers to the samenbsp;subject^). The previous chapters (138 e sqq) discuss the meal callednbsp;kopis by the Laconians. That the kopis has indeed something to donbsp;with the Hyakinthia, is proved by the connexion in which it isnbsp;mentioned by Polemon, namely in a commentary negi rov nagd Es-vocpmvn scavvd�gov. This kannathron is named by Xenophon Age-silaos 8, 7 in an argumentation concerning the king�s frugality:nbsp;axovadrco d�, cbg enl noXmxov xavvd�Xgov xarfjei slg AfxvxXag r] �vydrrjgnbsp;avxov. If one compares with this the information Polycrates gives

F. B�lte Rhein. Mus. 78, 1929, p. 134, 3 following Kaibel and Preller; independently Nilsson GE p. 131 sq.

in Athenaeus 139 f about the girls driving in kannathra, it is clear enough that all the references are to part of the Hyakinthia atnbsp;Amyklai.

The quotation from Kratinos is plain (138 e): one of his characters is wondering whether indeed any stranger arriving there (among the Laconians) is entertained generously, sausages hanging ready tonbsp;be bitten off. The kopis is therefore a Laconian meal in whichnbsp;friends and strangers are treated, among other things, to sausages.nbsp;Eupolis� words (138 e, f) in themselves furnish no evidence that .nbsp;helots also belonged to the guests, but cf. 139� f. Then the first textualnbsp;difficulty arises. While Polemon is still expected to be the authoritynbsp;from which details and quotations are, borrowed at second hand,nbsp;the description continues for instance with the remark that not onlynbsp;�those arriving from our country� but also �hhe foreigners stayingnbsp;in the country� are entertained. The periegete Polemon came fromnbsp;Troas, and was an Athenian citizen. The opposition between ^�voinbsp;and fifiedanoi suggests �that it is no longer Polemon speaking,nbsp;but that he himself quotes a third author, as G u 1 i c k supposes,nbsp;a Roman, as K a i b e 1 thinks with more probability, one of thenbsp;Laconians themselves^). As this anonymous author, however, speaksnbsp;once again in the third person of the organizers of the kopis, thenbsp;latter cannot be identical with the rather wide notion of fjfiE�anoi,nbsp;the Laconians generally. This also appears from the remark sconiCeinbsp;dk xal tagt;v akXcov 2kiaQriaxmv 6 ^ovX�/uEvog, which seems to meannbsp;that, on the other hand, any Spartan who wishes to do so is allowednbsp;to take part in holding, i.e. especially organizing the kopis. Herenbsp;B � 11 e enters too much into details when he supposes ^) that therenbsp;existed a special organizing-committee for the Hyakinthia (as fornbsp;the Karneia), the election and task of which must have been described in the gap caused by the excerpting before the words �nrjvnbsp;dk scomCwaiv. They are also supposed to be the subject of axsjvdgnbsp;noiovvrm and the other actions described. Thus B � 11 e arrivesnbsp;at a distinction between: 1� an tjfficial entertainment, financed bynbsp;the community of the Spartans, offered to all strangers and regula-

Athenaeus The Deipnosophists, London 1928, vol. II, p. 133 f and 134 a. Kaibel Praefatio p. XXVII in Athenaeus, vol. I (Teubner 1923). Thenbsp;name of the Lacedaemonian quoted will have dropped out through Athenaeus�nbsp;epitomist.

ted by a special committee; 2� a voluntary reception by some of the Spartans, meant first and foremost for native visitors. Withnbsp;this he criticizes N i 1 s s o n�s remark that the Amyclaeans are tonbsp;be contrasted vzith the Spartans who take a voluntary part in thenbsp;proceedings ^). B � 11 e seems to think the division unfair, if thenbsp;obligation of a gratis reception rests on the Amyclaeans only,nbsp;whereas the others may choose what they want. The situation,nbsp;however, can easily be explained, if the exceptional position of thenbsp;Amyclaeans with respect to the Hyakinthia is taken into account.nbsp;The Hyakinthia are not a state festival of Sparta, but a local, thoughnbsp;prominent, festival of the obe Amyklai^). It is the Amyclaeans whonbsp;start for the Hyakinthia with special leave during military campaigns; thus out of the entire army Agesilaos leaves the Amyclaeansnbsp;behind at Lechaion �). The quality of being a Spartan is not sufficient in itself to become an organizer of the festival. Amyklai, thenbsp;ancient site of the worship of Hyakinthos, maintained its prioritynbsp;at the Hyakinthia even in political respect, after the annexationnbsp;by Sparta.

Let us return to the text of Athenaeus with the knowledge that we are to substitute the inhabitants of Amyklai as a subject for thenbsp;festive preparations described ^). We may extend then the sausagenbsp;treat of Kratinos as follows: booths are set up naQo. xov �e�v, innbsp;which wooden beds covered with carpets are put to receive thenbsp;guests, not only the Laconians, but also any foreigners who happennbsp;to be in the country. Goats are the only victims sacrificed at the

V. Ehrenberg Hermes 59, 1924, p. 28 sqq (Amyklai as an obe). Agesilaos acts bimself in some of tbe performances of tbe Hyakinthia, but as a guest andnbsp;of bis own choice (Xen. Ag. cap. II, 17). Kahrstedt qualifies this as onenbsp;of his democratic demonstrations. Plutarch. Ages. 21, 3 recalls the king�s enthusiasm for zopoj and dycjye;.

Xen. Hell. IV, 5, ii: ol�A/avxXa�oi del store dui�ggovrat ek rd�Yaxiv�ia �sii zdr Jiaiava, �dv re argarosiedevofisvot rvygdvosmv ear re aXXwg siwg dsioSrj/j.ovvteg. teal torenbsp;drj rovg ex sidatjg rijg argandg 'AjivxXaiovg xariXme fiev �AytjoiXaog �v Aegatcg.

'�I In two other ways it may be inferred from-the text that the new quotation in 138 f sq indeed still gives particulars about the Hyakinthia and no othernbsp;festival: 139 a the information that they also celebrate kopides at the Tithenidianbsp;(in contrast with the kopides in the festival already mentioned, the Hyakinthia),nbsp;and then in the town (in contrast with Amyklai); and 138 f axtjvdg siotovrratnbsp;nagd rdv -de�v, probably Apollo of Amyklai. Nilsson GF p. 132.

kopides, of which anyone partakes. Other foods served are: a sort of round roll, white cheese, tripe and sausages (as we know already),nbsp;dessert consisting of dried figs, dried and fresh beans ^). At thenbsp;Tithenidia too the kopis is a sacrificial repast, when sucking-pigsnbsp;and oven-baked loaves are dished up, while, for the rest, the samenbsp;customs are observed.

This is the end of the account of Polemon, who thus gives a picture of the kopis without contradicting himself. We learn nothingnbsp;about the time of the banquet; it is only clear that it formed part ofnbsp;the celebration of the Hyakinthia at Amyklai. The testimonies ofnbsp;Epilykos and Molpis in 140 a agree with this. The former describesnbsp;the kopis of Apollo at Amyklai as an opportunity of grabbingnbsp;cakes {^aQaxeg^)), loaves and sweet broth �), while Molpis just sumsnbsp;up the menu: cakes, bread, meat, fresh vegetables, broth, figs, dessertnbsp;(nuts probably) and lupine *). The characteristic foods have thusnbsp;provisionally been determined.

More troublesome, however, is the passage quoted from Polycrates (139 d sqq) and intended to show that other descriptions of thenbsp;course of things than Polemon�s and his sources are also given.nbsp;While one expects to read a flat contradiction on the subject of thenbsp;kopis, there follows a general characterization of the Hyakinthia,nbsp;in which the meals are discussed as one among a number of topics.nbsp;The description of the rest of the festival has not been deleted,nbsp;probably because the style did not easily allow the selecting of thenbsp;passages merely referring to the foods. Nevertheless we have alsonbsp;to assume omissions for Polycrates� text to get a clear idea from hisnbsp;words. Such is B � 11 e�s method, who wants to articulate the threenbsp;days over which the festival extends as appears from the firstnbsp;sentence. The result is obtained by means of two lacunas and onenbsp;conjecture �). If once an abbreviation of the text is supposed, it isnbsp;preferable indeed to make the required additions consistently.

Cf. the gloss in Bekker Anecd. I, 226, I: naga AaHs�at/ionois 6� rr/v iogzijv BrjQi^mav idyeoamp;ai, �v fi xo�g amp;vovai agou^iaoi tovg ^i^gtjxag. L o b e c knbsp;Aglaophamus II, 1064 associates this with the Hyakinthia, but the festivalsnbsp;need not be identical.

�) Cf. Theodoretos Grace. Affect. Cur. VIII 907: xal ra'Yaxiramp;ia d� oi Snag-rtdzai ioQzfjv ncyioztjv xai dzjfioamp;oiviav �v�/u^or.

Didymos begins in indirect speech and presumably excerpted Polycrates� argumentation. Unfortunately the remains are not so clear as to allow only one way of filling the lacunas. Enough has remainednbsp;to clear up the asserted contradiction with Polemon, however. Innbsp;Athenaeus� context this must especially be found in the descriptionnbsp;of the kopis. Polycrates does not use this Laconian word; we arenbsp;therefore compelled to assume that there are kopides among thenbsp;deuiva he describes. Firstly we are told that in the three days� sacrificial feast of the Hyakinthia the Laconians serve neither bread atnbsp;the meals, nor cakes and the like, because of the mourning fornbsp;Hyakinthos, that they also deviate from the usual festivities innbsp;other respects, and go home after a disciplined meal. It is impossiblenbsp;to interpret these frugal meals as kopides, since Polemon, the unnamednbsp;Laconian, Epilykos and Molpis unanimously declared that the guestsnbsp;did eat bread as well as cakes at the kopides, and frequently alludednbsp;to the invitation of foreigners. Polycrates therefore records a newnbsp;kind of banquet belonging to the program of the Hyakinthia, namelynbsp;meals of which only the Laconians (Amyclaeans?) themselves partake, going through special rites, to be discussed later on. The contradiction Athenaeus states between his and Polemon�s version ofnbsp;the events is therefore imaginary and the result of inaccurate interpretation. This appears once more from the second statement Polycrates makes about meals (139 f), when the traditional text saysnbsp;that on the second day leQeld re nafinXrjd-fj d^vovai. . . seal demvi^ovaivnbsp;ol noXixai jtdvras tovg yrmpifiov? xal zovg dovXovg xovg idiovg.nbsp;Here we recognize the generous treat of the kopides. It is true thisnbsp;does not apply explicitly to the ^�voi, but ovdslg anokeinei rrjv �vaiavnbsp;and the word �acquaintances� does not exclude foreigners. Herenbsp;B � 11 e also wants to carry through his distinction between officialnbsp;and voluntary kopis and assumes that the official reception here, andnbsp;the semi-official one in Polemon have been drowned in the lacunas.nbsp;His argument is not persuasive and expects too great an accuracy

Or Didymos, for Athenaeus probably copied the whole passage, including the quotations, from some lexicon which had already excerpted and compilednbsp;fragments of various poems and learned treatises. Instead of verifying thenbsp;quotations with the sources (Polemon, Molpis), Athenaeus presumably drewnbsp;upon Didymos� A�^ig xco/j-ixtj s.v. xom'g, or more probably even upon Didymos�nbsp;excerptor Pamphilos. This is suggested by Professor V o 11 g r a f f (cf. his notesnbsp;on Athenaeus� way of using his sources Rev. �t gr. LIII, 1940, p. 177�180).nbsp;B � 11 e l.c. holds a similar view.

from Polycrates, of whom after all nothing is known but this fragment in Athenaeus. Nilsson proceeds a bit rigorously in analysing the kopis and the other meals. He presumes that the ritualnbsp;meal mentioned by Polycrates 139 d was the original and onlynbsp;genuine kopis, held without bread, and with the entertainment ofnbsp;the foreigners as guests of honour ^). With this, however, he violatesnbsp;all references, for Polycrates 139 d does not mention guests; Polemon,nbsp;Epilykos and Molpis do mention bread. Of_ course we are allowednbsp;to assume some ignorance of these authors as regards the ancientnbsp;Laconian rites, but N i 1 s s o n�s method is too deductive in thisnbsp;case. So far as the kopis is concerned the text of Athenaeus can benbsp;maintained; the pretended contradiction has been cancelled and wenbsp;know two sorts of meals in the Hyakinthia:

1�. a serious meal held by the Laconians (probably the Amyclae-ans) themselves, without bread, cakes and the rest, �because of the mourning for Hyakinthos�;

2�. the kopis, when the Amyclaeans entertained anyone in booths set up near the god, sacrificed goats only, of which anyone partook,nbsp;and offered bread, cakes, sausages, beans and the like.

Without being convinced that the different elements, originating from the worship of Hyakinthos and Apollo, can be distinguishednbsp;clearly, some scholars have considered the first meal, in which thenbsp;mourning for Hyakinthos is expressly mentioned, as more appropriate to this god, whereas the second, in the opinion of the comedians something like the land of Cockaigne, has rather been broughtnbsp;into connexion with Apollo^). Thus part of the peculiarities ofnbsp;the two dehiva might be explained, but such questions as the alternative eating and avoiding of bread, and the exclusive choice of goatsnbsp;as victims remain to be accounted for. The kopis may be meantnbsp;by the Tov�An�kXasvog �vaia in Pausanias III, 19, 3; but it appearsnbsp;to have been celebrated with a menu characteristic in itself, thoughnbsp;not in relation to Apollo. The preliminary sacrifice to Hyakinthosnbsp;of which Pausanias l.c. speaks may have been offered at the firstnbsp;meal�). This, however, brings us already to the discussion of thenbsp;arrangement of the various parts of the Hyakinthia, which also has

GF 133 sq. Nobody else shares this view. Cf. E i t r e m R. E. IX, 15 and Ziehen ibid. Ill A, 1519.

to be consulted to find the explanation of the successive meals in a broader connexion.

So much is certain that Polycrates� tvords indicate a three days� duration of the festival, though the arrangement of the variousnbsp;performances in this space of time can hardly be gathered fromnbsp;the text at our disposal. If we stick to the letter, we may comenbsp;for Polycrates� days to the following conclusion: three days ofnbsp;mourning for Hyakinthos, neither wreaths nor bread at the meals,nbsp;no singing of the paean for the god. But on the second day thenbsp;sadness relaxes and a great festival is celebrated: there is flute- andnbsp;cither-playing, dancing, choirs, carriage-drives by girls and thenbsp;kopis. The whole city turns out to see the spectacle.

Neither the third nor the first day is explicitly characterized, both of them seem to be contrasted with the second, as sober daysnbsp;with a panegyris ^). Most scholars do not stop here and resort tonbsp;conjectures in order to reconstruct a more satisfactory arrangementnbsp;with a better defined program for each day. As the strongest argument proving the omission of some such indication as �on the firstnbsp;day� B � 11 e adduces that the Lacedaemonians at the sober mealnbsp;per evm^iag jioUijg deinviqoavxeg anlggovTai. rfj d'e peat] rmv Tgmvnbsp;fjpEQmv follows immediately after this and one cannot avoid suspecting that there is question of the transition from the first day to thenbsp;second. B � 11 e assumes a lacuna at the same place as G r e v enbsp;did^), namely behind nwrcAowt xalm 139 d, for instance [rijv ptvnbsp;7iQagt;tt]v tov �^Yaniramp;ov Idiav vopi^ovai y.ai] did to n�vamp;og xxh Thenbsp;division of the festival between Apollo and Hyakinthos had betternbsp;remain for B � 11 e�s account, but the possibility that the mentioningnbsp;of the day has dropped out is undeniable. His distinction betweennbsp;the second day and the third ^), which necessitates an addition innbsp;139 f between f] n�hg xa�d'�arrjxev and legela . . .'amp;vovaiv, is muchnbsp;less probable. First the lively interest of the citizens in the carriage-drives and suchlike things is pictured, after which the feast �onnbsp;that day� is mentioned especially to explain why all the peoplenbsp;leave the town to join in the celebration of the Hyakinthia. The

Eitrem R. E. IX, 14 abides by this result, soberness being the characteristic feature of the festival throughout.

B�lte l.c. p. 136 and Greve in Roscher�s M. L. I, 2, 2761. Ziehen R. E. Ill A 1519 does not object to moving the kopides to thenbsp;second day, if need be together with the agonistic games.

distinction between the first and middle day being accepted, the separate description of the last day may be supposed to have fallennbsp;out ^). Various reasons offer themselves: the text of Polycrates hasnbsp;been compiled, he did not know the particulars himself or theynbsp;were of no importance to outsiders, avoidance of an anti-climaxnbsp;after the panegyris See.

In addition to the kopis, which may be recognized in 139 f, a considerable program is gone through on the second day. The detailsnbsp;given by Polycrates can sometimes be completed by testimoniesnbsp;from elsewhere. Let us follow his description, which does notnbsp;pretend to be a systematical one, for many parts of the rich programnbsp;will have been enacted at the same time.

�Boys in high-girt tunics play the lyre, and, accompanied by the flute, besides playing upon all the strings with the plectrum, theynbsp;sing in praise of the god in anapaestic rhythm and in a high pitchednbsp;tone�. Here we cannot avoid asking who is meant by �the god�:nbsp;Apollo or Hyakinthos? Polycrates does not mention Apollo at all,nbsp;and even states explicitly that the serious meal concerns Hyakinthos.nbsp;Rightly E i t r e m stresses the need of separating everythingnbsp;Apolline from the Hyakinthia, in order to arrive at the originalnbsp;cult of Hyakinthos. This appears to be difficult because of thenbsp;close amalgamation, and E i t r e m accordingly suspects that therenbsp;have been resemblances between both gods from the very outset.nbsp;Polycrates, however, speaks of the god and seems to be unaware ofnbsp;ambiguity. It is to be assumed generally that the sources whichnbsp;have come down to us use the expression o {te�? in connexion withnbsp;the Hyakinthia to indicate Apollo Amyklaios�), for example thenbsp;Laconian in Athenaeus 138 f: the KmycXzteLm ay.7]vag noiovvtai na-Qo. rov �e�v and Polycrates himself 139 d tov sk rdv �s�v naiavanbsp;ov)c qdovaiv. The paean passes for a song of Apollo and also seemsnbsp;to be addressed to him here. Hyakinthos is called by his name andnbsp;not qualified as a god, hero or otherwise.

The choirs of boys, accompanied by the flute and lyre, are not the only singers. A little further on it is described how numerousnbsp;XOQol of youths enter and sing folk-songs, while in their midst

The use of the term lt;5 at Amyklai will have gone parallel with that of the title S �ifivy.Xalo;. Vide infra.

dancers perform archaic dances to the singing and flute-playing ^). Xenophon declares' that the Amyclaeans used to leave for thenbsp;Hyakinthia �.m xbv naidva under all circumstances ; elsewhere henbsp;mentions Agesilaos among the singers ^). The real �paean� wasnbsp;apparently sung by a men�s choir ^).

E i t r e m �) concludes from the votive offerings found at Amy-klai that also before Apollo made his entry choral singing with flute- or lyre-playing formed part of the celebration. A vase-fragment indeed shows the picture of a men�s chorus �) in which dancingnbsp;men carry a lyre (traces of a second lyre are visible, the two mennbsp;to the right hold a branch or twig), but it dates from the geometricnbsp;period and might therefore have been made after the penetration ofnbsp;Apollo into Amyklai. A small bronze lyre, originally numberingnbsp;seven strings just as the lyre on the sarcophagus from H. Triada^),nbsp;seems to be Late-Mycenaean, from the earliest period of the sanctu-

For this combination of singing and dancing B�lte (R. E. Ill A 1519) refers to Iliad XVIII 605 sq and Od. VII 378 sqq, where it is said that'nbsp;Sold} xvfiiatyjr^Qs depicted among the singers on the shield of Achilles; andnbsp;a dance is mentioned with the accompaniment by other young men. Evansnbsp;P. o. M. IV, 2 p. 501 sqq considers the xvfhatrjTijoE of the Iliad as thenbsp;heirs of Minoan dances (PI. LIV, j, Nos. 443, 444 etc, P. o. M. Ill, p. 68 sqq)nbsp;which sometimes assume acrobatic characters.

Ages. II, 17: oXxaSi wiekddov ek ru �YaxirSia onov �ragUrj vjio rov gono^ioiov xov naiava rep Peri) avvsineriXei. Here too the paean is addressed to rlt;p Apollo.

*) Cf. Ziehen l.c. 1518, 6o sqq. There need not be any contradiction with Polycrates� choir of boys. He gives only a selection from the festivities andnbsp;seems to indicate himself (139 d) that it is the Amyclaeans, i.e. the full-grownnbsp;men, who sing the paean.

�) Tsountas Eph. arch. 1892, p. 14 and PI. IV, 2. Cf. AM LII, 1927, p. 14. P. Dikaios BSA XXXVII, 1936/37, p, 56 sqq gives analogous instances.nbsp;The question at issue is whether these round dances are Greek or Oriental.nbsp;F. Poulsen: Der Orient und die friihgr. Kunst (1912) p, 36 assumes Easternnbsp;connexions. Dikaios also stresses the spreading in the East. E. Kunze:nbsp;Kretische Bronzereliefs (1931) p. 213 sqq reckons with a �rein griechisches Element�. Other instances given by A. Brinckmann Bonner Jahrhiicher 1925,nbsp;p. 130 sqq. A. Roes: Oorsprong geom. kunst p. 76 sq.

'^) Cf. L. Deubner: AM LIV, 1929, p. 194 sqq, who proves the existence of the seven-stringed lyre in Mycenaean times. Cf. also Kohler AM IX,nbsp;pi. 6, pre-Greek island-figurines with double flute and lyre. The lyre fromnbsp;Amyklai Eph. arch. l.c. PI. Ill, 5.

ary. Thus Apollo may have annexed a rite well-known to him, unless he himself only gradually adopted the lyre as his attribute innbsp;Greece ^). There has also been found a small bronze at Amyklai,nbsp;representing a naked boy with a peculiar wreath in his hair, whonbsp;presumably held a lyre in his left hand, and a plectrum in hisnbsp;right�). Tsountas thinks it is Apollo, Wolters^) a chorus-leader of the Gymnopaedia (the find-spot tells against this);nbsp;E i t r e m Hyakinthos evxairtjg himself. It is perhaps a dedicationnbsp;of one of the boys who took part in the performance as describednbsp;by Polycrates.

The neaniskoi named in Athenaeus 139 e do not especially dance and sing in honour of Apollo. The archaic style of their movementsnbsp;and the �mxwQia nonq/iara might fit in well with the part of thenbsp;Hyakinthia transmitted of old. For the present we may acceptnbsp;E i t r e m�s theory concerning a celebration with songs, dances,nbsp;flute- and lyre-playing since Mycenaean times as being well-founded. So the innovations introduced by Apollo into Amyklainbsp;need not be great as regards singing and dancing. It is more likelynbsp;that after his appearance part of the traditional program was reshaped into a choral homage for Apollo and labelled paean.

The parade of boys on decorated horses (Athen. 139 e) cannot easily be recognized in other testimonies *), unless we attach some

Wilamowitz Hermes 38, 1903, p. 581 sq. Now that the lyre appears to be also a pre-Greek instrument, Apollo may have brought it with him evennbsp;if he is of Eastern origin.

Eph. arch. l.c. col. 18 and pi. II. Height iz cm. Tod and Wace Catalogue Sparta p. 226. A. de Ridder: Catalogue des bronzes No. 814, speaks of the wreath as a �calathos �trange�. Cf. on this V. K. M � 11 e r Der Polosnbsp;p. 27.

�^) Jahrh. d. arch. Inst. 1896, XI, p. 7 Ajq. Hesychius s.v. rvfivoJiaiSia indeed notes a rite in which the ephebes run round the altar in the Amyklaion, strikingnbsp;one another on their backs. He himself, however, rejects already the name ofnbsp;Gymnopaedia for this. The ceremony is otherwise unknown (Nilsson GFnbsp;P- *4^); perhaps rightly Kallim. Hymn, in Del. 320 sqq is compared, though thenbsp;scholiast ad loc. thinks that it is the altar which is struck there. Cf. P f i s t e rnbsp;Rhein. Mus. 77, 1928, p. 185 sqq.

) Nilsson GF 136 assumes the parade in the theatre to be an invention of Polycrates� fancy, the horsemen rather being part of the procession. No tracesnbsp;of a theatre at Amyklai have been discovered. The word HeaxQov should benbsp;interpreted �Festplatz� in passages like this, with B�lte R. E. Ill A 1365 sq.

military value to it and connect it with the cuirass of'Timomachos, to be discussed later on.

It is true the drives of the girls in carriages reappear elsewhere. Polycrates is not explicit: some naQ��voi, he says, drive in sumptuously decorated kannathra, others ecp djuUkai? qq/ucltcov �Cevyfi�vcovnbsp;nofinevovai, this may be taken as a procession enlivened by a contestnbsp;of decoration, something therefore like a corso ; or rather as anbsp;parade of the girls in carriages drawn by race-horses ^). Of coursenbsp;several conjectures have been attempted ^). B � 11 e is probablynbsp;right in supposing that driving private race-carts is a later .custom,nbsp;arisen after women had succeeded in amassing great fortunes. Thenbsp;original procession was held in the kannathra, which have a sacralnbsp;value: Hesychius s.v. notes that in them the girls perform theirnbsp;solemn drive to the precinct of Helen. Agesilaos� daughter drovenbsp;to Amyklai in a noXnixov xdvva�Qov'^), her carriage was not distinguished /in any way from the others. The kannathra had wickerwork for covering or sides, as is corroborated by their name �). Thenbsp;Etym. Magnum gives the jieiQivamp;og (sic) as a parallel, also made ofnbsp;plaited twigs and probably adopted with the name from the pre-Greeks�). It cannot be accidental that just in such processions asnbsp;may have been kept in use ever since Mycenaean days this kind ofnbsp;carriages has survived. This is also suggested by the ornaments ofnbsp;the kannathra: they were phantastic vehicles, decorated with sl'dcoXanbsp;YQvnmv uai TQayeXoKpwv This reminds us of the representationsnbsp;of Minoan fabulous animals and the chariot drawn by griffins in

��) Xen. Ages. VIII, 7 �nl sioXlxlxov xavvad'Qov xarjjei ctg 'AfivxXas (t) �^vydrtjo avrov). The concluding words have been restored by conjecture, having droppednbsp;out in the adaptation (?) transmitted to us of Xenophon�s Agesilaos. Plutarchnbsp;Ages. 19, j read the full text. Cf. Preller: Polemonis fragmenta p. 134.

�) Boisacq: Dictionn. Etym. p. 406, s.v. xdwa � reed, Hesychius s.v. xdvvai, Etym. Magn. s.v. ndwa^Qw' xdvr] rj ysiaamp;o; (rush-mat), Eusth. p. 1344,nbsp;44. Preller l.c. p. 135.

which women drive on the short side of the H. Triada sarcophagus^). The artistic fancy uses sfinxes and griffins as draught-animals, innbsp;the cult one has to put up with imitations.

Clever combinations have associated other things with these drives. The girls come in great numbers from Sparta to Amyklai, the placenbsp;of the festival. Demetrios of Skepsis mentions a quot;Yay.ivamp;lg lt;5(50?nbsp;in Laconia. K. O. M � 11 e r was the first to identify this withnbsp;the way of procession from Sparta to Amyklai. Moreover we maynbsp;assume that in this procession the women carried along the robenbsp;they annually wove for Apollo Amyklaios ^). The best-knownnbsp;analogy to this is the peplos offered to Athena at the Panathenaia,nbsp;though the custom of presenting and draping cult-statues with anbsp;dress is old and wide-spread among many peoples�). Sometimesnbsp;the draped statues are still very primitive and have hardly outgrownnbsp;the aniconic stage. In Minoan Crete robes were also used as votivenbsp;offerings, as appears from finds at Knossos �). The custom maynbsp;have arisen in Amyklai just as well independently as under foreignnbsp;influence �). But the assignment of a date depends upon the time

The well-known wall painting from Tiryns shows only an ordinary cart, though also driven by women through an avenue. As to carriage-types Evansnbsp;P. o. M. IV, 2, p. 807 sqq. Roman women drove in pilenta to religious ornbsp;agonistic ceremonies: Livius V, 25; Festus s.v.; Isidorus Etym. XX, 12, 4.nbsp;Women also drive in carriages to the great Eleusinia (Aristoph. Pint. 1013 withnbsp;schol.) until it is forbidden by Lykourgos (Ps. Plut. X Or. vitae 842 a).

�) Cf. Frazer G.B.^ V, p. 18, and ad Paus. V, 16, 2, and vol. II, p. 574 sq enumeration of dressed cult-statues. Especially goddesses enjoy the honour.nbsp;Another instance for Sparta perhaps in Alkman�s Partheneion, vs. 61, if (paQognbsp;IS the correct reading. This is offered by the girls after a pannychis, vide infranbsp;for an analogy with the Hyakinthia.

�) Nilsson MMR 268 in spite of Schweitzer Gnomon 1928, p. 178. The different material (cloth-terracotta) is no serious objection. Cf. Evansnbsp;P- o. M. I. fig. 364; Elder kin A] A XLI, 1937, p. 424 sqq.

^) The finesses of the draping are not known for Amyklai, not even whether the robe served as a cover for the colossal statue after all, and for how manynbsp;days. A comparison of the coin-types Imhoof Blume r-G a r d n e r Nnmism.nbsp;Comment, on Paus. PI. N, XVI and XVII seems, however, to point to it, ifnbsp;indeed Apollo is meant here and represented true to nature.

when first an object of worship might have existed, capable of receiving such a gift.

Polycrates� second day culminates in and ends with the kopis. He does not mention any sacrificed animals by name, it is to benbsp;hoped that by his iepela na/nnXri�fj he means indeed goats, which thenbsp;anonymous author in Athenaeus 138 f qualifies as the only victimsnbsp;in the kopides. Among the excavated votive offerings there arenbsp;horses and cows, a bronze deer and all sorts of Late-Mycenaeannbsp;animals� heads ^). B u s c h o r assumes that these have been dedicatednbsp;by peasants who wished to recommend their cattle to the protectionnbsp;of the deity ^). These dedications, being symbolical gifts to the god,nbsp;need not exactly indicate a patronage of cattle-breeding, but fromnbsp;them we may draw the conclusion that such animals were alsonbsp;sacrificed in vivo. Carbonized remains of sheep and cattle havenbsp;indeed been found near the excavated altar for burnt-offerings^).nbsp;In a famous sanctuary as the Amyklaion there will have been occasional ceremonies and offerings apart from the Hyakinthia. In laternbsp;days Apollo will surely not have objected to more considerablenbsp;sacrifices besides the kopis ^). Moreover one has to reckon with thenbsp;probability that the sober meal of the first day was accompaniednbsp;by a solemn sacrifice to Hyakinthos, which might have been morenbsp;expensive that the treat of the next day, intended for an unlimitednbsp;public. The technique of this sacrifice may be conceived analogousnbsp;to that received by the Heros Archegetes at Tronis, when thenbsp;Phocians to per alpa dd onfjg �a^�ovaiv �g rbv tdqjov (Paus. X, 4,nbsp;10), the pouring of the blood into the grave being equivalent to thenbsp;hay'it^eiv did �vgag xalxfjg Pausanias III, 19, 3 describes for the

Tsountas Eph. arch. l.c. col. i sqq, 14 and PI. Ill, 4. Cf. DeRidder l.C. Nos. 992, 997, 1004, �O�7.

Laconian coins show on the reverse the pillarshaped statue of Apollo Amyklaios, and grouped round it a cock on an aplustre, a goat and a wreath.nbsp;B.M.C. Peloponnese p. 121 sqq, No. i, cf. Nos. 80 and 81; and I mho ofnbsp;Blumer 8c Gardner l.c. This goat appears on coins, struck by Antigonusnbsp;Doson, and may also be derived from the arms of the Macedonian dynasty.nbsp;Cf. B. Schroeder AM XXIX, 1904, p. 28; F. Bompois Etude historiquenbsp;et critique des portraits attrihu�s d Cl�om�ne /// (1870), p. J9 sqq. The wreathnbsp;commemorates a victory, likewise the aplustre. For the goat as a Macedoniannbsp;emblem see Head Hist. NumP p. 219 sqq and p. 198 (Aegae).

altar of Hyakinthos ^). The remnants of the victim may have been burnt on a separate altar, only to be excavated later on by T s o u n-t a s as carbonized sheep�s bones and teeth of cows. Pausanias� wordsnbsp;anyhow give the impression that the technique of the hay'iCeivnbsp;was strictly observed at Amyklai. It is quite true he knows hero-offerings in which the flesh of the victim is consumed on the spotnbsp;(for instance at Tronis l.c.), but then he mentions it as an additionalnbsp;special feature^). Rohde�s explanation of the opposition betweennbsp;{hveiv and �vayiCeiv fits the case in this stage, though the sacrifice fornbsp;Hyakinthos need not have been ayevorog from the earliest times.nbsp;Euripides at least speaks of a ^ov�vrog afi�ga in commemorationnbsp;of the slain Hyakinthos, which does not resemble a holocaust �).nbsp;Indications for the sacrificial rites of the earliest days are not onlynbsp;furnished by the Late-Mycenaean animal heads, but also by bronzenbsp;double axes from T sountas� excavations *). It can only benbsp;guessed how substantial the offerings were they allude to, and whatnbsp;had been left of them, many centuries afterwards, in the days ofnbsp;Pausanias. The meal described by Polycrates 139 d does not intimatenbsp;anything about sacrifice and sacrificial customs of the first day.

A relief from the third century B. C. would have yielded some illustration, had it not been chipped off carefully by a Christiannbsp;hand, before it was allowed to serve as a door-step. In vague contours the sorry remnants show scenes connected with the worshipnbsp;at Amyklai. They consist of two bands in relief with an inscription.nbsp;The upper row shows the statue of Apollo with his right arm raised,nbsp;which held the spear, an altar with flames and a man dragging anbsp;victim (bull?) towards it. It is doubtful whether all this means tonbsp;depict a scene of the Hyakinthia. The victim is mutilated beyondnbsp;recognition. Both the inscription �) and the remains of the reliefnbsp;suggest a sacrifice for Apollo.

Stengel Kultusaltert. p. 15, 5 and Studniczka Osterr. Jahresh. VI, 1903, p. 123 sqq (Altdre mit Grubenkammern).

�) AM XXIX, 1904, p. 24 sqq, B. Schroeder. T o d-W a c e Catalogue Sparta p. 202, No. 689.

A^eUcivi xal rc!)s araxcog A[vx]ox?.e[(]Sav Avxoxhog, AaioSaftavxa/Avxtiiaxm� Taoxov. Nilsson sees in the figures 3, 4 and 5 the statoi whose names are mentionednbsp;in the inscription. GF 137, 4.

More information is given by the lower band, for after some uncertainty as to the sex of the persons portrayed, it seems to havenbsp;been settled that they represent five women, from the left to thenbsp;right: i. a dancing woman holding up her dress like the girl-dancersnbsp;of the kalathiskos elsewhere ^), 2. and 3. spectators or reposingnbsp;dancers, 4. a resting woman with a plectrum (lyre player?), 5. womannbsp;playing the flute. The head of the first dancer is hardly distinguishable, so that we cannot discover any traces of a possible headdressnbsp;or wreath, but a confirmation of the performance of kalathiskos-dances in the Amyklaion may be found in Kallimachos, who namesnbsp;among the occasional occupations and abodes of Artemis: (ovd�) evnbsp;�Ajuvx^alcp -amp;QVOV enXexEv ^), thus probably alluding to the plaitingnbsp;of rushes, with which the girls apparently used to crown their headsnbsp;while dancing in the domain�). Besides the occurrence of this kindnbsp;of dance the part of Artemis is noteworthy: she led the cortege ofnbsp;girls in wreathing and dancing.

That this scene may belong to the Hyakinthia appears from the oldest literary source on Hyakinthos, a passage in Euripides�nbsp;Helena ^). The chorus is speaking to the princess, and describesnbsp;how, at her return to Sparta, she might meet the Leukippides besidenbsp;the river Eurotas, or elsewhere, XQ�s�m ivvsX'amp;ovoa xoQoig | i) y.eofioignbsp;�Yay.ivamp;ov | vvxjov eg eixpQoavvav �). Here nocturnal rejoicings innbsp;which the girls celebrate the festival of Hyakinthos are mentioned.nbsp;Hieronymus says the Lacedaemonians performed nocturna sacra,nbsp;named Hyakinthia, during which Aristomenes carried off fifteennbsp;girls�). Usually it is the Karyateia which appear in this connexion,nbsp;but then the attempt takes place fieffquot; fj/uegav '^), from which it is

E.g. in StephanI CR 1865, Atlas PL III, 2, 3 and p. 60. K. Latte De saltationibus p. 17 sq disputes the exactness of the denomination, the kalathiskos being no more than a dance-figure, no whole dance, Athen. XIV, 629 f.

�) Even boys wore peculiar wreaths, as the bronze lyre-player Eph. arch. 1892, JPl. II. It is less probable that the plaiting of rushes refers to the kannathra;nbsp;they might rather have served as a frame for flowerwreaths, cf. Ovid. Fastinbsp;IV, 870.

�) Adv. lovinianum I, 308 (M i g n e). Cf. Aristomenes� night attack on Amy-klai Paus. IV, 18, 3.

clear that Hieronymus is not erring in a name, but gives new evidence of the nocturnal revels of the girls ^). It has not beennbsp;handed down to us on which of the three days those nightly dancesnbsp;followed. Logically they link up with the procession in kannathranbsp;and precede perhaps the offering of the chiton to Apollo^).

Women appeared to have played a prominent part in the celebration of the festival, probably since the origin of the Hyakinthia, in view of the unimportant participation of women in the cults ofnbsp;Apollo �). At Amyklai this influence has always continued, as alsonbsp;appears from the votive offerings. Not only have there been foundnbsp;many hair-pins and fibulae ^), moreover among the human figurinesnbsp;those representing women are in the majority, especially amongnbsp;the terracottas �). The Spartan catalogue mentions 6o female idols �);nbsp;the later votive offerings include statuettes of Athena and Artemis ^);nbsp;others probably represent worshippers. The above mentioned goddesses are also found on the relief of the Hyakinthos-altar (Paus.nbsp;Ill, 19, 4). Bathykles erected a statue of Artemis Leukophryene innbsp;the precinct (III, 18, 9). Nothing is known, so far as literary

Wide LK p. 288, i wants to connect the passage of Plutarch. Amat. Narr. p. 775 d with the Hyakinthia, where the boycott of Damokrita and her daughtersnbsp;is described. Damokrita takes her revenge at a nocturnal festival A fj yvvaixsgnbsp;a/ia giao'amp;�voig xal olxsioig xai rrjmoig �c�QTayOV, at S� rc�v iv r�kei xa� mvxag tVnbsp;dvSomvi /isydt.fp diEgiavvvxi^ov. In the night she goes to the sanctuary when allnbsp;celebrate ro (ivozrjoiov... h rto avdoc�vi and endeavours to raise a fire with thenbsp;wood lying ready for the offering. The men come to the rescue, kill her and hernbsp;daughters and throw their corpses across the frontiers. �Exp� (p fitjvtoavzog zov �soi)nbsp;z6v fi�yav tozopovai AaxcSaipovioig aziopov ImyEviof^ai. The place in plutarchus showsnbsp;little agreement with the facts known about the Hyakinthia. In the sacred precinctnbsp;of the Amyklaion no building has been uncovered which may be called avdQzovnbsp;u�yag. Nor do we hear anything about a mysterious character of the Hyakinthia from elsewhere.

Cf. the Partheneion of Alkman vs. 61, where the offering of a lt;pa.Qog by girls takes place after a ziawvxk, Bowra Greek Lyr. Poetry p. 48; and thenbsp;procession of the Panathenaea after the pannychis, at sunrise (C.I.A. II, 163).nbsp;There is of course a difference between the processions at Athens and Amyklai,nbsp;as the kannathra served as vehicles from Sparta.

�) ibid. p. 35 (Von M a s s o w). [P. P e r d r i z et in Rev. arch XXX, 1897, p. 7 sqq also mentions leaden figurines of a winged goddess.

evidence goes, of a cult of Polyboia, who, according to the representation on the relief, ascends to heaven together with Hyakinthos ^). Wide conjectures that the women�s festivals were celebrated especially in her honour^). Her figure can only be interpreted in connexion with her brother�s.

Two inscriptions of the Roman age mention women in the function of dgx^ls at the Hyakinthia: aQx^pda xal �amp;eagt;Qov did ^iovnbsp;xov aejuvoTatov dymvog rmv �Yaxivamp;icov, is their title. This seemsnbsp;to be an official function, not referring to the women�s dances, butnbsp;to the agon at the Hyakinthia. The evidence about agonistic gamesnbsp;at Amyklai is mostly late without giving many particulars ^),nbsp;though here and there the local importance of the games is hintednbsp;at. It would be interesting to know, also in view' of the still problematic origin of the great Greek games, whether the agon formednbsp;part of the Amyclaean program from old. There are some indicationsnbsp;pointing to an affirmative answer. Strabo for instance quotes annbsp;information from the Syracusan historian Antiochus (5 th centurynbsp;B.C.)�), who speaks of an agon as already existing in the days of

Lactantius Placidus in Stat. Theb. IV, 223: Hyacinthus in agone celebratur; Philostr. Vit. Soph. II, 12, (593), where the Hyakinthia are put on a level withnbsp;the Isthmia and Pythia. Hesychius s.v. xvvaxtag speaks of Snadla, though innbsp;connexion with Apollo Tetracheir, which makes it doubtful whether the notenbsp;bears upon the Hyakinthia (contra B � 11 e l.c. p. 140). The connexion betweennbsp;the Hyakinthia and Apollo with the four arms (who also had four ears, cf. R. E.nbsp;II, 70J s.v. Tet^ageigJ suggested by Unger (Philologus 37, 1877, p. 22) isnbsp;sometimes agreed to by others (E n m a n n Kypros und der Ur sprung des Aphro-ditekultes p. 34 sqq; Wide LK p. 95; Parnell Cults IV, p. 127; Krappenbsp;Folklore 34, 1923, p. 205 sq) so that this lanus was taken for a kind of Apollo-Hyakinthos stuck together. Justly G r e v e Roschers M.L. I, 2, 2764 pointednbsp;to the lack of evidence for this relation. The figure of Tetracheir, however,nbsp;may reach back to very ancient representations, cf. the monsters (MoXiove}) onnbsp;fibulae in Blinkenberg Fibules grecques et orientales (1926) p. 165 sqqnbsp;and R. Hampe Friihe griech. Sagenbilder in Bootien No. 28, PI. 14, No. 10,nbsp;PL 9, p. 45 sqq. A relief with the Tetracheir AM 1877, p. 382, No. 200. �nbsp;B u s c h o r�s suggestion that the bronze tripods of pre-Dorian times the fragments of which have been found in the Amyklaion would have served as prizesnbsp;for the agonistic contests, is admissible when the existence of agones in thosenbsp;days will be proved by testimonies from elsewhere, {AM l.c. p. 13).

Strabo VI, 3, 2 (p. 278, 2) roig ^Yaxiramp;loig �v zqi AfsvxXaiq) avvzeXov/j.svov rov aycovog.

the Partheniai conspiracy. Thus in the fifth century the games were so normal a feature, that they could be supposed to have existed innbsp;the time when Tarentum was founded, probably on the good groundnbsp;of tradition. At Tarentum itself coin-types suggest that the Hyakin-thia were held there and celebrated among other things with horsenbsp;races ^). An indirect argument can be taken from a bronze discnbsp;excavated by Tsountas in the Amyklaion, dating from thenbsp;sixth or fifth century B.C. ^). It is not an athletic instrument, asnbsp;may be concluded from its asymmetric shape, it seems therefore tonbsp;have been manufactured as a prize of contest or a votive offering �).nbsp;This is confirmed by an inscription discovered on its surface,nbsp;AEAON AMYKAIAIO, which may be read: ak('amp;)lov A/j.vy.Xiaio(v),nbsp;(prize) �o/ the Amyclaean games� and thus affords an archaeological indication of games with prizes �).

This contest, including the throwing of the disc, constitutes an acceptable item for the program of the third day, about whichnbsp;Athenaeus is so little communicative. Its institution cannot be dated.nbsp;The fact that Lactantius for instance thinks of an dymv �nctdfiognbsp;does not prove anything concerning the introduction of the agon,nbsp;for this author relies on the reshaped Hyakinthos of the later saga �).

We need not attach religious importance to the exhibition of the bronze cuirass of Timomachos ^), the man who played some part

Evans Horsemen of Tarentum (Hum. Chron. 1889, p. 185 sqq) revival in the third century. Evans also thinks he can recognize the pileus of thenbsp;Partheniai rise: p. 16 and 37, PI. II, 5. The legend would be partly aetiologicalnbsp;then.

This reading is suggested by professor C. W. V o 11 g r a f f and seems preferable to O. Walter�s interpretation; Ae(�)lov'Afivgt;il lt; igt; aio). Professornbsp;Vollgraff compares the inscription ]HS 1926, p. 233 sqq: [h]�[(gt;a;]�A [gj-�ysfijas �fii rov ap�amp;lov (on a bronze vase). He disputes the striking out of the i,nbsp;as we may have here a by-form of the place-name.

�) The sixth-century disc I.G. IX, I, 649 which Eusoidas dedicated to the Dios-kouroi is indeed the missile of the athlete in question.

�) Ridgeway in JHS XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII sqq calls the Hyakinthia funeral games in honour of a hero. According to him the first day was a day ofnbsp;honouring the dead, the games being held on the second day. This theory failsnbsp;to prove that Hyakinthos was not more than a hero.

��) Schol, in Pind. Isthm. 7, 18 (quoting Aristoteles fragm. 332 Rose). This cuirass is perhaps also mentioned in a mutilated inscription, which enumerates the

in the history of Amyklai (vide infra). The cuirass will have preserved the memory of an historical martial exploit, and may have been a later addition of the Dorians in accordance with their own taste.

If we survey the program of the Hyakinthia now, there is time left of the first and the third day, of which we do not know whethernbsp;and how it was spent on the festival, v/hile the second indeed invitesnbsp;us to say with Polycrates that it was devoted to a gay spectaclenbsp;and a remarkable and great panegyris. It depends upon the extentnbsp;of the agonistic contest, if the festivities exceeded the three days�nbsp;period. Several scholars postulate a longer term, in order to findnbsp;space for the homage due to Apollo. The entire division of thenbsp;festival between the two gods is connected with this question.nbsp;Especially the contrast between the serious character of the firstnbsp;part and the rejoicings of the middle day, which are insinuated tonbsp;be incompatible with the mourning for Hyakinthos, gives occasionnbsp;to a distinction of original and Apolline elements. U n g e rnbsp;opposes the second day to the first and the third, and thinks thatnbsp;the panegyris is no matter of exuberant merry-making, but of anbsp;solemn joy of the spectators as in the tragic theatre ^). So he succeedsnbsp;in maintaining the unity of the three days of mourning; but, owingnbsp;to his interpretation of Apollo as the god of the summer-sun, henbsp;postulates a sequel to the three opening days as an addition consecrated especially to Apollo and his various ceremonies, such as thenbsp;main sacrifice, the paean, and the offering of the chiton. Thisnbsp;extension was agreed to for all sorts of reasons: G r e v e thinksnbsp;that the Hyakinthia, the principal festival of Sparta, could not benbsp;shorter than the Karneia, which lasted for nine days (!); Wide^)nbsp;and Foug�res�) adduced analogous arguments. Parnell l.c.

victories of an eloquent rhetor in the days of the Roman empire, namely after coronations at Nemea, Thebes, Lebadeia and Plataeae: doTOj t �A(gt;Yisirj,^(j�Qtj^ [--(Kaibel Epigramm. Graeca No. 931). This would prove the existence ofnbsp;a rhetoric contest belonging to the Hyakinthia in later days (B � 11 e l.c. p. 140).

�) Daremberg-Saglio III, 305. The arrangement is given by him as follows: three days for Hyakinthos, an interval of i�2 days, then 3�8 days devotednbsp;to Apollo with offering, paean, kopis and chiton. Stengel R.E. IX, i assumesnbsp;that the festival proper lasted for three days, the tsQofirjvia nine at least. Cf. alsonbsp;Ziehen R.E. Ill A 1518.

follows them hesitatingly, not inclined to assume a break of the rulenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Vnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;There are indeed some places which sup

port this theory concerning a longer duration of the Hyakinthia, but they do not carry conviction. Herodotus narrates how, beforenbsp;the battle of Plataeae, during ten days the Spartans put off thenbsp;Athenian envoys with fair words, while they busied themselvesnbsp;with the Hyakinthia; the preparations for the festival, however,nbsp;may be included in this period. During the siege of Eira the Spartansnbsp;conclude an armistice lasting forty days, when the Hyakinthia arenbsp;approaching^); they will have had other reasons too for choosingnbsp;this otherwise excessive number of days. Polycrates is the onlynbsp;authority who records a definite duration of the Hyakinthia; it isnbsp;preferable therefore to stick to his statement so long as no conclusivenbsp;proof against him can be found. The addition of some extra-daysnbsp;for the games in later times is not even excluded by his statement,nbsp;for he does not mention the contest and only speaks of the �vaia.

The season of the festival is of course of great importance as regards the original meaning of the cult. The usual difficultiesnbsp;connected with chronological calculations arise here, and besidesnbsp;that a gloss of Hesychius has led all speculations into wrongnbsp;directions for a time. He notes �Ey.axoix^Evg' firjv naga Aayedaijuo-vioig, Ev lt;L td �Yaxivamp;ia. It was rather astonishing that several placesnbsp;had a month which derived its name especially from Hyakinthos,nbsp;but that Sparta had not, though for lack of new evidence one hadnbsp;to stick to the words of Hesychius. His information, hovrever, wasnbsp;deprived of its authority, when it appeared from an inscription *)nbsp;that Sparta too knew the month of Hyakinthios, namely the onenbsp;immediately following Agrianios. Now Hesychius� note cannot havenbsp;been utterly unfounded. Strabo �) calls Sparta �xax�jUTiohg �), thenbsp;reason why annual Hekatombaia were offered there. Unger�')nbsp;concludes that the Hyakinthia must have been identical with these

IX, 7�III. Eitrem R. E. IX, 14 compares the ten days� mourning rites of the Spartans (Plutarch. Lyk. 27; Herod. VI, 58). This may be a later influence.nbsp;Paus. IV, 19, 4.

Laconian Hekatombaia. Nilsson^) rejects this identification and thinks the second festival apocryphal. But Hekatombaia is a, perhaps often exaggerating, general title which may be applied tonbsp;special feasts; thus the Heraia at Argos are also called Hekatombaia ^). It is by no means unlikely that the Hyakinthia were designated by the same title in olden times. Besides, Amyklai belonged tonbsp;the so-called exatov tioXek; of Laconia�), which celebrated the Hekatombaia according to Strabo. The double denomination of thenbsp;month of Hekatombeus-Hyakinthios gives no offence then. Moreover an inscription seems to document the month of Hekatombeusnbsp;for Amyklai ^).

When we have got rid of this difficulty there remains as a more important question the arrangement of the Spartan calendar. Unanimity has not yet been achieved in these matters and Hyakinthiosnbsp;suffers particularly from the general uncertainty. Various dispositions of the months have been attempted, each sequence, however,nbsp;involves its own improbabilities �). Chronological speculations arenbsp;given a chance in some places, especially in a passage of Xenophon �)nbsp;which proves that the Hyakinthia were celebrated shortly after thenbsp;Isthmian games, with an interval of some five days or so.The Isthmianbsp;follow nine days after the Asklepieia at Epidauros ^), which fell innbsp;the Epidaurian month of Apellaios, the latter supposed to be equivalent to Skirophorion in Attica�). From this Bischoff�) presumed that the Hyakinthia were also still celebrated in the monthnbsp;of Skirophorion. This argumentation, though plausible in itself,nbsp;was attacked by two other identifications. U n g e r put thenbsp;festival in the second half of the ancient spring and made the monthnbsp;correspond to the Attic Thargelion, one month earlier thereforenbsp;than Skirophorion. Several scholars gave their adhesion to this, often

'*) I.G. V, I, 511. Cf. V o n M a s s o w in AM 1927, �) Cf. Nilsson Timbres amphoriques de Lindasnbsp;Royale des sciences et des lettres de Danemark 1909) p.nbsp;8) Heil. IV, 5, I�10.

�) P. Ka wadi as in Eph. arch. 1901, p. 57 sqq. 8) R. E. IX, s.v. Hyakinthios.

on grounds different from those adduced by him. Nilsson sought to infer the season from the choice of the fruit and vegetables eatennbsp;in the ritual meals: dried figs, while there are fresh ones from Junenbsp;on, one sort of beans dried and one fresh. Broad beans are gatherednbsp;from the beginning of May, so that the Attic months of Skirophorionnbsp;and Hekatombaion would be too late and only Thargelion (usuallynbsp;from the 24th of April to the 24th of May) would be correct^).

A more serious rival in this dispute of synchronisms is the hypothesis which pleads for the rights of Attic Hekatombaion as an equivalent ^). Formerly Nissen�) upheld it by means of intricatenbsp;calculations concerning temple-orientation; and the inscription 1. G.nbsp;V, I, 18 induced B i s c h o f f and Nilsson to endorse his view.nbsp;Bischoff^) then came to a succession of Agrianios (June/July),nbsp;Hyakinthios (July/August) and Karneios (August/September) innbsp;Lacedaemonia, Hyakinthios being contemporary with Hekatombaionnbsp;in Attica. Nilsson hesitatingly admits that Hekatombaion isnbsp;most likely to be the parallel �). P a r e t i provided this new proposition with an ample, though not irrefutable argumentation �).

The dispute has not been settled with all this. For Ziehen again prefers the synchronism of Hyakinthios and Skirophorion, becausenbsp;the Gymnopaedia already occupy Hekatombaion ^). M. G i f f 1 e rnbsp;in his new speculations about the Spartan calendar moves the monthsnbsp;upwards, so as to land Hyakinthios in Skirophorion�).

*) A connexion of the denominations Hekatombeus-Hekatombaion is very-doubtful. In the following computations a mistake of one of the sources cannot be assumed any longer,since Hekatombeus appeared to be a month with its ownnbsp;festival. Moreover the resemblance of names need not point to synchronism innbsp;Sparta and Attica.

�) Note sul calendaria spartano (Atti della R. Accademia di Torino 43, 1909/10) p. 812�29, especially p. 820 sqq. The interpretation of the passagenbsp;of Xenophon (p. 823), for instance, is not convincing.

') R.E. Ill A 1518. For the date of the Gymnopaedia cf. Bolte Rhein. Mus. 1929, p. 129 and Meritt Class. Phil. 26, 1931, p. 70 sqq, especially p. 79 sq.

�) Hermes 75, 1940, p. 215 sqq: he makes Gerastios = Anthesterion, Artemi-sios = Elaphebolion, so that further on Phliasios = Mounychion, Agrianios = Thargelion and Hyakinthios = Skirophorion coincide.

quot;We cannot do better than pronounce a non liquet, the more so as the various systems of intercalation never allow of an unconditional parallelism of months^). It may be stated generally that thenbsp;Hyakinthia were celebrated in Sparta in summer, possibly in harvest-time, in the season corresponding to Thargelion, Skirophorionnbsp;or Hekatombaion in Athens ^).

It is logical to suppose that the month of Hyakinthios, if it reappears elsewhere, has been named after the same festival, and may be able to yield further information relative to the season of thenbsp;celebration. We may therefore make a short excursion outsidenbsp;Sparta. The confusion, however, proves to be the same there. Innbsp;Thera the 25th of Hyakinthios is equivalent to the i8th of Julynbsp;in the year 150 A.D., Hyakinthios apparently corresponding tonbsp;June/July ^). The result is analogous for Rhodus, where Hyakinthiosnbsp;precedes Panamos-Hekatombaion and thus is on the same heightnbsp;of the year as Skirophorion^), June/July, after Agrianios. Thenbsp;calendar of Kos cannot yet be reconstructed. Bickermannnbsp;here gives Mounychion �), G i f f 1 e r November as an equivalent �),nbsp;which strikes us as extravagant and need not be taken into consideration here. In Crete of the Roman age Hyakinthios appears as thenbsp;ninth month of the solar calendar, from the 24th of May to thenbsp;22nd of June �). Finally, in Byzantium, July is given as the translation for the month Hyakinthios�).

We may conclude from all these comparisons that the period June/July is available as a margin for the situation of Hyakinthios,nbsp;if necessary even with its beginnings in May (Thargelion in Sparta,

At the time when Mardonius captured Athens (Xen. Hell. IV, 5). Preller-Robert I, p. 249. Cf. A. Mommsen Bur si an s Jahresber. 73, 1892, p. 15 sqq.

I. G. XII, 3, 323. Cf. the offering of first-fruits on Hyakinthios the 3th, ibid. 436.

Nilsson Timbres amph. p. 132. Bickermann Chronologie (Gercke-N o r d e n III, 3) p. 6. Hiller von Gaertringen R. E. Suppl. V, 743 sqq. Bischoff R. E. X, 1382.

and chiefly the Cretan dating). On the one side it is to be welcomed that the period of the festival can be approximated at all 'withnbsp;chronological methods, though on the other side the precision isnbsp;not great enough to give a valuable external support to interpretations of the festive rites. The data need not be strained, however.nbsp;In spite of the many doubts so much is certain, that in differentnbsp;places Hyakinthios did not occur in an exactly correspondingnbsp;constellation, which, besides, is the case with several months. The :nbsp;space computed is narrow enough to postulate a common ritualnbsp;starting-point for the month. Through non-religious influence anbsp;slight shift in the position of the months may have been caused,nbsp;as is still visible in some situations in historical times. For a morenbsp;accurate fixing of the season of the Hyakinthia we shall have tonbsp;follow the reverse method, trying to extract chronological kiforma-tion from the rites themselves; a method applied already bynbsp;Nilsson when he used the beans consumed dry or green as anbsp;criterion for the season.

Here we may close the list of things worth knowing with respect to the Hyakinthia. They have developed into the leading Spartannbsp;festival of the year, as appears from the fact that it is mentionednbsp;together with the Isthmia and Pythia ^). The treaty between Athensnbsp;and Sparta of the year 421 will annually be renewed in Athens atnbsp;the Dionysia, in Sparta at the Hyakinthia .

Concerning the daily worship of Hyakinthos at Amyklai no information has come down to us. An obscure source ascribes annbsp;oracle to him, from which no conclusions may be drawn �).nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;^

If we examine the enumerated data to get some idea of the religious background of the Hyakinthia, then, after deducting the indifferent and common festive externals, there remain no doubt characteristic materials. The contradictions of the testimonies, with which Athenaeus already had to contend, cannot be removed and arenbsp;founded on the different character of the parts of the celebration.

Thuc. V, 23, 4. An official acknowledgement therefore, cf. V, 41, 3, where the Argives will come to Sparta to conclude a treaty at the Hyakinthia.

Lact. Plac. ad Stat. Theb. VII, 412. Cf. Philostr. iun. Ima^. 14 and i E i t r e m R. E. IX, 15, who ascribes it to his nature of a hero. It is rather an ;nbsp;Apolline symptom.

The rites group themselves of their own accord, because Polycrates� assertions concerning the first day of the festival are contradictednbsp;point by point.

1�. No wreaths are worn at the meals (Athenaeus 139 d). Macrobius states that at the Hyakinthia they crowned themselvesnbsp;with ivy-garlands in Bacchic style. The bronze statuette of thenbsp;lyre player is wreathed ; leaden votive crowns have been foundnbsp;in the Amyklaion^); Philostratus alludes to wreaths of hyacinths^),nbsp;Kallimachos to crowns of rushes �).

2�. On account of Polycrates� bread- and cake-prohibition and the discrepant statements, quoted by Didymos in Athenaeus, itnbsp;appeared necessary to distinguish two kinds of ritual meals.

3�. From Polycrates� words; rbv ek tov �e�v jiaidva ovx ^dovoiv contrasted with 139 e tov dsbv adovaiv and Xenophon Hell. IV, 5,nbsp;II, it had to be inferred that the singing was only left out on thenbsp;first day.

4�. The general character of the ceremony to which the beginning of Polycrates� story is devoted deviates from that of the normal �vaiai, and the reason put forward by the informant is the mourningnbsp;for Hyakinthos. Besides the xaga which he himself mentions fornbsp;the day of the panegyris, Euripides� vvxiog evcpgoavva proves thatnbsp;the festival of Hyakinthos did not consist of a series of gloomynbsp;oddities.

It is not likely that these flat contradictions are all due to chance or inaccurate tradition. The celebration of the first day has distinguished itself considerably from the further course of the festival..nbsp;That we must recognize in this a characteristic peripeteia instead ofnbsp;cheerfulness grafted by Apollo upon a gloomy ritual, was formerlynbsp;accepted without proof, confuted later on, but finally confirmednbsp;by the sources. It is true that no terracotta agrloxoi have come tonbsp;light, but remains pointing to singing, dancing and lyre-playing innbsp;ancient times have indeed appeared�). The eixpQoovvrj of the panny-

*) Epist. p. 344 (ed. Kayser II, p. 226, 15) ovx eldes ovv �Yaxivttov; ovd�� aretpavt�ao) rep rgaifiati;

chides ^), kept by the girls, who certainly were closely connected with the festival from old, is not an Apolline element; the findsnbsp;are in favour of wreathing, if one wishes to leave the name ofnbsp;Hyakinthos and the rest out of consideration.

When therefore the accumulation of oppositions: bread-no bread, wreaths-no wreaths, paean-no paean, evcpQoavvrj-n�v�o? is of ancientnbsp;origin, the explanation of the individual contradictions has to benbsp;found by a comparative method, admitting of mutual connexions;nbsp;and it is not allowed to settle the prohibition of bread and garlandsnbsp;on the first day with the argument of primitiveness, as Nilssonnbsp;formerly did *). The rites may be primitive indeed, but their counterparts on the second day just as well. It is especially the suddennbsp;change in the course of the festival and in the single rites that needsnbsp;explanation.

If we explain the abstinence from bread as a primitive survival, the bread-dish of the second day becomes meaningless. Primitivitynbsp;is only to be assumed in definite cases, e.g. when the participantsnbsp;of a cult or the officiants are only allowed to eat unleavened bread.nbsp;Owing to conservatism a custom of the good old days is then artificially kept up or recalled. The Roman flamen Dialis was not allowednbsp;to make up his menu with farina jermento imhuta �). This is obviously a relic from days, when the process of fermentation was notnbsp;yet applied; but the prohibition figures in the midst of not sonbsp;rationally explicable taboos as the abstinence from dog�s and goat�snbsp;flesh and beans, and psychologically arises from a fear of thenbsp;new and dangerous, against which men wish to safeguard priestsnbsp;and gods as long as possible. Primitive offerings as barley grainsnbsp;and porridge remain in vogue, when men�s food has become morenbsp;modern and consists already of leavened loaves �*). The unfermentednbsp;bread of the Jewish Passover will probably be founded on a similarnbsp;honouring of primitive customs, though it seems to be closely con-

Pannychides are celebrated by preference in vegetative and similar festivals of ancient origin, e.g. at Brauron at the Tauropolia (Menander Epitrep. ed. W i 1.nbsp;234 sq, 255 sqq); at Letrlnoi for Artemis Alpheiaia (Paus. VI, 22, 9); at Tegeanbsp;for Athena Alea; for Helen and the Dioskouroi (Kallimachos Diegeseis X, 6 sqq),nbsp;probably in Sparta.

nected with harvest-rites ^). At Ras Shamra traces of analogous practices are found ^).

Such a connexion with the harvest lends more importance to the abstinence from bread, as it appears then to be part of a significantnbsp;whole. Several peoples practise fasting in connexion with harvest-ceremonies, either in the form of complete abstinence from food, ornbsp;as a taboo on a special kind of food. On the. whole the course followed is this; when the crop has been gathered in, and the first-fruits are to be offered, nobody is allowed to- taste the costly newnbsp;crop before the sacrifice has been performed �). After the offeringnbsp;a feast follows with songs and dances, often bearing Saturnaliannbsp;features. The Voruba celebrate such a feast for the agricultural godnbsp;during the yam harvest, when everyone eats of the new crops andnbsp;food is cooked for general use; the Jakun dance and sing at theirnbsp;annual harvest-festival; after the fasting a meal of the new cornnbsp;with the �green corn dance� follows among the American Semi-noles *). In New Guinea the chieftain fasts several days before thenbsp;yam-feast. Among the Cherokees only those who had preparednbsp;themselves by fasting, praying and purifications could take part innbsp;the dance, when the new corn was eaten�). Numerous analogousnbsp;instances are described in the ethnological literature. Often amongnbsp;primitive peoples fasting is a preparatory rite by which men wishnbsp;to rid themselves of possible evil influences in view of the approaching ceremonies. Purgatives reinforce this materially interpretednbsp;cleaning of conscience �). But fasting as a part of harvest-rites isnbsp;not an unspecified preparation for a religious act, but, as appearsnbsp;from the choice of food, a subjection to a special taboo which is

^)E.R.E. V, 864 (F. H. Wood^); B. D. Eerdmans The Passover and the days of the unleavened bread (The Expositor 7th series VIII, 1909, p.nbsp;448�462) sees in the unleavened bread not so much a relic, as a means ofnbsp;avoiding the danger which threatens the soul of the corn from the �unclean�nbsp;ferment.

2) Cf. Leviticus 23, 14: �And ye shall eat neither bread, nor parched corn, nor green ears, until the selfsame day that ye have brought an offering untonbsp;your God.�

E.R.E. V, 805 (J. A. Macculloch). Frazer G.B? VIII (Spirits of the corn II) p. 76 sq and Chapter X and XI, moreover in his edition of Ovid.nbsp;Fasti ad II, 520, vol. II, p. 425 sqq.

only removed by the annual ceremonies^). Miss Harrison sees the possible origin of this taboo in a kind of game-law; in the daysnbsp;when the crops are ripening men have to keep their hands off innbsp;their own interest�). This is probably too much reasoned out; thenbsp;temptation will not be great during the process of ripening, and.nbsp;the fast has its force and significance only just before the momentnbsp;that the crops will be given free. It is an accentuation of the solemnnbsp;reception of the annual gift of crops, which impresses all peoplesnbsp;in a special way and makes them conscious of a need for consecration.

The sense of this fasting in harvest-time is to be found in apotro-paic trains of thought. Just as the leaven is a dangerous matter which, in critical circumstances, may not get into touch with thenbsp;corn, likewise in the transition period from the old to the new cornnbsp;a contact of the two seems to be avoided. Perhaps the only intentionnbsp;is to prevent the mixing of the old and decrepit corn with the youngnbsp;and undefiled crops, perhaps there is also a certain danger in thenbsp;eating, i.e. killing of the corn in harvest-time, by the terror of whichnbsp;the soul of the grain might be scared away �). When a god has beennbsp;formed, capable of receiving an offering of the first-fruits, thennbsp;the animistic pattern may disappear behind an homage to the god;nbsp;the tasting of the new cereals is deferred until the first-fruits havenbsp;been sacrificed to whom they are due.

In the examples quoted from primitive nations it is not always clear whether the harvest-festivals are already connected withnbsp;divinities, or still remain in a purely �naturalistic� stage. Sometimesnbsp;there is question of an agrarian deity. In classical antiquity fastingnbsp;has mainly be incorporated in deistic connexions. As a completenbsp;abstinence from food it seems to be rare, nor does it fit in well withnbsp;Greek customs, which officially had outgrown such trends ofnbsp;thought. Traces of it are shown by the Thesmophoria, Skirophorianbsp;and the Eleusinian mysteries ^). It is worth noting that here alsonbsp;fasting occurs in connexion with festivals of fertility and agriculture.

Cf. E e r d m a n s l.c.: �If the soul of the plant knows that the corn is to be killed, to be cooked or baked in order to be eaten, it might flight away.�nbsp;(p. 461), with instances of the rice-harvest in the Dutch Indies.

Arbesmann think� it can be specified for the Thesmophoria, and supposes it will have affected the gifts of Demeter, so chieflynbsp;bread ^). This remains doubtful.

The specializing is clearly demonstrated in Rome. There they knew two festivals with fast-rites for Ceres, both of them adaptednbsp;from Greek examples: the sacrum anniversarium Cereris, celebratednbsp;in midsummer and sometimes called castus Cereris; and the ieiuniumnbsp;Cereris, annually held on the fourth of October in Augustan times ^).nbsp;During the latter a total fast seems to have been imperative, butnbsp;the castus Cereris is to be regarded as abstinence from bread. Thenbsp;proclamation of collective fasting in the cult has come to Rome fromnbsp;elsewhere ^). The rites of the Ceres-feast are Greek, though the purenbsp;parallels for the abstinence from bread are only to be found farthernbsp;Eastward, from where such customs in later days penetrated tonbsp;Rome: the names belonging to the ieiunium panis are Isis, Cybele,nbsp;Attis, Mater Deum *). The technical term of the Romans is herenbsp;castus too, but the deliberate restriction appears from the reproachnbsp;of Hieronymus, that �ieiunium panis sagina carnium compensetur�^).nbsp;lulianus tries to explain this particular choice by marking chthonicnbsp;products as counteracting theaVolt;5oc xmv xpvgmv'^). His philosophicalnbsp;interpretation cannot be historically exact. The difficulty lies innbsp;the association of rites which belong to the predeistic harvest-customsnbsp;to Oriental vegetation festivals in which gods as Kybele, Attis andnbsp;Isis are the centre of worship. The crowning and concluding of anbsp;period of abstinence by a festal removal of a taboo is complicatednbsp;here, though recognizable. Just as in the Eleusinian rite the vr^areianbsp;precedes the drinking of the uvuedsv, it precedes the mystery, hinted

�) Adv. lovin. II, 17 (Migne P. L. XXIII, 354). Cf. Ibid. II, 5 (M i g n e XXIII, p. 330): de ciborum sibi placent abstinentia, quasi non et superstitionbsp;gentilium castum Matris Deum observet et Isidis.

Epist. evil ad Laetam (P. L. XXII, p. 687): cultores Isidis et Cybeles, qui' gulosa abstinentia Phasides aves ac fumantes turtures vorant, ne scilicet Cerealianbsp;dona contaminent.

Tertull. De ieiunio 16: tu nostris xerophagiis blasphemias ingerens casto Isidis et Cybeles eas adaequas.

at by the words �x rvfxndvov etpayov, ex xvfifidXov emov in (the Attis-cult ^). The peripeteia fasting-feasting, however, is crossed by that of the death and rebirth of the god, the main features of whichnbsp;(mourning-rejoicing) give a special character to the festival. As, onnbsp;the other hand, fasting is also interpreted as a sign of mourning, itnbsp;is difficult to make out what must be considered primary, and whatnbsp;as a consequence in the festivals discussed.

Fasting as an expression of mourning and grief is said to be apotropaic (fear of influences from the dead which may enter thenbsp;body with food and drink ^)); though besides these magic conceptions indifference to eating and drinking in time of sorrow has alsonbsp;to be taken into account as a psychological factor�). From a combination of similar motives among some peoples originated fastingnbsp;as a conventional sign of mourning ^).

In the worship of Attis, which is well-known in its Roman form and therefore can be best taken as an example �), an explanationnbsp;of the fast-rites from the mourning for the deceased god is obvious,nbsp;but it is to be rejected for the same reason as the appeal to primitivenbsp;conservatism: the choice of food eaten and forbidden is not elucidated by it. The only adequate foundation are the harvest-rites, andnbsp;the question at issue is whether they have mixed up themselves withnbsp;the rites of the god concerned, or historically preceded the latter,nbsp;and continued and grew in gradual development, which can benbsp;explained best if the deity in question is a harvest- i.c. a corn-god.nbsp;At the end of the harvest the corngod would have been imaginednbsp;as dying, in the East only to rise again in the same festival and tonbsp;provoke exuberant rejoicings, because of the certainty that the cornnbsp;just as the dead god will go through the same birth and growthnbsp;next year. The merry feast then coincided with the long expectednbsp;banquet with the new corn-products, the mourning for the god with

That it occurs in this sense among the Greeks and Romans is assured and disputed resp. by Arbesmann I.c. and Ziehen R. E. XVII, 93.

�) For the course of the celebration see Hep ding Attis p. 147 sqq and C.I.L. Iquot;, p. 312 sqq the calendar with a commentary by Mommsen.nbsp;Graillot Culte de Cyb�le p. 108 sqq.

It is probably not correct to postulate such a straight development for Attis. He rather gives the impression of a god who has developednbsp;on a broader base, being one might almost say more artistic and lessnbsp;utilitarian; and who has either created the harvest-rites, which alsonbsp;celebrated the turning of the season, as a part of his general ritual,nbsp;or derived them from elsewhere and annexed them to his ownnbsp;festival. It is of course very difficult to reconstruct the way innbsp;which such a god developed. The general conception of the dyingnbsp;and reviving nature is clearly recognizable, but in practice Attisnbsp;only grew up to Attis after many complications, and borrowing onnbsp;his way all kinds of special, more or less kindred rites, such as thenbsp;sacrifice of the bull and self-mutilation. Moreover he is no independent god, but one whose cult is inseparably connected with thenbsp;great Mother�s^). One can only guess which elements are to benbsp;called peripheral and which central ones; the castration for examplenbsp;does not seem to have occurred in the original rituaP); when thenbsp;celebration took place in March, as was the case in Rome, the harvest-rites have shifted to the spring, which also points to a laternbsp;addition.

Among peoples where the cult is mostly concerned with the edible vegetation, the two conceptions come nearer together. Frazernbsp;quoting the Arabic author El Maqrisi (loth century) mentions anbsp;Ta-uz festival in July �), during which the women lamented andnbsp;did not eat anything which had been ground in a mill. This is anbsp;further stage of development of Tammuz, who, in a one-sidednbsp;agrarian civilization, has become the corngod who is honoured bynbsp;abstinence from bread. Modifying an explanation of Lagrange,nbsp;Frazer sees in the mourning for Tammuz and Adonis crocodilenbsp;tears of the harvesting people, who injure the crops and in them thenbsp;vegetation-spirit by their proceedings. This primitive conciliatorynbsp;policy may perhaps be accepted as a factor of some influence in

�) G.BA V, p. 230 sqq, cf. p. 272 on Attis. For the survival of the Tammuz-cult see ] amp;r: eml3.s Ro s c h e r�s M. L. V, 70; B a u d i s s i n Adonis tmd Esmun p. in; Jeremias ATAO'^ p. 691 sq.

later stages, but not as a universal explanation of the wide-spread oriental mourning for the dying vegetation.

Abstinence from bread finally appears without mentioning details in the cult of the fertility-god Hadaranes in Syria ^). It is at anynbsp;rate a curious coincidence that, when we look for parallels to thenbsp;ritual bread- and cake-prohibition which Polycrates has handednbsp;down to us as belonging to the first day 'of the Hyakinthia, we arenbsp;referred to Oriental regions and to figures as Attis, Kybele, Isis, thenbsp;mythology of whom had been compared to'Hyakinthos� since long.nbsp;The relation of such gods as Attis to the special sphere of the growthnbsp;of corn will therefore be considered again later on, as a part of thenbsp;general comparison.

Before we follow up this trace we may first examine the other oppositions mentioned, namely the alternative admittance and avoidance of garlands and paean, to see if they fit in with the bread-rites. In some way the sequence: wreaths forbidden-wreaths appliednbsp;is closely akin to the corn-ritual, only the area of operations isnbsp;more extended and covers the vegetation in general. The explanationsnbsp;of the rule against crowns are also analogous: primitive conservatismnbsp;as well as mourning are adduced as the possible origin ^). In historicalnbsp;times garlands were realised to be incompatible with grief andnbsp;gloomy circumstances �). It is remarkable that there existed a prohibition of the wearing of flower-wreaths by the OeafiocpoQid^ovaai*),nbsp;while the narcissus on the other hand is called fieyakmv �ea�v dg-yaTov arEg)dvco/ua^') and also seems to be represented in a garland of anbsp;Demeter-priestess�). It is not clear whether the prohibition was herenbsp;also completed by its removal, or if it was only applied in favournbsp;of other garlands (ears of corn?).

Arbesmann o.c. p. 73. C. I. L. Ill, 13608. Cumont R. E. VII, 2163. G r a i 11 o t o.c. p. 120, i.

-) Concerning garlands in antiquity cf. L. Deubner ARW 30, 1933, p. 70 sqq, who rightly thinks wreathing compatible with primitiveness, cf. p. 93 l.c.

Aristoteles ap. Athen. 675 a. R. E. XI, p. 1588 sqq (G a n s z y n i e c). Stengel Kultusalt. p. 108 sq. Halliday Class. Quarterly XXI, 1927, p. 39-�*) Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 681.

�) Soph. Oed. Col. 681. Cf. Ziehen Leges sacrae 90, who on this ground ascribes a small sanctuary in Delos, where flower-garlands are prohibited, tonbsp;Demeter.

�) Stephani CR 1865, title-page. 4th century B. C., thought to be a priestess of Demeter by Stephani.

FarnelP) rightly interprets the prohibition of wreaths in the Hyakinthia as a vegetative rite, sympathetic with the withering ofnbsp;the verdure. The bread-rites make him also think of the corn-harvest, though in neither case does he justice to the peripeteia:nbsp;Apollo is credited for the positive elements, which appeared tonbsp;conflict with the finds and traditions.

Finally the silence of the paean on the first day of the Amyclaean festival points to an extension of the soberness of which fasting andnbsp;absence of wreaths also bore witness, to a seriousness which beginsnbsp;to resemble mourning. Flute-music and paean belong to the sacrifice^). In Sparta the paean was sung during the meals�). The ritesnbsp;which accompany the end of the season of corn and vegetation andnbsp;release the crops for a common banquet could, though they neednbsp;not, be understood without having resort to the mourning fornbsp;someone deceased. The silence imposed on the paean suggests that

Cults IV, p. 26$. The interpretation of the Hyakinthia as a pre-harvest-festival involves new difficulties in view of the place of the month of Hyakin-thios. Cf. also H. J. R o s e in �. R. E. V, 862.

H. S jo vail Zeus im altgriechischen Hauskult (1931) p. 93, cf. p. 85 sqq on the paean.

Cf. Aesch. fragm. 167 fiovog ttemv yaq d'dvarog ov dcoQmv eoq . . . ovSe TiaicoviCsrai. Euripides Iph. Taur. 18j; and Ziehen Leges Sacrae 109, where a paeanlessnbsp;offering to the nymphs on Thasos is mentioned, perhaps also wreathless as thenbsp;sacrifice to the Charites on Paros, Apollod. Ill, 15,7 (against this S e y r i gnbsp;BCH 51, 1927, p. 183 sq). Ziehen suspects that Apollo is an intruder herenbsp;also, the cult points to chthonic i.e. funeral worship. Studniczka Osterr.nbsp;Jahresh. VI, 1903, p. 159 sqq reconstructs the Thasian altar concerned as belonging to the type of fireplace for sacrifices with a door, just as the altar atnbsp;Amyklai. He can only describe the origin of this type as having its roots �innbsp;den Tiefen der hellenischen Urzeit.� H. Seyrig l.c. p. 178 sqq thinks that thenbsp;prohibition of the paean on Thasos and at Amyklai was a later necessity, becausenbsp;the intruder Apollo would otherwise have introduced his paean into the chthonicnbsp;cults of the nymphs (who, by the way, were indeed honoured with the paeannbsp;at Miletus- Von Blumenthal R. E. XVIII, 2340 sqq) and Hyakinthos.nbsp;Music, however, appeared to be an authentic element of the Amyclaean celebration. The word paean is not to be taken merely Apolline, as we saw already;nbsp;what matters is not the word but its contents, when explaining the avoidancenbsp;of the choral homage. The playing of the lyre on the H. Triada sarcophagus neednbsp;not be considered contrary to the incompatibility of funeral rites and music, asnbsp;it may also be interpreted as an accompaniment to the Jenseitshoffnungen andnbsp;faith in resurrection, preceded by the mourning for the deceased. � Concerningnbsp;the possible Cretan origin of the paean cf. M. H. Swindler Cretan elementsnbsp;in Apollo Cults p. 59 sqq.

Polycrates not unjustly speaks of nsvamp;oi; for Hyakinthos, and that therefore a divine figure has put itself in the centre of the completenbsp;change from taboo into feasting; thus transferring the entire opposition to the deistic sphere; death and reappearance of the vegetation-god. A confirmation of this dying of Hyak:inthos in the Amyclaeannbsp;cult can be drawn from the myth which has been woven aroundnbsp;his death, probably reaching back in this respect to ancient traditions. Moreover we have the valuable testimony of Pausanias, thatnbsp;the Amyclaean monument round which the worship of Hyakinthosnbsp;was centred, was his tomb, on which the promise of his rising againnbsp;had been depicted in the shape of his ascent to heaven ^). Literarynbsp;evidence of this revival is doubtful^).

Various parts of the program for the panegyris of the second day of the Hyakinthia are characteristic for a vegetative ritual of fertility. The bread is dished up in a special form: pdgaxsg, (pvaUMoi,nbsp;terms needing technical explanation: obviously they are' �Gebild-brot�, which is in general use at year-festivals for vegetative deities ^). In Greece, for example, special loaves were baked at thenbsp;Thalysia (�aXvaiog agtog) and in Delos at the Megalartia (namednbsp;dxatvrj)'^). Besides loaves and barley-cakes (juaCai) the kopis contained also agrarian products made into broth (C(op�g), togethernbsp;with dried figs and beans, fresh beans and green vegetables andnbsp;lupine (bsQjuog). The latter category may also have been madenbsp;into broth or some such course, as is the case in many fertilitynbsp;customs brought together under the name of panspermia, such asnbsp;the Thargelia, Pyanopsia and the similar Thalysia �) above mentioned. This would accord with the character of a harvest festivalnbsp;which was to be inferred from the bread-rites. The connexion withnbsp;agrarian fertility is also clear without a panspermia. The menunbsp;reminds one of the plain food which Plato (Polk. 372 b-c) dishesnbsp;up for the countrymen. The meal is for common use, conducive to

Nonnos Dionys. XIX, 95 sq, narrative how evxahrjv�Ydxivd-ov ars^atytytjoer � A^�kkcDV.

�*) Nilsson GF 333 sq, GgR 439. See also Athen. XIV, 646 A (in Sparta). �) Cf. �. R. E. V, 805, J. A. Macculloch about the harvest-festival ofnbsp;the Yoruba: �Quantities of vegetable foods are cooked and set out for generalnbsp;use.� Gjerstad ARW 1928, p. 134 sqq.

the purpose: everyone partakes of the food offered^), as Polemon explicitly assures^).

The primitiveness which is especially peculiar to agrarian rites �) may justly be taken into account as a conservative factor in thenbsp;kopis. In Rome porridge of peas and beans also belongs to the foodnbsp;of the common people At the rural Floralia, the festival of thenbsp;flowering corn, cicer, faba, lupinm were distributed among thenbsp;people�), later on only promised on coupons (tesserae) issued onnbsp;that occasion by candidates for the magistracy. The origin of thisnbsp;method of application is to be found in a panspermia which belongednbsp;to the ancient festival of Flora.

The xvQo? x^fOQ�g fits in well with the rural menu. The meal is raised to a more festive level by the abundance of victims: goats,nbsp;of which everyone receives his share and which amply counterbalance the vegetarian dishes: xpsds, yaorrjQ, (pvoxrj. The choosing

The same in the harvest-feasts of primitive peoples, Frazer G.B.� VIII, p. 54 sq and elsewhere.

Perhaps the kopis owes its name to the circumstance that everyone gets his portion of the ritual foods. Hesychius s.v. scojite' /seQig, drljivov, na^a, a(gt;ros,nbsp;xoia, Xdy^avov difiov, C(o/x6s, ovxov, tgdyrjfia, {tep/idg. The definition is borrowednbsp;from Molpis, the word /isstis will be a further explanation of the name of thenbsp;meal. Cf. Suidas xomoSdomov � rqvrpog zi. This may be read with an ancientnbsp;correction: xoriig � ��omov zQvtpog zi-. a bit of a meal, which is allotted to thenbsp;partakers. Kopis as a denomination taken from the use of the cook�s knife xomgnbsp;(Pollux I, 33: rd Si jzpog �voiav oyj^ai, orpayiSsg, y.OTiiSeg, mUxug,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Xixva,

in cicere atque faha bona tu perdasque lupinis latus ut in circo spatiere et aeneus ut stes ....

vigila, et cicer ingere large rixanti populo, nostra ut Floralia possintnbsp;aprici meminisse senes.

The scholiast ad 1. gives a nice fertility interpretation: Cicer. Hoc enim in ludis Floralihus inter cetera munera iactabatur, quando terrae ludos colebant,'nbsp;et omnia semina super populum spargebant, ut tellus veluti visceralibus suisnbsp;placaretur. So he thinks rather of an analogy with the Greek xataxva/j,azanbsp;and ovloxvzai than of an eaten panspermia.

On the Floralia W i s s o w a R. u. K. p. 197 sq and B ii c h e 1 er Rhein. Mus.

of the goat as a victim will not only have been induced by the circumstances of the worshippers ^), but also by the character of thenbsp;ceremony. Goats are often sacrificed at festivals of sowing andnbsp;reaping ^), they are the typical fertility-daemons for the crops ofnbsp;the fields and can serve best when a peasant wishes to presentnbsp;the guiding powers with a representative of his trade. Besides thenbsp;North-European parallels described at great length by Man n-hardt, an analogy with the ancient East presents itself, where onnbsp;Mesopotamian cylinder-seals plants and goats by preference figurenbsp;together in a vegetative-religious connexion'*). This is a new tracenbsp;which might lead us to gods as Tammuz and deserves closer examination. The Greek gods who were mostly honoured with goat-sacrifices may be Dionysos�) and Artemis�); the desire of fertilitynbsp;extends to all crops, animals and men^). The goat genus, it is true,nbsp;lent itself best for daily use and accordingly became the commonestnbsp;kind of victims, in which not always the purpose of fructifying neednbsp;be presumed. We can, however, still assume it for the Hyakinthia �).

The entourage in which the rural meal is eaten preserves still other traditions from the old stock of agrarian customs: boothsnbsp;were erected, just as at the Karneia and Tithenidia in Sparta�).nbsp;These constructions, probably improvised from botanic materials,nbsp;also belong to the inventory of the Thesmophoria ^�) and the

�) Nilsson GF p. 41, 2. Other related customs of the Hyakinthia are the ivy-garlands and the pannychides.

�) F a r n e 11�s interpretation of the goat as a special victim for Apollo depends on the origin of Apollo as a goat-herd. Against which M. H. Swindlernbsp;Cretan Elements p. 19 sq with various arguments. It matters little that Apollonbsp;is to be recognized as the hunter of the famous goats of Crete (W. Wroth innbsp;Num. Chron. 1884, p. 28 sqq), because we have to see in this a later develop-m.ent of the god, to be discussed afterwards.

�) Nilsson GF 122 sq, to be distinguished from the tents in which the guests camp, ibid. 189, i. Cf. Frazer ad paus. I, 18, i, who does not distinguishnbsp;them properly. At Sparta also a festival �Eniaxtjva (Hesychius s.v.).

Skiereia (at Alea ^)). They are the inspiring and appropriate surroundings when the powers of vegetation are honoured, as also appears from Roman and Egyptian customs ^).

So the original frugality is kept by, though the rejoicings do not suffer from it. How glad and free from gloom people felt, appearsnbsp;from the invitation addressed to citizens, foreigners and even slaves,nbsp;to take part in the festivities. It did not suit the seriousness of thenbsp;first day to invite guests, so much the better after the removal of thenbsp;prohibitions and the change to a day of feasting and displaying ofnbsp;joy. In the harvest and first-fruit festivals of primitive nations thenbsp;licenteousness often passes to extravagant orgies ; the next-morningnbsp;headache of the Hyakinthia-fcasters will not have been so bad. Yetnbsp;especially the entertainment of the slaves recalls �Saturnalian�nbsp;customs to which harvest-banquets and other festive dates in thenbsp;agrarian calendar give rise. In Rome the plebeians invited one anothernbsp;to banquets at the Cerialia �). As regards the Saturnalia known fromnbsp;Greek surroundings it is contested to what extent they are agrariannbsp;in origin. Partly they will have sprung from bursts of generosity ofnbsp;the harvest-feasters �).

Nonae Caprotinae, Neptunalia, festival of Anna Perenna, rural festival in Tibullus II, i, 23 sq. Cf. 'Weinstock R. E. XVII, 854.

�) For the tabernacles in Egypt in the cult of Osiris see H. G r e s s m a n n The Expositor 3, 1925, p. 416 sqq (p. 430: �The plant-pavilion is a vegetation-temple.�) and R. Kittel O.L.Z. XXVII, 1924, No. 7 p. 390, who, however,nbsp;thinks the practical purpose primary. W. B. Kristensen: �De loofhut en hetnbsp;loofhuttenfeest in den Egyptischen cultus� deals at great length with the symbolism of the booth in the worship of vegetation and the dead. �De loofhut is denbsp;natuurlijke woning van den god der vegetatie�, thus of Osiris, Ptah and Geb.nbsp;Death and resurrection have been brought into connexion with the vegetativenbsp;earth-life and represented in the �leaf-hut�. The god lives in the �leaf-hut�,nbsp;the deified dead man borrows his dwelling. But cf. A. Wiedemann ARWnbsp;26, 1928, p. 347. In Northern Europe the �Pfingstk�nig�, Queen of May livenbsp;in the �leaf-hut� (Mannhardt BK p. 187, 315, 353 sq). The Jewish Feastnbsp;of Tabernacles has sprung from a harvest-festival in the autumn after thenbsp;gathering of the fruits (ibid. p. 282).

�) Aulus Gellius Noct. Att. XVIII, 2, ii. Plautus Men. too sq. Wissowa R. u. K. p. 299.

�) Saturnalia: N i 1 s s o n GE 27 sqq (Heraia and Komyria in Caria), p. 35 sqq (Peloria, Kronia, at Gyrene and jPhlius), Athen. VI, 263 f at Kydonia, XIV, 639 bnbsp;in Crete and at Troizen. Nilsson GgR p. 482 sq.

As already remarked, the partaking of all available persons, foreigners and slaves included, of the meal has the effect that thenbsp;blessings of the new harvest can spread unhindered. An analogousnbsp;phenomenon presents itself at the Pithoigia in Athens, where afternbsp;the removal of the taboo on the new wine domestic slaves as wellnbsp;as hired servants freely get their share of the gifts of Dionysos�^).nbsp;On the other hand the prohibition of the eating of unleavened breadnbsp;was in force for all people, particularly for foreigners too, innbsp;Canaan ^).

It is obvious that we can also interpret the xmjaig aQxaixr) of the oQyj-jOTai who according to Polycrates mingle among the singers, asnbsp;a vegetative rite. In addition to general evidence, such as the occurrence of dances in the harvest-festivals of primitive peoples, examplesnbsp;from Crete �), Italy ¹ ² ³), and Greece itself �) can bear out the connexion of vegetative fertility with dance-ritual, though we need notnbsp;attach too much importance to the occurrence of dances in thenbsp;harvest-festivals, where they naturally form part of the exuberantnbsp;celebrations. Promotion of the growth of the crops is not necessarilynbsp;their purpose �). -

The dances of the Hyakinthia were old-fashioned and may since long have belonged to the program of festivities, as noted above.nbsp;They do not seem to have been offensive, like other fertility-dances,nbsp;especially in the Laconian Artemis-cult. Polycrates only mentionsnbsp;male dancers; it appeared from the Amyclaean relief and the allusionnbsp;of Kallimachos that we may reconstruct a kalathiskos-duncc,nbsp;probably performed by girls at the Hyakinthia. The figure on the

Deubner Att. Feste p. 93 sq. J. Harrison Proleg. p. 33, Themis p. 253. The Roman Nonae Caprotinae were also celebrated by free women andnbsp;bondwomen: Wissowa R.u.K. p. 184, W e i n s t o c k R. E. XVII, 849 sqq.

During the festival Charila at Delphi the basileus serves out bread and pulse to all, foreigners as well as citizens: Plutarch. Ait. Gr. 293 d sq.

�) Cf. supra p. 14 note i, moreover the vegetative dance of the Kouretes {Frazer ad Ovid. Fast. II, 520, vol. II, p. 425 sqq), the dance in the Minoannbsp;tree-cult e.g. GgR PI. 13, j, 7, 8.

Verg. Georg. I, 338 sqq in a rural procession in honour of Ceres, Nilsson GF p. 114, I.

This is rather to be expected in festivals which are celebrated earlier in the season; but the magic of fertility is not restricted to agrarian vegetation.

relief seems to represent a girl, though other pictures which represent similar dances also show youths who, adorned with the kalathiskos,nbsp;execute elegant dance-steps ^). Sometimes boys and girls take partnbsp;in the same dance.

Much has been written about this peculiar dance-figure, but the hope that it will give us a concrete indication concerning the cultnbsp;in which it is performed, is not fulfilled. With the extension of thenbsp;number of pictures referring to it the possibilities of its performancenbsp;widened. Kalathiskos-danccs occur in honour of Dionysos ^), Artemis '*), and Karneios �). Artemis has special connexions �), in thenbsp;case in question because she is mentioned by Kallimachos, in generalnbsp;in consequence of the glory of the Karyatides and the dance of thenbsp;kalathoi in Lydia near the Gygaean lake ^). From there, as is frequently supposed, the rite came to Laconia. We may refer to other,nbsp;partly historical influence on Sparta by Lydia, and to the meaningnbsp;of reeds in the cult of Kybele and Attis, which is obscure butnbsp;undeniable �). From Laconia the kalathiskos-dsLnct reached Southernnbsp;Italy, where in the neighbourhood of Taranto several vases withnbsp;pictures referring to it have been found �).' A crater with volute

An enumeration in V. M�ller o.c. p. 82 sqq. Cf. F. W e e g e Der Tanz in der Antike (1926) p. 44 sqq.

Arch. Anz. 1895, p. 39 sq fig. 16 (Berlin, inv. No. 3326, redfig. crater, girl-dancer). Watzinger ap. Furtwangle r-R e i c h h o 1 d Griech. Vasen-malerei III, p. 323 sq thinks the crater Boeotian. Perhaps Stephani CR 1869,nbsp;atlas PI. VI, 5 (this may also allude to a funeral banquet). Satyr with kalathiskosnbsp;in Bulgaria: Rev. �t. Gr. LII, 1939, p. 153 sq, fig. 14.

�*) Rom. Mitt. XXIV, 1909, p. 119 fig. 6 (Berlin inv. No. 4320, Apulian crater): naked girl-dancer.

quot;) Rev. Arch. 1938, II, p. 3 sqq (P. Wullleumier: Cratere in�dit de Ceglie).

�) Stephani thinks also of Artemis Phakelitis in this connexion because of the gloss of Photius: cpaxekos ' ro rrjg xsipaXrj; lt;p�orj/aa.

'�) E. Curtius Arch. Zeit. 1833, p. 150 sq. Strabo 6z6. Nilsson GF 233 sq supposes them to be real baskets instead of garlands.

In Sparta at the otherwise unknown festival of the Promacheia men wore crow*ns of reeds, Athen. XV, p. 647 a, Nilsson GF 470. Cook Zeus III, p.nbsp;988 sqq thinks that Alkman introduced the kalathiskos-dunce into Spartanbsp;(p. 1008).

handles in the museum of Taranto is of special importance^), as it depicts a mixed kalathiskos-hullet (besides a scene with Dionysosnbsp;and one with Perseus), while the kalathiskoi are of two differentnbsp;types. A cippiis bears for inscription: KAPNEIOZ, thus documenting the occurrence of the dance-figure in question for the Karneia.nbsp;W u i 11 e u m i e r introduces the bronze of the lyre-player fromnbsp;the Amyklaion, who wears a rush-like kalathiskos ^), and the glossesnbsp;about the Gymnopaedia, to conclude to a confusion of rites andnbsp;traditions which he can solve only by calling the Hyakinthia, Gymnopaedia and Karneia three festivals, consecrated to three aspectsnbsp;of the same god. Indeed there are contradictions in the testimonies,nbsp;but Wuilleumier�s levelling goes too far. The bronze statuettenbsp;of the lyre-player need not wear the Thyreatic wreath of the Gymnopaedia, but may be adorned with the rushes Artemis twisted innbsp;the Amyklaion. It is possible therefore that boy- and girl-dancersnbsp;have performed the kalathiskos in the Amyklaion under the auspicesnbsp;of Artemis, and that this rite had been imported from Asia Minor.

Here we may put an end to the examination of the Hyakinthia for the time being. The convergence of the various customs towardsnbsp;vegetative, partly harvest-ritual can now be compared with thenbsp;results of the chronological computations which placed the monthnbsp;of Hyakinthios in the period from the end of May till the beginningnbsp;of August. These data of two different kinds do not clash. Innbsp;Greece the harvest is gathered in about the end of May or thenbsp;beginning of June, early therefore in the supposed period. For anbsp;harvest-festival in Sparta the month coinciding with Skirophorionnbsp;will be the utmost limit, while the summer-month of Hekatombaionnbsp;is too late. Yet it is not justified to make an assignment in thenbsp;Spartan month-problem on the ground of the evidence furnished bynbsp;the rites. There may be reasons which caused a shifting of thenbsp;festive season. The fast- and bread-rites of the Attis-festival cannotnbsp;easily be brought into line with the season of the celebration (March)nbsp;either. In an imported festival the climate of the original country

Wuilleumier l.c.; Scheurleer Grieksche Ceramiek (1936) p- 125 and PI. 39, no; A. D. Trendall Friihitaliotische Vasen (Leipzig 1938) p. 24nbsp;sq, PI. 24�16. Cf. R. Herbig Arch. Jahrb. 1940, jj, p. 58 sqq, who discoversnbsp;the crown of reeds among the Philistines, supposes that it has been in use in thenbsp;Orthia-worship, and phantastically makes it into an Illyrian head-dress, to benbsp;found back �im ostdeutschen Raum�!

can maintain its effect, so that the Greek harvest-time need not be the standard. Moreover the significance of a harvest-festival may-fade on the spot, a process we must doubtless assume for the Hya-kinthia, where only rudiments point to the original character. Whennbsp;the primary meaning is worn off in that way, a gradual move of thenbsp;rites meets with no resistance, say to the month of Hekatombaion,nbsp;when there is plenty of time available to celebrate a festival, becausenbsp;the days of agricultural anxiety are over then ^).

It will be possible to choose between the various solutions when new finds of inscriptions will have procured more certainty regardingnbsp;the arrangement of the Spartan calendar. The relation of Hyakinthosnbsp;to the harvest-ritual which has been traced is a problem whichnbsp;anyhow asks to be solved. As appeared already from Attis� example,nbsp;we must examine whether the peripeteia from mourning to rejoicingnbsp;has been combined with the bread-ritual from old, in which casenbsp;we had to think of a dying and reviving corn-god, or to what extentnbsp;heterogeneous but similar rites have blended, a process which innbsp;itself furnishes an explanation for seasonal anomalies.

To this purpose we may first inquire into the form which Hyakinthos displays in the earliest stages that can be traced, as given by the other sources.

It is not much what has come down to us as a reminiscence of the earlier idea embodied in Hyakinthos-.some fragments of incidentalnbsp;tradition, from which we can only reconstruct an image by hypotheses and comparisons, in the hope that once the spade may bringnbsp;further information to light, and with the consolation that no doubtnbsp;figures of greater importance are hidden in still deeper darkness.

The name of the month Hyakinthios, which covers an area from Byzantium to Crete and from Sparta to Rhodes, may be left outnbsp;for the moment, so long as the origin and the spreading of the godnbsp;is not yet discussed. The attention may be focussed on the statements which add remarkable details to the mentioning of the god�snbsp;name; symptoms which suggested the diagnosis: �divine child� tonbsp;Nilsson. They come from two sides:

1�. At Amyklai the cult centres round the tomb of Hyakinthos, who is therefore thought dying. A similar situation occurs at Taren-tum, for which Polybius mentions the tomb of Hyakinthos (or,nbsp;as some people called it, of Apollo Hyakinthos!). Though thenbsp;testimony from the Spartan colony of Tarentum cannot claim thenbsp;same old conclusive force as that from Amyklai, yet it stresses thenbsp;significance of the element of the grave in the cult concerned. Thisnbsp;transferring of the worship by the colonists to their new residencenbsp;may have taken place simultaneously with the first expedition,nbsp;which, moreover, followed the failure of a Putsch during thenbsp;Hyakinthia �). And in their new home too, instead of a propernbsp;Greek temple, an un-Greek tomb is the monument of Hyakinthos,nbsp;which therefore enjoyed complete honours at the end of the 8 thnbsp;and the beginning of the yth century. A pre-Doric tradition atnbsp;Tarentum is possible as to the previous population ^), though hypothetical and almost too accidental ^). The different localization of

Strabo l.c. speaks of Cretans by whom the colonists were admitted there. For pre-Greek settlements near Taranto see Schachermeyr Etrusk. Friih-geschichte p. 69; F i m m e n^ p. too; G. S a f 1 u n d in Dragma M. P. Nilssonnbsp;p. 458 sqq.

Hyakinthos� tomb of course fits in well with the supposition that he was a god of vegetation, as this dies everywhere and can benbsp;mourned for at numerous graves.

2�. Knidos'furnishes the complement for the career of the god. About 200 B.C. a new festival was founded there on account of annbsp;epiphany of Artemis Hiakynthotrophos ^), the Hiakynthotrophia.nbsp;At Kos and Delphi inscriptions have been found from which itnbsp;appears that �scogo� were sent from there to the festival. The goddessnbsp;is called Artamis Hiakynthotrophos Epiphanes since her appearance and will have used this artifice only to breathe new lifenbsp;into her cult, which no doubt descends from much earlier times �).nbsp;For the epithet shows that she was thought of as the nurse of Hya-kinthos and therefore took over the care of the youthful god fromnbsp;his mother; a feature belonging to the myth of the divine child:nbsp;when young it is committed to the care of nymphs or other nature-powers.

Let us assume for the moment that it is correct to bring Hyakin-thos into these connexions, relying on his name with the non-Greek suffix for the old age of the tradition. Then it is necessary to looknbsp;for other traces of the myth and cult of the childgod in the surroundings of Hyakinthos.

In this connexion what has been stated for Amyklai is at once encouraging: 'the prominent part allotted to the women in the cult,nbsp;from the Mycenaean idols down to the aQX7]lg xal �scogog of Romannbsp;age. Picard speaks already of a mother-goddess, Terre-m�re, as anbsp;Hyakinthotrophos at Amyklai, on account of the finds�). It willnbsp;be more correct to leave the terre m�re and to resort to more specialnbsp;figures for the tgocpog. On Bathykles� altar-relief Hyakinthos isnbsp;accompanied in his ascent to heaven by Polyboia, �Yay.ivamp;ov xad'd

For the metathesis v�i gt; t�v cf. Kretschmer Glotta XXVIII, p. 244, I. Newton Discoveries at Halicarnassus II, p. 746, k.

SGDI III, 3502, 3512. The festival also in 3501; 3512 (Newton o.c. II, p. 745 sq. No. 28, PI. XC) commends a boy to the goddess, as may be expectednbsp;in a cult of the Hyakinthotrophos.

�) For epiphanies see Picard in Xenia, Hommage intern, d l�Universit� de Gr�ce p. 67 sqq, especially 78 sq, and in Eph�se et Claras p. 362 sq. They arenbsp;particularly frequent in Asia Minor. P f i s t e r R. E. Suppl. IV, 299.

A�yovaiv adelcp^v uno{^avovaav �u naQamp;�vov ¹ ² ³), According to this statement she is like a female double of Hyakinthos, and via thisnbsp;conception we can understand the identification with Kore (a youthful goddess of vegetation who, it is true, does not die, but staysnbsp;temporarily in the underworld in the Greek manner), quoted bynbsp;Hesychius as maintained by some authors ^). The alternative ofnbsp;Artemis leads to more analogies. In the first place Artemis appearednbsp;to be honoured at Knidos as a goddess who has reared Hyakinthos.nbsp;In general she is the nature-goddess who cares for the fertility ofnbsp;men and animals, and especially for the growing up of young child-ern and animals, as is pointed out by her epithets novgorgocpog ^),nbsp;(piXojj-ElQa^ ^), and naidoTQ�qjog �). The clothes of women in childbednbsp;are dedicated to Artemis Chitone�), an act by which thanks arenbsp;given and blessings expected for both mothers and childern. Evennbsp;if this function cannot be called Artemis� most important one or isnbsp;a later acquisition of hers, the result for our argument is the same:nbsp;Artemis may have occupied a prominent place in the cult of Hyakinthos since long, be it on her own merits, or in consequence of hernbsp;not merely local succession of a kourotrophos-iigurt.

UokvPoia � amp;e�'; tis ' vn hlwv /liv ��Agrefus, vno S� akXcoy Kogj], K e r c n y i ARW 30, 1933, p. 292 sqq (cf. p. 306 in Nachtrage) wrongly exploits this notenbsp;to strain the interpretation of the relief. Nor can the Aberdeen reliefs {AM iSyy,nbsp;p. 381 sq, No. 197 sq; Brit. Mas. Catalogue 0} Sculpture A. H. Smith III,nbsp;I, p. 370 sqq. No. 811 sqq) prove much for Amyklai, because of their undetermined origin. Cf. W u i 11 e u m i e r Rev. Arch. 35, 1932, i, p. 59.

and as a supporting figure under one of the tripods, put up as a tithe of the booty of the Messenian war�^).

Besides Artemis many other goddesses appear in the Amyklaion, whose functions are to be explained in a similar way, so far as theynbsp;are not merely given a formal hospitality. For various reasons thenbsp;nature of the goddesses makes them suitable to be thought of asnbsp;the attendants of the divine child. The counterparts of Artemisnbsp;under the tripods are Aphrodite and Kore; Bathykles dedicated notnbsp;only Artemis but also the Charites after completing the throne. Thenbsp;throne itself was supported by the Charites and Horai; on the altarnbsp;is a statue of Biris ^), whose meaning has not yet been made out,nbsp;moreover the goddesses Semele, Ino, Demeter, Kore, the Moirai,nbsp;Horai, Aphrodite and Athena, the daughters of Thestios, the Muses,nbsp;and the Horai once again. -

With some good will we can already find allusions to the myth of the divine child brought up by other persons in the reliefs of thenbsp;throne, though in the abundance of representations not too muchnbsp;abstruseness may be interpreted into any of them. Hermes carriesnbsp;the young Dionysos to heaven *); Peleus takes Achilleus to Cheiron �),nbsp;a well-known educator to whom also Aristaios �) is entrusted and innbsp;whom the kourotrophos-ide^ takes shape in one of its variants.nbsp;Picard^) emphasizes the scenes of the relief in which the translation to heaven of various mythical figures is depicted: Paus. Ill,nbsp;18, 10 sqq notes the abduction of Taygete and Alkyone by Poseidonnbsp;and Zeus, the rape of the Leukippides, how Dionysos is led to the

Paus. Ill, 19, 3. She also appears in rock-inscriptions on Thera LG. XII, 3, 363, near the temple of Apollo Karneios. Her name, if identical tonbsp;would be a flowername for a goddess who must have been more than a personification of the flower or the rainbow. Cf. on the form of the name B o i s a c qnbsp;Dictionn. ktym. p. 381 and Hiller von Gaertringen Klio 33, 1940,nbsp;p. 69.

�) Apoll. Rhod. II, J09 sq. Aristaios has mythical features in common with th^ divine child, but also appears as a kourotrophos himself. Cf. Jeanmairenbsp;Couroi et Cour�tes p. 283 sqq, especially 289 sqq.

gods by Hermes, Herakles by Athena and how Kephalos is carried off by Hemera, as reliefs of the throne; and as for the altar (19, 3nbsp;sqq) Semele, Ino, Hyakinthos, Polyboia and Herakles as figures annbsp;apotheosis of which is represented or known from elsewhere. �Tantnbsp;d�allusions d des Bienheureux d�ifi�s, n�est-ce pas tres significatiffnbsp;Survivances d�id�es minoennes sur I�autre vie, rest�es comme flot-tantes autour du reliquaire d�Hyakinthos, nouvelles doctrines desnbsp;religions de salut regreff�es sur Ie fonds pr�-hell�nique, voild d quoinbsp;ces sujets font penser avec insistance.� The allusions are significantnbsp;indeed, and the reliefs of the throne are richer in ascents to heavennbsp;than in divine child-mythology. For both, however, we may supposenbsp;a late echo of old conceptions floating round the sanctuary. Thenbsp;adornments with which Bathykles provided the grave-altar ofnbsp;Hyakinthos deserve special attention, because there were goodnbsp;reasons to depict the traditions which were still in circulation on it.

Of the loose figures of Biris, Poseidon and Amphitrite the presence of Poseidon surprises by no means in the Laconian surroundings ^). Zeus and Hermes are conversing with each other, Zeus himself a god with a divine child record, Hermes the foster-fathernbsp;and carrier of many childgods ¹ ²). Close to them are Dionysos, oncenbsp;more a representative of the type in question; Semele the earth, hisnbsp;mother who disappears from his birthmyth; and Ino, the foster-mother who takes over the care for the child Dionysos. On thenbsp;altar Demeter, Kore and Plouton also figure, derived from thenbsp;Eleusinian version of the vegetation-myth, in which the maid as thenbsp;goddess of the crops of the fields stays in the underworld for a partnbsp;of the year, to rise to the upper world with the corn, and fromnbsp;which the mysteries gathered a doctrine of salvation for the individuals. The Moirai and Horai, Aphrodite, Athena and Artemisnbsp;follow. Moirai and Horai are fertility-goddesses whom we maynbsp;think to be � Mutter gestalten� �), filled with care for the youngnbsp;nature-god. Like Aphrodite the Moirai appear at the birth ^). Thatnbsp;Athena is not out of keeping in this milieu, is proved by her important part in the myth of Erichthonios.

The name of jPoseidon in pre-Doric form IIOhOlAAN on a bronze fish from the Amyklaion AM 1927, p. 65; SGDl II, 340.

Cf. Van der Leeuw Phdnom. der Religion p. yj. The Horai according to Olen reared Hera, Paus. II, 13, 3.

The completing scene, which showed how Herakles too v/as conveyed to heaven by Athena and other deities, lays stress upon the apotheosis of Hyakinthos ^). The Thestiades ^), Muses and Horainbsp;mentioned further on will have served as intermediate figures, atnbsp;the same time extending the list of female beings whose place in thenbsp;Hyakinthos-cult has meanwhile become clear: they are the mythicalnbsp;attendants and nurses of the young god, a cort�ge of xovQotQ�cpoi,nbsp;from the midst of which one can arise as a goddess and then becomesnbsp;for example the Artemis Hyakinthotrophos, or Polyboia (thenbsp;�Vielnahrende, Nahmngsreiche� �)). The name of Polyboia is alsonbsp;given to the sister of Amphiaraos and the step-mother of Tennesnbsp;at Tenedos �); it is a general title, used by Euphorion as a beneficialnbsp;epithet of peace �) and certainly due to the foster-mother of thenbsp;divine child ^).

Leda, Hypermestra and Althaia usually pass for the daughters of the Aeto-lian Thestios. The Laconian Thestios may also be meant here, whose daughters are called Leda, Klytia and Melite (or Melanippe) by Ioann. Antiochen. FHG IV,nbsp;p. 549, frgm. 20.

W e 1 c k e r Kleine Schriften I, p. 24 sqq and Griechische G�tterlehre I, p. 472 sqq.

�) Wilamowitz Hermes LIX, 1924, p. 262 sq, who thought that he detected the Amyclaean Polyboia, has been refuted by the discovery of a newnbsp;fragment of Euphorion; P. Maas Gnomon 1933, p. 102 sqq. Cf. the etoijvrjnbsp;HovQoTQotpog Hesiod Erga 228.

�) It is doubtful whether the further speculations which for example Gruppe attempts with the name of Polyboia, supposing it equivalent to Meliboia ornbsp;Periboia (as W. F. Otto Dionysos p. 189 sqq wrongly calls the Amyclaeannbsp;figure) are allowed, though that much is remarkable:

1�. The foster-mother of Oidipous is called Periboia, her husband Polybos (or Meliboios).In the Sicyonian legend Oidipous is cast adrift in a chest (Gruppenbsp;p. 124, 521), just as

2�. Tennes, a late eponymous figure (Halliday Class. Quart. XXI, 1927, p. 37 sqq), who will have borrow'ed these details from Palaimon, the childgodnbsp;characteristic for Tenedos, together with the rtep-mother Polyboia (merely anbsp;difference in shade with the foster-mother of Hyakinthos) Gruppe p. 124nbsp;and 304.

3�. Meliboia and Amyklas are the surviving Niobids at Argos. She lives on in ancient surroundings (Leto, Hera Antheia) and is artificially associated with

rather a Hyakinthotrophos than a bride of Hyakinthos or a vague heroine^). Why she is supposed to die in her youth, is notnbsp;quite clear. It is possible that the death of the trophoi was an oldnbsp;element of the myth, but it rather looks like a later invention of thenbsp;exegetai who did not know what to make of the meaning of Polyboia.nbsp;She may have been thought of as the sister of Hyakinthos from old;nbsp;in folktales of deserted orphans too the sister acts as a nurse ^).

We can therefore specify the relation which Wide supposed to have existed between Polyboia and the part of the women in thenbsp;Hyakinthia. Just as Polyboia, Artemis Hyakinthotrophos and theirnbsp;retinue take up and rear the young god, so in the cult it is the youngnbsp;women who devote themselves especially to his worship and celebrate Hyakinthos with their nightly revels. They might be given thenbsp;title of Hyakinthotrophoi, and their part reminds us of the Maenads,nbsp;the Ti�rjvai who perform the cult of Dionysos in similar ways.

The name of ri�amp;i^vai for the worshippers of the divine child meets with an external point of contact in the Laconian festival of thenbsp;Tithenidia, which received its name from n�rjvai and raises thenbsp;question whether further traces of the mythology which oncenbsp;surrounded Hyakinthos and other divine childern, have survivednbsp;here. The threads which may connect the Hyakinthia with thenbsp;Tithenidia can be found ^). The latter festival is only known to usnbsp;from Polemon�s account of the kopides, as quoted by Athenaeusnbsp;(139 a, b): when the Tithenidia are celebrated they make kopidesnbsp;in the town vti'eq xamp;v naidtov, while the nurses take the male childernnbsp;into the country, i.e. to the temple of Artemis Korythalia. This isnbsp;situated in the neighbourhood of Amyklai�), so a connexion withnbsp;the cult there is possible as regards the topography. Moreover th�

Niobe. See Paus. II, 21, 9 and V, 16, 4, according to Telesilla: Apollodorus III, V, 6.

Meliboia = Chloris = goddess of vegetation, the sister who cares for Amyklas = the Amyclaean god? Cf. infra p. 102 note 3 for the possibility of Hyakinthianbsp;at Argos.

As Frazer Adonis Attis Osiris I, p. 316 proposed, in spite of the �roman incestueux� (Picard) it involves.

fact that kopides are celebrated in both festivals points to ritual affinities. For the kopis of the Tithenidia �Q�ayoQiaxoi � sucking-pigs, ^nd oven-baked bread are expressly mentioned ^). The ritualnbsp;is here also conducive to the growth of men, animals and crops.nbsp;Artemis of course again appears as the goddess to the care of whomnbsp;the young offspring is committed. Her epithet Korythalia shouldnbsp;not detract from the importance of the Tithenidia. KoQv�alt], ko-Qv�aXia or xoQV�akig is a fertility-branch like the eigeai�vrj, whichnbsp;is beneficial to ephebes and brides. This korythale is no doubt ofnbsp;old age. W i d e explains the name by splitting it up into ��xogFognbsp;� xovQoq and 'amp;dXXco, by which one obtains an epithet like hovqo-xQ�q^og, worthy of a goddess who protects the young childern.nbsp;Nilsson protested and called this an inversion of the real development �), the may-bough being very old, while the care of thenbsp;childern will have been associated with It later on. If we want tonbsp;find the Greek etymology of xogvamp;dXrj, we shall also have to takenbsp;into account the connotation of xdgog = xovgog = bough in thenbsp;explanation, as the Etym. Magn. does ^). The use of the korythalenbsp;as a may-branch proves that the starting-point of this growth-promoting cult is vegetative, lying in the growth of the plants.nbsp;Probably xogv�dXr] is a Greek adaptation of a non-Greek word �),nbsp;in which the Greeks heard a compound expressing the essence of thenbsp;may-bough and the goddess, and interchanging the two facetsnbsp;characteristic for the Tithenidia: Piovgo?-bough and �ovpoc-boy.

The old parallelism of the growth of men and plants is given utterance here. The phases of the transition froth Korythale tonbsp;Tithenidia are no longer distinguishable; long ago the may-boughnbsp;will have figured at the beginning of a development which soonnbsp;introduced the figure of a beneficent goddess whose name was atnbsp;the same time that of the branch in her cult, just as the boughsnbsp;carried in honour of Bacchos bore his name �). For lack of an

1) ijtvhag aQxovg also offered to Zeus Taletitas l.G. V, i, 363, 18 (in conjunction with the vegetative goddesses Auxesia and Damoia).

�) P. Chantraine in M�langes Glotz I, p. 165 sqq enumerates a series of words beginning with xoqv- which have no Indo-European cognates, and classesnbsp;xogvamp;akr] among them.

�) Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 408. Gruppe G.M. p. 781, 1418, o. It seems unlikely that this is a late metaphorical use.

etymology for the oldest phase we can only confine ourselves to the acceptance of the situation as taken over by the Greeks.nbsp;Concerning Amyklai it is probable then, that the Tithenidia, beingnbsp;akin to the Hyakinthia, likewise reach back to Mycenaean traditions,nbsp;and possibly even affected the same god originally. According tonbsp;the description of Polemon it is the human childern in whose favournbsp;the rites are performed; and a divine prototype is not mentioned.nbsp;Of course the cult of a divine vegetation-child which is reared undernbsp;the care of a beneficent goddess, gives occasion to practical minds,nbsp;and not merely to those, of recommending their own childern tonbsp;the protection of that goddess. So far as it is hypothetically known,nbsp;N i 1 s s o n�s divine child represents the vegetation of the year, butnbsp;parallelism with the growing up of the young animals and men maynbsp;date back from pre-Greek stages, as perhaps has been preservednbsp;from old in the hymn of Palaikastro.

So we have to recognize in Artemis Korythalia, who had her temple near the Tiasos, a figure related to the Knidian Hiakyntho-trophos, and one which may have been involved of old in the Amy-claean cult-complex. Hyakinthos is nowhere explicitly brought intonbsp;connexion with her, though things have come so far that his successornbsp;Apollo had to submit to Korythalia as hisnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;being part of his

The little boys-only enjoyed the honour of being taken to the temple of Korythalia by their nurses. That the female childern werenbsp;not left to thrive on their own account, is suggested by Herodotus�nbsp;narrative about Ariston�s third wife�), who, as a child, was takennbsp;every day by her nurse to the precinct of Helen at Therapnae tonbsp;invoke the assistance of' the goddess. We have seen that the girlsnbsp;went in kannathra-pvocession to that Mycenaean temple ^). A statement of Plutarch says of the kannathra: iv 015 xojjii^ovoi tag jiaidasnbsp;�v Talg nofxjtaig ^), by which the conveying of the little girls innbsp;the procession may be meant.

So there have been preserved cult-traditions at Amyklai and its Mycenaean surroundings, especially as regards the part of the womennbsp;in the celebrations, in which traces of an ancient and borrowed

world of conceptions may be recognized. Armed with these preliminary data concerning the entourage of Hyakinthos �we shall have to test the curious information which has come down to usnbsp;from quite another direction: Attica^).

Unfortunately it has fallen a prey to all kinds of confusion and fancy to combine, and ekes out its life almost exclusively in lexica.nbsp;Suidas and Photius s.v. nag��roi state that the six daughters ofnbsp;Erechtheus were called so, named from the eldest downwards:nbsp;Protogeneia, Pandora, Prokris, Kreousa, Oreithyia and Chthonia.nbsp;Protogeneia and Pandora,are said dovvai tavidg ocpayfjvai vji'eq rijenbsp;%d)Qag, OTQaxidg ikamp;ovm]Q ex Boicoriag. ioqjaytdo'dtjoav d� �v xm 'Pa-xMcp xalovfx�vcp xidyco, vji�q xmv Zqievdoviwv. did xai ovxcog xakovvxainbsp;JiaQ��voi �Yaxivamp;ideg, xa�dneQ (laQXVQEi ^avddxjfiog �v xfj nenmr]nbsp;^Ax'amp;idi, /lEfivf^fJ-�vog xrjg xifj-ijg avxamp;v, xal 0Qvvixog MovoxQono).

This account with the reliable indication of its sources must contain some elements of truth. Wilamowitz^) brings thenbsp;topographical indication vji'eq xwv ZxpEvdov'iojv into connexion withnbsp;a gloss elsewhere which explains Yxpevddvm as a xojiog A�tjvrjOi ^),nbsp;where statues are found, as Wilamowitz supposes of the verynbsp;Hyakinthides. This would be accidental but adds little to the facts.

So, according to Suidas and Photius, daughters of Erechtheus = Hyakinthides would have enjoyed worship on the hill Hyakinthos,nbsp;after they had sacrificed themselves on behalf of their country. Ifnbsp;we trace back what is further mentioned of the Hyakinthides, wenbsp;find, on the one side, a tradition which agrees with this ��), butnbsp;other sources call them explicitly the daughters of Hyakinthos thenbsp;Lacedaemonian. One of those daughters bears the name of Lousia,

The double localization of Hyakinthos in Attica and pre-Doric Lacedie-monia is paralleled by Helen�s appearance at Therapne and Aphidna. Cf. Nilsson Myc. Origin Gr. Myth. p. 170.

Bekker Anecdota- I, p. 202. �AipiSgi�/iarn iv ralg Sqysvd�vais' arptSgi/iaTa /i�v rd dyaljiaxa, 2(psv5�vai Sk t�nog �Aamp;r/vrjniv. Valckenaer�s change ofnbsp;Suidas� Sipsvdovtmv into Sipsvdal�mv, which is defended by Schwartz, Leonbsp;and others, is uncertain. (Schwartz: Erechtheus ct Theseus p. 23, i: Namnbsp;2(pevd6vai r�siog �Aamp;^vjjoi .. supra quern nullo modo Hyacinthus collis situs essenbsp;did potest � Why not?) Cf. Wrede R. E. Ill A, 1695, s.v. Sphendale.

after whom a deme of the Attic phyle Oineis has been named ^). Apollodorus gives this version at greater length in a story which innbsp;its outline shows a resemblance with the saga of the Erechtheides.nbsp;When Minos wages war against the Athenians, and Zeus, at hisnbsp;entreaty, sends them famine and plague, xata X�yiov �A�rjvmoi na-Iniov Tag �Yardvamp;ov xoQag, �Avi^rjl�a, Aiykrjida, Avxaiav, �Og^aiav, �nlnbsp;Tov rsQaloTov Tov KvH?MJiog rcKpov xaz�acpa^av. xomow d'e 6 naxrjQnbsp;^Ydxivamp;og IXd^oJV lx Aaxedainovog �A'amp;tjvag xaxcpxei The treatment of Hyakinthos, who according to this ingenious mythology isnbsp;an emigrant foreigner, is rather discourteous, though for the rest thenbsp;narrative gives new details and names. Hyginus says the Spartannbsp;Hyakinthos only sacrificed his daughter Antheis for the sake of thenbsp;Athenians, at the advice of an oracle �). Finally the patriotic sacrifice of the Hyakinthides is also mentioned without any genealogicalnbsp;indications ^).

It appears from the tale of Apollodorus that the Hyakinthides led an independent existence and did not only occur as a surnamenbsp;of the daughters of Erechtheus. They are mixed up with them innbsp;Suidas and Photius, one of the causes of which was the similar saganbsp;on both groups, putting an end to their lives by a human sacrificenbsp;in hard times. Wilamowitz�) argues that the existence of anbsp;cult of the Hyakinthides led to the invention of an aetiologicalnbsp;legend, as its meaning was no longer understood. An analogous fatenbsp;is to be assumed for the daughters of Erechtheus, who were alsonbsp;worshipped�), though there did not exist an essential reason fornbsp;their immolation in the legend either. The expiatory human sacrificenbsp;in times of distress, failure of crops and plague is a well-knownnbsp;figure in mythology, while an oracle mostly issues the cruel order �^).

*) Steph. Byz. s.v. Aovaia, cf. Wilamowitz Aristoteles und Athen (1S93) II, p. 152, 18.

�) Apollod. Ill, 15, 8. Meursius reads after Steph. Byz. Aovoiav instead of Avzaiav; E i t r e m R. E. IX, 2 conjectures Lyaia. The MSS give in addition thenbsp;name 'Hvamp;tjviSa.

Fab. 238. (qui filias suas occiderunt). In the same breath with Hyakinthos he mentions Erechtheus who sacrifices Chthonia.

The scheme is limited. Causes giving rise to expiatory sacrifices are drought, famine, failure of the crops, or the ensuring of victory in a war. In the version

Ino even takes advantage of this situation to forge such an oracle ^). At Athens the daughters of Leos too ^), sometimes alsonbsp;Kekrops�s are said to have been offered, who in their turn are againnbsp;confused with the daughters of Erechtheus ^). �Von diesen G�ttinnen,nbsp;die einst auf der Erde gewandelt haben sollten, musste man einenbsp;hero�sche Tat erzdhlen, die sie der Verehrung besonders wilrdignbsp;machen sollte, man wdhlte dazu das Menschenopfer� '�I.

If therefore the human sacrifice can be detached as a secondary addition from similar female figures of the myths, a proper reasonnbsp;must be found for their worship. This may be of a different characternbsp;for the kinds of Parthenoi venerated in various regions; in thenbsp;present case it is important to see which was the sphere of influencenbsp;of the Hyakinthides, and of the Erechtheides mixed up with themnbsp;for some reason or other. They may have been kindred beings, ornbsp;owe their identification largely to mutual vagueness.

The family-tie between the Attic Hyakinthides and the Laconian Hyakinthos does not make a reliable impression �). From Amyclaeannbsp;surroundings no indications are known for a fatherhood or marriagenbsp;of Hyakinthos. Rather than giving a new turn to his career, wenbsp;have to see in the Hyakinthides the female beings who also used tonbsp;attend to the god elsewhere, when he was committed to the protectionnbsp;of nymphs and nature-powers in his youth. Then the 'Yamv�ide?nbsp;are the Attic group of �YaxivPoxQOcpoi, who have not been concentrated here into one leading figure, nor have moreover been ablenbsp;to enter a glorious career. As the remnants of an earlier cult theirnbsp;of Apollodorus both causes have accumulated. The victims undergo their fatenbsp;sometimes voluntarily, sometimes compulsorily. Cf. Nilsson GgR p. 371,nbsp;375; GF p. II, 228, 460. Rohde Psyche I, p. 177 sqq. Frazer ad Apollod.nbsp;Ill, XV, 8 (vol. II, p. 118 sq n. i).

Schol. Iliad VII, 86: Athamas should sacrifice Phrixos to ward off the unfruitfulness of the corn.

Suidas s.v. Ascoxogiov. Here too the legend will have arisen to explain the sanctuary. Cf. F. Schwenn Menschenopfer p. 127 sqq. G ru p p e G-M.nbsp;II, p. 922.

Lobeck Aglaophamus I, p. 210 sqq; L. Weber Klio 21, 1927, p. 263, i; Schwartz Erechtheus et Theseus p. 36 sq.

�) Weber ARW 1925, p. 237 unjustly wants to disconnect the Attic and Laconian legends altogether. There exists a fundamental agreement, which hasnbsp;been forgotten, not by anti-Spartan chauvinism, but because of its high agenbsp;(contra Schwartz�s hypothesis o.c. p. 33).

name and legend still bear witness of a former occurrence of Hyakinthos in Attica too ^). The fact that they derived their namenbsp;from the god is quite as well explicable in this way, as when theynbsp;were genealogically entitled to his name. In the worship of Dionysos,nbsp;when ti�rjvai rear the god, the worshippers also bear names as Dio-nysiades and Bacchai. The question whether the Hyakinthidesnbsp;were a mythical projection of the cult-servants, or fully worshippednbsp;goddesses, may remain undecided, because either will have been truenbsp;from the beginning onwards: cult and myth have grown together,nbsp;the one as the form of expression of the other.

The proper names of the Hyakinthides suit the part allotted to them of nature powers, tending the youthful god of vegetation:nbsp;Antheis, Aigleis doubtless, Lousia as an epithet of Demeter ^),nbsp;Lytaia and Orthaia remind one of Artemis (Lysaia^) and Orthia);nbsp;though they do not provide us with any further news. What theirnbsp;worship in Attica will have looked like can at most be guessed fromnbsp;the �Ydxivamp;og xaXovfievog ndyog on which Protogeneia and her sisternbsp;according to Suidas have been immolated. So the sanctuary, if wenbsp;may use this word, was here also situated on a hill, which presumablynbsp;was not called Hyakinthos, but also gets this title to explain thenbsp;surname of the daughters of Erechtheus: Hyakinthides. In the storynbsp;of the sacrifice of the Hyakinthides themselves this argumentationnbsp;is superfluous, and accordingly quite another indication of the sitenbsp;of the execution appears here: the tomb of Geraistos, the Cyclop (ornbsp;son of the Cyclop)./As Apollodorus does not add any topographicalnbsp;descriptions it is possible that the ndyog in Suidas is identical withnbsp;the grave mentioned here. At any rate the grave may have had thenbsp;aspect of a hill.

In Athens another late indication of sacral importance concerning Hyakinthos has been preserved. In an inscription of the Roman age, found on the Akropolis, we read the word Hyakinthion in connexion with the enumerationnbsp;of various precincts, unfortunately deprived of further description by lacunas.nbsp;Eph. arch. 1884, 170, line 52, (Tsountas), and LG. IP, 1035. It is possiblenbsp;that before �Yaxivamp;iov no full stop should be read, but that the context is:

---]iv xard nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;xat xov olxodofitjd�vra x�jiov xiQog xwnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;�Yaxivdiov[---

A place named �Yaxlvamp;tov not looking like an ordinary altar or temple, is conceivable as a centre of Hyakinthos-w'orship.

The appearance of the �Cyclop Geraistos� is a curious feature in this connexion, but his antecedents can be found and take us backnbsp;to familiar regions. The cult of Poseidon Geraistios on Euboia isnbsp;well-known ^); Tainaros and Kalauros are said to be brothers of thenbsp;eponymous Geraistos of Euboia, who have sailed to the Pelopon-nese ^). Gera(i)stios is a month at Kalymna, Kalaureia, Kos, Lacedaemon and Troizen �), in the latter of which a clan of Geraistiastainbsp;is also mentioned '*). The Greek etymologies of these names are notnbsp;convincing, like the connexion with y�gag and yeQaiQeiv, adduced bynbsp;the Etym. Magn. to explain lemmata v/hich procure credentials fornbsp;the Attic Geraistos:

PeQaianddeg � ovtm vv^vpai xaXovvxm �v FoQTvvri Kq^xx]? ' oxt xov Aia XQ�xpovaai eyegaigov.

regaiaxtov ' xmgiov xijs �Agxadiag, itagd x6 y�gag ' dxi xifxi�v �oxiv, dia x� �xe� xdv Aia anagyavixi'amp;fjvai.

This explains much. In Crete nymphs were worshipped who perhaps derived their title from an un-Greek name Geraistos, in the same waynbsp;as it happened to the Hyakinthides and Hyakinthos. This Geraistosnbsp;will be a Minoan heirloom, as appears from his character of anbsp;youthful Zeus with attendant nymphs. Here again Arcadia was anbsp;match for Crete and had a Fegaiaxiov of its own, where the divinenbsp;child had been swathed. But Lesbos too knew a Geraistion �); thenbsp;birth of the god of vegetation takes place everywhere and is celebrated everywhere, as well as his death.

The Geraistiades have not only been preserved from oblivion via the lexica. On a votive relief of the 4th century B.C. �) which wasnbsp;put up in a sanctuary near the old mouth of the Kephisos thenbsp;dedication is addressed among other deities (e.g. Hestia, Leto, Artemisnbsp;Lochia, Eileithyia) to Fegaiaxalg vvjxxpmg yeve^Xliaig: the nymphsnbsp;who, in olden times, bestowed their care on the divine child, have

BCH 10, 1886, p. 141, line 13; I.G. IV, 757, B 12; SGDI III, 3364. Cf. �. M e y e r �. �. VII A p. 647.

�) I.G. II�III�, 3, 4547. Cf. W i 1 a m o w i t z Hermes 61, 1926, p. 281; Homolle Rev. arch. XI, 1920, i, p. 5 No. 4; Walter Eph. arch. 1937,nbsp;97 sqq.

preserved their relation to the new-born and seem to be invoked here as the protectors of the young childern ^). Accordingly thenbsp;relief depicts, how Xenokrateia guides her little son Xeniades tonbsp;Kephisos and other xovQotQotpoi- figures.

So in the myth the care of the Geraistiades or vvfiqrai Fegaiatai is bestowed upon the divine vegetation-child, which on this occasionnbsp;seems to bear the title of Geraistos. This may be one of many namesnbsp;by which in the cult the child that was reared by the nymphs wasnbsp;indicated. A local restriction of it cannot be determined in view ofnbsp;the scarcity of our information. At any rate it is clear that Geraistosnbsp;like Hyakinthos covers both Doric and Attic regions. The meaningnbsp;of the stem of the word is to be explained with the aid of un-Greeknbsp;layers. Perhaps the Greeks have fashioned the names under thenbsp;influence of y�gag and yegaiQeiv. The glosses of the Etymologicumnbsp;Magnum only suggest that the Geraistion had something to do withnbsp;the ajiagyavcoois of the Minoan child. The regaiaral vvficpai yev�'amp;hainbsp;may imply in their double title an explanation of the unintelligiblenbsp;first half, so that the words ysgatanog and yevsamp;hog might be synonyms. Then regaianov would indicate the place of birth, Geraistosnbsp;the new-born child.

This connexion is perhaps supported by the relations which Poseidon established with some relics of Geraistos. On Euboia henbsp;has taken possession of the festival Geraistia �) and the surnamenbsp;Geraistios ^). Geraistos is the name of a cape and port on Euboia,nbsp;the eponymous founder is said to be a son of Zeus '*). This mightnbsp;point into the right direction, though it is probable that most of thenbsp;Euboean Geraistos-tradition is a late combination. There is no realnbsp;proof that the month Geraistios derived its name from Poseidon.nbsp;The sea-god, however, bears the epithets Genethlios (at Sparta �))

Cf. Nilsson G%R p. 230 sq for this function of the nymphs. An archaic relief from the Acropolis (Payne-Young 128, 3; Langlotz-Schuch-hardt No. 20) shows Hermes playing the flute to the dancing of three nymphsnbsp;and a small boy. Whether Erichthonios is meant here or a mortal boy, is notnbsp;essential: the care of the nymphs comprises both.

�) Paus. Ill, 15, 10, cf. Apollon. Rhod. II, 3; Wide LK p. 43; De sacris Troezeniorum p. 12 sq.

and Genesios (at Lerna ^)), perhaps as a tutelary deity of the families ^), or as a god of animal fecundity �). It may be left undecided whether this is an authentical title of Poseidon or a laternbsp;acquisition. It is remarkable that sacred spots in the territory ofnbsp;Lerna and Troizen are indicated as Genesion and Genethlionnbsp;respectively^), the latter the alleged birthplace of Theseus. Annbsp;independent use of the notion of a birthplace presumably precedednbsp;the annexation to Poseidon Genethlios. In the neighbourhood ofnbsp;Troizen; which knew a Geraistian month and clan �), a Geraistionnbsp;would not be surprising; perhaps a trace of it has been left in thenbsp;Genethlion of Theseus. When of old Poseidon exercised the protection of the families and clans in his capacity of Genethlios, thisnbsp;might have given rise to the blending with Geraistos-relics as clearlynbsp;recognizable in Euboia�). An original cult-relation of the twonbsp;figures cannot be found. Pohoidan appears in the Amyklaion, butnbsp;without mythical connexions ^). His association with Erichthonios,nbsp;another divine child, is only due to local circumstances, not tonbsp;identity or similarity �).

Paus. II, 38, 4. Cf. O. Walter Eph. arch. 1937, p. 99,2 and Homolle Rev. arch. XI, 1920, p. 48 sq.

Paus. II, 38, 4; II, 32, 9; VIII, 7, 2. B�lte R.E. VII, 1133, not to be identified.

�) See p. 60 n. 4.Though Troizen has not yielded very ancient remains (Meyer R. E. VII A, 620; Nilsson Myc. Or. Gr. Myth. p. 166 sqq) its name (cf.nbsp;Troezene in Caria, Plin. N.H. V, 109) and the neighbourhood of Kalaureianbsp;allow the existence of old traditions in these regions.

�) Along other lines too an external resemblance in appellatives may have given rise to confusion, i.e. if Poseidon is considered the god to whom namesnbsp;as Geren (Steph. Byz. s.v.: xcofirj A�ofiov, ajio Esg^vog rov Iloasidojvog'^^ Gerenia,nbsp;Gerenios, Geres (Strabo XIV, I, 3, Boeotian colonist of Teos), Gerenichos (1. G.nbsp;VII, 3179) belong. Cf. Gruppe G. M. 293, 2, who conjectures a faded Orcho-menian cult-name. It does not seem likely that these names would contain thenbsp;same stem as Geraistos (cf. Herzog Koische Forschungen p. 29, i andnbsp;Nilsson GF p. 456), though the similarity may have brought about thenbsp;joining of the two. In Kos analogously the proper name Gerastiphanes occursnbsp;besides Gerontiphanes, in which perhaps the aliog ysgcov takes over the placenbsp;of Gerastos (S i 11 i g Nomina theophora p. 75, P a t o n-H i c k s 346, 7).

Derived proper names occur on Euboia: Geraistios ^); and Kos; Gerastis, Gerastiphanes, Geraistis ^). In Euboia a direct connexionnbsp;with Poseidon is obvious. For Kos we may rather assume an oldnbsp;tradition, the same which perpetuated the name of the month innbsp;various regions.

Tradition gives no clue as to what the festival which gave its title to the month looked like. The Geraistia on Euboia are notnbsp;described (the scholiast l.c. only says that they were celebrated innbsp;honour of Poseidon on account of the tempest which once ragednbsp;there) ^). At Troizen in Geraistios an unnamed festival, lasting manynbsp;days, was kept, in which slaves and citizens gambled together andnbsp;the slaves were treated by their masters �*). These may have beennbsp;Geralstian Saturnalia from old, but the gist of the matter is notnbsp;mentioned. The place of the month is probably parallel to Atticnbsp;Mounychion = April/May, for Kos perhaps earlier�). For a birth-festival of the divine child this is perhaps not yet early enough in thenbsp;season, but how the cycle was gone through and by what festivitiesnbsp;it was marked, cannot be determined for the present. The occurrencenbsp;in one calendar of Gerastios and Hyakinthios (as in Sparta andnbsp;Kos) may point to different high-days in the career of the divinenbsp;child (birth-death), rather than issuing from a combination of originally independent celebrations Into one calendar. For in Attica thenbsp;Hyakinthides are associated with the tomb of Geraistos, which conjunction of elements suggests that Geraistos and Hyakinthos arenbsp;only various denominations for the one divine child which wasnbsp;reared by Geraistiades or Hyakinthides. The tomb of Geraistos maynbsp;then also be understood as one of the graves of the vegetation-god,nbsp;like those of Hyakinthos at Amyklal and Zeus on Crete; unless we

jP a t o n-H i c k s 368, V, 48, 54, VII, 6$; 387, 24; 388, 6; 10 d 67 (Gerastis); 368, I, 63, 66, 69, II, 30; 346, 7 (Gerastiphanes). I.G. XII, i, 1442, 32. Herzognbsp;Koische Forschungen 12, ii; 175, 18 and 20.

^) For Geraistos a cult of Artemis BoXoaia is mentioned (Procopius De hello Goth. IV, 22, 27) to whom Agamemnon dedicated a stone ship, made by Tyn-nichos. In other cases the epithet is given to Eileithyia (Etym. Magn. and Etym.nbsp;Gud.) and would fit a TQotp�g of the divine child Geraistos well, though thenbsp;derivation is uncertain (not from ^olai � mSTvss, as the Etym. Magn. and Gud.nbsp;suppose, perhaps hunting-goddess from p�Xog = r) Sid aayrjvrjg dyga. Etym. Gud.).nbsp;��) Athen. XIV, p. 639 c. Nilsson GF p. 36.

wish to consider the grave in the saga of Apollodorus a later element, inserted to provide the human sacrifice with a worthy place ofnbsp;destination. That the celebration of the birth (c.q. upbringing) andnbsp;death of the god is enacted at the same place, is quite conceivablenbsp;in this cult. The god of vegetation dies annually, and rises annuallynbsp;from the dead; his epiphany may take place at his tomb ^).

Though it is possible that the Gerairai of the Anthesteria have something to do with the Geraistiades ^), because of their connexionnbsp;with Dionysos, they are more likely to have an origin of their ownnbsp;as venerable matrons to whom separate sacral functions werenbsp;allotted, for example at the lego? yap.og of Dionysos and the basilinna,nbsp;than to be a kihd of nurses of a childgod. In this ritual Dionysosnbsp;is no longer a child: to the stately Athenian performance the youthful nymphs hardly belong. Moreover the yeQa(i)Qm cannot easily benbsp;separated from the yegafij^ddes who dressed the statue of Athena atnbsp;Argos and are indicated as ramp;v agtarcov dv�gwv yvvmxE? �). Accordingnbsp;to Wackernagel yegatgd can be derived as a feminine fromnbsp;ysgagds, venerable ��).

Finally the assertion that Geraistos, on whose tomb the Flyakin-thides were sacrificed, was a Cyclop, asks for an explanation. The reason is rather obscure, but the category of the Cyclopes does notnbsp;counterbalance the connexions with Minoan conceptions which thenbsp;proper name suggested, and a reminiscence of which may be thenbsp;transferring of the sacrifice of the Hyakinthides to the days, whennbsp;Minos besieged Athens. Cyclopes are cbiUjjoTai and may for that reasonnbsp;be requisitioned to receive human victims �). Their only furthernbsp;place of worship is their altar in the domain of the ehildgodnbsp;Palaimon�), how and why is not described. External factors maynbsp;have stamped the'forgotten Geraistos into an old-fashioned curiositynbsp;as a Cyclop, to which finally the Euboean connexion with Poseidonnbsp;may also have contributed ^).

Cf. the Idaean cave, where Zeus was born (Kallim. Hymn. I, 6), brought up (Diodorus V, 70) and buried (Porphyr. Vita Pyth. 17).

When thus the Hyakinthides in Attica have appeared to remind us as late remnants of a form of worship borrowed from Crete, andnbsp;celebrated under various epithets on the mainland, then it is temptingnbsp;to elucidate the confusions and identifications which have beennbsp;committed with them with the aid of the ancient principles traced.nbsp;In addition to the Hyakinthides-Geraistiades, who acted in thenbsp;Attic version, the Erechtheides and Hyades occupy part of thenbsp;tradition. If it were sure that these identifications date from latenbsp;times, it would be superfluous to dig up reasons for them fromnbsp;scattered legends, the chronology of which moreover is by no meansnbsp;certain. A comparison of the names of Hyakinthides and Hyades,nbsp;for example, may give sufficient cause to confusion in a syncretisticnbsp;mind ^). But a blending may already be stated for Euripides� days,nbsp;which may have its cause in earlier layers. Then we may yet looknbsp;for mythical and cult-affinities.

The human sacrifice appeared to be one of the links which facilitated the process of contamination. But the substratum whichnbsp;lent itself to this purpose has been homogeneous from the beginning.nbsp;The �daughters of Erechtheus� and the Hyades are youthful femalenbsp;beings, of no exactly limited number, many of which were honourednbsp;in Greece under various proper names and general titles such asnbsp;jiaQamp;�vot. Sometimes they are brought into connexion with a cultnbsp;and other figures, which was expressed in a myth and specified thenbsp;function of the women.

The maidens Protogeneia, Pandora etc. are reputed to descend from Erechtheus-Erichthonios, though it is as improbable here as innbsp;the family of Hyakinthos that they have always passed for hisnbsp;daughters. E s c h e r �) ascribes an origin to them as the mythicalnbsp;retinue of Athena, corresponding with the cult-servants such asnbsp;Errephoroi and Ergastinai. This is right, provided we take Athenanbsp;in her association with Erechtheus, for he mythically adopted thenbsp;girls. The earth-born Erichthonios, son of thenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;agovga,

whom Athena reared �), who was buried in her domain ��), claims a descent from the Minoan divine child�). Athena as his nurse is atnbsp;That there is really question of an abbreviation of the name will not benbsp;admitted to E. Maass Hermes 25, 1890, p. 40J sq.

3) nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Iliad B J47 sq. cf. Herodot. VIII, 55; Euripides Ion 267. He is honourednbsp;with annual sacrifices of bulls and rams cf. J. Harrison Themis p. 169.

the head of a group of Parthenoi on whom the task of upbringing the son of the earth rests. Individual names for these figures arenbsp;mostly of a later date, as for the Hyakinthides. As the �daughters�nbsp;of Erechtheus are given Protogeneia, Pandora, Prokris, Kreousa,nbsp;Chthonia, Oreithyia ^), but also Aglauros, Herse and Pandrosos �),nbsp;whose function has remained well-knov/n in mythology and whosenbsp;names stress their task��). These attendants of Erechtheus, whonbsp;frequently appear as a motive in ancient art, mostly pass for thenbsp;�daughters� of Kekrops, whose resemblance to Erichthonios-Erechtheus -is well-known *). Since a genealogical link was soughtnbsp;the fatherhood suited Kekrops better than Erechtheus-Erichthonios,nbsp;who had first to be brought up by the maidens. About Aglaurosnbsp;and her sisters the same legend with its variants concerning thenbsp;expiatory sacrifice is told as about Protogeneia and hers �).

A conjunction of the Tiamp;fjvai of Erichthonios with those of Hya-kintho'S could therefore be based on so much affinity that we may even think of one original cult to which the different epithets ofnbsp;the divine child were associated. But if the theory of the childgodnbsp;is right, he may have been worshipped in Attica in various places,nbsp;so that of course local variants in designation occurred, no doubtnbsp;also because Greek substitutes and corruptions of Minoan namesnbsp;were made.

A third trace of the many-sided cult of the divine child in Attica might be found in the identification of Hyades and Erechtheides,nbsp;though the conjectures here outnumber the facts. Euripides in hisnbsp;Erechtheus made the three daughters of this king become Hyades �).nbsp;Whether he has worked out a wholly new idea with it or resortednbsp;to existing connexions, cannot be inferred from other testimonies ^).nbsp;So much can be said that the identification is not arbitrary. Innbsp;various scholia the Hyades give rise to similar guesses and speculations

Steph. Byz. s.v. AyoavXrj � - - - aJto zwv av^ovzoiv zovg xaQ:^ovg oivofZOiOu�vCLt.

�) Schol. Aristid. l.c. Agraulos sacrificed by Erechtheus, Herse and Pandrosos voluntarily follow her into death. Philochoros frg. 14 (FHG I, p. 386): Agraulosnbsp;sacrifices herself by flinging herself from the wall.

�^) Schwartz o.c. p. 34 and L. Weber Klio 21, 1927, p. .263, i assume an innovation of Euripides.

concerning their origin and denomination. They form a constellation of stars, but as mythical figures they are considered nurses ofnbsp;Dionysos ^), bearing appropriate names as Bromie, Kisseis, Thyone,nbsp;Baccho; or sisters of Hyas �). With the first indication we get onnbsp;familiar ground: once again a representative of the type of thenbsp;childgod, reared by the nymphs. This function of the Hyades maynbsp;be ancient, perhaps early associated with the constellation ^). Thenbsp;tiamp;ijvat in this case are not called Bacchai after Bacchos, but Hyadesnbsp;after Hyas or Hyes. Hyes is a cultname imported from foreignnbsp;regions, in use as an epithet for Dionysos *), and Zeus �). Sabaziosnbsp;is called Hyeus �), Semele Hye^). The god originally designated bynbsp;this name may have been the youthful god of vegetation in Dionysiacnbsp;version, who has penetrated into Greece by the Northern route �).nbsp;His name is also borne by Hyas, the �brother� of the Hyades, ofnbsp;whom mythology only narrates how he meets with a sudden deathnbsp;through a wild boar or a lion �), after which his sisters bewail him.nbsp;These features he shares with Attis, the Oriental dying god; andnbsp;the rapprochement of the two seems also to be demonstrated in thenbsp;well-known formula w]? artrjQ atrrjg vrjc. The god Dionysos-Hyesnbsp;has preserved exotic traces, in contrast with Erichthonios, who maynbsp;pass for an aboriginal Attic divine child. Nevertheless the former�snbsp;nurses could be identified with the reputed daughters of Erechtheus,nbsp;who, on the other hand, seem to have enjoyed a common cult withnbsp;Dionysos in Attica, with vtjqpdXiai �valai ^�).

The various confusions and identifications therefore are intelligible in so far as they all embroider the same theme. The scheme is as follows;

1) Etym. Uagn. s.v. quot;Yrjs (�Hydes�); Hygin. fab. 192; Ovid. Fasti V, 167; Serv. Aen. I, 744; schol. Georg. I, 138. Cf. Hesych. s.v. haozQog (ras Bastgasnbsp;'Ki�af �Xe.ycngt;).

�) Sturtevant Language I, 1925, p. 78 assumes a Lydian god Hyves, because of ora/ Huvel/1 � in the month of Huves. Cf. Jonghees Mnemosynenbsp;VI, 1938, p. 357 sq.

�) Hygin. fab. 248; Ovid. Fasti V, 178; Serv. ad Aen. I, 744; ad Georg. I, 138; Schol. 2 486 (killed by a snake when hunting in Lybia).

Of those Hyakinthos, Geraistiades and Hyes are not known from direct tradition in Attica. The regularity of this construction is annbsp;objection, as the development will not have followed such a purenbsp;scheme. Concerning the Hyades there is some suspicion that theynbsp;existed already as nymphs of another kind before the resemblancenbsp;in name with Dionysos Hyes stamped them as his nurses.

Finally some words may be said about the fate that awaited the Parthenoi in mythology. They often meet with a tragic death:nbsp;Hyakinthides and Erechtheides as expiatory victims, the Erechtheidesnbsp;also by throwing themselves in frenzy from the Akropolis, after theynbsp;had opened the chest of Erichthonios; the Hyades die with griefnbsp;for the sake of the katasterismos, but also plunge in madness intonbsp;the sea ^).' Possibly there lies more behind all these unfortunatenbsp;deaths than the desire to explain curious rests of a cult. Only thenbsp;Geraistiades are spared those calamities. The Cretan nymphs whonbsp;bring up Zeus are not afflicted with such a fate. Perhaps the deathnbsp;of theTtamp;fjvru is an element which originated especially in Dionysiacnbsp;mythology'^), so in a later stage of the mythology of the divinenbsp;child. Ino too is smitten with madness, after she has reared this god,nbsp;and she too finally plunges into the sea �).

The traces of Hyakinthos from which a cult may be concluded of the divine child type assumed by Nilsson for Minoan timesnbsp;have now almost been exhausted. If the method is allowed, twonbsp;inscriptions may still be used as vague indications, mentioning thenbsp;month Hyakinthios in indirect connexion with religious proceedings.

Blinkenberg published a Rhodian cult-regulation in which an offering to Zeus Amalos is described, on the tenth of Hyakinthios ^). This epithet is not known from elsewhere; if we are allowed

to think with the publisher of a �culte de Zeus enfant�, starting from a/Mkog = young, tender, then the assumption of links withnbsp;the name of the month and the festival from which it was borrowednbsp;is obvious.

Conclusions based on the correspondence of the Cretan months Velchanios at Knossos and Bakinthios at Lato seem more trustworthy^). Velchanos is a youthful Cretan �Zeus� with Minoannbsp;connexions and vegetative power. His festival Velchania (at Gortyn,nbsp;Lyttos and Knossos) might have been celebrated in the same seasonnbsp;as the Hyakinthia; a new indication for a local differentiation ofnbsp;the divine child-cult. The text of the treaty, concluded at Lato innbsp;the month of Hyakinthios, was to be placed there in the temple ofnbsp;Eileithyia, whose prominent position suits the supposed cult of thenbsp;divine foster-child well.

BCH XXIX, 1905, p. 204 sqq. As to the festival Velchania see Nilsson MMR p. 479.

Now that it has appeared that Hyakinthos has probably been worshipped in olden times as a childgod, left in the charge of anbsp;group of nyrnphs, after his mother had disappeared from the foreground, it is of some importance to ascertain whether the ancientnbsp;conception of Hyakinthos has been exhausted with this, and whatnbsp;his relations are to other specimens of the genus childgod.

Generally speaking sharp theoretical boundary lines should be drawn, when considering this category, sharper for example thannbsp;Ker�nyi does in his remarks on the divine child ^). Of coursenbsp;in practice no rigorous limits can be maintained, but some fundamental criteria have to be laid down. Ker�nyi examines instancesnbsp;from various regions and asks the question whether the mythicalnbsp;divine child preceded the human orphan or not^). �Was ist hiernbsp;Primares, Marchen oder Mythos?� This question cannot be answerednbsp;in general, but the distinction must indeed be applied to the individual cases. The separation of �Mdrcheni� and �Mythos�, however,nbsp;is not sufficient for an analysis, at least not when K e r � n y i�snbsp;method of interpretation is followed. For he sees in the divine childnbsp;a �Mythologem� in which the �Weltgehalt� finds its expression,nbsp;tells something about origin, birth and childhood of the world; andnbsp;has then touched the depth of depths. Jung comes to his aid fromnbsp;the psychological side, making use of the circumstance that thenbsp;psychic structure of mankind has expressed itself in analogous formsnbsp;through the ages, admitting of a distinction of various archetypes.nbsp;His way of defining the archetype �child� is unduly adapted to thenbsp;psychical development of a modern patient. The complicated backgrounds and conflicts of consciousness which he demonstrates cannotnbsp;be projected to a far past; for the same reason which makes K e r �-n y i�s depth-inquiries disputable: excessive abstraction. The sensenbsp;they discover in myth and archetype, is a one-sided modern visionnbsp;of a symbol abstracted from many variants; which yields little profitnbsp;for a contemplation of a concrete instance from remote antiquity.

The Minoan divine child immediately invites the investigator to draw a more careful distinction between Marchen and myth, andnbsp;to complete it with the subdivision into pure mythology and religious mythology. Of a Marchen one expects a tale with motives ofnbsp;frequent occurrence, formed by a playful and natural liveliness ofnbsp;mind and phantasy, inspired by every-day reality. In so far thenbsp;human abandoned orphan precedes that of the folk-tale, though innbsp;the folk-tale it is introduced into an atmosphere which implies anbsp;regeneration. It is not a big jump from the folktale to the myth asnbsp;the career of the god, but it only takes place in a stage, when thenbsp;gods via the cults have been formed into beings which lend themselves to biographical embellishment. Between the orphan of thenbsp;folk-tale and the childgod, such as Hyakinthos is supposed tonbsp;represent, there is a gulf, or rather a difference in level must benbsp;stated, which points out the functioning of different psychic organsnbsp;in the creation of the two figures. When facing a folktale one is anbsp;charmed spectator; whereas the religious figure owes its origin tonbsp;the mighty impression v/hich has overpowered mankind and continues to dominate, as long as the cult actually lives on. This is nonbsp;question of pastime but of holy compulsion. In the present case thenbsp;annual revival (and death) of vegetation is the source which createsnbsp;religion. This close connexion of the idea of a child vrith avrakingnbsp;nature is intelligible and emotionally acceptable, as well from anbsp;symbolic point of view as from the point of view of parallelismnbsp;(Miteinanderwnchs). With every new spring a new cycle starts, anbsp;new young life which may be represented by a childgod. Our conception of the new year as a rosy babe who comes to relieve hisnbsp;predecessor on the ist of January is a bloodless though comparablenbsp;allegory of the new beginning. Far more pregnant, hov/ever, is thenbsp;religious connexion of a child and the beginnings of vegetation, anbsp;symbolic relation which makes the impression of being complete innbsp;itself without needing further explanation. The worship whichnbsp;responded in overflov/ing emotion to the annual rebirth of naturenbsp;centred in the cult of the divine child, and assumed special formsnbsp;in it. Meanwhile motives appeared, reminiscent of the folk-talenbsp;(on Crete the upbringing of the child by the powers of nature: wildnbsp;animals and nymphs), which indeed, outside religious connexions,nbsp;could be annexed to biographic mythology; many hero-sagas ^), the

Greek birthlegend of Zeus. Strictly speaking a degradation of the first type has been effected here: the Cretan Zeus, a childfigurenbsp;worshipped actually and provided with cult-mythology, has Olym-pically been levelled down to an episode of the youth of the supremenbsp;god, without religious quality, in the later view.

The latter type is represented in Greek mythology by Apollo and Hermes. Their precocity is a feature borrowed from the arsenalnbsp;of folk-tales, after they had made their reputations as adults. Notablynbsp;the fabulous stories about Hermes in the first years of his childhoodnbsp;show a primitive delight in the cunning with which an apparentlynbsp;young and weak being overtrumps the world ^). The childhood ofnbsp;these gods cannot be adduced in a comparative examination ofnbsp;childgods, at most they may betray incidental borrowings fromnbsp;religious terrain.

If comparisons must be made in the same cultural sphere at all, we have to look for childern of whom a cult or cult-remnants cannbsp;be traced. They are not numerous in Greek mythology, and, so farnbsp;as they do not turn out to be variants of the Minoan type in question, may serve to bring out the mutual characteristics. Figures asnbsp;Palaimon, Archemoros, the dolphin-rider of Tarentine and othernbsp;coins loom up then, the ��Avaxteg jialdeg and Dioskouroi, with thenbsp;additional problem of their plurality�). It remains to be seen tonbsp;what extent these figures have exhausted their repertory with theirnbsp;appearance as childern. Archemoros e.g. dies in childhood from anbsp;snake-bite �), Palaimon meets with an equally untimely death, whennbsp;Ino leaps with him into the sea ¹ ²). This concludes their career onnbsp;earth, they die as childern and as childern they are worshipped,nbsp;both of them with athletic contests. It seems doubtful that thisnbsp;should have been the original form of their legend; only the episodenbsp;of their youth has probably been kept in remembrance, associated

McC a r t n e y Greek and Roman lore of animal-nursed infants. Papers of the Michigan Academy IV, i, 1924, p. 15�42, especially p. 17 sqq.

Cf. A 11 e n-H a 11 i d a y-S i k e s The Homeric Hymns'^, p. 269 and ad Hymn, in Apoll. 127, 214.

Palaimoner are also invoked: Kallimachos Pap. Oxyrh. 661, col. I. (Hermes of Ainos).

with the legend of the foundation of the games, and gradually wandering from the original contents ^).

The Minoan child in virtue of its very nature as a god of vegetation raises other expectations. The care of the nature-powers and nymphs like the Pandrosides intends to effect a prosperous growingnbsp;up of the newborn god. The episode in which the birth and rearingnbsp;of the child are celebrated requires completion by stages in whichnbsp;the result of the annual growth is given expression; when thereforenbsp;the child has grown up and appears in the prime of life. Moreovernbsp;the ritual importance of the grave implies that the youthful pupilnbsp;is out of its swaddling-clothes: the vegetation is not nipped in the

Several points in the traditions about both figures may be adduced as possible indications for a �Minoan� descent. As to Archemoros Rose Handbook of Greek Myth. p. 191 stressed the importance of the funeral rites, thenbsp;predominance of the nurse instead of the mother, and the snake which alsonbsp;elsewhere appears in connexion with the divine child. Hypsipyle, the foster-mother, reoccurs in Lemnian and Dionysiac mythology. Archemoros-Opheltesnbsp;was worshipped in a grove of cypresses (Paus. l.c.), his double name maynbsp;betray a conjunction of two figures; Opheltes is perhaps a fertility-god, fromnbsp;dlt;psXXlt;o cf. the name of Auxesia.

For Melikertes-Palaimon too the question of the double denomination is to be noticed, corresponding with that of Ino-Leukothea. Here again a fi(gt;i(pog-TQo(p�snbsp;relation, perhaps association with harvest-rites (Eitrem R. E. XII, 2302 sqq),nbsp;sacred plants and trees (o�X.ivov, mtvg), grave-ritual {amp;(gt;rjvog rsXeoux�g Philostr. Her.nbsp;325, i; mysteries Aristid. Ss noaei�wva 27 and elsewhere), resurrection of thenbsp;dead boy by cooking in a X�^t^g as a rejuvenating cure (L e s k y R. E. XV,nbsp;514 sqq). Reeds also appear in this mythology of an exposed child: Melikertes�nbsp;body is found at Schoinountia and brought to Corinth by Donakinos (Schol.nbsp;Lyc. Alex. 229).nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Some doubt isnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;allowed whether Melikertesnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;was indeed a

honey-c�Uer; cf. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Gruppe Gr.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Myth.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;136, 4, Melikertes asnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;a surname of

Simonides. Honey is a drink for childern (the child Zeus), before they drink milk their lips are anointed with honey: Usenet Rh. Mus. 57, 1902, p. 193;nbsp;cf. Harrison Themis p. 198, fig. 50, where the lips of the divine child Marsnbsp;are anointed during a rejuvenation through fire.

It is remarkable that these two child-figures are both honoured with agonistic games, a parallelnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;for the contestsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;at thenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Hyakinthia. We maynbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;ask whether a

connexion existed nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;between the dying andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;reviving childgod andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;the celebration

of agones. Pelops, to whom the Olympia were consecrated according to some sources, shows kindred traits. Only the Pythia cannot be fitted into this scheme,nbsp;even if the snake is considered the centre of the worship. Cf. Clem. Alex. Protr.nbsp;II, 34 and Schol. Pind. Isthm. Hypoth. i. For the Minoan connexions ofnbsp;Palaimon see Farnell Hero Cults p. 35 sqq, for the agones Jeanmairenbsp;Couroi et Cour�tes p. 341 sqq and F. M. Cornford ap. J. Hbfrisonnbsp;Themis p. 245 sqq.

bud but dies after having attained to full growth. Theoretically we may construct then a career of the divine child which in the seasonsnbsp;from spring to autumn lives in an accelerated pace through thenbsp;whole cycle of man�s life. These phases are to be recognized indeednbsp;in the Eleusinian modification of the divine child: Ploutos, who isnbsp;represented as a child, a boy and a grey-haired man^). This parallelism of the two tempi of development is an idea applied to thenbsp;sun in Egypt: as a child he is brought forth by heaven every morning, while in the evening, become grey in one day, he enters thenbsp;lower world as an old man ^). In Vergil�s fourth eclogue the divinenbsp;child-redeemer grows up parallel to the era on which it impressesnbsp;its influence, and lives through a magnum aevum, while its ownnbsp;human aetas is here drawn out over a much larger distance �). Thenbsp;Oriental conception created the god whose fate rises and falls withnbsp;the cycle of nature. The mouro? dai/acovm every year of vegetationnbsp;lives a whole life from child to man or old man. The grey-hairednbsp;Ploutos perhaps is still derived from mystery-knowledge, allottingnbsp;a yearly cycle to him. The Olympian Zeus annexed the episode ofnbsp;the youth of the Minoan child without scruples to his own biography, but normalized the tempo and abolished the endless repetition:nbsp;he remains perpetuated in his grown-up stage ^). So here the borrowing is restricted to the birth-legend, which, according to N i 1 s-s o n�s investigations, is a typical Minoan element in the conceptionnbsp;of the vegetation-god �). Death and resurrection also occur amongnbsp;Oriental gods, but the special attention paid to the birth-episodenbsp;and expressed in the ritual seems to be exclusively Cretan. Thisnbsp;conclusion is recommended by the abundance of myths about foundlings and the heterodox treatment of the figure of Zeus in Crete.nbsp;Tradition is more circumstantial in describing the birth than aboutnbsp;the further course of the divine career destined to the grave. In spitenbsp;of the precariousness of 'all systematization �) we must find out

Cf. N o r d c n Die Geburt des Kindes p. 44, p. 57. K e r � n y i Klio 29, 1936, p. 24 sq.

Save for some relics and archaisms, as the cult of Zeu^ -Tafc at Aigium (Paus. VII, 24, 4), deviating from the current ideal-type.

what aspects may be distinguished in the Minoan god of vegetation. For Hyakinthos is looked upon as one of his manifestations, so thatnbsp;a reconstruction of his original figure and his immigration intonbsp;Flellas can only be given in this broader connexion.

The birth-mythology has been discussed at great length by N i 1 s-s o n. For wknt of archaeological testimonies the characteristic Cretan myths serve as the main source. The birth takes place annually with a great flash of fire in the Idaean cave ^). The divinenbsp;child is indicated as Zeus, analogous versions are circulating ofnbsp;Miletos, and Phylakides and Philandros. With a pre-Greek namenbsp;it may have been called Geraistos, as we saw already. Traces on thenbsp;mainland are discovered by Nilsson in Ploutos, Erichthonios,nbsp;Dionysos, Hyakinthos. Sosipolis of Olympia and Zeus Amalos ofnbsp;Rhodos may probably be added to the list. The powers of naturenbsp;which nourish the child are animals as goat, cow, sow, bitch, bees ^),

Fire belongs to the Mythologem of the divine birth, becavise of its immortalizing (cf. Deraeter who treats Demophon with it at Eleusis, Isis the royal infant a: Byblos, Thetis- Achilleus (Apollod. Ill, 13, 6), Menerva Mars on annbsp;Etrurian cista J. Harrison Themis fig. 50) and rejuvenating power (cf. thenbsp;magic rejuvenation by boiling in a cauldron in the myths of Medea-tPelias,nbsp;Pelops, Palaimon). Dionysos shares this phenomenon with Zeus, cf. Harrisonnbsp;Proleg. 409 sq. The annual flash of fire in the sanctuary of Dionysos in Thracenbsp;(Pseudo-Arist. Mirab. aiisc. 122) is closely connected still with the growth ofnbsp;vegetation, vide infra. The Armenian-Iranian divine child Vahagn is born fromnbsp;reeds amidst smoke and flames (H. Gelzer Ber. Sachs. Ges. Wiss. 48, 1896,nbsp;p. 104, cf. Ker�nyi Gotti. Kind p. 37). The birth of the divine child at Eleusisnbsp;too is a mystery, taking place vm mU.co stvgi (Hippolytus Refut. '7, 8). As tonbsp;fire-rites see also Jeanmaire Couroi et Couretes p. 297 sqq., Frazer adnbsp;Apollod. vol. II, p. 311 sqq.

Cf. MMR 503, 2; C. Robert AM 1893, p. 37 sqq; Cornford ap. Harrison Themis p. 238 sqq. The combination with Eileithyia, the cornu-copiae and the snake-shape, together with Pindar�s expression Ol. V, 40 Tdawvnbsp;dvTQor plead for Robert�s theory. Cf. Farnell Cults I, 38.

The Zeus Sosipolis of Magnesia on the Maeander (Nilsson GP 23 sqq) is also a yearly vegetation-spirit; the rites of his celebration fit in well with thenbsp;supposed meaning, and the surroundings of Asia Minor may have preservednbsp;ancient traditions. Sopolis at Ephesus (J. Keil Anatolian Studies pres, tonbsp;W. H. Buckler 1939, p. 120 sq No. 3) is bound to be akin to him, thoughnbsp;Keil has his doubts. The Koureces in his entourage are proof enough. He neednbsp;not be identified with Zeus, for that reason.

See p. 68 supra. On Crete Zeus bears epithets as�stiQvvnog, oxv�hog (cf. Dionysosnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;also a vegetation-god, Mingazzini ARW 23, 1925,

half-way transformed into nymphs in Amaltheia and Melissa ^), wholly anthropomorphized in Geraistiades, and single figures asnbsp;Eileithyia ^), Diktynna �), perhaps Bolosia ^). Crete is the focus ofnbsp;religious divine child-mythology. The folk-tale motives later onnbsp;eagerly clung to it (the suckling of a foundling by wild animals, thenbsp;swallowing of the childern by Kronos, and their being delivered upnbsp;again unhurt), but the childgod stands at the beginning of the development �). Yet the monuments of Minoan Crete, so far as they arenbsp;known to us, are silent about this characteristic figure. Only thenbsp;M. M. II gem-impression on a clay sealing from the palace atnbsp;Knossos �) on which a goat or sheep is depicted with a small boynbsp;might be interpreted as furnishing evidence. The meaning of thenbsp;representation, however, is disputed; no connexion between the childnbsp;and the goat is indicated and the background is enigmatic. Abovenbsp;the goat stretches a lance or arrow, by the side reticulated work.nbsp;The loose lance has sometimes given rise to an interpretation of thenbsp;three small figures as hieroglyphics ^), but it may also be seen asnbsp;an allusion to the nature of the child as a youthful hunting-god **).nbsp;It is difficult to decide whether this seal-impression is connectednbsp;with any religious conception. In general early Cretan art does notnbsp;know mythological or cult-scenes. M a t z accordingly calls the sealnbsp;in question nothing but a �Idndliche Szene�� ). That a scene isnbsp;meant indeed, and more than a formal grouping of hieroglyphics.

On coins showing the child Zeus and the Kouretes Overbeck Kunst-myth. p. 331; Svoronos Crete p. 121 sqq, PI. XXXIII, 23 sq; B. M. C. Crete PI. I, 9. A possible connexion with the Amyklaion Eph. arch. 1892, 24 (No. 6,nbsp;25 sq).

�) E V a n s P. o. il/. I, p. 272, p. 515; III, 467; JHS 1901 p. 129. Nilsson GgR PL 26, 6; Matz Friihkret. Siegel p. 25 C.

K. M�ller Arch. Jahrb. 1915, p. 275. Cf. Evans Scripta Minoa I, p. 181, 2 a; lance p. i86, 14; reticulated work p. 140, 85.

A 1 Boomcultus in de Minoische godsdienst p. 31 sq. The reticulated work of the background might be interpreted then as an indication of hunting-nets.nbsp;Picard Les origines du polyth�isme helUnique I, p. 89 calls the �lance� anbsp;main de justice. Evans� reproduction makes that impression indeed, Evansnbsp;himself calls it a �spear- or oar-like object�.

might be inferred from the nature of the other seal-impressions of the same hieroglyphic deposit, which give animal pictures in anbsp;naturalistic style ^). For the hieroglyphic value of the signs anothernbsp;seal may be compared ^), on which a sitting little man, a lance andnbsp;an animal head (goat, or ass?) are represented beside one another,nbsp;which apparently here mean a word, perhaps the name of a god.nbsp;Crete was a country of famous goats and hunters. On later coinsnbsp;goat and arrow or spear frequently occur together, thus alludingnbsp;to the chase, sometimes with a bee on the obverse, which, on thenbsp;other hand, points to the youth of the Cretan �Zeus� �). The longitudinal stripes on the arrowhead sometimes return here. For the lacknbsp;of contact between man and animal on the seal we may thereforenbsp;also think of a hunter-game relation, but the animal concerned looksnbsp;too peaceful for that. The parallels indeed compensate the missingnbsp;action to a certain extent; it remains possible that a youthful hunting-god entered his mythical career as a divine child already in thenbsp;Middle Minoan II.

Thus the objection raised by F a r n e 11 against N i 1 s s o n�s view of the matter would be removed. F a r n e 11 does not creditnbsp;the child on the seal-impression concerned with any �divine air�nbsp;and on the lack of a cult of a divine child he bases a distinctionnbsp;between a purely Minoan period and one influenced by the Phrygians, in Cretan religion �*). This is likewise hypothetical and willnbsp;be discussed later on.

The traces of the grown-up Minoan god of vegetation can be found on various seals. Fie appears as a youth armed with the spear,nbsp;shield or bow, presumably in his quality of a hunting-god �). Besidesnbsp;Zeus (dy�vEiog �) as Pausanias quotes several images of him), Vel-

Svoronos Crete PI. XII, 9 sqq (Elyros) goat-head with arrow-head (reverse type-a bee), Hyrtacina PI. XVIII, 7 sqq, B. M, C, Crete XII, 5 (beenbsp;on the reverse), JPolyrrhenion (Svoronos Crete XXV, 33 sq; XXVI, i sqq)nbsp;and elsewhere: Praisos, Tarrha. Cf. Wroth Num. Chron. 1884, p. 32 sq;nbsp;Svoronos Eph. arch. 1893, p. 153 sqq, BCH 1894, 117. Also on a bronzenbsp;cuirass Kunze Kretische Bronzereliefs PI. 51 C.

^) Cretan influence in Greek religion (Essays in Aegean archaeology presented to Sir A. Evans) p. 14 sqq.

chanos is given as his title, at Phaistos among other places, a figure which is connected with a tree-nymph. As fxiyiaxoQ xovQog he isnbsp;invoked in the hymn of Palaikastro ^), the leader of a group ofnbsp;vegetation-daemons.

About the circumstances in which the god is thought dying the sources are silent in word and image. His graves are mentioned,nbsp;but if his death was celebrated and with what ritual is unknownnbsp;for Crete. Nor does the Minoan god appear as a grey-haired mannbsp;like Ploutos. It is even improbable that he was imagined to reach anbsp;venerable old age, in view of the parallels which may be adducednbsp;from elsewhere.

The comparative material is found best by starting from the middle phase of the growing year-god: his figure of a youth, currentnbsp;on the Minoan representations. Also taking into account the deathnbsp;of the god of vegetation, we come of course across Oriental figuresnbsp;as Adonis, Attis, Osiris, who seem to lend themselves for a comparison, and bring along all kinds of features into a complex whichnbsp;makes affinities probable. They, however, share the peculiarity ofnbsp;being associated with the figure of a goddess who overshadows themnbsp;and whose relation to them is one of the most characteristic elementsnbsp;in eastern mythology: she is in turn mother, sister and bride. Thenbsp;same relation cannot be proved for the Minoan god; so at the verynbsp;outset important points of difference appear to exist, requiringnbsp;caution. But the god of the seals and the divine child are also connected with a goddess or a group of nymphs, so that there can stillnbsp;be question of various ramifications departing from one stem. Thenbsp;possibility of comparison is decided by the course of life of thenbsp;youthful vegetation-gods themselves, which attests backgroundsnbsp;similar to those supposed for Crete.

The nucleus seems to be the cycle of vegetation. The annual revival of the vegetable world in spring and its rapid decline innbsp;autumn or summer, when the season is wearing itself out, finds itsnbsp;religious expression in the worship of a vegetation-god annuallynbsp;reborn in spring and dying in autumn, i.e. in this form the Orientalnbsp;gods present themselves to us, after they have probably gone throughnbsp;a development from a primitive to a somewhat abstracter form.nbsp;The data concerning the various modifications of this deity are

Nilsson MMR 476 sqq; Latte De salt. p. 43 sqq; J. Harrison Themis p. i sqq; Jeanmaire Couroi et Couretes p. 427 sqq.

incomplete. So the particulars which have come down to us about the earliest appearing Tammuz can only give a fragmentary imagenbsp;of what his cult must have been once. Nevertheless they containnbsp;features which must be considered essential to the type we try tonbsp;recognize. Since the third millennium at least his cult is found innbsp;Mesopotamia ^). But the situation existing there at the beginning ofnbsp;history must have succeeded a long preceding development, andnbsp;even displays already signs of decay ^). So even the oldest form ofnbsp;a vegetation-god which can be quoted from the East for the purposenbsp;of comparison seems yet to have been imported together with anbsp;civilization which reached Mesopotamia from elsewhere. Scholarsnbsp;presume at least that one original form existed�), which in thenbsp;newly occupied territory differentiated locally and into severalnbsp;cults, just as it happened on a larger scale to Adonis, Attis, Osirisnbsp;and suchlike. Thus among the Sumerians appear fertility-gods ofnbsp;various denomination, such as Tammuz (Dumu-zi), Ningizzida,nbsp;Ninurta, Ningirsu, Abu, by whom most probably are meant epithetsnbsp;of one commonly received type, special aspects of which werenbsp;accentuated locally ��). Hence a combination of various data aboutnbsp;these derived forms may be expected to give some explanation concerning the proper nature of the deity originally worshipped bynbsp;the Sumerians.

�Tammuz� serves us here as a general designation and collective idea. His name describes him as a son (dumu), accordingly he isnbsp;thought accompanied by the mother-goddess Ishtar (likewise embodied in several figures: Inanna, Geshtinanna), but the great goddessnbsp;also performs the part of his sister, bride and wife �). This appears

p. 3.

Contenau Le deluge hahylonien p. 148. Zimmern Der babylonische Gott Tamuz p. 701 sqq.

Frankfort Iraq I, 1934, p. 13 and 16. Contenau Deluge p. 200 sq. W i t z e 1 Tammuzliturgien p. VI sq.

�) jE.g. J e r e m i a s Handbuch altor. Geisteskultur^ p. 333 sqq. Preisendanz l.c. 2139 sq. B�hl Godsdiensten der wereld I, p. 119 sq. Langdon o.c. p. 24 and Ch. 11.

Cf. Ishtar with the divine child on terracotta-reliefs B�hl l.c. fig. 57 sq; Jeremias ATAO'^ p. 673 sqq, fig. 267 sqq and cylinder seals depicting anbsp;goddess holding a child on her lap, Frankfort Cylinder Seals p. 129 sq,nbsp;PL XXII c.

passim from the texts which have come down to us, many of which seem to contain hymns, sung in accompaniment to Tammuz-ritual,nbsp;and thus allow a reconstruction of the cult. The chief moments arenbsp;found in the growing up, dying and reviving of the vegetation-god.nbsp;Apparently the mourning is stressed, while texts referring to thenbsp;joyous part of the celebrations, though they are not wanting altogether, yet are so much in the minority that it cannot merely benbsp;accidental. The god Tammuz is overpowered, we hear of tempest,nbsp;waves and flood, on the other hand of heat, waste land, shrivellingnbsp;of flora and fauna, the god has sunk down, has been carried off,nbsp;enchained. Funeral music accompanies this stage ^). The part ofnbsp;tempest and flood recalls the periodical rises of the river, which arenbsp;of so great importance to the fertility of the country, but representsnbsp;an aspect bound up with local surroundings. This is not the casenbsp;with the fate of the vegetation and the herds, which everywherenbsp;is a cause for concern to the population. Tammuz is intimatelynbsp;related to both, as results from the fact that both cease growingnbsp;after his disappearance, and begin to flourish again (especially thenbsp;vegetable world) when the joyous time of his return has come �);nbsp;cf. Ininna�s song of joy about the revival of nature, and Tammuz�snbsp;reply (in the translation of C. Frank): �Auf der Erde wegennbsp;ihres Krautes meine Freude flackere auf! Frau, bin ich, das Krautnbsp;wird iippig, die Pauke dr�hnt, das Griin wird uppig, die Paukenbsp;drohnt. Das Getreide.... das Erstarrte wird iippig, das Griin....nbsp;der Olbaum ergriint.... Seitdem das Kraut Rispen trdgt.. . . seit-dem das Getreide Ahren tragt, seitdem der Olbaum Bliiten trdgt

Flood and waves Frank Kultlieder aus dem Ischtar-Tamuzkreis II, III, 25. Heat Frank to, 158 sqq.

F r a n k 8, i sqq; 10, 72 sqq, nature become rigid. Ibid, ii, IV, 9 sqq; 10, 243 sqq (Mit dem Herrn das Feld erstrahlt). Zimmern Tamuzlieder p. 242nbsp;sqq, Der babyl. Gott Tamuz p. 726.

.... seitdem das Gr�n Dolden trdgt ist �ppiges Wachstum, meine Sekwester, lasst uns dar�ber jubeln!� ^).

In spite of the comparative scarcity of unequivocal testimonies the relation of the bemoaned and glorified god to vegetable andnbsp;animal life can be stated more precisely, both with the aid of thenbsp;traditional hymns, and from the representations on cylinder sealsnbsp;for which a sphere of similar religious conceptions may be assumed.nbsp;Let us start with the vegetative side of the deity, which beforehandnbsp;raises interest in view of the possible descendant Hyakinthos. Tam-muz is connected with all sorts of plants; in general he passes fornbsp;�Lord of the verdure� ^), �Lord of the great plantations� �) �Mannbsp;of the trees and herbs� ¹ ²), or his beneficial influence on the growthnbsp;of dates �), corn and beans �) is mentioned. His sanctuary is callednbsp;�green precinct� or described as a wood of odorous cedars �).nbsp;But in some indications a directer relation is expressed. Tammuznbsp;is not only compared to all kinds of trees and plants as tamarisk,nbsp;tree-top, willow, g�-plant �), sometimes he is a tree, especially anbsp;cedar . It is possible that some of the examples quoted are takennbsp;from uncertain translations, but the gist of the matter seems reliablenbsp;enough: Frank e.g. already speaks of a �tree-motive� and �cedar-motive� The supposition is obvious that the identity of god andnbsp;tree was no late symbolism, but the starting-point; so that one maynbsp;even .ask whether the absence of proper names for the Sumeriannbsp;god of vegetation can be explained in this way, that he first borenbsp;the name of the tree he was, and from which he was only detachednbsp;later on as a vegetative power to receive various epithets.The goddessnbsp;accompanying him displays the same curious relation to the vege-

Witzel p. 237, 16 sqq. Z i m m e r n TamuzUeder p. 220, 16 sqq, Gott Tamuz p. 725.

ad 10, 58 and 10, 140 sq. Cf. Tammuz�s birth �near a glossy cedar� J e r e m i a s Roschers M. L. V, 52 sqq, Handbuch alter. Geistesk. p. 345.nbsp;Langdon o.c. p. 7 and 10. Zimmern Tamuzlieder p. 236, 5.

table world. She is �mit Griin umgeben� ^), is compared to reed, rushes, sarbatu-tKe., twigs, tamarisk�), but the clue seems to lie innbsp;F r a n k�s �Zedern-Ammenmotiv�, which occurs in this utterancenbsp;of Tammuz: �Die geweihte Zeder (von) der hasur-Zeder ist meinenbsp;strotzende Amme, ]a die Zeder.� �). The cedar-god has a cedar fornbsp;mother-nurse, as Adonis is the son of a myrrh-tree. In this stagenbsp;of dendromorphism no essential difference between god and goddessnbsp;can be traced. Their development along this way can only havenbsp;been parallel, until later on the presence of a tree-god and tree-goddess gave rise to the creation of a many-sided relation.

Before discussing the representations which may easily be selected from the great variety of Mesopotamian cylinder seals as referringnbsp;to these two gods we shall first inquire into their relation to thenbsp;fauna, which plastic arts inseparably connect with the vegetativenbsp;symbolism. The situation here is similar: the distance from thenbsp;animal world may be so large that Tammuz is thought of as thenbsp;lord of the herds, and so small that a difference cannot be traced.nbsp;His patronage of the flocks, especially goats and sheep, resultednbsp;already from their dependence on his appearance and disappearance,nbsp;and is often formally expressed in epithets like �herdsman�,nbsp;�shepherd�s boy� '*). But how near the animal world god andnbsp;goddess are, can be inferred from the names with which they arenbsp;preferably addressed, not only in comparisons, but also directly:nbsp;�Mother-sheep�lamb�, �goat�kid��), �cow�calf��), �wild cow�

Frank 10, 140 sq and 240 sq. Cf. an interesting �poem of contest� between the goat as a representative of Zoroasnian faith and the Assyrian tree,nbsp;discussed by S. Smith Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Londonnbsp;Institution vol. IV, 1926�28, p. 69�76, in which the goat insults the tree bynbsp;saying: �Am I a self-conceited person like one who is born of a courtesan.�nbsp;(= Ishtar!) l.c. p. 75. The divine mother and child are interchangeable with anbsp;tree-mother and child. Cf. H. Danthine Palmier-Dattier p. 139, i, and p.nbsp;149, 153. The Yakuts know a suckling tree: U. Holmberg Annales Acade-miae scientiarum Fennicae B, XVI, 1922�23, p. 57 sqq.

Witz el II, II, 2; II, III, 7; II, V, 16 sq and passim. Preisendanz R. E. IV A 2140 sq. Baudissin Adonis p. loi, 166 sq. Langdon o.c.nbsp;p. 10, 14, 54 sq. Zimmern Der babyl. Gott Tamuz p. 706.

�) Witzel 54, p. 397, 16 sqq; No. 71; 20, p. 231, i sqq; 45, 43 sqq; 69, p. 455, 6 sqq and passim. Frank VI, 29.

wild bull� ^). In this connexion the milk-offerings must be explained which the god receives according to the texts ^); and originally there must have existed a very close relationship between the godsnbsp;and these animals. The equalizatipn will also have found its expression in the cult�), and the question arises how this animal form ofnbsp;the two gods can be reconciled with the vegetative origin statednbsp;before, and what may be the genetic or chronological relation ofnbsp;both forms of appearance.

For this we can best resort to the clear language spoken by plastic art concerning the conjunction of both motives. If we look for thenbsp;oldest representations which may point to a tree-cult, then (innbsp;Sumer and Elam) only pictures present themselves on which quadrupeds as sheep, ram, goat, deer and so forth group themselvesnbsp;round the vegetative symbol or are brought into some other connexionnbsp;with it^). To what extent we may indeed speak here of a religiousnbsp;symbolism and how the conjunction of vegetative and animal symbols has continued through the ages, has especially been investigatednbsp;by Mrs. Douglas van Buren�). The representations illustratenbsp;the conclusions which could already be drawn from the texts. Evennbsp;before the third millennium, in the Uruk-period (Uruk IV), cylindernbsp;seals show scenes containing ceremonies for the promotion of fertility. The symbol of the mother-goddess appears already: a gate-postnbsp;adorned with a streamer. The implements for the sacrifice are alwaysnbsp;put up in duplicate, which points to the supposition of a secondnbsp;receiver: the male god. It is dubious whether god and goddessnbsp;already appear themselves and anthropomorphised �), nor does

Cf. C. W. Vollgraff Mededeelingen Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen Afd. Lett. 57, A, 1924, p. 28 sq.

Cf. N. Per rot Les representations de I�arbre sacre etc. p. 36 sqq. H. Danthine Le palmier-dattier et les arbres sacres p. 158. L. H. Vincentnbsp;Syria V, 1924, p. 91 sqq (p. 102).

Sheep and Corn (Orientalia V, 1936) p. 127�137. The ear of Corn (Analecta Orientalia 12) p. 327�335. Cf. Archiv fiir Orientforschung XIII,nbsp;1939. P- 32�45-

�) Mrs Douglas van Buren assumes it for the alabaster vase from Uruk Arch. f. Or. l.c. p. 32 sqq. Disputed for the seals of the Uruk-p'eriod bynbsp;Frankfort Cylinder Seals p. 22. As to anthropomorphism cf. Vincentnbsp;M�langes Dussaud I, p. 373�390 (pro), Mai ten Arch. Jahrb. 43, 1928,nbsp;p. 107.

it matter much, because the nature of the principles worshipped is not expressed in their outward appearance, but in thenbsp;entourage of the rites: ears of corn, branches, rosettes, palms;nbsp;rams, sheep, goats, bulls. It is not necessary to divide these symbolsnbsp;rigorously into attributes of the god or the goddess ^). Since plantsnbsp;and animals as yet perform the principal part in this fertility-symbolism, these seals seem to date back from a stage in which thenbsp;anthropomorphous gods had hardly detached themselves from nature.nbsp;Anyhow the divine principle manifests itself in bulls and giganticnbsp;ears of corn, for example^).

It is possible that these representations have only arisen after a long period of development and must be explained by means ofnbsp;anthropomorphous, though not yet visibly depicted divinities. Butnbsp;if these scenes, in which animals and plants abundantly appear,nbsp;often reigning supreme on the field, are compared with the laternbsp;representations of sacral character, then a line of development cannbsp;be discerned the beginning of which one would like to reconstructnbsp;for the past. The god and goddess of vegetation who are picturednbsp;for instance on the cylinder seals of Sargonid age signify theirnbsp;connexions with flora and fauna by means of attributes. Tammuz,nbsp;the �man of trees and plants� holds a branch (ear of corn) in hisnbsp;hand, or shrubs spring from the ground near him; Tammuz, �thenbsp;herdsman�, is characterized by an attendant goat�). The fact thatnbsp;branches and ears sometimes sprout from the head, shoulders, handsnbsp;and dress of god and goddess, suggests both a way of adorningnbsp;statues (as with Dionysos) and a dendromorphous origin. Animalsnbsp;and plants, however, have definitely given way here to the embodiment of the vegetative forces in human shape.

This excursion to the archaeological material informs us that, as regards the relation goat, bull, sheep etc. � tree, plant, it isnbsp;impossible to make a demarcation line between the two groups ofnbsp;fertility-symbols and to derive the deities from one of the two categories. Without quadrupeds the tree-cult does not seem to havenbsp;occurred, the cattle as a manifestation of divine virtues was always

Frankfort o.c. pi. V b. See the illustrations Mrs Van Buren l.c. H. Danthine o.c. p. 107 a series of instances.

Frankfort o.c. pi. XX. Iraq I, 1934, p. 8 sqq. Vegetation-gods with branches H. Danthine o.c. Ch. IV, p. 126 sqq.

provided with vegetative emblems: it nibbles at or keeps watch over the sacred shrubs. The growth of flocks and crops was onenbsp;and the same, as appears from an abundance of illustrations ^).nbsp;The assignment of priority or a higher importance to animals ornbsp;plants is a rather impossible task, when only the above mentionednbsp;sphere of representations is considered�). Any attempt at an explanation naturally remains hypothetical, if we try to analyse the verynbsp;ancient fertility-symbolism further. Perhaps the vegetative elementnbsp;is the most essential, since it occupies the central position in thenbsp;heraldic scheme, and serves as food for the animals, while its numennbsp;(the corn-spirit for example) is often thought to be embodied innbsp;quadrupeds �). But we need not endeavour to go further on thisnbsp;way of hypotheses, and penetrate into the genesis proper of thenbsp;oriental fertility-cult, now that the elements essential to our purposenbsp;have been determined.

As to Tammuz and his close relations many things may still be noticed which result directly from his connexions with plants andnbsp;animals. Thus he receives offerings of grain and fruits *), is callednbsp;�when grown up submerged in the corn� �), and carries the ploughnbsp;as an attribute�). Milk-offerings were mentioned above ^); in thenbsp;Akkadian period a goat-offering is illustrated, in gratitude for thenbsp;welfare of the flocks�). While all this depends largely upon onenbsp;aspect of the god of vegetation, other spheres of influence toonbsp;are covered by his various denominations. Here too, as with manynbsp;fertility-gods, the snake appears in the chthonic inventory. Besides

Cf. Frankfort Iraq I, p. 13 sq. Ningirsu, who has a field near Lagash where all kinds of plants flowered, was the son of a goat. Cf. the cult-reliefnbsp;from Assur, e-g. Mrs Douglas van Buren The flowing vase and the godnbsp;with streams (1933) fig- 62, p. 102 sqq.

On the alabaster vase from Uruk, Mrs Douglas van Buren Arch, f. Orientf. 1939, XIII, p. 32 sqq. Literary testimony: W i t z e 1 No. 55.

�) Frank 9, IV, p. 67. This aspect predominates later on in his Syrian worship (Supra p. 36). Zimmer n Bahyl. Tamuzlieder p. 208, B. 21 sq, cf.nbsp;p. 214; Der bahyl. Gott Tamuz p. 727 sq.

�) Presumably also on the vase from Uruk, in the bowls which are carried to the main scene, Mrs. Douglas van Buren Ac.

�) Mrs. Douglas van Buren Orientalia V, 1936, fig. i. Frankfort Cyl. Seals pi. XX b.

prehistoric idols seals also illustrate the connexion ^), likewise passing from the� animals themselves to the anthropomorphous Ningizzida,nbsp;to whom snakes are given as attributes, but who in the intermediatenbsp;stages appears as a Kekrops Thallophoros ^), or with snakes projecting from his dress �). His influence on the vegetation is oftennbsp;clearly indicated. The martial hunter-aspect is embodied in Nin-urta, a Herakles-like figure with bow and lion�s skin, also characterized with plants and a goat^). Perhaps the lion-headed eaglenbsp;belongs to him as a symbol �).

The sphere of influence of this god has now been explored to some extent. His adventures and the part of the goddess in themnbsp;have been discussed; with the aid of the seals some details can benbsp;added to them. After his death the god seems to dwell in a mountain-grave, over which his mother keeps guard �). He is released from thenbsp;lower world by the goddess with the assistance of the �Herakles�-figure, while a hostile god in his turn attacks the vegetation Manynbsp;of these features were adopted later on by the figure of the sungod *).nbsp;The happy ending of the sojourn in the lower world is crowned bynbsp;the leQognbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;which is not only mentioned for the Marduk-

ceremonies in the first millennium, but also for the days of Gudea, and is then celebrated by Tammuz and the great goddess�). Innbsp;early dynastic times the seals already allude to it ^�).

A motive which reappears in the mythology of various divine childern and succeeded in maintaining its mysterious power in laternbsp;days as a cista mystica seems to be hinted at with the words, that

W. H. Ward Seal Cylinders of Western Asia (1910) fig. 362. Cf. Frankfort Cyl. Seals PI. XXI, b, f.

Frankfort p. 106 sqq, 116 sqq. The �mountain� is represented by a bent tree, cf. H. Danthine p. 63, note and p. 121 sq; but its form pointsnbsp;to a kind of hiding-place. The god emerges from the tree, see Encyclop. phot, denbsp;I�art 13, (II, 3), fig. 42, p. 73.

�) Frankfort p. 97. Gudea Cylinder B (The Royal Inscriptions of Sumer and Akkad ed. G. A. Barton p. 237 sqq).

Tammuz �as a child lies in a sinking ship�^). This may refer to his having been exposed as a foundling and recalls the adventuresnbsp;of Osiris and Adonis, to be discussed later on. It is the river thennbsp;which inspired ritual and mythology in Mesopotamia and Egypt,nbsp;as could already be presumed from the flood-liturgies. Cylindersnbsp;also show a �vegetative� boat, the function of which is not quitenbsp;clear �), we may think of an epiphany from the river after the periodnbsp;of disappearance.

Finally the season of the Tammuz-celebrations is of some importance. Since the mourning appeared to be the gist of the cult, we expect at any rate rites accompanying the decay of vegetation. Thenbsp;annual death implies a resurrection, the promise of which may havenbsp;given rise to the conclusion of the mournful rites with a joyousnbsp;expectation of revival, possibly spread over ceremonies of somenbsp;days, while the revival may also have been celebrated separatelynbsp;in spring. The month of the Tammuz-festival in Babylonia sincenbsp;the days of Sargon corresponds to June-July, which fits in with thenbsp;decease of the vegetable world in summer�); but at Lagash hisnbsp;month is November, at Umma March ^). So various phases havenbsp;been celebrated or the festivals have soon shifted, perhaps influencednbsp;by other than vegetative factors.

These traces of a vegetation-cult in the ancient near East and its relations to the animal fecundity have been discussed at some length,nbsp;because they may represent the purest form of the substratum wenbsp;try to find, and show starting-points for all sorts of peculiaritiesnbsp;in the cults of neighbouring and related figures, among which arenbsp;hidden ones like Hyakinthos, but also many who have acquirednbsp;more renown than the Sumerian predecessor.

Tammuz�s relation to Adonis, who extended his power to Phoenicia, Cyprus and Greece, has not yet been cleared up, but suggests a common origin �). In the course of their locally different develop-

Frank 9, verso IV, 13. See Jeremias Rose hers M.L. V, 52 sqq. Handbuch der altor. Geistesk. p. 345. Z i m m e r n Der bahyl. Gott Tamuinbsp;p. 727 sq.

Baudissin Adonis p. 100; Jeremias Handbuch p. 344; Langdon o.c. p. 9; Zimmern Der bahyl. Gott Tamuz p. 731.

ments interaction may still have occurred. Since the third century A. D. the authors identify them again ^). Certain resemblances withnbsp;the Minoan tree-cult shown by the cult of Adonis tempted Evansnbsp;to some forced interpretations of seal-pictures, though their existencenbsp;must be acknowledged ^). A comparative study of A1 �) reviewsnbsp;the analogies in cult and myth of Adonis and the god of the Minoannbsp;tree-cult, stressing the important points of contact. The traditionsnbsp;concerning Adonis are later, more abundant and confused thannbsp;those about Tammuz, so they offer more chances not only of strikingnbsp;parallels but also of uncorrect conclusions.

His descent is uncertain, probably he has been inherited by the Phoenicians from other peoples ^). He is inseparably connected withnbsp;the goddess (Aphrodite-Astarte), the way in which he is loved bynbsp;her (lego? ydfiog at Alexandria�)) cautions once more against excessive levelling with the Minoan god. But the fundamental idea ofnbsp;the waving line of vegetation here as with Tammuz forms the mostnbsp;typical feature. The festival of resurrection is sometimes thoughtnbsp;to be a later addition to his cult �), but it is inseparable from thenbsp;annual death and at most the celebrations may have paid lessnbsp;attention to it. The peripeteia, which was also found to be characteristic for the Hyakinthia, is sharply indicated by Lucianus; JiQamp;xanbsp;piv rcmayiCovai xcp �A�c�vi�c oxcog ��vxi v�xvi, pexd S� xfj hegr] '^pegr]nbsp;Ccoeiv xi piv pvamp;oloyiovoi xai eg xov tj�ga n�pnovai xxXnbsp;Here the concentration of mourning and rejoicings into one festivalnbsp;is clearly expressed �). This happened best in the season of thenbsp;death of the vegetation-god. Accordingly the month of June-July

�) A 1 o.c. p. 50 sq; Baudissin p. 133 sqq rightly reduces the question to a difference in accentuation. Cf. K. P r u e m m on Adonis Zeiuchrift fiirnbsp;katholische Theologie 1934, 58, p. 475 sqq.

�) De dea Syria 6, the continuation about the shaving of the hairs can be interpreted as fertility-magic with Clemen Der alte Orient 37, 3, (1938) p.nbsp;32 sq.

�) Cf. Baudissin o.c. p. 137 and H. Zimmern on the Babylonian New Year�s festival, where Marduk appears as a Tammuz-like suffering and releasednbsp;god: �Statt im Verlauf von Monaten kann sich im Mythus dieser Vorgang auchnbsp;in kUrzerer Frist, etwa im Verlauf von nur drei Tagen abspielen.� Der altenbsp;Orient zj, 3^, p. 14.

has the largest claim of being the time of celebration. This explains the fact that the resurrection is less stressed, while the withering ofnbsp;the vegetable world through the summersun suits the supposednbsp;connexion as a natural cause. Allusions to rites in spring and autumnnbsp;may yet be perceived ; this agrees with the varying place of thenbsp;Tammuz-festival and offers some consolation for the uncertaintynbsp;which surrounds the month Hyakinthios: such vegetative ceremoniesnbsp;can settle on different moments of the season, which procedurenbsp;impresses its influence on the rites.

Adonis seems to have been more exclusively vegetative and less manly than Tammuz^). His connexions with the flora are alsonbsp;expressed in his mythical entourage. He is born from a myrrh-tree �),nbsp;a relation almost as direct as the ��Zedern-Ammenmotiv� of Tam-muz. The interpretation of Adonis as the god of the ripe crops isnbsp;mainly a philosophical explanation^).

The Greek Adonis-mythology knows him in later days as a foundling on whom nymphs bestow their cares �). Older perhapsnbsp;is the motive according to which Aphrodite hides him en vrjmovnbsp;in a chest (Aapraf) without the knowledge of the gods, and commitsnbsp;him to the charge of Persephone�). The chest-motive (Truhenmotiv)nbsp;is old and wide-spread �), and need not have special significance;nbsp;though it may date back from a common influence that it hasnbsp;attached itself to the myths of Adonis, Tammuz and Osiris. Tam-muz and Osiris float in their chest on the waves, a variant re-

A1 o.c. p. 74 note $6; Nilsson GgR 689, 3; Baudlssin o.c. p. 121�133; Mannhardt AWFK p. 277, 282 sq. For an illustration of thenbsp;Adonis-rites on Cyprus see the Ormidhia-vase, Ohnefalsc h-R J c h t e rnbsp;Kypros, Texthand p. 99, fig. 134, P e r r o t-C h i p i e z III, p. 711, fig. 523.nbsp;B a u d i s s i n p. 355 .sq.

The tale of Myrrha and her father is of course secondary, though it may be of ancient origin itself. � The dead Osiris-Adonis also hides in a tree.nbsp;Plutarch Is. et Osir. 357 a sqq. Baudissin p. 174. M. Guarducci Attinbsp;della R. Accademia Naz. del Lined Seiie 6a, II, 1926, p. 401 sqq.

Baudissin o.c. p. 365. Gruppe Gr. Myth. 1171, i. The old age appears for instance from the chest of Sargon, who was saved in the Euphrates.nbsp;Baudissin p. 367, 6.

J e r e m i a s Das alte T estament im Lichte des alten Orient A p. 400 sqq. Stith Thompson Motif-index of folk-literature S 141, S 331.

appearing in the mythology of Dionysos ^), and thus reinforcing the surmise of the high date of the combination, as here again a divinenbsp;child is the principal person in the story. The result of the �exposurenbsp;in the chest� agrees at any rate with the characteristics of the Minoannbsp;child; after the birth the mother disappears from the legend andnbsp;the child is abandoned to other powers. The w;omen figuring withnbsp;the chest are not always the mothers. It is the sister of Moses whonbsp;watches over the fate of the foundling. Aphrodite need not take thenbsp;tree-born Adonis to Persephone in her capacity of mother.

In the myth of Adonis the cast is not clear because it is crossed by the symbolism of the vegetation which spends a part of the yearnbsp;in the lower world with Persephone^). In the Greek offshoots of thenbsp;divine child-complex the motive has unequivocally come down tonbsp;us for Erichthonios. Athena, his foster-mother, entrusts him to thenbsp;Aglaurids; the chest remains on dry land here and is already surrounded with the uncanny sphere which really envelops it in thenbsp;mysteries ^). For Crete no traces of this version can be found.nbsp;Probably the two ways in which the divine child is abandoned bynbsp;its mother have not been combined there: the exposure until animalsnbsp;take pity on it and nurse it; and the putting of a chest in the waternbsp;till human aid turns up ^). They may reflect different ritual ornbsp;social practices, and also give an indication for the course of thenbsp;connecting lines to be traced.

E.g. at Brasiai la Laconia Paus. Ill, 24, 3 sq, cf. Wide LK p. 163 sq. Hypsipyle, who at Nemea appears as the foster-mother of the (perhaps Minoan)nbsp;child Archemoros, also commits the Dionysiac Thoas in a larnax to the waves.nbsp;Apollon. Rhod. I, 620 sqq. Tennes too suffers this fate, perhaps as an inheritance from Palaimon. Gruppe Gr. Myth. p. 304, cf. p. 52, n. 6 supra.

There may also have occurred confusion between the foundling-instrument larnax and agrarian utensils with religious meaning as the winnowing-fan.

The catastrophic effect of the opening of the chest also occurs in the mythology of Dionysos: Paus. VII, 19, 6 sq (Eurypylos); and at the openingnbsp;of the ulaxr] firjZQ�s �P�ag by Demophon, who got it from Phyllis (Apollod.nbsp;Epitome VI, 16 sq).

*) The drifting ashore of the dead Palaimon-Melikertes on the Isthmus in this connexion strikes us almost as a failure of an exposure in a chest, though it isnbsp;doubtful whether the myth owes its origin to such a caprice of fancy only.nbsp;Cf. J. Harrison Themis p. 22, who in the myths of Atreus and Thyestes,nbsp;Demeter and Demophon speaks of the resurrection being obscured by the dramaticnbsp;element. � A distinction betWeen the two types of exposure is also made bynbsp;I. Harrie ARW 1925, 28, p. 369 sqq, who reconstructs an analogous legendnbsp;for the cave near Bethlehem (where the Adonis-cult alternates with the Christian).

The way in which Adonis meets his sudden fate is of less importance here than the fact that his life is mercilessly broken off in the prime of youth. This feature reappears in the mythology of Hya-kinthos and characterizes a series of related figures such as Attis,nbsp;Hylas, Linos, and Narkissos. For an explanation of the variousnbsp;motives which gave rise to their abrupt dying we can only refer tonbsp;combinations formed outside the cult. The death of the god ofnbsp;vegetation in the season of summer or autumn has itself been anbsp;religious experience, which only had to be symbolized in the timenbsp;when a myth was woven round an anthropomorphous deity. Thenbsp;death of Adonis is most clearly expressed by the ritual of thenbsp;��A��vi�og y.rjnoi, which give an intensified representation of thenbsp;miraculous growth and the � cruel ending of the vegetable world.nbsp;When Adonis meets his fate, he is still in the prime of his years:nbsp;the plant-raiment of the earth suddenly shrivels under the toonbsp;powerful heat and drought. Fie does not attain a ripe old age likenbsp;Ploutos; the Eleusinian god may owe this to his agrarian meaning:nbsp;the fruits of the field do make the impression that they have livednbsp;their lives out, when the crops can be gathered in.

Besides Tammuz and Adonis other figures appear in the ancient East, which can claim more or less close affinities. Osiris ^), thoughnbsp;he shows much similarity in fundamental conceptions, has yetnbsp;apparently developed more independently. Fie is annually reborn,nbsp;possesses many graves too, is especially concerned with corn-growing,nbsp;and gives his worshippers rise to lamentations for his death andnbsp;resurrection-festivals ^). Probably the resemblances to Asia reachnbsp;back to ancient connexions, which, besides, in later times had notnbsp;broken off: between Egypt and Byblos mutual influences existed,nbsp;Adonis and Osiris were both identified with Dionysos . Whether

*) Baudissin ox. p. 185 sqq; Gressmann Die orient. Religionen im hell.-r�m. Zeitalter p. 23 sqq; E r m a n Religion der Agypter p. 40 sqq; Frazernbsp;G.B. VI.

It is disputed to what extent the Djed-pillar was a vegetative Osiris-symbol. Cf. Schafer Studies presented to Griffith p. 424 sqq; S e t h e Urgeschichtenbsp;und dlteste Religion der Ag. p. 16; Kees G�tterglaube p. 95 sqq (independentnbsp;of Osiris); Ed. Meyer Geschichte des Altertums^ I, 2, p. 76. At any rate thenbsp;ceremonial of re-erecting the pole was realized to be appropriate to Osiris.nbsp;E r m a n Rel. der Ag. p. 42.

Baudissin 185 sqq; Breasted Rhe dawn of conscience p. 95 sqq. Cf. also the tree-god Khay-Tau of Byblos. P. Montet Syria IV, 1923, p.nbsp;181�192, id. Byblos et 1��gypte (1928) p. 288 sq.

Osiris has indeed originally been a king, cannot detract much from the religious meaning of the vegetation-god, which can be recognizednbsp;in his figure ^). From a general point of view one might supposenbsp;that he only obtained his royal rank after the vegetative symbolismnbsp;had been applied to human life.

The child-aspect of the vegetation-god is represented in Egypt for instance by the popular Harpocrates, who liberally adopts allnbsp;sorts of elements and reminds us of Ploutos by his cornucopiae andnbsp;ageing �).

It is less hazardous to compare Attis with the supposed West Asiatic complex of conceptions. His rites were already referred tonbsp;in the discussion of the Hyakinthia. It is especially the obviousnbsp;reversal in the ritual that concerns us here, as it again joins deathnbsp;and resurrection as its main features. Yet the season once morenbsp;appears to differ: the festival of Attis at Rome and in Phrygia tooknbsp;place in spring. Though in the mournful part proceedings are passionate enough, the resurrection of the god seems to have beennbsp;emphasized most: the Hilaria are exuberantly celebrated. Accordingnbsp;toBaudissin this difference in accent is due to the more northerly regions to which Attis belongs �). It is again a proof of thenbsp;modifications to which the presumed substratum was submitted innbsp;its later development among different peoples.

The cult of Attis is strongly overshadowed by that of the accompanying goddess, the great mother, and orgiastic elements have penetrated into it which elsewhere do not seem to go with thenbsp;entourage of the dying god (e.g. the self-mutilation). Moreover thenbsp;Korybantes appear here in the mythical apparatus, a feature onlynbsp;paralleled by the Kouretes of the Cretan divine child. Death overtakes Attis also in the prime of his yearshe dies under a pine-tree and is buried at Pessinus �). The fact that this tree represents

1) nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;His kingship is defended by Kees G�tterglauhe p. iii sq. Against thenbsp;historical explanation e.g. K. P r u e m m o.c. p. 480 sqq. A similar processnbsp;inserted Tammuz and other gods into the lists of Sumerian kings. See e.g. thenbsp;chronological tablets Barton o.c. p. 341, 347, 349.

He dies, wounded by a boar, or as a result of his castration. H e p d i n g Attis p. 121 assumes the former to be the Lydian legend, the latter Phrygian.

the god in the ritual points out the priority of the tree-cult^). His power is thought to extend over the agrarian vegetation, as appearednbsp;from the fasting-rites �). In the birth-mythology it is an almond-tree from which Attis is indirectly born�), when Nana culls onenbsp;of its fruits and puts it into her bosom. The child is exposed, butnbsp;tended by a he-goat. Sometimes the exposure takes place at thenbsp;river Gallos, to which perhaps the preliminary Roman rite ofnbsp;the Cannophori alludes *).

The prominent figures from the ancient near East have now passed in review. Their series can be completed with minor godsnbsp;the adventures of whom show unmistakable resemblances in thenbsp;main features, such as Eshmun, minutely compared with Adonisnbsp;and Tammuz by Baudissin�); the Hittite Telepinus�); Aleyan-Ba'al of Ras-Shamra, who is especially a rain-bringing dying andnbsp;reviving god, and when killed hunting, is searched by his sister-consort �Anat ^), and others. Many details concerning the originalnbsp;forms in which they have presented themselves will possibly benbsp;brought to light by future excavations. Even without further information the hypothesis of a common underlying stratum repeatedlynbsp;recommends itself, the origin of which apparently must be foundnbsp;among a people which has spread ethnical and religious influencesnbsp;in its surroundings, so that the offshoots reached Greece and Egypt.

His connexion with the thriving of the fields appears from the offering of a six years old bull for the benefit of the fields in the mountains on thenbsp;15th of March. Hep ding Attis p. 147 sq.

Paus. VII, 17, II. Hep ding Attis p. 106 sq. Cf. the flower which, according to Ovid, Flora gives to luno, and from which Mars was born {Fastinbsp;V, ayi sqq).

'*) Julianus Or. 5, p. 165 b, 180 a; Sallustius De dis et mundo cap. IV. Decharme connects the reeds with the exposure on the banks of the river,nbsp;H e p d i n g Attis p. 149. It will only loosely be related with the reed-birthnbsp;preferred by divine childern, K e r � n y i Das g�ttliche Kind p. 37.

J. de Groot De godsdiensten der wereld H p. 264 sqq; T. H. Gaster Iraq VI, iqjq, p. 109 sqq. In this mythology the dying and reviving god hasnbsp;been combined with the battle of seasons, hence the enemy Mot. Aleyan Baalnbsp;is called for instance �Lord of green things�. The comparisons Gaster makesnbsp;with Dionysos and Artemis are often strained in details. � For his death whennbsp;-hunting cf. Virolleaud Syria XVI, 1955, p. 247 sqq.

The hypothetical ancestor of Tammuz, Adonis, Attis, Osiris and the others will have shown something like this character, combinednbsp;from the traits which frequently made their appearance in hisnbsp;modifications:

A year-god (�viavr�g dai/xcov) whose sphere of influence is young nature beginning to flower again in spring, especially the plantsnbsp;and trees, which sometimes still take the place of the anthropomorphous god (Tammuz: cedar and other trees; Adonis: plants; Osiris:nbsp;plants; Attis: tree). He is born and dies with the vegetation, twonbsp;events which are ritually celebrated and in close connexion to eachnbsp;o,ther, so as to bring out in full relief the dramatic course of thenbsp;growth and the turn in nature. His mother, a mighty nature goddess,nbsp;has a changing part in the myth of the year-god. After his birth thenbsp;young god is in a helpless situation as a foundling, but soon othersnbsp;take pity on him. Once grown up, he becomes the lover of thenbsp;goddess, whose mourning for his abrupt death is vehemently uttered.

So the common factors which were to be abstracted from the various modifications already show a rather complicated deity.nbsp;Many resemblances may have been established by a lasting contact,nbsp;but the starting-point seems to have been a non-accidental structure.nbsp;Where this originated must as yet remain undecided, since itnbsp;appeared that the Mesopotamian traces of the fourth millenniumnbsp;cannot even be considered autochthonous. It can be stated, however,nbsp;that Western Asia, with Syria, Egypt and the Aegaean area as itsnbsp;confines, underwent the influence of the hypothetical radiatingnbsp;centre. The names of the various modifications in which the godnbsp;presents himself cannot furnish any indication as to the linguisticnbsp;group of the original worshippers, but have been chosen by eachnbsp;people for itself, often in all sorts of variations.

The deepest and farthest backgrounds of this cult-form, which once acquired so much renown, may hefe be left out of consideration,nbsp;as we only intend to inquire into the descent of a very unpretentiousnbsp;figure as Hyakinthos, and with Hyakinthos� that of his Minoannbsp;relations. It is evident that the conception of a vegetation-god, asnbsp;found among the Minoan Cretans, fits in with the prototype in basicnbsp;idea. As remarked already, it deviates to some extent from it in thenbsp;place of the goddess with respect to the youthful god. Velchanos,nbsp;it is true, appeared to celebrate a legog ydfiog, but with a youngnbsp;tree-nymph. The Minoan seal-goddesses are nowhere depicted innbsp;such a connexion with the youthful god which may give rise to the

reconstruction of a Meter-Attis relation. It looks rather as if the Minoan recasting has split up the parts of mother and bride of thenbsp;god of vegetation, perhaps already on ethical grounds. For the restnbsp;analogies just with the Attis-cult present themselves, so as to makenbsp;it advisable to ascertain whether among the many representativesnbsp;of the dying and reviving god more or less close relations to thenbsp;Minoan -type can be traced, in order to get some elucidation as tonbsp;the ways along which the conception reached Crete and thenbsp;Aegaean area.

Peculiarities common to the Cretan and Attis-cult are for instance the attendant function of daemons like the Kouretes-Korybantes,nbsp;and the celebration of the festival in spring. How much the Kory-bantes and Kouretes have come to belong to the birth-scene of thenbsp;divine child, appears from the later representations of plastic artnbsp;where time and again they are depicted at their armed dance roundnbsp;the Zeus-child (with or without attendant nymph ^)) or the childnbsp;Dionysos ^). It can hardly be inferred from the scanty data how oldnbsp;their part in the ritual of the divine child is. The hymn of Palai-kastro has given rise to many suppositions, but concrete informationnbsp;concerning the ritual importance of the Kouretes cannot be derivednbsp;from it^). Perhaps they are meant by the daemons who will appearnbsp;led by Zeus, so that they would form a plurality of youthfulnbsp;vegetation-gods ^). But if we suppose that the ju�Yiatos xovQog hasnbsp;developed from the group, then he cannot from the beginning havenbsp;been the vegetation-god of Asia Minor who was worshipped as onenbsp;figure and followed a characteristic course of life, which a fi�yiatognbsp;xovQog only could have adopted after his ascension from the group.nbsp;The most cautious way is not to equate the �aijuoveg to the Kouretes;nbsp;the xovQog can even without thiasos of similar beings be invoked asnbsp;fi�yiaxog. The Kouretes, then, have their own place in the Cretannbsp;pantheon as fertility-daemons, who especially patronize the increasenbsp;of the flocks and hunting �). Their dances are fertility-dances.

Overbeck Kunstmythologie vol. II, p. 322 sqq. Head Hist. Hum. p. 413. Immisch in Roscher�.s M.L. II, i. 1824 sqq.

Harrison Themis p. 241, fig. 6i. Cook Zeus I, p. 153, fig. 128. Vide infra p. 152 sq.

which because of their apotropaic by-meaning could also be joined to the birth of the divine child ^).

The Korybantes, who have an analogous function in regard to the child ^), are more orgiastic in character, in accordance with theirnbsp;Phrygian origin, but were always further assimilated to the Kouretes,nbsp;if they cannot even claim a common descent. It is remarkable thatnbsp;both Korybantes and Kouretes are associated with nymphs�), thenbsp;Korybantes at Erythrae (in the coastal district of Lydia, rich innbsp;remnants of the child-cult) with the ogyiov of Herse, .... ore andnbsp;Phanis ¹ ²), who remind us of the Athenian Herse and Aglauros, andnbsp;perhaps also took charge of a divine child.

Some indirect allusions suggest that the celebration of the adventures of the Minoan god of vegetation especially affected his birth in spring �). In the first place mythology has more eagerlynbsp;specialized in birth-tales than in the dying of the god, which isnbsp;not attractive, it is true, and for a figure titled Zeus abominable,nbsp;but neither raises excessive mourning of the accompanyingnbsp;goddess or nymphs. The women, who passionately lament Adonis,nbsp;seem to have a more active part in the rearing of the infant innbsp;Crete. In both situations the prominence of the women in the cultnbsp;accords with what is thought to be characteristic for customs ofnbsp;Asia Minor, but Crete is independent in the working out of thenbsp;scheme. About the death of the Minoan god only Hyakinthos�nbsp;tradition furnishes some particulars, for Zeus the authors onlynbsp;mention his graves on Crete. Lucianus seems to hint at a joyousnbsp;celebration of the birth of the childgod in spring �).

A1 Minoische boomcultus p. 67 sqq. Nilsson MMK 474. Latte o.c. p. 51. Thus they dance round the tree on which Amaltheia has hung the cradlenbsp;with the child Zeus (Hyginus jab. 139): action for a rite? Cf. Attis- and Osiris-statues in trees (Firmicus Matern. De err. prof. rel. zy, r) and the manipulationsnbsp;with a cradle-child in a ritual agrarian scene on Cyprus (bronze age, Syrianbsp;1932, pi. LXII, P. D i k a i o s).

Cf. Schol. Arat. 30, i: �m oXov hiavxov xov Ala samp;oeipav. But cf. Aratus Phaen. 32 sqq (Kouretes).

Wilamowitz Abb. Akad. Berlin 1909, p. 32 N� 8. J. Keil Osterr. Jahresh. XIII, 1910, Beihlatt Sp. 28 sqq, N� 3. Keil also thinks of affinitynbsp;with the Aglaurids.

�) Tragoedopodagra vs. 36 sqq: festival for Attis in Phrygia, of the Lydians on the Tmolos, of the Korybantes on Crete nnwtacg �oQoe eV Sgaig. Cf. Hep-ding Attis p. 132.

These are two features which may justify the assumption of a closer relation between the Attis-cult and the worship of thenbsp;Minoan sviavrog daijucov. The typological resemblances in the mythsnbsp;of the two gods will be discussed separately ^), while the rathernbsp;striking parallelism in bread-ritual may be recalled here. Furthernbsp;detailed comparisons are of no use, because then the positive resultsnbsp;cannot counterbalance the indifferent remainder. It is, however, ofnbsp;importance to point to the differences in mentality and sphere innbsp;which the Asiatic cult of Attis and the Minoan cult were celebrated,nbsp;though the basic idea is analogous and the worship of Attis evennbsp;appeared to be closer related to Crete than the Eastern parallels.nbsp;One might be inclined to call the cult of Attis more primitive andnbsp;barbarous, compared with the idea we have of the Minoan cult.nbsp;Now this statement is precarious, for our conception of the Cretannbsp;Zeus, for example, has been handed down to us mainly by thenbsp;Greeks and is therefore transformed in a Greek sense, howevernbsp;un-Greek it may have looked in the beginning. Moreover there is anbsp;danger that features in the mythology of Attis (and Adonis) whichnbsp;strike us as familiar and which readily would be employed fornbsp;comparisons owe their origin resp. reform to the Greek interest andnbsp;participation in the worship in question. This is surely not the casenbsp;with the above mentioned fundamental correspondence, and a closernbsp;resemblance of Attis and the Minoan god may be maintained fornbsp;the present.

The question of the Greek interference again raises the problem, how old the Minoan Iviavxbg balficov may be. F a r n e 11�s objectionsnbsp;against the appearance of the divine child in the purely Minoannbsp;periods have been mentioned already �). The M.M. seal-impressionnbsp;from Knossos, burdened with heavy responsibility, could almostnbsp;refute his arguments �). Moreover the child-aspect of the vegetation-god must not be isolated, but connected as a first phase in a mythicalnbsp;year-cycle. The adult god did appear on the monuments, be itnbsp;according to F a r n e 11 only as �inevitable in goddess-cult, subordinate and kept in the background� ^). His adventurous entry intonbsp;life seems, however, inseparable from his youthful figure, as Tammuz

for instance already floated as a child in a ship on the waves, and not only emerged as a grown-up god from the realm of the dead.

Besides, F a r n e 11�s radical solution and classification in periods raises difficulties. He splits up the Cretan influence in Greek religionnbsp;into three phases: the first is purely Minoan, does not yet know thenbsp;Kouretes and the divine child, and is distinguished by this verynbsp;absence from the middle period, in which the cult of Rhea and thenbsp;infant Zeus arises. This worship shows an orgiastic character of thenbsp;ritual, which seems Dionysiac, and the main figures of whichnbsp;accordingly can be paralleled with eognates: Kouretes-Korybantes,nbsp;Rhea-Kybele, Zeus-Dionysos. The resemblances with the Dionysos-cult of Asia Minor are important indeed and at least deserve explanation by means of a provisional hypothesis. F a r n e 11 solves thenbsp;problem by supposing a direct impulse from Phrygia to Crete ^),nbsp;which would have taken place before the hellenization of Crete,nbsp;and would have brought to Crete the orgiastic ritual of birth, deathnbsp;and resurrection of the god of vegetation. Rhea�s Cretan namenbsp;superseded that of Semele, the Greeks who came to Crete did notnbsp;know the name of the child (Dionysos or Zagreus, according tonbsp;F a r n e 11) and misnamed it Zeus. When later on in the eleventhnbsp;century the cult of Dionysos reached the Greeks via Thrace, Dionysos was no longer brought into connexion with his Cretan modification. F a r n e 11�s third period of post-Homeric influence doesnbsp;not concern us here.

The hypothesis of a Phrygian influence on Crete in the supposed epoch would surely have to be provided with more foundation thannbsp;only the alleged sudden appearance of the cult of the childgod ^).nbsp;Moreover it does not leave enough space to explain how bothnbsp;childgod-mythologies (Cretan Zeus-Dionysos) have reached Greecenbsp;separately and in individual form. Dionysos, as F a r n e 11 himself

A similar hypothesis was already proposed by Welcker Griech. Gotter-lehre II, p. 219, 9. His remarks p. 218 sqq are fundamental for the interpretations of the Cretan Zeus.

'Waves of immigration are supposed to have reached Crete repeatedly, but the certainty available is not great as yet. The Kydones (cf. Odyssey z 172 sqq)nbsp;according to Pick (Vorgriechische Ortsnamen p. 16 sqq) immigrated from thenbsp;Phrygian North Western part of Asia Minor to Crete as a Mysian-Lydian-Phrygian mixed race (cf. Kretschmer Glotta XXVIII, p. 108 sqq), afternbsp;the Aegaean migration. One meets with chronological difficulties, however, whennbsp;trying to combine the hypothesis of the Kydones with F a r n e 11�s theory.

supposes, made his appearance in the eleventh century. The epoch of the Phrygian immigration must succeed a period of purely Minoannbsp;influence on the Greeks, and so perhaps belong to the thirteenthnbsp;century, though even then direct testimonies for the divine childnbsp;are wanting. This chronological distance is not sufficient to explainnbsp;the absence of connexions in Greece between Dionysos and thenbsp;Cretan Zeus.

Moreover the presumed Oriental origin of the type of vegetation-god in question makes a transmission by the Indo-Germanic Phrygians to Minoan Crete superfluous and improbable, like the priority of Semele (with her Indo-Germanic name) to Rhea in the divinenbsp;child-mythology. The connexions with the cult of Dionysos havenbsp;been analysed by Nilsson^), who assigns only a secondary rolenbsp;to the Phrygians, and thinks the eniautos daimon Bakchos (Bakis)nbsp;originated with the Lydians, who may have borrowed him from thenbsp;same substratum as the Cretans their �Zeus�. According to Nilsson the Greeks received a fusion of Asiatic year-god elements andnbsp;orgiastic, trieteric ritual from Thrace in the figure of Dionysos.nbsp;The Cretan childgod had then for the most part faded on the mainland and only led a continued and relatively glorious existence asnbsp;the youthful Z,eus. In later days both figures were again broughtnbsp;nearer together in Asia Minor, so that in Lydia both Bacchos andnbsp;Zeus Gonaios enjoy worship ^), and the representations of works ofnbsp;art often leave it doubtful whether the child Zeus or Dionysos isnbsp;meant.

The development in the early stages is here of more importance, however. The connexions of the Cretan Zeus with the complex ofnbsp;Asia Minor are unmistakable. His nearest relations are found in thenbsp;West: Attis, as it appeared, and Dionysos. An analysis of the resemblances between the Minoan god of vegetation and Dionysos ofnbsp;Asia Minor (with his foster-mother Hipta and his double Sabazios)nbsp;may for the greater part be omitted since Nilsson�s inquiries.nbsp;Dionysos has always preserved traces of his vegetative power.nbsp;Besides epithets which connect him with the growth of plants andnbsp;trees in general, as /tev�gki^s, ''Evdevdgoe, 4gt;hv?, ^Xoi�s, �vkXocp�Qoi;,

�) References in Farnell Cults I, p. 140 sq, V, p. 158 sq, 296 sq. Cook 2eus I, p. 148 sqq.

2xvXXitag, ��Av�iog ^), he bears titles which describe him as a patron of the vine- and fig-culture, and in later times also general agrariannbsp;names asnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and Kagmog^). In Asia Minor, at Teos, he appears

under an ideal name for the year-god of the crops: 2!r]tdveiog, the god of the annual vegetation �). When a good season is approaching, there shines annually in a Thracian sanctuary of Dionysos anbsp;great blaze of fire, which fails to come when the crops will benbsp;bad *). An obvious parallel is the yearly glare radiating from thenbsp;Cretan Zeus-cave when Zeus is born �). A similar relic may benbsp;supposed to lie behind the harvest-prognosis of Dionysos, the birthnbsp;of the divine vegetation^child being coupled with the samenbsp;phenomena.

It appears in general that the relationship is very close, even in comparison with Attis, whose cult yet showed remarkable agreements. So Dionysos and the Cretan Zeus approach each other in thenbsp;pedigree which ramifies starting from the hypothetical prototypenbsp;in the dim past. The Meter-Attis relation is absent in both cults,nbsp;they have been emancipated from the figure of the goddess, andnbsp;are provided with separate mothers, nurses and brides. The parallelism is promoted by the Greek influence on both traditions, but itnbsp;may none the less be considered important and gives a hint as tonbsp;the area with which Crete will have been most closely bound upnbsp;in religious matters. So F a r n e 11�s idea is correct in its generalnbsp;tendency, but the localization and chronology are forced. It is notnbsp;necessary to prefer a wave of immigration to interaction; and a

See Nilsson GgR 550 sqq, Farnell Ctdts V, p. 118 sq and 280 sqq. Cf. also the twigs which adorn his images, and his semi-vegetative shape onnbsp;throne-reliefs at Berlin and Athens (E. Langlotz Die Antike 8, 1932, p. 170nbsp;sqq, fig. 17 sqq).

G. Quandt De Baccho in Asia Minore culto p. 155 and 244; Farnell Cults V, p. 123; Picard Eph�se et Claros p. 403 sqq. On the word atjTdviognbsp;cf. W. Kroll AJPh LX, 1939, p. 105�07.

�*) JPseudo Arist. Mirab. ausc. izz (Bekker 842 a) otav /ikv 6 Bsog evertjplav

fisXXfi stotsTv, emrpaiveoBai fi�ya osXag nvQog---ozav d� duapmav, nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;q)aiveaamp;ai

rovxo TO epc�g. Cf. for this fire-epiphany of Dionysos J. Harrison Proleg. p. 409 sq.

�) Antonin. Lib. 19: �r d� gQ�vo) OKpcoQiafi�vo) Soarai xaB� �xaoxov �xog nkeXatov luXapnov �u xov ositjXaiov Jtvg. xovxo S� yivsoBai fXvamp;oXoyovaiv, oxav �ui�xj x� xovnbsp;Aiog �x xtjg ysv�oBwg alfxa.

common descent of the peoples and gods concerned is, generally speaking, the most probable solution.

Before tracing the nearer connexions of Zeus and Dionysos as Minoan and ancient Lydian vegetation-gods with other regions, wenbsp;have to fix the place of Hyakinthos, who for the present onlynbsp;profited by the argument in his capacity of a manifestation of thenbsp;Minoan divine child. Geographical and linguistic points of viewnbsp;may be utilized for this.

For the diffusion of the cult of Hyakinthos in its original form we depend largely on accidental records. The frequency of thenbsp;name of the month Hyakinthios, as well as the Tarentine cult, cannbsp;better be left out of account here, because it may be the Doriannbsp;colonists who are responsible for this expansion. Nevertheless fivenbsp;localizations remain a higher age of which is probable for somenbsp;reason or another:

3� Tenos. Here inscriptions mention a phyle ^laMvamp;k, the inhabitant of which is named quot;laxiramp;evg ^), and a place OIov �laxiv-�ix�v ^). The unusual spelling confirms what the Ionian sphere ofnbsp;influence suggests: an independent tradition of these old titles,nbsp;derived from a cult.

4� Knidos. The revival of the Hiakynthotrophia about the year 200 B.C. adds an otherwise unknown element to the cult of Hyakinthos. Though a Dorian transmission is well conceivable, we neednbsp;not exclude the possibility of a continuation of aboriginal traditions ^).

5 � Crete. The evidence of an autochthonous tradition, one therefore not transplanted from Laconia, is not strong, when wenbsp;consult the inscriptions only. At Lato and Malla the month Bakin-

For the history of Knidos see Newton Discoveries at Halicarnassus II, p. 346 sqq; Biirchner R.E. XI, 919. In historical times it was a member ofnbsp;a Dorian confederation, and there are traditions connecting it with Lacedae-monia (Herodot. I, 174) and the Spartan colony of Tarentum (Herod. Ill, 138).nbsp;Cf. CAH III, 676.

thios occurs ^), which is named for the whole of Crete in hemerologia of later date ^). Moreover Hyakinthia (Fatciv�ia) seem to be mentioned in a fifth-century treaty which regulated the relations betweennbsp;Knossos, its western neighbour Tylissos and Argos�). This isnbsp;important, because the name of the month is hardly anywherenbsp;accompanied by traces of the festival.

Arguments of a general character and petitio principii do recommend the classing of Crete as an autonomous cult-centre of Hyakin-thos. The form in which his name is given there must be the original one (vide infra), his relation with the Cretan Zeus draws attentionnbsp;to Crete for his origin too, and Minoan Crete can best be imaginednbsp;as a link between the western offshoots of the vegetation-god typenbsp;and the abundance of relations in Asia Minor, since it influencednbsp;the regions where Hyakinthos appears culturally and religiously.nbsp;The archaeological evidence will be discussed in the next chapter.

The spreading indicated by the five placenames mentioned covers a field in which a greater density of cult-centres may as well benbsp;supposed to have existed in earlier days. For the question how earlynbsp;those days are, ?ind who were the original propagators of thenbsp;Hyakinthos-cult, we can resort to an analysis of the name of thenbsp;god, which has the somewhat notorious suffix -iv�og. This elementnbsp;was recognized as pre-Greek by Kretschmer^). It has beennbsp;adopted by Greek immigrants in all sorts of words for objects andnbsp;plants unknown to them before�), and the question at issue is fromnbsp;which people it ultimately descends. Since it has been introduced in

According to a Florentine hemerologium (in Laurentianus containing Ptole-maeus and Theon) BCH III, p. 303 the sixth month for the whole of Crete (reckoned from January onwards) is 'Pa/SiVdjos, almost certainly to be correctednbsp;into BanivBiog, cf. Nilsson GF 139, 2. The month passed into the Romannbsp;solar calendar of the province of Crete as the ninth month, from May 24thnbsp;till June 22nd. Bischoff R. E. IX, 3. A Leyden hemerologium gives thenbsp;correct reading of the name.

3) C. W. Vollgraff BCH 1913, XXXVII, p. 279 sqq, 298 and PI. IV. M. N. T o d Greek historical inscriptions No. 33. A new interpretation of thenbsp;political relations between the three states mentioned is maintained byU.Kahr-s t e d t Klio 34, 1941, p. 72 sqq, who seems to assume Hyakinthia for Argos toonbsp;(p. 81). Cf. the above mentioned Amyklas and Meliboia at Argos as possiblenbsp;relics of some such cult (p. 52, note 7).

times about which the investigations are still proceeding and often have to settle mutual disputes it is one of the victims suffering fromnbsp;the diversity of opinions concerning the course of the Indo-German-ization of Greece, and the ethnical problems of Asia Minor.

Without judging of the special questions we can at least compare the religious data with an anthology of archaeological and linguisticnbsp;opinions. It is an established fact that the -nthos suffix is notnbsp;originally Greek. But it remains as yet problematical whether it isnbsp;Indo-Germanic, �proto-Indo-Germanic�, Urindogermanisch or not,nbsp;the more so as these notions themselves have not yet been conclusively cleared up. It corresponds with the unaspirated -nt- and -nd-suffixes in Asia Minor, which cannot be ascribed with any amountnbsp;of certainty to a distinct race. Mostly the Luvians are supposed tonbsp;be the origin, for instance by Forrer^), Gotze�), Kretschmer^). The site of their country is unknown but may be foundnbsp;in southwestern Asia Minor *�). The aspiration of the form -nth-occurring in Greece must have been effected under the influencenbsp;of another race; �Aegaeans� �), notably �Tyrrhenians� are heldnbsp;responsible for it�). A word like Hyakinthos may therefore,nbsp;according to these hypotheses, reach back to the Luvian stratum, ornbsp;immediately have been formed with the -nth- suffix by the Tyrrhenians. In both cases we may ask what the ethnical origin is, thoughnbsp;the question can only be answered with the utmost reserve.nbsp;Kretschmer for example uses the very -nt- suffix as an indication for suggesting a proto-Indo-Germanic invasion withnbsp;which the value of the usual distinctions is made problematical andnbsp;a claim is put for a sharper determination of the ethnic ramifications,nbsp;though it cannot be complied with as yet. The Luvians, who are saidnbsp;to have immigrated into Asia Minor in the third or the beginningnbsp;of the second millennium �), are sometimes taken for a genuine first

Cf. Friedrich R.V. I, 134. Brandenstein R. E. Suppl. VI, 177. Kleinasien, Kulturgeschichte p. 53 sqq.

Friedrich R.V. l.c., Brandenstein l.c. 177, Krahe Die Antike 15.1939. P- 185 sq-

Indo-Germanic influx, so that the peculiarities of the Luvians in comparison with the other Indo-Germanic languages would onlynbsp;be a question of age^), while Kretschmer has no levelling innbsp;view but a difference in degrees of descent with his proto-Indo-Germanic theory. Anyhow during their stay in Asia Minor thenbsp;vaguely Indo-European Luvians came under a strong non-Indo-European anatolian influence, which asserted itself as well in theirnbsp;language as in their religion and culture^).

The question of the Indo-Germanism comes to this: what for a long time was thought typical non-Indo-Germanic, after all appearsnbsp;now to be �Indo-Germanic� (a notion which perhaps also needsnbsp;revision) by a roundabout way, which, however, religion and culturenbsp;cannot possibly have followed without drastic change and development. So what counts for our purpose are not subtle linguistic distinctions, but the question whether sufficient chronological distancenbsp;can be observed from the Greek line of development. Both as regardsnbsp;the -nd- and the -nth- suffixes we can answer this in the affirmative.nbsp;For matters are analogous with the -nth- modification. Not onlynbsp;along linguistic ways but also via archaeological argumentsnbsp;Kretschmer recently suspected Indo-Germanic relations behindnbsp;it, by connecting his proto-Indo-Germanic theory with the Danubiannbsp;origin of the stroke-ornamented ware recognized in Greece (defended especially by German scholars) �). For Greece, Crete and Asianbsp;Minor he combines two kinds of currents which dominated therenbsp;in the third millennium; i� an Eastern one, resulting in the Anatoliannbsp;stratum, to which apparently the Leleges belong and as archaeological fossils the labrys and beaked jug; 2� a radiation from thenbsp;centre of the stroke-ornamented pottery Bohemia-Moravia, fromnbsp;where Danubian races (Pelasgians, �Protindogermans�, now rathernbsp;Urpelasger) will have taken with them both the ceramics typicalnbsp;for them and the linguistic innovations -nth-, Larissa and the like.

The distinguishing of the various pre-Greek elements into two broad strata is a rejoicing dawning in the dark early ages, andnbsp;corresponds with the fundamental differences found in Asia Minornbsp;between Proto-Hatti and Aegaeans. But the identification of thenbsp;Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian linguistic stratum with the race, of the Danubian

Cf. also Schachermeyr Etruskische Friihgeschichte p. 233 sqq. Kretschmer Clotta 28, 1940, p. 231 sqq.

los

Bandkeramik, which Kretschmer takes over from Matz^), is a dangerous experiment, so long as the archaeological materialsnbsp;still give rise to numerous controversies. The resemblances perceivednbsp;in the spiral-maeander ceramics of the middle Danube basin andnbsp;South Eastern Europe and the Aegaeis point to influences whichnbsp;may also have had the character of interplay, but in which thenbsp;parts of starting-point and border area have not been assigned yet^).nbsp;So the support which can be found in these hypothetical identifications is misleading. In cultural matters one is inclined to thinknbsp;a derivation from Eastern regions more probable, in view of thenbsp;chronological handicap of the other areas. At any rate the -nth-suffix in the name of the vegetation-god in question cannot evennbsp;via archaeological combinations move him from his Aegaean nativenbsp;country to more northwesterly regions. That the -nth- race creatednbsp;the figure of Hyakinthos in mutual contact with the general Orientalnbsp;prototype of the dying god, in the modification typical for westernnbsp;Asia Minor and Minoan Crete, appeared from earlier considerationsnbsp;and is not impaired by the linguistic data. We may add that henbsp;originates from the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, who presumably will havenbsp;been the most western worshippers of the dying god, either fromnbsp;old, or after their immigration familiar with the Eastern conceptionnbsp;discussed.

We may subject the name of Hyakinthos to a further examination. As regards its sense the suffix -inthos is not elucidating, perhaps itnbsp;indicated properties like �belonging to�.�, �situated on�^), sometimesnbsp;it seems diminutive *), but an essential element of the meaning

Cf. Matz O.C.; Schweitzer Gnomon 1928, p. 601 sqq (review of Matz); Fuchs Die griech. Fundgruppen and the review by Matz Gnomonnbsp;^939) P- 69 sqq; Schachermeyr Klio 1939, p. 239 sqq; as the one party.nbsp;K r a i k e r rejects the identification of Protindogermans as makers of stroke-ornamented pottery (relying on internal criteria), he looks for the Protindogermans among races of the battleaxe cultures: Die Antike t9}9, p. Z02 sqq. Thenbsp;opposing party is represented especially by V. G. C h i 1 d e, cf. JHS 1930,nbsp;255�262 (the relations between the Danube area and the East of the Mediterranean start from Anatolia), BSA 1936/37 p. 26�35, JHS 1937, p. 253 sqqnbsp;(review of Fuchs); cf. V. J. Fewkes AJA 1939, p. 360 and W a c e andnbsp;Blegen Klio 1939, 14, p. 131 sqq, especially p. 132 and 139.

^) Kretschmer Glotta XIV, 1923, p. 313, 2. Cf. M. G. F. Ventris AJA 1940, p. 503, 25 and 506, 36.

of the god�s name cannot be taken from it. This must be hidden in the initial syllables, which may represent an i-stem, behind whichnbsp;the -nthos suffix presumably developed^). The Greek form of thenbsp;name of god and flower vdxiv�og is not the original one, but seemsnbsp;to have become general Greek via the lonian-Attic dialect. Thenbsp;older form can be reconstructed from the Cretan inscriptions, sincenbsp;they have preserved the name of the month Baxiv�iog and thenbsp;festival FaxMia �). The lonians rendered the w-sound they had lostnbsp;by an v or o, as in Velia � ^YeXfj (or with omission of the v-sound:nbsp;Elea, in southern Italy), �'Oaiog for Cretan Fd^og, quot;Yaymg - Fdyvig*).nbsp;Kretschmer gives more parallels for this, which point to itnbsp;that '^Fdxiv�og must be considered the primary form. The sound-substitution F gt; w was not merely a graphical process, but the vnbsp;was vocalized and like any initial v aspirated, so that the formnbsp;vdnivamp;og came into being, which Homer uses already for the flower�).nbsp;God and flower cannot be separated, as is formally attested by thenbsp;Latin flower-name vaccinium, which according to a hypothesis ofnbsp;J. H. V o s s would be connected with vdxivamp;og, and which containsnbsp;the same initial syllable vac- as the Cretan name of the god. Latinnbsp;will not have borrowed this word from the Greek, but from annbsp;Aegaean predecessor of vd)tm%g �) which perhaps had yet anothernbsp;form than ��Fdxivamp;og. Then at least the corruption to vacciniumnbsp;becomes intelligible, in which popular etymology seems to havenbsp;found a connexion with vacca, vaccinus �). The identity of thenbsp;plants appears for instance from Dioscourides:nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;�quot;Pco/ualoi

^dxuovfi, ol �� ovaxxmov/u �). The first equivalent also points to yet another original than quot;Pdxiv�og. A form baccus = ^dxognbsp;seems to have continued as a name for the flower, as testified by

Kretschmer Wiener Eranos 1909, p. ti8 sqq; Glotta III, p. 321, Glotta XIII, 1924, p. 248. Cf. Boisacq Dictionnaire �tymol. s.v. �Ydxivamp;os.nbsp;�) S 348, adjectively f231, V 138 vaxirthvog.

�) A. Meillet Esquisse d�une histoire de la langue latine^ (1933) P- 86. E r n o u t-M e i 11 et Dictionn. �tym. de la langue latine (Paris 1932) s.v.

��) Unless vacca derives from the same unknown stem, which opens possibilities for etymological conjectures.

Dioscourides and a botanic gloss: fiaxog' to vdxiv�ov^). The initial b- will here also be a later graphic representative of the v-sound,nbsp;but this much is clear, that the name of the flower has also survivednbsp;without the suffix -inthos. The root -nak- will have to be the starting-point for etymologies, which unfortunately have but little chancenbsp;because of the pre-Hellenic and non-Indo-European origin whichnbsp;must be assigned to it.

Besides the career of the Oriental �viavxbs daificov notably his sphere of influence shows a striking resemblance in the variousnbsp;manifestations. From the scanty records about Hyakinthos referringnbsp;to this matter some points can be stressed on which he closelynbsp;parallels his relatives from Crete, Asia Minor and even Mesopotamianbsp;(to be represented here resp. by �Zeus�, Dionysos, and Tammuz):nbsp;his connexions with the animal and vegetable world.

The prominence of the goat as a victim at the Hyakinthia was mentioned in the discussion of the ritual ^), and for an explanationnbsp;the association of goats and crops, which also occurs elsewhere, wasnbsp;referred to. It is possible that this association derives its special sensenbsp;from the connexion which existed from the earliest times betweennbsp;the goat and the dying year-god of the ancient East. Tammuz andnbsp;his mother were symbolized and probably formerly worshipped innbsp;the shape of a kid and a goat (or a bull and a cow) �). In thenbsp;tradition concerning Dionysos traces of his appearance as a he-goatnbsp;have been preserved ^), though later on the goat is only joined tonbsp;him as an attributive animal�), as to Tammuz on Sargonid seals�)

Thesaurus linguae graecae (Stephanus) II, 55 s.v. Bauos (Lexicon MS cod. Reg. 1843, in Ducange Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimaenbsp;latinitatis Tomus II, Appendix p. 34). It is disputable from a palaeographicalnbsp;point of vfew that the same word should be meant in Etym. Gud. Siavgva � yov-va, atyeiov ar�yaaroov, zerQixco/isvov, rovr�ori ^axog, o iozi d�o/ea (reading of Stephanus I.C.), which would point to a connexion with the goat.

The snake-aspect of the Sumerian god of vegetation, which does not reappear in the Hyakinthos-cult, does characterize Erichthonios, Sosipolis, perhaps Archemoros.

�j E.g. Gerhard Auserlesene Vasenbilder 37 (Reinach R.V.P. II, 30, 8) and C.V.A. Espagne III He PI. 18, 2.

and to the Amyclaean god on Laconian coins ^). That Minoan Crete also knew a theriomorphic worship of the vegetation-god and hisnbsp;mother, is a very probable conclusion drawn from an iconographicalnbsp;comparison by C. W. Vollgraff, who interprets the well-knownnbsp;M.M. Ill faience-reliefs with* the suckling goat and cow in thenbsp;above mentioned connexionThen the mother would have longestnbsp;preserved her animal form in Crete, jo that the extensive Cretannbsp;foundling-mythology in which the divine child is nourished by anbsp;goat (or a cow) here finds its religious origin �), though it soonnbsp;passes on to the sphere of folk-tales and is very productive there.

If the choice of the victim for the Hyakinthia indeed reaches back to olden times, similar antecedents may be supposed for it,nbsp;the (he)-goat having passed from a worshipped being to an attributenbsp;and offering. The relation with the vegetable world, which alsonbsp;characterizes the goat in northern Europe *), all the more appliesnbsp;to the sphere of the dying year-god. For Mesopotamia and Elam wenbsp;referred already to representations dating back from the fourthnbsp;millennium which group goats and similar animals round a sacrednbsp;shrub or tree �). Minoan-Mycenaean art also knows this motive, andnbsp;with the image the religious sense will have wandered through thenbsp;ages�). The twigs sometimes grow as it were from the animals, thusnbsp;illustrating the union of the vital force of both

E.g. Cook Zeus I, p.*7i3, fig. 529 (Over beck III, Miinztafel I, 13-i�). But cf. p. 18 note 4 supra (B o m p o i s).

O.c. p. II (29) sqq. Cf. the motive on the larnax from Gournia, a L.M. Ill sarcophagus {Gournia X, 44; Pendlebury Archaeology of Crete (1939) pi.nbsp;XL, 4). On Cyprus in the first Bronze Age Syria XIII, 1932, PI. LXXV, 5,nbsp;where the mother with the child also appear in human form (pi. LXX, LXXIII, �nbsp;I and 3).

It is not necessary that the motive �exposure in the chest� is a mere folk-tale ingredient either, but it may descend from an epiphany from the seanbsp;(a river): Tammuz, Dionysos, Tennes-Palaimon, cf. the dolphin-riders Melikertesnbsp;and Phalanthos. Cf. p. 87 supra.

�)Evans Mycenaean tree and pillar-cult fig. 30, 31, 32, 34, 55. H. D a n-thine Palmier-dattier p. 194 sq.

Evans o.c. fig. 33 and 34. This may be an iconographical echo of the Mesopotamian animals �passant devant des plantes�, cf. e.g. H. D a n t h i n enbsp;o.c. fig. 26, 646, 704 etc.

no longer be treated extensively. The bot^jiic symbols which time and again appear with, and probably also before the animal embodiment of the divine principle, are peculiar to any of the figuresnbsp;compared, in the shape of special tree-sorts, but also as branches,nbsp;plants and shrubs which cannot even be identified. Moreover earsnbsp;of corn already appeared to act as bearers of the vegetative forcesnbsp;in the Mesopotamian early representations. So there is no reason tonbsp;assign a later date to the agrarian stage of culture, and on thatnbsp;account to assume a difference in level with e.g. an older god of thenbsp;verdure of the meadows, essential to nomads. On the other hand thenbsp;tree-shapes of Tammuz, Adonis, Attis, which partly appear in thenbsp;ritual up to historical times, prove that there is no question of anbsp;one-sided development, even long after the corn-growing was thoughtnbsp;incorporated in the domain of the year-god.

It is likely that specializations and more general figures have existed side by side. The Syrian Ta-uz is an example of the formernbsp;category, with his limited sphere of influence of a corn-god, as annbsp;offshoot of Tammuz. He has been split up from the great god, whilenbsp;the latter himself in olden times will have developed by a reversenbsp;process from a synthesis of special vegetative powers (individualnbsp;tree-gods e.g.) ^). Similar reflexions must provide us with an explanation for the blending of harvest-rites with 'general vegetativenbsp;mourning-rites, which has been stated both for the Attideia and thenbsp;Hyakinthia. Neither Attis nor Hyakinthos are exclusively corn-gods, but both of them take the cereals under their protection withnbsp;the rest of the vegetation, as since millennia the Eastern year-godnbsp;did. Special harvest-rites like the preparatory fasting and thenbsp;banquet with the corn- and bean-dishes can therefore naturally benbsp;incorporated in the ritual, though perhaps they themselves do notnbsp;descend from the ancient Oriental inventory of the year-festival.nbsp;The equal rights of the rest of the vegetation must also be regardednbsp;when determining the season of the mourning. For Tammuz andnbsp;Adonis it is June-July, with which the Hyakinthia may accord

Cf. Baudissin Adonis p. 173, Tammuz as a tree-god, �to ma% auch Adonis znerst ein Baum oder tine andere Pflanze gewesen sein, woran man dasnbsp;Ergriinen im Friihjahr und das Verdorren im Hochsommer beobachtete.�nbsp;Frazer G. B.� V, p. 233 sqq. But the texts and pictures which have comenbsp;down to us do not couple one god with one special tree or plant. Cf. H. D a n-thine Palmier-Dattier p. 157, i6z.

(Skirophorion as an equivalent), celebrated after the harvest, but during the withering of the vegetable world through the summer-heat, the background sought from old for Adonis and Hyakinthos.

The track along which these rites and conceptions reached the countries and periods in which they are found is for the greater partnbsp;still to be reconstructed. New excavations in Asia Minor may benbsp;expected to yield decisive information about the links which connectnbsp;Tammuz on the one side and Dionysos and the Minoan god on thenbsp;other. It is at least probable that in the third millennium the anato-lian influence penetrated to Crete principally via Asia Minor, asnbsp;Dussaud supposes: via Lydia ^), while the ancient action ofnbsp;Egypt of course may not be left out of consideration. The routenbsp;through Asia Minor and possibly Lydia (an area with a naturalnbsp;aptitude to maintain elements specific to anatolian culture and tonbsp;resist Hittite and Phrygian influence ^)) is recommended by the closenbsp;relationship between the Lydian Bakis-Dionysos and the Minoannbsp;Zeus. The repercussion of the ancient connexions later gave rise tonbsp;a parallelism and syncretism of the Cretan Zeus with Dionysos-Zagreus and Sabazios, by a combination of Cretan-Lydian andnbsp;Phrygian elements �).

Hyakinthos, a manifestation of the Cretan year-god, was explained by W. F. Otto, on account of the Greek tradition only, as a figurenbsp;closely resembling Dionysos *). There is no reason for bringing himnbsp;closer to Dionysos than to the Cretan Zeus. A few details whichnbsp;might lead to it, such as the ivy-garlands bacchico ritu^), cannotnbsp;claim an old age, but may be introduced later on just because ofnbsp;their internal affinities. The Minoan god is less known, so that thenbsp;points of contact with Dionysiac ritual are more obvious. One ofnbsp;the fundamental resemblances with the Dionysiac sphere of influencenbsp;is the vegetative background which can directly be connected withnbsp;the name of both gods. Bdxxog stands for the god as well as for the

Rapports entre la Crete aAcienne et la Babylonie {Iraq VI, 1939, p. 53�6l)-Cf. on these relations P. Demargne Rev. arch. 1936, 1, p. 80�91 and Annates de l��cole des hautes �tudes de Gand II, 1938, p. 31�66.

R. Dussaud La Lydie et ses voisins p. 80 sqq, 88 sqq. J. Keil Die Kulte Lydiens (Anatolian Studies pres, to Sir W. Ramsay) p. 243 sq.

sacred garland or branch used in his cult^); /idxxfj is not only the vine but also the myrtle and a kind of pear-tree ^). According tonbsp;Hesychiusnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;is equivalent to: wear an ivy-crown, while the

god himself is worshipped in semi-tree-shape, and adorned with sprouting twigs�).

The direct dependence of the fate of the year-god upon that of the vegetation is demonstrated by the name of Hyakinthos, justnbsp;as the earlier interpreters presumed: a powerful bloom of youthnbsp;surprised by sudden death in summer or autumn, a drama repeatednbsp;annually and celebrated with annual rites. The derivation of thenbsp;name brings us close to the origin of the god, closer than can be thenbsp;case with allied figures such as Adonis, Tammuz and Attis, thoughnbsp;for their worship too a plant- and tree-cult is to be assumed as anbsp;first stage.

Hyakinthos� title points out that it was a flower which served as a starting-point for the young deity. It cannot be determinednbsp;from ancient sources which kind of flower thus inspired religiousnbsp;imagination. Anyway suggestions have been made to identify thenbsp;vdxiv�og as: �our� hyacinth (hyacinthus orientalis L.), corn-flag,nbsp;iris, other sorts of lilies, larkspur (delphinium Aiacis) and fritillary^).nbsp;The description of the form of the vdxivamp;og gives as much scope fornbsp;conjectures as that of its colour, which is said to be noQcpvqeog,nbsp;suave rubens, ferrugineus, niger. The illustration in Dioscouridesnbsp;shows a bulbous plant which never perfectly corresponds with thenbsp;interpretations proposed, certainly is not meant to be a fritillary ornbsp;larkspur, and most resembles the ordinary hyacinth. The colour ofnbsp;the precious stone called hyacinth �) is orange-red, brown andnbsp;purple. Besides the scientific illustration in Dioscourides we have anbsp;picture of the plant on a vase with Aias and Tekmessa if we are

Cf. p. 54 supra. Schol. Aristoph. �(?. 408. Bekker Anecdota I, p. 224: flax^os � 6 isQos Atovvoov avrjQ, ual xXa�oi lt;5 �v tats Tslezatg. wg 8� evioi, azeqjdvovgnbsp;vjio AcoQi�tov.

Nicander Ther. fii, with schol, and Hesych. s.v. Cf. Latin Isaca, bacca berry, which is derived from a mediterranean pre-Indo-European speechnbsp;(W aid e-H o f f m a n n Latein. etym. W�rterbuch^ s.v.).

^) C. Gar lick What was the Greek hyacinth? (Class. Rev. XXXV, 1921, p. 146 sq).

indeed allowed to see the hyakinthos in the flower of the Aias-legend. This painting too suggests first the modern hyacinth. Tarentine coins give too vague an indication of the flower tonbsp;allow its identification. An expert examination of the models usednbsp;by Minoan- artists for their plant-frescoes states the presence ofnbsp;narcissus, corn-flag, saffron, and other plants, but no hyacinth�).

It is rather irrelevant for a closer contemplation of cult and myth whether we can or cannot prove with certainty the botanicalnbsp;identity; and the forms of the letters AI AI which should occur onnbsp;the petals may be recognized on various flowers if we take a lenientnbsp;view of the matter which is current for such discoveries. quot;We maynbsp;stick to the direct data, that the hyakinthos is a spring-flowernbsp;v/hich appears only after levxoCov, Ibv, v�QHiaaog, IeIqiov, dve/amvr]nbsp;and other flowers, and blossoms fairly long �). When admitting thatnbsp;the exact representative of the denomination vdmv�o^ is unknownnbsp;to us, we probably find ourselves in the company of many a classical author, especially of later times ^), which is not to be wonderednbsp;at, because to the poets the notion �hyacinth� had in the first placenbsp;a mythical sense. Perhaps this is what also happened to the earliestnbsp;worshippers, as the sphere of influence of their youthful god extendednbsp;to the whole vegetable world. We may feel satisfied when after anbsp;tradition of about five millennia �our� hyacinth still shows a distantnbsp;resemblance to his archetype.

That a festival or a god are named after a plant or tree is of course not without parallels among many other peoples�), and innbsp;many cases vegetative ritual will have been connected with it.nbsp;Hyakinthos, however, distinguishes himself by the characteristicnbsp;ritual with the Western-Asiatic structure of the death and resurrection of a vegetation-god. This ritual presents itself in Crete innbsp;its own adaptation, while the flower-world on the other hand enjoysnbsp;an honour and attention there which make the presence of a figure

M. M�bius Arch. Jahrh. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1933, 48,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;p. i sqq. Evans suggested thatnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;the

hyacinth is one of the flowers offered by an attendant votary to the seated goddess on the great signet ring from Mycenae (JHS 21, 1901, p. 148).

*) nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Cf. S t a d 1 e r R.E. IX, 7.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;G r e v enbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ro sch er�s M. L. I, 2, 2764.

�) nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Cf. e.g. Frazer G.5.� V,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;p. 47 sq,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;p. 240. F u r 1 a n i Relig. deglinbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Hitt.

p. 249 sqq, festival of the plant an-tah-Sum. G � t z e Knlturgesch. Kleinasien p. 154.

like Hyakinthos in every respect acceptable. Art is an eloquent witness of the delight with which the Minoans contemplated thenbsp;richly coloured plant-world ^). Cretan nymphs bear vegetative namesnbsp;as Akakallis ^), who passes for the mother of Kydon ^), Miletos ^),nbsp;or Philandros and Phylakides, sons who share the Cretan lot ofnbsp;foundlings and are perhaps to be explained as variants of thenbsp;theme of the vegetation-god.

The Hyakinthia as a Minoan festival remain, however, hypothetical, though we may ask ourselves whether in the earliest celebration of the Hyakinthia the flower has been one of the important requisites. General considerations certainly suggest it, and as v/ell as thenbsp;(idxxog, eponymous mystery-bough and garland, the vdxivamp;og-spring-flower will have been used in the ritual. For Amyklai hardlynbsp;any traces have been left of this �), though the hyacinth itself is tonbsp;be considered in the first place for the garlands used on the joyousnbsp;day, besides rushes and ivy which are mentioned explicitly.

Yet the lack of prominence of the eponymous flower in the festive rites might also be explained from the fact that the godnbsp;Hyakinthos has not known an exclusive connexion with apy kindnbsp;of flowers, but has developed in general as the numen of the flowering plants displaying themselves to the eyes of the worshippers.nbsp;The divine power resides in any flower, not specialized in botanic

And for the ritual use of flowers, cf. the saffron-gatherer and the priest-king �wearing a plumed lily crown and collar� Evans P. o. M. II, 2, Frontispiece jPl. XIV, fig. 504 b, 508, and p. 780.

Paus. VIII, 53, 4 and X, 16, 5. Akakallis is a flower described as vaQxiaaos, vay.tramp;og, pQvaXXig by Hesychius s.v. ayaXXh;, xaxaXts, dxaxaXXlg, dvayaXkts.

�) Philostr. Epist. p. 344. Sappho frg. 105 D (56 B) makes Leda find a vaxiramp;ivov jisjivxaS/iEvov Sgt;ior. This place, vexed with many conjectures, maynbsp;refer to a hyacinthine colour of the egg, but also to a wreathing with hyacinth.nbsp;On the vase paintings the egg is apparently lying on twigs. See R. K e k u 1 �nbsp;�ber ein griechisches Vasengemalde zn Bonn (1879) fig. p. 13 and 20 (withnbsp;Plate) and Sitz. Bcr. Preuss. Ak. Wiss. 1908, XXXII, 691 sqq, |P1. VII, i.nbsp;Votive robes for the Samian Hera have a efaoriv vaxtrbirtjv, of hyacinthinenbsp;colour h.l. (Michel Recueil d�inscriptions 832, 15 sq). Untimely crackednbsp;hyacinths Sappho frg. 117 D (94 B). � The 12 maidens who sing the epitha-lamium to Helen wear crowns of hyacinths, Theocrit. XVIII, 2. This can benbsp;taken as an interesting survival of the ritual use of this flower in ancient times.

species. The meaning of the stem yak- will have made the name suitable to a god who manifested himself in flowers with differentnbsp;names too. Perhaps in the earliest period the title hyacinth was notnbsp;even limited to a botanical species, but applicable to many beautifulnbsp;spring-flowers. A tendency to generalization lies already in thenbsp;nature of plant-worship; while the tree-cult on the contrary maynbsp;very well be focussed on an individual specimen which because ofnbsp;its stateliness lends itself to this concentration of the rites. Plant-species have not been personified into gods, instead of in religiousnbsp;connexions their individual characteristics were worked up in pharmacy and magic, resulting in a queer medley of science, sorcery andnbsp;superstition, to which little importance can be attached. Thus it isnbsp;uncorrect to start from the �medical� application of the hyacinthnbsp;to find the deeper meaning of the god �). Moreover the data arenbsp;heterogeneous: Plinius mentions anterotic power of the bulbousnbsp;root �) (not of the flower, which, however, is of greater importance),nbsp;further it may be resorted to in case of dysentery, bites of snakesnbsp;and scorpions, and such inconveniences. As regards its erotic aspectnbsp;this wisdom has rather been derived from the legend of Hyakinthosnbsp;than vice versa �).

While for a ritual connexion of the hyacinth and the Hyakinthia hardly any testimonies can be quoted, it appears from other allusionsnbsp;that the hyacinth has indeed been one of the representative flowersnbsp;in the ritual of other vegetative and spring-festivals. Pausanias isnbsp;often quoted in support of the use of hyacinths in the cult, as henbsp;notes that at the summer festival of Demeter Chthonia at Hermionenbsp;childern wear garlands of stoajuoadvdaXov, which he thinks is thenbsp;hyacinth^). It proves at any rate that similar flowers were used for

Therefore Hauser more justly points to the medical use of the plant when discussing a vase with Hyakinthos and Zephyros.

Paus. II, 3J, 5. Cf. S. Wide De sacris Troezeniorum p. jo. This perhaps allows us to find a reference to hyacinth-garlands at Sparta in the quotationsnbsp;from Klearchos {FHG II, p. 303) and Antiphanes (K o c k II, p. 57) in Athenaeus

XV, 681 c: oQa---Tovg to xoofiooavSaXov avsiQovxag Aaxedm/^ovlovg, ot tdv TiaXai-

ozatov zijg zioXtzixijg x�afiov ovfiJiazrjOavzEg �gezQagtjXlo'IXriaav. Si�Tieo xaXc�g avzStv e�QtjXsv � xzo/zcpSiOTzoi�g �AvzKpavrjg �v Ktd-aQiazf/-ovx �cpvazov o� Aa.xo)veg dgt;g dn�Qamp;ijZoi note;

For hyacinths used for garlands in general cf. Athen. 681 a, 684 c, 685 a and c,

wreathing in vegetative festivals. Nor is the hyacinth absent in important mythical scenes, which sometimes can be taken as anbsp;projection of ritual ^). Thus in the Iliad at the Ieqos yafiog of Zeusnbsp;and Hera, where besides luxuriant grass, lotos and crocusses thenbsp;earth makes vclmvamp;ov jivxvov xal fialaxbv germinate. Another mythnbsp;in which the hyacinth is frequently mentioned with honour amongnbsp;the flowers of spring is that of the rape of Kore and other goddesses.nbsp;In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter Hades is described as carryingnbsp;off the young goddess;

nalCovaav xovQf]at ovv �Qxeavov fla^vx�hioi? avamp;ea x aivv/a�vrjv Q�da xal xq�xov fjd� la xaldnbsp;Xeihamp;v a/J, juaXaxov xal dyaXXidag fjd� vdxivamp;ovnbsp;v�Qxioa�v �amp;�, or qgt;vaE ��Xov xaXvxmmdi xovgrjnbsp;Pala xxX.

where the emphasis is laid on the narcissus (flower of Demeter, according to Hesychius �)); but the whole scene breathes a flowerynbsp;delight which is felt really suitable to the young goddess of vegetation, who herself bears the epithet xaXvxamp;ms and is thus comparednbsp;to flower buds. The abduction of a flower-gathering nymph hasnbsp;even become a famous theme in mythology: the Erechtheidesnbsp;Oreithyia *) and Kreousa �), Helen too �) and Europe �) are surprised at their anthology, and whenever the scene is described atnbsp;some length, the hyacinth appears in the series of springflowers.nbsp;The flower-gathering seems to belong to an old, perhaps Minoannbsp;ritual which was performed in spring in honour of various goddesses �). Especially Demeter and Kore �) must be mentioned in thisnbsp;various quotations. Hyacinths and violets are chosen to be the first in thenbsp;garlands, Theocrit. X, 29.

�) Cf. Rose hex�s M. L. II, 1314 and Preller Demeter und Persephone p. 83 sq. G r u p p e Gr. Myth. p. 779 sqq. Ovid Fasti IV, 429 also a multicoloured description of Kore�s anthology (439; hyacinth).

�) Cf. Strabo VI, 256 c, at Hipponium anthology of Kore, ex be. tovrov ral; yvvai^iv �v �amp;�c ysyovev dvamp;oXoysTv zs xal ozeqxavrjjikoxeTv, Sots raig eoQzaig aioxQovnbsp;^tvai oxeqxdvovg (hvrjzovg qpooeiv.

connexion, but also Hera ^), Aphrodite ^), even Athena and Artemis, who pose as girls with flower-baskets on their heads in thenbsp;temple of Demeter and Kore at Megalopolis �). A ritual applicationnbsp;of the hyacinth may be reconstructed from such myths, whichnbsp;all refer to the growth of vegetative nature. But there exists anbsp;complex of spring-flowers which is often enumerated when anbsp;similar scene is described; narcissus, crocus, rose, violet, hyacinthnbsp;are the representatives of the flower-world, which became a literarynbsp;cliche, perhaps because they embellished the sacral customs from old.nbsp;Thus the robe of Aphrodite has been dyed in these five kinds ofnbsp;spring-flowers by the Horai and Charites ^). When Pan and thenbsp;nymphs pass through the meadows, crocusses and flowering fragrantnbsp;hyacinths are mingled in the grass round their feet �). About manynbsp;of these spring-flowers separate legends are told �), but their unanimous appearance in religious mythology reinforces the suppositionnbsp;that at the Hyakinthia the hyacinth has originally not displayed annbsp;intolerant exclusivity either. The myths suggest better than anynbsp;botanical analysis the living inspiration which the Greeks still drewnbsp;from hyacinths and kindred flowers: they incorporated the irresistiblenbsp;power of reviving nature in its most charming form.

Whether in olden times reflexions had already connected speculations concerning the human hereafter with the Oriental .ritual, especially in its modifications of Crete and Western Asia Minor,nbsp;remains uncertain and cannot be elucidated with the aid of thenbsp;traces of Hyakinthos� worship. The rites which affect the vegetationnbsp;are performed with strong emotions, as appears for instance fromnbsp;the Minoan monuments. But no single irrefutable interpretation

�) Paus. VIII, 31, 2. Cf. R. E. I, 2371. So the goddesses especially are brought into connexion and worshipped with the spring-flowers, a fact not to be wonderednbsp;at and corresponding with the general prominence of women in any vegetation-cult (Van der Leeuw Phanomen. der Religion p. 77 sq). But a youthful god,nbsp;and notably one who is attended by nymphs, may very well be represented asnbsp;a flower-god, because of his tender age, also among other peoples: Nefertem innbsp;Egypt. Cf. Archemoros who is innocently gathering flowers when he is killednbsp;by a snake. Euripid. frg. 754 N a u c k^.

forces itself upon our minds for the actions performed with branches, flowers and twigs, not to mention the deeper sense ofnbsp;these ceremonies. For the sarcophagus of H. Triada for instance,nbsp;scholars have thought of a parallelism of human life with the cyclenbsp;of vegetation ^). But it remains doubtful whether this parallelism,nbsp;which indeed is often expressed during the growing up of both ^),nbsp;had already created some kind of belief in immortality in Minoannbsp;days. The allusions to apotheoses, which the Amyclaean reliefsnbsp;appeared to contain, have originated in a period which knew thenbsp;anthropocentric adaptation of the vegetative cycle, and when atnbsp;Eleusis and round Dionysos also men aspired to personal resurrection.nbsp;Vase paintings illustrate the promises of future life, expressed innbsp;floral symbols�). The age of this connexion must as yet remainnbsp;hypothetical; it is very well conceivable that the Minoans and theirnbsp;relatives have glorified and bemoaned the youthful bloom and thenbsp;cruel dying of the vegetation-god without egocentric by-purposes,nbsp;but with complete abandon to the rhythmically manifesting wondernbsp;of the plant-world.

Cf. e.g. C.V.A. Italia Fasc. XV, Taranto IVd, r Tav. 13, No, i and 4: an Apulian vase on which the dead woman is depicted in a heroon, withnbsp;side-pictures of an anodos and a woman�s head rising from a calyx (13, 14)nbsp;in the midst of tendrils of flowers. The same symbolism, frequent in Southernnbsp;Italy (cf. also Cook Zeus III, pi. XXX and fig. 420; vases at Chiusi; Annalinbsp;1843, P^- ^R'F'-P. I, 266 sq, 480) in South Russia: Stephani CR 1865,nbsp;Suppl. p. 5 (vignette); a goddess�s head adorned with a kalathos rises from anbsp;calyx, while on both sides griffins jump from it. On Apulian vases the deadnbsp;also keep flowers in their hands, or a bird is perched symbolically on a tendrilnbsp;(C.V.A. l.c. IV, d, r, tav. 14, i and 3, IV, d, s, tav. i, 3, 4). Cf. A. v o n S a 1 i snbsp;Sitz. Ber. Heidelb. ij, 1936�37, p. 12 sqq on the survival of this motive.

The Laconian sanctuary which rescued Hyakinthos from oblivion deserves a separate examination. For especially the earliest development gives us a chance of finding the influences supposed to havenbsp;been at work in the world of religion before the predominance ofnbsp;the Greeks. It will, however, appear difficult to rise above the levelnbsp;of hypotheses, because the contributions concerning the genesis ofnbsp;the cult-centre in question descend from various directions andnbsp;sources, and cannot easily be joined to an unquestionable whole.nbsp;But from linguistic criteria, from inscriptions, other archaeologicalnbsp;material, and from the pseudo-historical tradition of the Greeksnbsp;themselves, with the aid of the religious connexions assumed, somenbsp;elucidation may often be gathered for the Hyakinthian darkness.

It may be stated beforehand that a difference exists between the town of Amyklai and the sanctuary of the Amyklaion, topographically at any rate, historically perhaps. Through the excavations thenbsp;site of the Amyklaion has been lifted from the sphere of doubt innbsp;which Amyklai itself remains hidden yet: the temenos stood dh thenbsp;hill of H. Kyriaki, north-west of Tsausi^), at an hour�s walk fromnbsp;Sparta. From stratigraphical data therefore reliable lines of development can be traced for the precinct. Matters are less favourablenbsp;in the case of the town Amyklai, remnants of which have not yetnbsp;been discovered and are presumed in several directions: south-westnbsp;of H. Kyriaki, where inscriptions have been found, or north-westnbsp;on a group of hills . By means of a comparison of the archaeological results it would have been possible to trace the connexion ofnbsp;the town and the sanctuary. As long as this cannot be done withnbsp;the aid of concrete data, the general hypothesis may hold good thatnbsp;the Amyklaion will have strongly depended upon the vicissitudesnbsp;of the town. As regards the hill with its temenos stratigraphy gives

For the topography see F. B � 11 e AM 34, 1909, p. 384 sqq and R. E. Ill A, 1328 sq (1929, revised opinion).

G. Loeschcke AM 3, 1878, p. 169 sq; F. B�lte l.c.; Busch or AM 1927, p. 2; Fiechter Arch. ]b. 1918, p. 123; Picard L�Acropole IV, 1929,nbsp;p. 208 (who requires greater diligence in tracing the site).

a historical scheme, which for the moment can only be compared with the less certain, mainly literary tradition about Amyklai. Innbsp;these circumstances it is preferable not to neglect any indicationsnbsp;concerning the town, in order to find some explanation from thenbsp;side of Amyklai for the cardinal questions of the Amyklaion; whennbsp;was it founded, and how was it that Apollo made his entry there?

As to its name the little town may reach directly back to the predecessors of the Greeks. The occurrence of the name on Cretenbsp;and Cyprus need not be used as an argument here. It is sufficientnbsp;to point out that Greek parallels are wanting. Glosses like d/nvxakainbsp;al dxideg xmv fiekdiv and a/nvxM?' yXvxvg, fjdvg in Hesychius willnbsp;also explain un-Greek words, and hardly afford any support fornbsp;translating the place-name. Via the second gloss Amyklai wasnbsp;rendered by die Anmutige ^). Nearer the truth seem less poeticalnbsp;interpretations which start from the �barbed hooks of arrow-heads�nbsp;and think that the word denotes pointed objects ^). The shoes callednbsp;'�A^vxXadf.g will only indicate their place of origin with thisnbsp;denomination, no longer alluding to the meaning of the word-stem ^).nbsp;But some such notion as �pointed� or �oblong� may be used in anbsp;place-name as a sign of the local situation. Then this may not onlynbsp;apply to Amyklai, but also to names of a kindred sound likenbsp;Mykale and Mykalessos �), in which the syncope of the -a- hasnbsp;not yet taken place, no more than in dfxvxaXai. The initial a- isnbsp;then to be considered a deictic prefix and a pre-Hellenic (�proto-Hattie�) characteristic �), which points to a fairly high age of thenbsp;denomination. The spreading from Asia Minor to Boeotia and the

�) Brandenstein R. E. Suppl. VI, 201: Amyklaion = lying at a projecting mountain-ridge (= /ivxdXt]). Cf. for the prefix Krahe Die Antike 15, ^939) P- 186. Por the root-element the word /ivxkog may also be compared, withnbsp;which a black stripe or a fold on the neck (and feet) of an ass is meantnbsp;(Hesychius and Etym. Magn. s.v.). The derivation remains extremely uncertain,nbsp;though the non-Hellenic origin seemsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to havenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;been settled,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;in spite ofnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;attempts

to detect cognation between yA muk- nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to ripnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;up, ajivoBw,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;mucro andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;afivxaXat

(P. Muller in his Latin Dictionary; nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;T. G.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Tucker Anbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;concise etymological

dictionary of Latin s.v. mucro. E r n nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;o u t-Mnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;e i 11 e t: notnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;more thannbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;a simple

Peloponnese may correspond with an origin in the E.H. period of the pre-Greek name-giving ^). The further diffusion will benbsp;discussed in historical connexion (Crete, Cyprus, Italy, Africa), itnbsp;may only be noticed that in Latium the lake called after the townnbsp;in question has the name of Mvxlma Xifivrj, thus affording a newnbsp;instance of the prefix-character of the a-^).

The name of the Laconian town envelops its origin in prehistoric darkness. When it is mentioned by ancient authors, they refer tonbsp;much later episodes, a vague memory of which has been preserved:nbsp;the penetration of the Dorians into the valley of the Eurotas andnbsp;their experiences with respect to the previous inhabitants. Amyklainbsp;passed for one of the most representative centres of the earliernbsp;population, the confrontation of which with the Dorians is describednbsp;in various ways, but is always marked as an important stage in thenbsp;formation of Dorian Laconia.

It has not been one vigorous blow which succeeded in incorporating the Amyclaeans under Dorian rule. It is true Pindar uses as a poetical licence an expression suggesting it �), but the rest ofnbsp;the tradition is unanimous in ascribing an exceptional position tonbsp;Amyklai. Modern historians do not agree as to what extent thenbsp;independence of the ancient town remained intact and how thenbsp;collisions with the Dorians went on. Ancient tradition too admitsnbsp;of a distinction of two versions:

1� After the return of the Herakleidai Amyklai maintains its independence and only collapses as a centre of opposition undernbsp;later kings;

2� Laconia and Amyklai are betrayed to the Dorians, who reward the traitor by placing Amyklai under his command.

As traditions have come down to us via Dorized Laconia, the version which flatters the Dorians least will probably contain morenbsp;truth than the episode of the treason, which intends to make themnbsp;lord and master of the field from the beginning. But in both waysnbsp;of putting things the actors are of some importance. Pausaniasnbsp;represents the first category: Under Teleklos, son of Archelaos and

Isigonus frg. 17, FHG IV, p. 437 (if the textual tradition can be relied on). Pyth. I, 6$. The scholiast ad loc. accordingly states a poetical use ofnbsp;Amyklai for Sparta, Laconia.

the seventh king after Eurysthenes, the Spartans capture Pharis and Geranthrai without meeting resistance, and Amykiai only after anbsp;tough opposition of the Achaeans ^). Satisfied with the results, thenbsp;Dorians erected a tropaion in memory of their victory over thenbsp;Achaeans and especially the Amyclaeans ^). The scholiasts on Pindarnbsp;give further particulars about the fight �). At first the Spartans didnbsp;not succeed in subjecting the Amyclaeans, and at the advice ofnbsp;Apollo they called in the aid of the Aigeidai from Thebes. Thenbsp;latter were led by Timomachos, who brought military operationsnbsp;to a successful conclusion and enjoyed great honour among thenbsp;Lacedaemonians. In memory of his exploits his bronze cuirass wasnbsp;shown afterwards at the Hyakinthia. It is difficult to estimate thenbsp;historical value of these details, but a similar history, which didnbsp;not reach back too far, must indeed have been connected with thenbsp;cuirass of Timomachos. For the period which separates the capturenbsp;of Amykiai from the beginning of reliable historical tradition hasnbsp;probably not been large.

According to ancient chronology Teleklos, under whose reign Amykiai was conquered, ruled from 853�814 *). These dates cannotnbsp;be accepted; like many events the fight against the Achaeans seemsnbsp;also to have been ascribed to a too remote past. It may have beennbsp;the eighth century in which Sparta extended its power to thenbsp;southern regions. B e r v e supposes that the struggle with Amykiainbsp;began about 800�), Toynbee�) and Lenschau�) estimatenbsp;it later, in the second half of the eighth century. So the Spartansnbsp;dwelled in their new settlement north of Amykiai many centuries,nbsp;before they succeeded in penetrating southward, following theirnbsp;tactics of building an opposing fortress, which they also appliednbsp;elsewhere �).

Schol. Find. Isthm. VI(I), 18 (after Aristotelcs, frg. 532 Rose) and Pyth. V, loi.

�) Griech. Gesch. I, p. 71. Cf. E. Kirsten Neue Jahrb. f. Wiss. 12, 1936, p. 385 sqq.

��) Rhein. Mus. 88, 1939, p. 137 sq; B u r s i a n s Jahresb. 261, 1938, p. 227 sq. Ed. Meyer Gesch. d. Alt. IIP, p. 252 sq (against Corinth the hillnbsp;Solygeios, against Argos Temenion).

The final settlement of the quarrels seems to have been found in a compromise. The legal status of the Amyclaeans in the newnbsp;situation is a privileged one in comparison with the rest of thenbsp;subjected inhabitants. It cannot be said with certainty what theirnbsp;exact position became. H a m p 1 is too sceptical when he doubtsnbsp;of the special treatment awarded to the population of Amyklai innbsp;contrast with the helots ^). On the other hand B u s o 1 t�s interpretation, that the traditions of the conquest reflect no military butnbsp;political troubles^), ascribes too important a part to constitutionalnbsp;difficulties. The armed fight against the ancient pre-Doric centrenbsp;has late been brought to an issue and apparently did not pass off sonbsp;successfully that an arbitrary oppression could be inflicted upon thenbsp;opponents. This appears for instance from the fact that the Amy-cjlaeans form part of the Spartan army �), and that an inscriptionnbsp;mentions Amyklai as an obe ^). The Amyclaeans were thereforenbsp;incorporated in the Spartan state, probably on an equal footingnbsp;with the Dorians �). Only after the settlement of the struggle withnbsp;the Achaeans it became possible to divide the country definitivelynbsp;into kleroi �). L e n s c h a u builds up a theory which assigns annbsp;important part in the reconstituting of the Spartan state to thenbsp;Amyclaeans. He too thinks that only a political reform could putnbsp;an end to the resistance of Amyklai; there followed a synoikism innbsp;which the inhabitants of Amyklai for the greater part migrated tonbsp;Sparta; a new local division into obes included the ancient Doriannbsp;districts Limnai and Kynosoura, besides Pitane and Mesoa, formednbsp;by the extension, while Amyklai with the remainder of its citizensnbsp;was counted as a fifth obe; this synoikism is said to have foundnbsp;its charter in the old rhetra. Lenschau goes so far as to associatenbsp;the Achaeans (and their centre Amyklai) with the ro^al house of

��) Loeschcke AM 3, 1878, p. 164 sqq; I. G. V, i, 26; SGDI 4516; T o d-Wace Catalogue No. 440

�) Berve Griech. Gesch. I, p. 71; id. Sparta p. 14 sq. B�lte R.E. Ill A 1329; Glotz Histoire grecque I, p. 342. Pareti Storia di Sparta arcaicanbsp;p. 175 sqq.

Die Entstehung des spartanischen Staates (Klio 30, 1937, p. 269�289); Konigshduser Spartas (Rhein. Mus. 88, 1939, p. 123�146).

the Agiadai, which under Teleklos became reconciled to the Dorian Eurypontidai and established itself in the new Spartan obes. Tonbsp;this annexation of the Achaeans with their pre-Hellenic admixturenbsp;he ascribes the cultural revival of Sparta in the eighth and seventhnbsp;centuries.

Some links of this argumentation have not yet been verified. The synoikism can hardly be confirmed and has been disputed ^). Fornbsp;the position of the Amyklaion after the Dorian penetration, whichnbsp;is the point at issue, it is rather irrelevant whether L e n s c h a u�snbsp;interpretations are accepted or not, for he supposes the continuancenbsp;of an obe Amyklai, which with the rest of its original populationnbsp;may have guaranteed the carrying on of the traditions. If the newnbsp;obes were formed in this transition period, they probably obtainednbsp;the greater part of their inhabitants from elsewhere (perhapsnbsp;Achaeans who had joined the defenders of the Amyclaean centre ofnbsp;resistance), while the real Amyclaeans remained in their quarters,nbsp;even later on locally distinguished, in spite of their spreading overnbsp;the whole army^). A connexion of the royal house of the Agiadainbsp;with Amyklai does not appear anywhere; to what extent it isnbsp;Achaean in origin may be left out of consideration here.

It is less easy to remove the clan of the Aigeidai, which according to Aristoteles and others came to the rescue of the Dorians againstnbsp;Amyklai �). Lenschau explains away the question of thenbsp;Aigeidai as a kiinstliche Hinaufschiebung eines spateren, geschicht-lichen Ereignisses, while others suppose them to be a third Spartannbsp;royal house ^). Traditions are so intricate that they are distrustednbsp;and give rise to other, contradictory combinations. K. O. Mullernbsp;for example declares that the tradition is falsified and associatesnbsp;the Aigeidai with the Achaeans, who received them into Amyklai �).nbsp;Toynbee�) and Wad e-G e r y connect them with thenbsp;Minyans who dwelled in Laconia, and suspect tlie leaders of thisnbsp;race behind them, which according to them was played off by

�*) Lenschau Rh. Mus. 88, 1939, p. 133 sq, Toynbee l.c. p. 253. �) Orchomenos und die Minyer p. 330 sq.

the Dorians against the Achaeans and thereby received isonomia for itself. The falsification of tradition will probably not have gonenbsp;so far as to reverse the factions. Though the auxiliary expeditionnbsp;of the Aigeidai gives rise to various explications in the ancientnbsp;scholia^), their clan is persistently brought into connexion withnbsp;Thebes^). How lively the memory of this relation remained, appearsnbsp;from the fact that the Thebans knew the cuirass of Timomachosnbsp;of the Hyakinthia and called it onlov, according to the fragmentnbsp;of Aristoteles. It is possible that the Aigeidai left Thebes for Spartanbsp;only in later times. Their alleged earlier arrival with the Herakleidainbsp;in the days of Aristodemos is no more than a later double tonbsp;enhance the prestige of their clan. Since they fight against Amyklai,nbsp;we cannot expect any contribution for the early development ofnbsp;this place from them.

As regards the Amyklaion, the sanctuary of the Amyclaeans, we can conclude from what precedes that in the transition period fromnbsp;Achaean to Dorian it had a fair chance to maintain itself in itsnbsp;original form. The Spartans were compelled to offer a privilegednbsp;position in their state to the Amyclaeans and probably did notnbsp;endeavour nor want to attack the principal cult of their new companions. They generally adopted a receptive attitude towards thenbsp;religious institutions of the subdued populations'*); this was thenbsp;more likely to happen after the pacific settlement of the dissensionsnbsp;with Amyklai. The Dorization does not appear to have had thenbsp;meaning of a radical change for the cult in the Amyklaion, so thatnbsp;we may assume with some confidence that the local religious traditions continued in this phase.

None the less earlier revolutions of a more or less important character may have affected the site. For our knowledge of conditions at Amyklai before the compromise with Sparta the secondnbsp;version of the Dorization-legends is interesting, which describes annbsp;immediate occupation of the valley of the Eurotas and works withnbsp;Amyklai on lines different from the episode of Teleklos. As statednbsp;above, a pro-Spartan tendency asserts itself here, derogatory to the

�) The cult of the Erinyes of Laios and Oedipus, founded by the Aigeidai at Sparta, also points to Thebes (Herodot. I'V, 149, 2).

trustworthiness of the accounts. Ephorus for instance describes how at the return of the Herakleidai Philononios betrayed the countrynbsp;to the Dorians. The Achaeans were persuaded to go with their rulernbsp;to the Ionian area which since has been called Achaia; in rewardnbsp;of his treason Philonomos gets Amyklai as his separate share ^).nbsp;As appears from his name this Philonomos is a typical abstractionnbsp;to smooth over the exceptional situation of Amyklai, as if thenbsp;Dorians had sanctioned the independent kingship there. Accordingnbsp;to Conon, who apparently also elirhinates the Achaeans, the subjectsnbsp;of Philonomos came from Imbros and Lemnos^). But in the thirdnbsp;generation they quarrelled with the Dorians, and together withnbsp;some Spartans under the direction of Polis and Delphos they startnbsp;for Crete, where they settle in Gortyn, after having left a contingentnbsp;on Melos in passing.

This way of representing things perverts the facts but contains also valuable information. It need not be analysed separately, becausenbsp;it belongs to a complex of migratory legends which already appearsnbsp;in Herodotus. Amyklai does not yet play a part there. Minyans,nbsp;descendants of the Argonauts, are expelled from Lemnos by thenbsp;Pelasgians (who carried off the Athenian women from Brauron) andnbsp;sail to Lacedaemon, where they are admitted into the phyles by thenbsp;Lacedaemonians (because of the voyage of the Tyndaridai in thenbsp;Argo). Later on, mistrusted and saved only by a feminine stratagem,nbsp;they withdraw, some accompanying Theras in the colonization ofnbsp;Thera, most of them emigrating to Triphylia ^). All this happens innbsp;the days of Proklos and Eurysthenes. The same version, though lessnbsp;circumstantial, may be extracted from Pausanias ^).

The link between Herodotus and Conon is formed by the account of Plutarch�): The sons of the Tyrrhenians who had abducted thenbsp;Athenian women from Brauron were expelled by the Atheniansnbsp;from Lemnos and Imbros. They came to Tainaron, supported thenbsp;Spartans in the war of the Helots and received civil rights and

Narr. 36. Cf. Nicolaus Damasc. Hist. Exc. p. 445 (after an interregnum of the Herakleidai Philonomos comes from Lemnos with aspirant-inhabitantsnbsp;for Amyklai) and Conon Narr. 47. Both accounts are derived from Ephorus:nbsp;Pareti Storia di Sparta p. tz6 sq; Aly Der kretische Apollonkidt p. 24 sqq.nbsp;�) Herod. IV, 145�130.

epigamy. Suspected, locked up, and saved by their wives the Pelas-gians (!) are sent out as colonists led by the Spartans Pollis, Delphos and Krataidas ^). Some land on Melos, most of them, led by Pollis,nbsp;on Crete. According to an oracle they are to found a town wherenbsp;they lose their anchor and goddess; this happens at Lyktos. Plutarchnbsp;does not mention Amyklai as a starting-point either, but the oraclenbsp;of the anchor is connected with the colonization of the Amyclaeansnbsp;by Stephanus of Byzantium^), so that still other mosaic legends,nbsp;more of the type of Conon, will no doubt have circulated, in whichnbsp;Amyklai was clearly inserted in the beginning of the tale.

A comparison of the three versions in Herodotus, Plutarch and Conon shows that a combinative fiction has been woven roundnbsp;many elements of truth, the motives of which cannot easily be tracednbsp;separately and are partly irrelevant. Toynbee rightly exposesnbsp;the attempt of fitting all traces of Minyans into a single genealogy�),nbsp;so as to make one systematic connexion comprise Thessaly, Lemnos,nbsp;Imbros, Laconia, Triphylia and other areas. But we shall Indeednbsp;have to assume prehistoric connexions between the areas for whichnbsp;the logographers later on reconstructed migrations in the Dorian age;nbsp;and it is interesting to see how Amyklai was involved in them.

In Sparta pre-Doric groups of inhabitants survived who probably were only of semi-Greek origin, as may be inferred from theirnbsp;mythical descent: sons of the Minyan Argonauts and the Lemniannbsp;women. They came presumably by sea, just as the legends havenbsp;preserved it, and landed in places like Tainaron. These may benbsp;traces of trade-relations which have also been maintained withnbsp;other centres from Late Mycenaean times onwards, among themnbsp;�Minyan� ones '*). Relations with Kalaureia and the Kalauriannbsp;league may be presumed from the foundation legend of the cult-places of Poseidon at Geraistos, Kalaureia and Tainaron�). Thenbsp;allusions to Lemnos and Imbros class these islands among the basesnbsp;which these seafaring Minyans may have had at their disposal.

The text here is uncertain as regards the names, s.v. �Ovvxtov. Cf. Kirsten R. E. XVIII, 534.

'*) Cf. N i 1 s s o n�s opinions concerning the Minyan question Myc. Or. Greek Myth. p. 129 sqq, 149 sqq.

in the version of Ephorus, may also have taken part in the relations mentioned, as a commercial town, via ports as Tainaron and Helos.nbsp;But it is doubtful whether it may therefore be stamped as a Minyannbsp;trading-post. Herodotus, who gives the earliest version of thenbsp;legends of the Minyans concerning Laconia, mentions only thenbsp;Taygetos as the area of settlement, and as places of evacuationnbsp;Thera and especially Triphylia^). In the other and later accountsnbsp;we hear of Melos and Crete, and it is no longer a matter of Minyansnbsp;but of Tyrrhenians or Lemno-Imbrians. The Dorian colonizationnbsp;of Melos and Crete marked the direction for this late version of annbsp;emigration from Laconia, while the scheme for a dispute with anbsp;group of Spartiatai which was not considered of equal rank wasnbsp;found in the uprising of the Partheniai, which likewise was quellednbsp;with colonization (of Tarentum)^). The latter event is historicalnbsp;and served as a model for the replica in the dim past with thenbsp;Lemno-Minyans as actors.

The solution of colonization was all the more welcome, because relations with Triphylia and Crete could indeed be traced. Triphylianbsp;belongs to the Herodotean legend of the Minyans, Crete to thenbsp;recasting which involves Amyklai too in the fictive migrations. Thisnbsp;looks as if with Amyklai a new element has been added to the storiesnbsp;of the Minyans, namely the relations with Crete, and that the latternbsp;may be of an older age than the Lemno-Imbrian connexions. Thenbsp;whole embroidery which Plutarch, Ephorus and Conon place beforenbsp;us is late Spartan fiction about intervention by the Dorians innbsp;affairs which were achieved wholly outside their competency. Thenbsp;distorted situation allows us to recognize Minyans who traded to thenbsp;coasts of Sparta, and groups of inhabitants whose adventures werenbsp;confused with theirs, and who are alleged to have withdrawn tonbsp;Crete and Melos to meet the convenience of the Dorians. So far asnbsp;we learn from the historical status of Amyklai, a retreat from Amyklai to Crete has been out of the question. The inhabitants foughtnbsp;for their rights against the intruders and saw their persistencenbsp;rewarded. The evacuation to Crete, modelled upon the Doriannbsp;colonization of this island and Tarentum, can only be seen, just asnbsp;the immigration from Lemnos and Imbros, as an explanation of

unmistakable relations, the original direction of which need not be the pretended one. The oracle of the fluke of the anchor, the interpretation of the name �Ovvxiov together with the colonization bynbsp;the Amyclaeans fit in the later form of the legend, which claims thenbsp;initiative and the honour for the Dorians. Other data, like thenbsp;stereotypy of the story and the abiding residence of the Amyclaeansnbsp;after the Achaean war, suggest that facts have been reversed here.

A town and a port Amyklaion were situated on Crete ^), not far from Gortyn, as we also know from inscriptions ^). These factsnbsp;provided the legends concerning the penetration of the Dorians withnbsp;materials to eliminate the Amyclaeans and to open the field to thenbsp;Dorian hegemony, in the way described by Ephorus and his followers. As this Dorian interpretation is to be rejected, we are freenbsp;to give another explanation of the homonymy, namely with the aidnbsp;of a pre-Dorian colonization from Crete to Laconia, especiallynbsp;Amyklai. The trend of the influence expressed in the names willnbsp;have been from south to north. In this manner it becomes clear hownbsp;Amyklai intruded into the story of the Minyan adventures innbsp;Laconia. For it contained relics of a population of non-Greek (i.c.nbsp;Minoan) origin, which gave a ready opportunity for confusion withnbsp;other /uiiofidQ/iaQoi in these regions: the Minyans or Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. The homonymous Cretan place of evacuation formed anbsp;suitable termination of the revolt of the minorities, developednbsp;according to the models. Moreover, even if Crete is to be markednbsp;as the native country of the Amyclaeans, commercial relations maynbsp;have been established with the �Minyans� who traded to Tainaronnbsp;and presumably were the successors of the Cretan sailors.

The Graecizing of these groups of population will have made steady progress: a first stage was completed with the transition fromnbsp;Cretans to Minyans, while at Amyklai the Minoan component ofnbsp;the population will probably no more have prevailed than at othernbsp;L.H. centres of the mainland. When fighting against the intrudingnbsp;Dorians was necessary, it were the Achaeans who managed to wagenbsp;war successfully for centuries, and to make of their town the pre-Dorian stronghold the menace of which could only be warded offnbsp;by a compromise. In the meantime the Amyclaean /ut^o^agfiagoinbsp;have been absorbed in the Achaean majority, as we may suppose.

Steph. Byz. s.v. �A//.vxkai, Eusth. ad II. II, 584. �) SGDl 5025 (3rd-2nd century from Gortyn).

Thus Conon�s paper migrations, which make Amykiai change population three times during the Dorian conquest (Achaeans,nbsp;Lemnians, Dorians), do not involve a real danger of a drastic interruption of the continuity.

A third Amykiai exists, which has not gained much fame and survived only through the phrase tacitae Amyclae (Amunclae,nbsp;Amynclae). It was situated in South Latium near Tarracina and isnbsp;said to have been founded by Laconians, companions of Castor andnbsp;Pollux, who came to Italy with Glaukos, the son of Minos ^). Thesenbsp;indications move the foundation to the Mycenaean age at least,nbsp;presumably directly from Crete to Italy. The proverb tacitaenbsp;Amyclae is explained in many ways and later on also referred tonbsp;the Laconian Amykiai, which is uncorrect since the references arenbsp;of a late date and all of them Roman ^). It is said that the Latinnbsp;town was deserted by its inhabitants because of a snake plague�);nbsp;the name was only kept in remembrance with indications in thenbsp;surroundings as sinus Amyclanus *), mare Amyclanum^), Ufivr]nbsp;Mvxkaia �).

The form Amunclae, which perhaps betrays Etruscan influence �'), crops up again in North Africa, where between the Syrtes anothernbsp;town �A/aovyxka appears in the list �). No particulars are given aboutnbsp;it anywhere, perhaps the African settlement owes its origin to tradenbsp;voyages in the same days when Amyclaeans landed in Latium. Thennbsp;we may reconstruct a rather extensive Lehensraum of these pre-Greeks.

In historical days no colonization has been undertaken starting from Laconian Amykiai; though it was concerned in the foundationnbsp;of Tarentum, as may be guessed from the account Antiochus gives

Verg. Aen. X, J64; Pervig. Ven. 92; Sil. It. Pun. VIII, 528; Auson. Prof. 15, 6 and Epist. 29, 26 etc. Hirschfeld R.E. I, 1997; A. Otto Sprich-w�rter der Romer (1890) p. 24, No. 103.

��) Cf. K. W. F. Schmidt Berl. Phil. Woch. 1906, p. i6jo for parallels in Lucania.

of it, quoted by Strabo^). After the Messenian war the sons who had been born during the campaign and were considered anjuoinbsp;(the JJaQamp;Evim) conspired and prepared an attempt which was tonbsp;be carried out when Phalanthos gave a sign (by putting on his cap)nbsp;during the agon at the Hyakinthia, in the Amyklaion. Treasonnbsp;makes the coup d��tat a failure. It is not suppressed with violencenbsp;but diverted by colonization to Tarentum, at the advice of thenbsp;oracle. Phalanthos starts for it with his Partheniai an^ is welcomednbsp;by the barbarians and Cretans who were already living there.

The fact that this conflict broke out just during the Hyakinthia (a detail which in its preciseness may be historical) suggests thatnbsp;Amyclaeans were involved in the conspiracy. But as tradition doesnbsp;not make further mention of this, W u i 11 e u m i e r�s idea thatnbsp;the colonization is an exclusively Amyclaean expedition is exaggerated ^). Tarentum was founded in the last decennium of the eighthnbsp;century �). The days of the fierce fight between Sparta and Amyklainbsp;had only just passed, and possibly some Achaean rancour contributed to the plot. Amyklai and the Hyakinthia were therefore anbsp;suitable opportunity to carry out an attempt against the Dorians;nbsp;though from the choice of the terrain it also appears that the Spartans had penetrated there and attended the celebration of the Hyakinthia, otherwise the design had no sense. At Tarentum, wherenbsp;hardly any traces of pre-Dorian dialect have been left, the tombnbsp;of Apollo Hyakinthos ¹ ²) bears witness to a transmission of the cultnbsp;in olden times and in its Amyclaean form, probably effected undernbsp;the influence of colonists from the Achaean centre itself.

T o y n b e e�s hypothesis �) that Phalanthos, the leader of the conspiracy and the colonization, was the last king of the Aigeidai,

Strabo VI, 3, z (278 sq) FHG I, p. 184, frg. 14. For a discussion of the various sources about the colonization of Tarentum see P. W u i 11 e u m i e rnbsp;Tarente p. 29 sqq; J. B � r a r d Z.d colonisation grecque etc. p. 176 sqq; jPareti

Some late sources (B�rard o.c. p. 183, 7) have no demonstrative force because of their poetical use of the name of Amyklai. Wuilleumier o.c.

'Wuilleumier p. 45 sqq; B�rard p. 184; My res CAH III, p. 649 and 674; Wade-Gery ihid. p. J37; Ehrenberg R. E. XIX, 1623 sq.

which clan according to him exercised the patronage over the Hya-kinthia, cannot be accepted for lack of evidence. Presumably Phalan-thos is not an historical figure ^), but his meaning had better be left out of discussion here. The form of the Amyclaean cult at Tarentumnbsp;will be considered later on.

The historical and quasi-historical traditions about Amyklai which may be thought of some importance for the development ofnbsp;the Amyklaion are as good as exhausted with this. There exist manynbsp;other allusions to the little town, which, however, as a poeticalnbsp;licence must be reduced to the conclusion, that by its tenaciousnbsp;resistance Amyklai became a famous pre-Doric centre to which allnbsp;kinds of mythical traditions were attached which originally did notnbsp;descend from there. Thus it has to be explainecl, when Agamemnonnbsp;is said to have died at Amyklai ^), and when a grave of Agamemnonnbsp;is shown on the spot^). The Spartans themselves cultivated suchnbsp;traditions, intended to magnify the glory of their country in Mycenaean days. Thus the ancient Amyclaean goddess Alexandra wasnbsp;connected with the Trojan saga via Alexandros-Paris, and proclaimed Kassandra^); while Klytaimnestra was erected in effigy�), allnbsp;this to promote the illusion that Amyklai had been the ancientnbsp;residence of Agamemnon. In the matter of colonization this methodnbsp;makes Pindar say that Peisander and Orestes leave Amyklai fornbsp;Tenedos �). When finally Kyrene is alleged to have been inhabitednbsp;by Amyclaean men �'), the ethnical indication is entirely due to thenbsp;metonymical use of Amyklai. Since the time of Pindar Amyklai hasnbsp;passed for the ancient Sparta par excellence^);-when apart fromnbsp;the poetical records no confirmation can be found, the testimonies

^)Ehrenberg R. E. XIX, 1624; Berard ox. p. 184 sq; quot;Wuilleu-m i e r o.c. p. 36 sqq, the latter sees a Tarentine fusion of Apollo and Hyakinthos in Phalanthos, a hypothesis yielding little elucidation. Cf. p. 318.

Cf. I. Harrie ARW 23, 1925, p. 359 sqq, who thinks that these traditions were formed in the 7th century. Parnell Hero Cults p. 329 sqq.

�) pind. Nem. XI, 33 sqq. Cf. Nilsson Myc. Or. Gr. Myth. p. 69 sqq. Herakles is said to have been purified by Deiphobos at Amyklai (Apollod. II,nbsp;Vl, 2), probably also late make.

Beside the data thus collected about the history of the town (later obe) of Amyklai, we may put the stratification of the Amyklaion,nbsp;which has been recorded after repeated excavations ^). By a comparison we can see whether the parallelism in development which maynbsp;be reasonably expected can indeed be found to have existed betweennbsp;tradition and archaeological remains. In what precedes the Amyklaion has already incidentally been mentioned in connexion withnbsp;the adventures of Amyklai itself; here the history of the sanctuarynbsp;comes first and if possible will be linked up with the facts discussednbsp;already. A comparison of the two heterogeneous traditions remainsnbsp;hypothetical in character, of course. If the site of Amyklai itselfnbsp;had been identified, prehistoric remains would probably come tonbsp;light, furnishing a much directer illustration of the connexion withnbsp;the Amyklaion.

The hill on which the Amyklaion stood, and which later bore a little church of H. Kyriaki (demolished for the sake of the excavations), was an inhabited place already in the early bronze age (B 4),nbsp;like other heights which dominate the valley of the Eurotas ^).nbsp;Remnants have been found of a wall of rough stones (B 4, F 126),nbsp;a grave with a small bronze knife (Ts 14), remnants of cottages,nbsp;animal bones, mill-stones and obsidian (B 4, T-W No. 693, 19,nbsp;obsidian continues to be in use in the bronze age, found elsewherenbsp;in Laconia T-W 221, probably originating from Melos). The findsnbsp;of ceramics consist for two thirds of sherds of rough and unpaintednbsp;pottery, which need not be extremely old (B 9). The black varietynbsp;of the Minyan ware predominates �), with hanging curves as orna-

Furtwanglerin the year 1904, completed by Fiechter and S k i a s 1907 (Arch. Jh. 1918, p. 107�245); Buschor and Von Massow in thenbsp;year 1925 {Gnomon II, 1926, p. 120, AM 52, 1927, p. i�85).

N.B. The principal publications will be cited in the following survey as resp. Ts, F, B with the number of the pages. Furthermore T-W: T o d-W a c enbsp;A catalogue of the Sparta Museum.

Description by C. W. Vollgraf.f BCH 30, 1906, p. ii sqq, fig. 9�14, at Argos. Also at Mycenae, Korakou (B legen Korakou, 1921, p. 17 sqq speaksnbsp;of a local, probably Peloponnesian imitation of the grey Minyan), Zygouriesnbsp;(B legen Zygouries, 1928, p. 126, only a dozen of sherds), Prosymna (B 1 e g e n

merits (B fig. i � 5), the grey Minyan is only one sixth of the black ware (B 6). Buschor explains this proportion by supposing anbsp;different import, resp. from Argolis and Boeotia, but we have tonbsp;reckon with local varieties and need not too readily think of onenbsp;centre of export ^). Matt-painted pottery is scanty (two vases Ts 12,nbsp;B Beilage I, 4, 5); the glazed variety continues still in the samenbsp;period (B 6), moreover some sherds with incised lines (B 8). Thisnbsp;collection gives a fair possibility of dating: especially the periodnbsp;from 2000�1800 is to be considered for the first inhabitation (B 9).

Sherds of Urfirnis, however, allow a moving up of the date to the end of the third millennium, though they occur rather sporadically ^). So the continuous group of the earliest finds on the hillnbsp;may be supposed to cover a period from c. 2200�1800. After thisnbsp;no regular development can be stated. Though the fragmentarynbsp;character of the first excavations and the compulsory interruptionsnbsp;of these investigations do not allow an incontestable reconstructionnbsp;of the stratification, this much is clear that after the opening periodnbsp;of the inhabitation a break in the continuity occurred. In view ofnbsp;the vicinity of prehistoric and protogeometric sherds Furtwang-1 e r already arrived at the conclusion that the hill must have beennbsp;inhabited in pre- or early Mycenaean days, while only in the Latenbsp;Mycenaean period a sanctuary seems to have existed (F 126 sq).nbsp;Buschor had new evidence at his disposal and stated that a gapnbsp;of some centuries separated the pre-Mycenaean debris from thenbsp;next cultural remains (B 10). The Late Mycenaean finds which henbsp;could add to those of his predecessors are schichtenmassig not connected with the preceding ware (B 10). The break can be stated innbsp;the washed-away debris at the foot of the hill. Buschor concludesnbsp;that the hill must have been unoccupied for some time �).

Prosymna, 1937 p. 379, few fragments, fig. 639, 5�7). Cf. W a c e-T h o m p s o n Prehistoric Thessaly (1912) p. 223 about the technique. The proportion of blacknbsp;to grey Minyan is typical for Amyhlai.

�) Even if the makers of the simple prehistoric ceramics left the hill only under the sudden pressure of the newcomers, conclusions for the cult-history remainnbsp;the same.

difference between a normal habitation in earlier age and a later use of the hill as a precinct. B u s c h o r adopts this supposition.nbsp;Before the break not a single obvious votive offering came to lightnbsp;among the finds, and the remnants of the huts rather point to anbsp;profane settlement (B 9 sq, F 125 sq).

So the results of the excavations plead against a continuity from the earliest period onwards, and as regards the history of the cultnbsp;they dissuade us to think of a derivation of un-Hellenic names asnbsp;Amyklaion and Hyakinthos from the first occupants; which theoretically would have, been possible, because in the transition periodnbsp;from E. H. to M. H. especially a pre-Greek population can benbsp;expected. We may assume therefore that on the elevation of thenbsp;Amyklaion at the beginning of the second millennium a little villagenbsp;was situated, similar to many others, where no doubt gods will havenbsp;been worshipped, though not on a large and temenos-\\\ic scale, asnbsp;afterwards on the same spot. The inhabitants remain unknown lt;0nbsp;us, even if one would like to call them Leleges or some other racenbsp;mentioned for Laconia. The sources of the history of Amyklai donbsp;not reach back far enough to elucidate this question.

Though it is possible that in these old times Amyklai existed already and continued its existence independent of the inhabitationnbsp;of the hill, it appeared from the local traditions that it is probablynbsp;a settlement originating from Crete. This point may well agreenbsp;with the archaeological results, for the first signs of occupation afternbsp;the supposed gap of a few centuries are sherds of the Knossos Palacenbsp;Style (B ro, T-W 245, No. 798), probably local imitations, but yetnbsp;a signal of a direct influence of Crete at the moment when thenbsp;renewal begins. It may be presumed that commercial relations ofnbsp;Crete led to the establishment of Amyklai in Laconia ^), and thatnbsp;this factory, called into being by Minoan merchants, soon got anbsp;mixed population by the participation of the surrounding Achaeans.nbsp;The latter were in all respects the receiving and learning party, sonbsp;that a transmission of the Hyakinthos-cult from Crete to Amyklai, anbsp;r�nog xaXkdevdQ�raxog xal xakhxaQn�Taxog ^), becomes rather likelynbsp;for this period. A domain was chosen for the deity, which, as a hill,nbsp;fulfilled the requirements of the cult, and was annexed to Amyklai,

though it maintained probably connexions with other Mycenaean centres of the neighbourhood too^). The Cretans introduced theirnbsp;rites and institutions into it, so that the palpable evidence of thenbsp;sherds of the palace style may pass for a pendant of the traditionalnbsp;name and other traces of Hyakinthos. So for Amyklaj his origin innbsp;the Late Minoan age is most acceptable, through which also fornbsp;other places (e.g. Attica) a tradition from E.H. onwards loses muchnbsp;of its probability.

The Cretan sherds with their �bold flower patterns� (T-W 245) are soon followed by fragments of Late Mycenaean pottery andnbsp;the votive offerings which were mentioned in the discussion of thenbsp;rites: female idols, cows, horses, labrys and the like (B 10 sqq, T-Wnbsp;798 I b, 550, Ts 13 sq), all of this in sufficient quantity to illustratenbsp;how at Amyklai too the Minoan influence is assimilated by thenbsp;inhabitants of the mainland^). From this development we cannbsp;clearly see that even after Minoan influence ceased the Amyklaionnbsp;could continue its traditions. The series of ex void's is uninterruptednbsp;up to the Roman age. Ceramics are also represented continuously,nbsp;but in a succession and mutual relation of styles which is variouslynbsp;interpreted. The sub-Mycenaean and protogeometric layers overlapnbsp;(B 12), at about 1100 therefore both styles were used.at the Amyklaion. B u s c h o r calls this an indication of a new impulse, givennbsp;by the Dorian immigration. He conceives the contact of Amyklainbsp;with the Dorians in the form of an alliance, so long as Amyklainbsp;had not yet been captured (B 12 sq). Since it appeared from the

Cf. the vegetative rites that have been proved for the neighbouring Vaphio by gems as Nilsson GgR pi. 7, 4 and 13, S.

Owing to the lack of international communication we can only refer in a note to the thesis of F. R. Grace {A]A 1940, p. 105), who curiously defendsnbsp;that no votive offerings can be dated before 700 B. C. and that therefore thenbsp;archaic temenos of Apollo is the earliest thing of its kind on the hill. Not tonbsp;mention the difficulty of the late dating of the idols and the rest, this theory isnbsp;untenable because it excludes the possibility of a Hyakinthos-cult existent atnbsp;Amyklai. Moreover at the end of the eighth century there were already Hya-kinthia (Putsch of the Partheniai) so before Grace�s temenos. It is; true therenbsp;exists difference of opinion as to the age of some pieces, for instance the twonbsp;terracotta heads (of different age?) Tsountas pi. IV, 4 and 5, col. 13 sq,nbsp;which are dated from Mycenaean to Late Geometric: T o d-W a c e p. 222 sq.nbsp;Kunze AM jj, 1930, p. 155 sq (dangerous way of interpreting); Jenkinsnbsp;BSA 1932/33 p. 68, i; Buschor p. it; R. Hampe Friihe griech. Sagenhildernbsp;p. 32 and pi. 31, 2.

tradition that the alliance came only into being after enmity and military conflicts, B u s c h o r�s solution is not a happy one. In viewnbsp;of the protogeometric finds of Amyklai, though they differ fromnbsp;the Spartan protogeometric ware, S k e a t goes so far as to postulatenbsp;a Dorian culture for Amyklai (if a politically independent one, butnbsp;then the influence is quite enigmatic) and to declare that the histo-rical traditions are untrustworthy ^). He opposes the seeking ofnbsp;connexions between the Mycenaean and protogeometric art of thenbsp;Amyklaion. J. P. Droop is more guarded in his statements ^),nbsp;pointing to the possibility that the typical protogeometric �Amy-klaion-style� is the earliest form taken by geometric ware in Laconia,nbsp;on a site where L.H. was found. But this does not imply any conj-nexion between the two wares, for according to Droop the oldnbsp;settlement may have been one of the first places of residence of thenbsp;new immigrants.

One of the causes of these difficulties is the reserving of the geometric (or protogeometric) style for the Dorians. Amyklai is one of the contra-proofs which cannot be explained away. The protogeometric style of the Amyklaion had better be considered a creation of the Achaeans, as M y r e s �) and K r a i k e r defend.nbsp;Attica is another instance of the forming of the new style withoutnbsp;Dorian influence: �Da Attika, das durch die dorische Wanderungnbsp;selbst nicht heriihrt wurde, am schnellsten zu einer neuen Formnbsp;gelangte und diese am reinsten ausbildete, diirfen wir sogar dienbsp;M�glichkeit nicht abweisen, dass das vordorische Griechentum, dasnbsp;in dem Masse, wie in spatmykenischer Zeit die aus Fremdem ge-nahrte mykenische Kultur in sich zusammenfiel, auf seine eigenenbsp;Gestaltungskraft hingewiesen wurde, auch chne dorischen Krdfte-zustrom zur eigenen Form hindurchgefunden hdtte� (K � b 1 e r �)).nbsp;Such argumentations, which properly speaking are psychological,nbsp;involve certain dangers but may not be eliminated. For Amyklainbsp;and the Amyklaion K ii b 1 e r�s representation has a chance of cor-

The Dorians in archaeology p. 32 sqq, cf. p. 63. Another appreciation of the protogeometric ware by H e u r 11 e y-S k e a t BSA 31, 1930/31, p. 41 sqq.nbsp;Artemis Orthia (Ed. by R. M. Dawkins) p. 60 sqq.

*) Review of Skeat The Dorians, Gnomon 1935, 641�649, especially 643�4; Die Antike 1939, p. 221 sqq. Kerameikos J, p. 162 sqq.

rectness. The rather strong Minoan influx, which in a regular interplay between Achaean and Minoan elements had produced anbsp;Late Mycenaean style, ceased and deprived the Amyclaeans, afternbsp;a period of gliding on along the old grooves (sub-Mycenaean), ofnbsp;their inspiratory sources. They will probably not have come to thenbsp;creation of the newly appearing linear decoration-style in totalnbsp;independence. The analogous situation elsewhere, for instance innbsp;Attica, with its extensive protogeometric finds of the Kerameikos,nbsp;of course supposes contact between the various centres of manufacture. Accordingly a continuation of the mutual connexions betweennbsp;the Achaean inhabitants of several regions may be assumed, evennbsp;after the Dorian interference.

From which centre the renewing influence, soon to instruct the Dorians too, issued, is a question which at present belongs to thenbsp;unsolved problems and which can only be elucidated by a study ofnbsp;the materials, which it is hoped will augment before long. Thenbsp;striking parallels in figural motives with the near East (Elam),nbsp;a great number of which has been documented by A. Roes, pointnbsp;to the origin of one of the components ^), though the part of intermediary cannot yet be assigned to a special race or country. Moreover we must neither eliminate the Mycenaean inheritage, if onlynbsp;in its gradually decayed sub-Mycenaean form ^), nor the artisticnbsp;disposition of the Greek receivers and assimilators of the influences.nbsp;For Attica and Amyklai these seem to have been Achaeans, in thenbsp;small Laconian town always somewhat lagging behind the development in less provincial regions like Attica. Yet the formation ofnbsp;this new style is also for Amyklai quite an event, which must benbsp;considered parallel to the offering of the first successful resistancenbsp;against the Dorian intruders: two circumstances suitable to strengthen the Achaean-Amyclaean self-confidence. In this time the Minoannbsp;remainder of the population will probably have been pushed to thenbsp;background, and we may expect to find traces of this revival innbsp;religious respect too. Without anticipating the development of the

Very recently M. Pallottino (Critica d'Arte Vil, 1942, p. 1�17) defended again the continuous development of the Greek from the Mycenaean art, referring e.g. to new Lemnian finds. His archaeological argumentation does notnbsp;exhaust the material, though part of it is acceptable. The accompanying historicalnbsp;theory is very revolutionary.

cult, we may in this connexion hint at the possibility of the intrusion of Apollo.

The higher strata of the Amyklaion-hill give less occasion to divergences of opinion. Geometric develops quietly from protogeometric and profits by the same argumentations. Both sorts ofnbsp;remains lie together in the filling behind the wall which in thenbsp;archaic age was run up round the temenos (B 32), while an archaicnbsp;to Hellenistic layer before the wall of the terrace speaks of fire andnbsp;destruction in early Christian age. The development which may benbsp;read from the excavated remains, ranging from archaic timesnbsp;onwards, is of great importance for the sanctuary, because then itnbsp;rose to a very considerable official cult-complex. As regards ethnicalnbsp;and racial differences there is no longer matter for discussion, sincenbsp;the Dorians became reconciled to Amyklai and its god and diligentlynbsp;contributed to its prosperity. In accordance with the historicalnbsp;reconstruction no traces are found of the coming of the Doriansnbsp;(for only penetration by violence would have been sharply marked),nbsp;but the extension of the temenos during the archaic period (B i5sqq),nbsp;the golden age of the Amyklaion, is due to their assistance. Whilenbsp;during the geometric period only part of the hill was occupied bynbsp;the sanctuary, without a reconstruction being possible from palpablenbsp;remnants, in archaic days the whole of the hill is* annexed to it; anbsp;peribolos-wall surrounds the open sides of the height, and after somenbsp;time, about 500, the Magnesian Bathykles comes to devote his talentsnbsp;to the monumentalizing of the domain. The Amyklaion has thennbsp;acquired great fame and In the form it has obtained it remains onenbsp;of Sparta�s most important cult-centres, as it is even attested innbsp;official state-documents ^).

Summarizing we may give something like the following chronology based on tradition and stratification:

Mixed culture, increasing participation of the Achaeans. c. 1100/1000: The Achaeans, thrown for the most part on their

an attitude of alertness. Prolonged struggle with the Dorians, c. 750: conclusion by a compromise, status of the Amyclaeans

unimpaired. The Dorians take part in the cult and raise Apollo Amyklaios to one of their leading deities,nbsp;c. 500: activity of Bathykles in the enlarged temenos.

It appeared from the gradual and peaceful shifting from Minoans to Achaeans and Dorians that the continuity in the sanctuary wasnbsp;never sharply interrupted. This is a satisfactory result for thenbsp;examination of the rites, for the very ancient descent of the traditional customs need not be denied. Now there remain two points innbsp;the religious development which require explanation;

2� What is the meaning of the �throne� and pillar-shaped statue, elaborately described by Pausanias, a structure crowning thenbsp;hill instead of a temple?

The superposition of Apollo on Hyakinthos at Amyklai, since Rohde no longer disputed, could most simply be explained if thenbsp;conquering Dorians had set aside the old cult and triumphantlynbsp;introduced Apollo into the domain. But on the one hand the entrynbsp;of the Dorians was not quite so suitable for a similar display ofnbsp;superiority, and on the other hand the Amyclaean Apollo appearsnbsp;to enjoy a wider prevalence than the Dorians could have gained fornbsp;him. Moreover legend would probably have preserved vestiges ofnbsp;an arrival in the eighth century. The intrusion of Apollo mustnbsp;therefore have occurred in an earlier phase, for which the Achaeansnbsp;alone may be held responsible. The much disputed question of thenbsp;origin and primary nature of Apollo may remain largely undecidednbsp;in our case. Whether the Achaeans introduced him as a deity ofnbsp;their own or as one they inherited from Asia Minor does not makenbsp;any difference for Amyklai. What matters is how he succeeded innbsp;invading the sanctuary of Hyakinthos.

For this purpose we may first trace the diffusion of his worship ^). In addition to the Amyklaion itself and Epidauros, where a votivenbsp;inscription to Apollo Amyklaios�*) bears witness of a probablynbsp;single transmission, two important localizations are generallynbsp;adduced: Cyprus and Crete. The value of the Cyprian records has

On Apollo Amyklaios see W. Aly Der kretische Apollonkult p. 10 sqq and M. H. Swindler Cretan elements in the cults of Apollo p. 33 sqq.

rather often been doubted because of the curious bilingual inscription (Phoenician-Greek) which identifies Apollon Amyklos to Reshephnbsp;Mkl ^). F o u c a r t and Ohnefalsc h-R i c h t e r fornbsp;instance already assumed that men wanted to indicate the Phoeniciannbsp;god with a Greek name and thus hit upon Apollo of Amyklainbsp;because of an external sound-affinity. It was a curious procedurenbsp;to put more confidence in the title Mkl (which also occurs in somenbsp;other Phoenician inscriptions of Cyprus but the vocalization ofnbsp;which is unknown) tjian in Amyklaios, well-known from elsewhere.nbsp;Moreover in a second Cyprian inscription Apollo Amyklaios appearsnbsp;autonomous *). This is left out of account by the Phoenicizingnbsp;argumentations, as well as by the later literature which has occupiednbsp;itself with the mysterious Mkl. For a new perspective was openednbsp;by the discovery of a god Mkr or Mkl (in Egyptian script) in thenbsp;N. Palestine Beth Shan, who was worshipped there in the 15thnbsp;century B.C. �). The Cyprian Mkl of more than a millennium laternbsp;was quoted and decided the spelling alternative in favour of Mk/,nbsp;as he was recognized to be a later offshoot of the Canaanite god.nbsp;Mkl would then have been imported to Cyprus by Phoenicians �)nbsp;or earlier by Syrians ^), and have been translated into Amyklaiosnbsp;afterwards owing to an �ingenious adaptation� of the Greeks �).nbsp;The identity of Mkl and Mkl/r, however, is not an established fact,nbsp;so a strong support cannot be found in the Canaanite past �). Nor

Kypros p. 171, 4; 341 sq. The speculations about Apollo Amyklaios, which Ohnefalsc h-R i c h t e r borrows from Meister (Die griech. Dialekte II,nbsp;p. 147 sqq), are nonsense, for lt;V r�gai a^a�di bei eingetretener Diirre would havenbsp;to reappear in the Phoenician text too, which, however, concludes with a blessing, like the Greek.

E. P o w e r The ancient gods and language of Cyprus etc. (Biblica 10, 1929, p. 165 sqq).

�) Adherents of this adaptation-theory are Mall on l.c.; jPower o.c. p. 129 sqq; Vincent (Le Ba^al Canan�en et sa Par�dre, Revue Bihlique 37, 1928,nbsp;p. 524 sqq); Eissfeldt AKW 1934, 31, p. 27 sqq. Hesitatingly S. A. Cooknbsp;The religion of ancient Palestine in the light of archaeology (1930) p. 128 sqq.

is it necessary to take Mkl of Cyprus, whom Power thinks he recognizes in a theophorous proper name and an Akkadian inscription of Amathus ^), for a derivative of Amyklaios. It may be anbsp;question of chance assonance, perhaps not even a striking one innbsp;view of the unknown vowels of Mkl. Apollo Amyklaios, whonbsp;appears at Idalion both independent and with Phoenician interpretation as Resheph Mkl ^), has not been summoned late and fromnbsp;an out-of-the-way place to Cyprus in order to Graecize Mkl, butnbsp;must have been worshipped there for a long time already as annbsp;inheritance of Greek colonists. Expeditions to the East, starting fromnbsp;the Peloponnese, brought Achaeans to Cyprus, and it is they whonbsp;will have to be held responsible for the presence of the Amyclaeannbsp;god in the island �).

Finally it is again the turn of Crete, with the question how this time the parts of starting-point and sphere of influence have to benbsp;divided. But first of all the materials concerned of the island mustnbsp;be inspected. In addition to the town of Amyklaion and its inhabitants ^Afivy.XaToi in the neighbourhood of Gortyn *), for the samenbsp;region a god ^ A/uvy.XaTog and a homonymous month are mentioned.nbsp;The month appears in a treaty between Gortyn and Knossos �) asnbsp;the first month of the Gortynian calendar, falling in autumn, andnbsp;coinciding with Nekysios at Knossos. The god is discovered in thenbsp;law of Gortyn, according to which women swear to ��Agrefiiv nagnbsp;quot;quot;AfivxlaXov jcag Tav Toy.aimA). Commentators agree that selbstverstdnd-lich Apollo is meant here �). This solution is logical for a fifthnbsp;century inscription, but perhaps this very indication of the god bynbsp;the name Amyklaios gives a clue for the way in which Apollonbsp;achieved his penetration. It appears from the name of the monthnbsp;Amyklaios that this title, if originally local, yet soon got a religiousnbsp;value. �The god of Amyklai� is a terminology used by the worshippers in Crete as well as in Laconia. As late as in the days of

Cf. M y r e s CAH III, p. 644. S. C a s s o n Ancient Cyprus (1937) p. 57. �*) Steph. Byz. s.v., SGDI I, 5025.

�) SGDI $016, 24 � Monum. Antichi I, p. 50, Cf. p. 55 and 58, frg. 2 (H a 1 b-herr). Bischoff R.E. X, Ij8i sq.

�) SGDI 4991, col. Ill, 7 � AM 1884, IX, 376. Cf. M. Guarducci Studi e Materiali di Star. d. Rel. XII, 1936, p. 181 sqq.nbsp;f) SGDI l.c.

Pausanias the god is called by this name ^). It is conceivable that this title of Amyklaios was applied to the local god from old, alsonbsp;in the days when Hyakinthos had no rival to fear yet. Then Apollonbsp;could present himself as a second possibility of interpretation fornbsp;the title and by this process make an unpretentious entry withoutnbsp;impairing the existent local customs. The god remained Amyklaios,nbsp;by which men formerly understood the Cretan Hyakinthos, afterwards an adapted Apollo, who met with more comprehension fromnbsp;the side of the later Greeks than the curious heritage of the Minoans.

So the title ��Agrejuig nag Afivnldlov nag xav Toxatav need not be accepted as a proof that on Crete Apollo Amyklaios was worshipped. �Amyklaios� may have been preserved here from the dimnbsp;past as a name of the vegetation-god, in whose surroundings thenbsp;figure of Artemis is as appropriate as in Apollo�s^). Toxaia, itselfnbsp;an epithet of Artemis �), seems to allude here to another goddessnbsp;again.

The usurpation of the local and religious title of Amyklaios is one side of the arrival of Apollo, and the one which left the mostnbsp;permanent impression upon Laconian Amyklai. But the immediatenbsp;cause and the possibility of the Apolline penetration have to be foundnbsp;in essential points of contact. In connexion with the rites of the Hya-kinthia the affinities of the joyous part of the celebrations (amongnbsp;which lyre playing and paean) to Apolline ritual were pointed out.nbsp;Apollo was a many-sided god who could absorb all sorts of aspectsnbsp;of minor deities. With the Minoan god of hunting and vegetationnbsp;(who appears on the seals) he has the handling of bow and arrow innbsp;common *). It is true we have no tradition mentioning hunting as

III, i8, 9; III, 19, 6 (the Amyclaeans 'fiec�v as^ovai---rov re �AfivxXalov xal

At�vvoov ), IV, 14, 2. Cf. W i 1 a m o w i t z Hermes 38, 1903, p. 581 sq about the god of Amyklai.

M. H. Swindler justly stresses the parallelism in titles Delphinios- Del-phinion (psd-temenos), Smintheus-Sminthion, Amyklaios-Amyklaion (p. 66). The title of Apollo is already AjzoX^wv Sv �A/rvxXalcp in Thucydides V, 23, 5, as thenbsp;stamps of the tiles found in the Amyklaion also read (AM 1927, p. 64).

The title nag 'AftvxXatov may be compared with �Arpgodhri naga �AfivxXaia) xaXovfi�vrj Paus. Ill, 18, 8. M. Guarducci l.c. thinks the Cretan Amyklaios isnbsp;an import of Achaeans, though she separates him from the port of Amyklaionnbsp;and the village of the Amyklaioi.

143

a characteristic occupation of Hyakinthos ^), but it is proper to the type and the pillar-statue of Amyklai, which carries the huntingnbsp;weapons. The mysterious disc of the Hyakinthos-legend too seemsnbsp;to descend from a lump of stone, handled less from sportive pleasurenbsp;than for hunting purposes ^). On Crete Apollo shows featuresnbsp;similar to those connecting him with Hyakinthos �). Cretan stonethrowing figures are the Minotauros and Talos �), who rather aimnbsp;at human prey, but a hunter out for game with bow and stone isnbsp;a coin-type representing Apollo in a Cretan modification. Atnbsp;Eleutherna he frequently appears in this way �). Not only bow andnbsp;stone, but also tree motives are associated with him; a dog accompanies him when hunting; on other coins a lyre proves his identity ^).nbsp;The connexion with the vegetation should not be considered anbsp;chance decorative motive, but points to tree-cult associations of thenbsp;hunting god, a combination current from old on Crete, and apparently annexed without any scruples by Apollo. At Tylissos on the N.nbsp;coast of Crete Apollo figures as a reverse type of coins representing Hera Antheia, here provided with attributes as a bow, a goat�snbsp;head which he carries in his hand �), a shrub or little tree, and some-

Cf. S.^^olders ARW 32, 1935, p. 150, who, however, goes too far with his hypothesis of a stoning aition for the Hyakinthia. See Ch. V infra, for thenbsp;mythology.

For the Cretan Apollo cf. the works quoted of W. A 1 y and M. H. S w i n d-ler, and C. Picard Eph�se et Claras p. 458 sq, 467 and 563.

�) Svoronos Crete pi. XI, 4. The disc-lump has given rise to many conjectures. Svoronos proposes: Apollo Styrakites. But the parallels of Talos and other coins bear out the interpretation of the stone as a hunting Weapon.nbsp;Cf. A 1 y o.c. p. 6 sq. W. Wr o t h Num. Chron. 1884, p. 28 sqq, pi, II, 3: Apollonbsp;as a Cretan hunter, coins of the fifth century.

ihid. pi. XXX, 29�32; Wroth l.c. pi. II, 8; A 1 y p. 48, i. Tylissos is the state which concluded a treaty with Knossos and Argos in which the Fauivamp;ianbsp;are mentioned: BCH 1913, p. 279 sqq. A comparison of the coin-types of Tylissosnbsp;and Argos (Head Hist. Hum. p. 478 and 438) demonstrates that Tylissos asnbsp;well as Argos worshipped Hera Antheia (Paus. II, 22, i). Cf. the coins of Knossos, Head p. 461.

�) Hunting connexion, with the Cretan Zeus, however, an allusion to T:he youth-saga.

times an arrow-head. In some cases the plants are clearly accentuated ^). On Gortynian coins Apollo sits on a rock as a hunter holding bow and arrows^). More significant is.his seat at Cherso-nesos, which by the way is connected by Plutarch with the arrivalnbsp;of the Lemnians and Imbrians ^). As the reverse of an Artemis-typenbsp;appears Apollon nu, assis sur le tronc d�un arbre, tenant de la mainnbsp;gauche une lyre, et de la dr. un disqueConnexions with the saganbsp;of Hyakinthos are not even excluded here, if the object Apollo holdsnbsp;in his hand is indeed to be explained as a quoit. Apollo sits on anbsp;tree trunk, holding a garland and a lyre, on a Cretan didrachm ofnbsp;unknown provenance �).

In summing up we can state that the attributes of the Cretan Apollo: bow and arrow, disc-stone, hound, goat�s head, lyre, shrubs,nbsp;trees and plants mark him as a successor of the Minoan huntingnbsp;god in his youthful, but grown-up stage. He has not adopted thenbsp;child-form with its peculiar mythology, perhaps because the storynbsp;of his birth had been fixed before on Delos, perhaps also becausenbsp;Zeus forestalled him in annexing those Minoan oddities �). Thenbsp;association of Apollo and the Cretan hunter god was no tour denbsp;force but a natural solution, when the Achaeans (to whom Apollonbsp;was familiar, even if he had been imported) sought a denominationnbsp;for the god with the hunting attributes in their own experience. Thenbsp;vegetative emblems become somewhat less prominent, thoughnbsp;Apollo�s laurel guarantees his being no new-comer on this terrainnbsp;either.

Thus the succession Hyakinthos-Apollo finds its illustration on Cretan coin-types. The transition has not been a violent or a forcednbsp;one, but a gradual substitution of denomination for a somewhat

Virt. Mul. 8; Svoronos introduction to the chapter on Chersonesos o.c. p. 49, Kirsten R.E, Suppl. VII, p. 84�90.

*) Svoronos o.c. pi. Ill, 17. 4th century? The Artemis type of the obverse probably represents Britomartis, who had a temple at Chersonesos (Head Hist.nbsp;Hum. p. 460).

�) Cf. A 1 y o.c. p. 49; Swindler o.c. p. 67 sq. Cf. Cicero De natura deorum III, 23; Apollo Corybantis films, natus in Creta, cuius de ilia insula cum lovenbsp;ipso certamen fuisse traditur.

comparable religious form. But the reform remains inadequate, for one phase of the god of vegetation who annually evolved throughnbsp;all phases was made absolute by the Greeks, to whom this pointnbsp;d�appui was surely welcome. The consciousness of the differencenbsp;between the two figures was always present in its germ and wasnbsp;intensified according as Hyakinthos fell into oblivion and Apollonbsp;Amyklaios was more and more connected with the general Apollo.nbsp;In this way it was possible that the myth originated, which confronts them as two separate figures, while at first they seem to havenbsp;been but two denominations for the one Amyklaios.

That the Apolline interpretation was an invention of the Achaean revival about iioo, which also gives evidence of a seeking of newnbsp;values by adopting the protogeometric style, is acceptable in viewnbsp;of the spirit of the age and for other reasons too an average datenbsp;which may be assumed by way of hypothesis. A sufficient numbernbsp;of centuries elapse then to leave an ample space to the developmentnbsp;of the myth with the opposition of the two gods.

Armed with this hypothesis about Apollo�s superposition we may inquire into the peculiar form of the Laconian sanctuary, withoutnbsp;being obliged by a general uncertainty concerning the penetrationnbsp;to leave any assignment undecided. Nothing has directly come downnbsp;to us about the original form of the temenos. We can only startnbsp;from the configuration described for the historical period, completednbsp;by the results of excavations, and ask how far it reaches back. Thenbsp;Amyclaean complex is a very characteristic one indeed, not so muchnbsp;for Apollo, who elsewhere will not appear as a martial hunter godnbsp;standing on a throne, as for the local tradition, which makes annbsp;impression of high antiquity. We are justified to ask for a possiblenbsp;religious meaning of the dispositions existing still in the historicalnbsp;age.

The �throne� of Apollo at Amyklai, which Kallisthenes seems to have mentioned already half a millennium before Pausanias ^),nbsp;and which is at great length described by Pausanias himself, is anbsp;notorious archaeological puzzle. Several reconstructions, strikinglynbsp;reflecting the fashion of the periods when they were made, havenbsp;been published before and after the excavations in the Amyklaion ^).

Anthology and literature in Fiechter Arch. ]b. l.c. and H i t z i g-Bluemner Paus. I, p. 828 sqq.

For an examination of the cult one question is of importance, which also has to be solved to allow attempts at reconstruction: how farnbsp;the building of Bathykles deserved the name of �throne�. Had itnbsp;the unmistakable shape of a chair? From the explicit description ofnbsp;Pausanias one cannot but conclude that the earlier reconstructorsnbsp;justly stuck to the throne-form. The periegete compares the thronenbsp;of Zeus at Olympia with that at Amyklai *), and speaks of thenbsp;fictive sitting of the colossus on the throne. . Had not the monumentnbsp;displayed a chair-like appearance, Pausanias would rather havenbsp;protested against the name and not drawn parallels with obviousnbsp;seats like that of Zeus at Olympia.

When Bathykles circa joo builds a throne in the Amyklaion, then a famous sanctuary, the statue is standing there already �). But didnbsp;he and his contemporaries who charged him with the work introducenbsp;the idea of a �throne� as something new in the domain, or did anbsp;similar, less richly adorned construction exist there before his architectural activities? W. R e i c h e 1 answered this question in thenbsp;affirmative *); but his argumentation, which assumes a throne cultnbsp;for Mycenaean times, rests on unstable ground so far as the monumental data are concerned. He very properly points to the worshipnbsp;of thrones occurring in the East �), especially on the mountain-topsnbsp;in Asia Minor �). In view of the connexions which in the ancientnbsp;East propagated many a religious idea it would not be impossiblenbsp;that in olden times a similar cult penetrated to Amyklai via Crete.nbsp;But some scepsis with respect to R e i c h e 1�s arguments remainsnbsp;justified, because monumental sources bear no witness to a thronenbsp;cult for the Minoan age. His proposition has to be supported alongnbsp;other lines.

We may endeavour to extract chronological information from the curious conjunction of pillar-statue and throne. R e i c h e 1 cannotnbsp;think that tjiis is old and dates the idol (also because of the gt;cQdvo?

III, 18, 9 sqq; 19, i sqq. Cf. Furtwangler Meisterwerke p. 690 sq and p. 703 fig. 134.

2) V, II, 4.

Otherwise it would have been sitting, notes Versakis Eph. arch. 1912, p. 192. Cf., besides. Paus. Ill, 19, 2.

�) Cf. E. Honigmann R.E. VI A, 616, and V. Chapot Daremberg-Saglio V, 278 sqq. H. Danthine M�langes DUSSAUD II, p. 857�866.

and technical difficulties of the construction) c. Sth-jth century, supposing that it is the tropaion erected on the occasion of thenbsp;conquest of Amyklai by the Spartans. That the Spartans could notnbsp;afford such an operation in the Amyklaion has been remarked above.nbsp;In spite of the details of the statue which might require a laternbsp;dating it is possible to ascribe the erecting of the (bronze) pillaAnbsp;probably a wooden core with bronze mounting, to the predecessorsnbsp;of the Dorians. It appears from the gilding of the face of thenbsp;Amyclaean colossus, which happened in the days of Kroisos ^), thatnbsp;in the course of years a primitive image may be fashioned andnbsp;embellished. The bronze idol therefore need not be considerednbsp;because of its nature to be a younger element of the sanctuary whichnbsp;had separately intruded.

The anorganic conjunction of a standing statue and a throne at Amyklai is no unique thing. A well-known parallel gives the Thracian Ainos, where coins ^) show a solid and adorned throne onnbsp;which a statue of Hermes stands (R e i c h e 1 again assumes here anbsp;successive erection with a reconstruction of the throne in the sixthnbsp;century). The coins which are thought to depict the Amyclaeannbsp;idol �) unfortunately show it without architectural entourage, butnbsp;the disposition at Ainos will probably have to be imagined differentnbsp;in proportions only. About the monument at Ainos, however, stillnbsp;less is known than about that at Amyklai��). Pausanias (III, lo, 8)nbsp;tells of the image of Apollo �v�aevs at Thornax, north of Sparta,nbsp;that it is Hard rd aiiid rqj ev �Ajuvxkai? nenoirifi�vov. The gold ofnbsp;Kroisos with which the Amyclaean statue was adorned had originally been destined for that at Thornax �). Cook may be right in

Cf. C. Sell man Greek coins (1933) pi. 29, 8: throne as a small symbol on the reverse besides a goat.

B. M. C. Peloponnese p. 121 sqq, No. 1, 80�81. Head Hist. Hum. p. 434 and 436.

Is this image of Hermes on the throne identical with that of which Kalli-machos describes the adventures? (Diegeseis VII, 33 sqq�VIII, 20: found in the sea, made by Epeios, to account for its antiquity). Cf. Pfeiffer Sitz. Ber. Ah.nbsp;Miinchen 1934, 10, p. 29.

�) Paus. Ill, 19, 8. Herod. I, 69, 4. Cf. on this Furtwangler Meisterwerke p. 696.

interpreting the text of Pausanias in this way, that the statue of Apollo Thornakios was also standing on a throne ^). He finds anbsp;confirmation of this view in the etymology �amp;�Qva^ = �g�va^ =.nbsp;vnon�diov ^). Then a second combination of throne and pillarshaped statue would have occurred in Sparta.

These are the only two parallels, when we look for analogies in Greece �), and neither of them can throw much light on the meaningnbsp;of the combination. The question of priority of throne or idol cannotnbsp;easily be solved. F i e c h t e r ^), modifying R e i c h e I�s views,nbsp;comes to a compromise: he presumes that in olden times an idolnbsp;stood upright pn a high ^rone-bathron in the Amyklaion. Thisnbsp;conception is not so old as that of the oriental throne-cult, but isnbsp;said to have sooner penetrated to Amyklai via Crete or Asia Minor.nbsp;With a second eastern current Bathykles is supposed to have broughtnbsp;the pure throne-motive to Laconia. So Fiechter too uses the ideanbsp;of a throne before Bathykles starts his building activities.

We must imagine the human shape of the idol to have been very primitive, representing one of the first stages after the aniconicnbsp;one �). Perhaps the entirely aniconic phase even preceded at Amyklai,nbsp;so that the colossus with its weapons and rough human featuresnbsp;was only erected later on instead of a pole or ximv, as a kind ofnbsp;improved edition while maintaining the original situation. A simplenbsp;pole may reach back to very ancient times and meets with analogiesnbsp;in the fetish worship among many other peoples. The height estimated by Pausanias (30 m'jxeig) may be slightly exaggerated but isnbsp;not impossible. The statue stands on a pedestal in the form of annbsp;altar, which was regarded as the tomb of Hyakinthos and originally.

*) Cf. a Corinthian pyxis, which formerly was misinterpreted as representing the birth of Dionysos, and which contains a scene with women adorning a cult-statue(?) of a goddess which stands on a seat. The women hold a bough and anbsp;garland. The other scenes (e.g. the bringing of victims, flute-player, procession)nbsp;suggest that we have to do with preparations for a religious ceremony. C.V.A.nbsp;France, fasc. 7 (Bibl. Nat. i) pi. 17, 5.

A parallel at Ninive (9th century, non-Assyrian god) P e r r o t-C h i p i e z III, fig. 13 sq, p. 76 sq; H. Gressmann Altor. Texte und Bilder zum alten Testament II, fig. 90.

�) Paus. Ill, 19, 2: save for its face, hands, feet, helmet, lance and bow it resembles a bronze ximv. Cf. Furtwangler o.c. p. 693.

though without the adornment of the Bathyklaean reliefs, may have belonged to the first edition of the Amyklaion. As to pillar-worshipnbsp;E V a n s�s treatise about the Mycenaean Pillar Cult may be referrednbsp;to ^), and even if N i 1 s s o n�s objections against this theory arenbsp;admitted ^), the seals continue to bear witness to the sacral meaningnbsp;of greater or smaller detached columns. On a gold signet-ring fromnbsp;Knossos a high pole stands before a tree-shrine, its top being cutnbsp;off by the edge of the image. So its height may be imagined to benbsp;considerable. From the air the youthful hunting-god descends withnbsp;his hair flowing behind him, in front of him stands a goddess or anbsp;worshipping woman. The entourage indicated is open country.nbsp;Evans assumes that the aniconic image was looked upon as thenbsp;abode of the deity and later on as his tomb-stone, he even suggestsnbsp;that the gold signet-ring may be taken to foreshadow the �Tomb ofnbsp;Zeus�. Without indulging in far reaching speculations we havenbsp;to acknowledge the points of contact between the Minoan situationnbsp;and that at Amyklai. Why the tomb-feature should be secondarynbsp;in this pole-cult is not clear. The dying gods of the orient may havenbsp;been connected from old with a pillar as the haunt or image of thenbsp;deceased *), and as the Centre of his worship.

The throne does not seldom appear in connexion with funeral cult either �). On Greek reliefs representing funeral banquets itnbsp;precedes the couch (notably in Sparta) and as a votive offering itnbsp;is put in the graves �). At Stymphalos a throne has been hewn intonbsp;the natural rock over a chamber-tomb �'). At Eretria and in

�'*) Evans P. o. M. I, p. 159 sqq, fig. 115; 11, p. 838; Nilsson GgR pi. 13. 4-

Cf. the poles worshipped at Byblos, vrhich probably were connected with the Adonis-cult. J. deGrootDe godsdiensten der wereld I, p. 261. Frazer G.B-V�, p. 34 sqq. Osiris too had connexions with a pillar, the Djed-pillar, whichnbsp;seems to be of a vegetative origin and with which resurrection-symbolism is associated, as with the pinus of Attis. Here the transition from fetishism to tree-cultnbsp;appears.

�) For a summary see Chapot Daremberg-Saglio V, 278�283, and T. Klauser: Die Cathedra im Totenkult (1927).

AM 1901, p. 333 sqq, pi. XIII sq, under Macedonian influence, 3rd century B.C. Cf. Klauser o.c. p. 75 sqq, 83 sqq.

Macedonia large thrones have been discovered in graves. In Etrurian graves canopos-�ikamp; idols stand on bronze or clay seats ^).nbsp;For Crete a late testimony gives a vague indication �). Generallynbsp;speaking the connexion tomb-throne is well guaranteed as belongingnbsp;to an ancient conception, which provides the immaterial deceasednbsp;with a resting-point, to which the worship by the living can attach.nbsp;This is not directly contrary to pillar-worship, for the pole is a firstnbsp;attempt of making the god or deceased visible, which could givenbsp;rise to a heterogeneous and probably soon abandoned combination,nbsp;where the erection of a throne was in use. Along this line of thoughtnbsp;some other parallels to the situation at Amyklai might be adduced.nbsp;The connexion throne-column is most obvious at Phalasarna in thenbsp;extreme West of Crete ^). Near the acropolis some rock thronesnbsp;have been discovered, one of which (height 2 metres) shows in lownbsp;relief on the inner surface of its back a column on a base. The topnbsp;is damaged and seems to show the contour of a gable, so that thisnbsp;column might belong to the category of columns with a constructivenbsp;purpose which are meant as an abbreviation of a sanctuary. But thenbsp;connexion with the throne allows us to consider the column in thenbsp;first place as a symbol of a deity or a deceased. Savignoninbsp;presumes an affinity with the irhage of the /u^n]Q 'amp;emv on Akro-korinthos of which Pausanias II, 4, 7 says: pfjTQog �emv va�g �arinbsp;}lt;ai OTrjXt] xal d'Qovog, Xi'amp;cov xai aviTj xal 6 d�Qovog. By avri^ we pos-

Arch. Anz. 1940, col. 275 sqq, fig. 83; BCH LXIII, 1939, p. 316 sq fig. 31, likewise of the 3rd century. The paintings of these and the former thrones belongnbsp;to the Orientally influenced belief of future life.

J. Martha Uart �trusque (1889) p. 201. In the necropolis at Chiusi bronze seats were found in the graves (fig. 157, urn standing on the seat), cf. fig. ij6:nbsp;seats hewn into the rock in the sepulchral chamber. Canopus-urns also stand onnbsp;terracotta seats (p. 336, fig. 226 and 231) 6th-5th century at Chiusi. Later onnbsp;the grave-statues sit. Cf. D. L e v i // Museo Chico di Chiusi (1935) fig. 58, 59nbsp;and pi. VI. K 1 a u s e r o.c. p. 74 sq.

A L.H. Ill idol as Bossert Altkreta� fig. 83 c is perhaps meant to sit, though practically it also stands on the terracotta chair.

qi Ai6g yeveq, xal itdvrasv, agt;v �oe/idaamp;tjs dai/iovag ayjV](ovg, vexqamp;v EidcoXa xafiovrusv,nbsp;dgt;v KQrjxri xavxqfsa rdlt;pov q Svo/soQog i^Ei,

4) L. Savignoni and G. de Sanctis Monum. Ant. XI, 1901, p. 364 sqq, fig. 61. Cook Zeus I, p. 148, fig. H2.

sibly have to understand the goddess in pillar-shape. Where the fiijTTjQ �ewv is concerned, neither the t'^Q�vog ^), nor the fetishisticnbsp;appearance of the worship surprises ^). On Akrokorinthos the columnnbsp;would stand free, according to Savignoni Apollo Amyklaios,nbsp;attired as a human being, is a further stage. Not much is said aboutnbsp;the date of the Phalasarnian throne, it may be much older than thenbsp;finds of the 6th and 5th centuries from its surroundings, and Pha-lasarna itself is a pre-Hellenic settlement, as appears from its name.nbsp;Kirsten�) simply thinks the thrones are seats of the dead tonbsp;enjoy the funeral banquet, but he neglects the column. A small votivenbsp;seat of the funeral cult from Amathus on Cyprus may be compared,nbsp;which on its back between the panels shows a little Ionian column ^).nbsp;It is a bit too small to compete as a full parallel, but it may belongnbsp;to the connexion mentioned �).

So there is no abundance of evidence, but just parallels enough not to reject categorically the possibility of an ancient origin ofnbsp;throne and pillar worship at Amyklai, both of them suitable to thenbsp;cult of a god or deceased, or the combination of the two; the dyingnbsp;god. This connexion with the grave fits the religious sphere of thenbsp;Hyakinthos-cult. We may ask whether other points of agreementnbsp;between the cult and the form of the domain can be found. Hithertonbsp;the ritual use of the �g�vog, as known from literature, has been leftnbsp;out of consideration. Though references partly date from dangerouslynbsp;late times, yet they take us to familiar areas.

Plato Euthydemus 277 D mentions the rite of the 'dgovcoaig at the initiation of the Korybantes ^), when a dance is performed roundnbsp;the seated aspirant. Owing to the function of the patrons of theirnbsp;order it is difficult to make a strict separation between the rite of thenbsp;�Qoviafi�g of the aogv^avrimvreg and the use of the �dgovog in thenbsp;Idaean cave on Crete, as R o h d e wants to do. The throne in thenbsp;cave of Zeus is mentioned by Porphyrins �): Pythagoras saw thenbsp;throne annually spread there, and made the well-known epitaph fornbsp;Zeus. The situation yields: a throne spread annually in the cave ofnbsp;the childgod, where at the same time his tomb is situated. The draping of the throne only is not immediately paralleled at Amyklai,nbsp;where, however, the rite of the annually woven chiton can benbsp;compared ¹ ²). The yearly dressing as a mark of honour here logicallynbsp;does not apply to the throne but to the pillar-shaped image intonbsp;which the god descends, which now has become his eSog.

Not only on Crete but also in Asia Minor the throne is associated with the divine child. Coins from the imperial age furnish visiblenbsp;evidence: the child, which formerly was mistaken for Zeus, butnbsp;since I m h o o f-B 1 u m e r was recognized to represent Dionysos,nbsp;sits on a thj'One (with its arms stretched forward) and is surroundednbsp;by dancing Kouretes-Korybantes �). Sometimes the seat is no morenbsp;than a boulder ^), once it is draped �), once the clsta with the snake

Cf. Dio Chrysost. 12, p. 338 R (203 M). K. La 11 e Be salt. p. 95. S c h w e n n R.E. XI, 1443. user o.c, p. 43 sq.

There are numerous parallels for the presenting of a robe to gods and the dressing of cult-statues. Cf. Frazer ad Paus. vol. II, p. 574 sq. The custom isnbsp;very old and notably affects archaic statues. Cf. p. 17 supra. R e i c h e 1 Gotter-culte p. 20 assumes that it belongs to aniconic worship (his argument being masculine and far from expert: the peplos of the Panathenaea, on which too girlsnbsp;worked, would be too large for a cult-statue). Frazer G.B. V�, p. 18: at Jerusalem women weave garments for the sacred poles which stood beside the altar,nbsp;2 Kings 23, 7.

�) Overbeck Kunstmythologie, 2eas Miinztafel Y, 6�8. C o o K Zeus I, fig. 123�128. Coins of Magnesia on the Maeander, Seleucia in Cilicia, Maeonia.

I m h 0 o f-B 1 u m e r PI. VIII, 29�34 gives also Dionysos seated on the cista.

appears under the throne ^). The representation of Dionysos with surrounding Korybantes is rather rare. What matters here is the factnbsp;that the divine child appears on a special seat. The gestures of itsnbsp;arms point to a triumphant epiphany ^). Perhaps this way of stagingnbsp;things descends from the earliest period of the career of the divinenbsp;child, in view of the thrones of Amyklai, Crete and Asia Minor.nbsp;Of course we cannot exclude the possibility that the coins of Asianbsp;Minor reflect no relic, but a late combination sprung forth fromnbsp;syncretistic minds: Dionysos and the Korybantes are already somewhat surprised to meet, though genetically their conjunction is notnbsp;strange. The Asiatic god could perhaps have borrowed the thronenbsp;as well as the Korybantes from Zeus, namely the later Olympiannbsp;ruler in whose biography the youth-episode of the Korybantes hasnbsp;been incorporated and who is classically enthroned in art and mythology �).

A single throne appears for instance on coins of Seleucia Pieria and Larissa in Syria, sometimes draped and carrying a thunderboltnbsp;apparently in relation to Zeus. The cointypes will be derived from

Harrison Themis p. 241, fig. 61, Magnesia on the Maeander, age of Caracalla. Cook I, p. 153, fig. 128. I m h o o f-B 1 u m e r PI. VIII, 33 (nicenbsp;specimen).

This is also clear on an ivory relief from Milan (Arch. 2eit. 1846, Pi. 38; Harrison Themis fig. 9, p. 60). Here a series of scenes from the life of thenbsp;childgod is depicted in rather unsatisfactory style. After the birthscene withnbsp;the mother and riamp;fjvai we see the dance of the Kouretes round the child,nbsp;which has considerably grown up in the mean time and is seated on a cushionednbsp;throne, the back of which perhaps is meant to indicate the surroundings as anbsp;cave. Sometimes the scene has been referred to thenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;-initiation (S c h w e n n

R.E. XI, 2 p. 1443), which is too one-sided, also in view of the other scenes. But the mystery-rite will surely be connected with the epiphany of the god on thenbsp;throne and symbolize the rebirth of the mystes. Ritual �Qovioix�? of a worshippernbsp;in the cave of Zeus Bronton: Cook Zeus 11,838 fig. 795; youthful lyre-playernbsp;sitting on a throne cut out in the rock (votive relief ',0 luppiter Sanctus Bronton),nbsp;two women with offerings.

�) Possibly Orphic influences come into play here. The youthful Dionysos-Zagreus is placed upon his father�s throne and holds the thunderbolt. References Lobeck Aglaophamus I, p. 552 sq and Cook Zeus I, p. 647.

But the Kouretes point unmistakably to a birth-scene. Dionysos and the Kory-bantes-Kouretes also appear on the first marble relief of the stage of Phaidros at Athens: Hermes carrying the infant Dionysos, Zeus seated on a rock, two Kouretes enclosing the scene (Cook Zeus I, pi. XL).

reality, so that here too a atoQvvvai �'Q�vovg is practised in the cult. Miss H a r r i s o n�s supposition that in the cave of Zeus also anbsp;thunderbolt tenanted the throne, lacks further support. It may benbsp;noticed, however, that the appearance of a fashioned thunderboltnbsp;on thrones elsewhere may have followed that of older, more fetishlike stones, [iahvXoi and the like. The surroundings of Asia Minornbsp;with its good record in the sphere of the childgod make the supposition of ancient traditions concerning the use of thrones in the cultnbsp;probable.

Nor will it be mere chance, when several of the few testimonies about the statueless throne-cult in Greece point to the East as theirnbsp;land of provenance. Lily Ross T aylor tried to prove a Greeknbsp;rite like the sellisternium {oroQevvvvai'amp;Q�vovg) as an interpretationnbsp;for the peplos and the �upQoqi�Qoi of the Parthenon frieze, withnbsp;very plausible arguments^); the only objection to the suppositionnbsp;of this rite in classical Athens is the scanty number of parallels *).nbsp;It is possible, however, that the Greeks adopted it into their festivals,nbsp;as a mark of honour in Theoxenia, just as in Homer human andnbsp;divine guests are offered chairs with draperies ^). A vase from Kertschnbsp;representing Dionysos and Apollo at Delphi shows a woman spreading a seat for one of the two gods (Dionysos? who indeed has anbsp;draped throne of his own in Asia Minor and on the Parthenonnbsp;frieze) �). But the evidence for the mother-goddess is more complete:nbsp;of her thrones are mentioned at Athens, Chios �) and Akrokorinthos,nbsp;while Suidas gives 0Qoviafxol fxr]XQ(poi as titles of writings of Orpheusnbsp;and Pindar ^).

^)L. Ross Taylor A sellisternium on the Parthenon frieze^ (Quantula-cumque, Studies pres, to Kir sop p Lake, London 1937, p. 253�264); and AJA XL, 1936, p. 121.

�) For the throne-cult among the Greeks (e.g. the throne with insignia erected for Alexander by Eumenes, perhaps not Greek either) FI. H e r t e r Rhein. Mus.nbsp;74. 1925. P- 164�173-

�) Nilsson GgR pi. 38; Stephani CR t86i. pi. IV; Farnell Cults IV, pi. XVII; J. Harrison Themis fig. 137; L. Ross Taylor l.c. fig. 6.

1) s.v. Orpheus. Cf. Lobeck Aglaophamus p. 116 and 368; O. Kern Orphicorum fragmenta (1922) p. 298 No. 12.

At Athens the Meter has Atti? at her side. The paredros shares the honour of the preparation of a throne, and it is in our line tonbsp;seek here connexions with the thrones of the child Dionysos in Asianbsp;Minor, the Zeus-throne on Crete and the Amyclaean one. Thoughnbsp;here alternatively permanent seats, and thrones which are set upnbsp;and draped on the occasion of a year-festival (epiphany) are concerned, the basic idea of the imaginary descent of the divine powernbsp;remains the same. It would have to be systematically examinednbsp;whether this was a principle which contributed from old to thenbsp;cult-forms of the mother-goddess and her vegetative partner. Wenbsp;may refer here for instance to the mentioning of thrones for Niii-girsu and Bau in the religious chronicles of Gudea ^). Even thenbsp;draping of a seat which is placed on a grave to receive the simlahnbsp;(double?) of the dead god is described in the ritual bf Lillu (one ofnbsp;Tammuz�s aspects) ^).

Perhaps in this respect again the Sumerians therefore yield the earliest cult-form that can be traced of the dying and reviving god.nbsp;In these oriental regions the throne-cult makes a more imposingnbsp;impression than in Hellas. There is an essential difference betweennbsp;the autonomous being enthroned of the Meter, the Cretan Zeus andnbsp;the Amyclaean god, and the setting up of thrones for gods, whennbsp;they are of practical use to them to attend theatre performances ornbsp;to receive sacrificial banquets, the immediate causes for the scantynbsp;Greek sellisternia �). This is a reservation to be made when representations like those of the Parthenon frieze would be brought into

The royal inscriptions of Sumer and Akkad ed. G. A. Barton p. 193 (Statue E, IV, 3 sqq) and p. 197 (F, III, 8) Gudea constructs a lofty thronenbsp;for Bau and Gatumdug; p. 251 Cylinder B, XVI, 17 throne of Ningirsu. Cf.nbsp;H. Danthine M�langes D u s s a u d II, p. 863 sqq, and Reallexikon der Assy-riologie s.v. Datenlisten: passim mentioning of thrones offered.

^)F. Thureau Dangin Rev. Ass. IX, 1922, p. 175�183. The god beseeches his sister, the goddess:

Sellisternium in an apotropaic ritual Zimmern Ritualtafeln (1901), No. 52, 7 sq. (p. 164 sqq).

The causes enumerated by L. Ross Taylor l.c., also in her paper �Class. Phil. 30, 1935, p. 122�30 about Roman sellisternia.

connexion with the conception of a �throne-cult�; the derivative is utilitarian and is justly compared with the Homeric reception-custom.nbsp;On Greek soil the real throne-cult appears only for gods who maynbsp;have borrowed it from an oriental past. Rites as the �Q�vcoai? of thenbsp;xoQvfiavxiamp;viEg belong to the mysteries which have applied the ideanbsp;of the dying and reviving deity to human fate ^). The throne-epiphany of the god at his rebirth was imitated by the juvatrjg.

To sum up, we may suppose that Bathykles did no more than continuing in monumental form an old cult-institution. The thronenbsp;of Amyklai might have been the customary indication from old fornbsp;the sanctuary of Hyakinthos, as a typical point d�appui for the dyingnbsp;and manifesting god ^). The connexion with a pole may be of thenbsp;same age as the erection of a throne -at Amyklai, in which case herenbsp;the two seats of the divine power would have been combined fromnbsp;the origin of the temenos onwards, as it was the case with thenbsp;parallels mentioned. But the fetishistic predecessor of the bronzenbsp;colossus at Amyklai is still more hypothetical than the throne ofnbsp;the childgod, embellished by Bathykles.

It seems, however, that this much can be stated that throne as well as image may reach back to pre-Apolline times. As regards thenbsp;throne this is guaranteed by its religious meaning (and the non-Apolline character of this piece of furniture), in the pillar we maynbsp;see a sepulchral monument of the dying god. If the martial godnbsp;armed with helmet, spear and bow has been the first thing of itsnbsp;kind at Amyklai, he cannot be dated back too far for technicalnbsp;reasons, so that the Achaeans erected him perhaps as a visible embodiment of their Amyklaios, interpreted already as Apollo. But thenbsp;very abnormal proportions of the colossus suggest that it succeedednbsp;a column on the spot, the existent' shaft being perhaps incorporatednbsp;in it. In contrast with the throne the pillar gave a familiar point ofnbsp;contact to Apollo, as stones especially were easily annexed by him.nbsp;In this connexion the occurrence of Apollo Agyieus at the graves

A. D. N o c k JHS 46, 1926, p. 47 sq' thinks of a survival of the rite of the thronosis in the underground basilica near the Porta Maggiore in Rome.

The situation in the Amyclaean domain may be compared with the round cult-tableau, excavated by Dikaios at Vounoi (Cyprian Bronze Age), onnbsp;which an enthroned god seems to be the principal figure. Syria XIII, 1932, PI.nbsp;LXX sq, p. 345' sqq and 223 sqq.

of the vegetation-daemons Linos and Leimon-Skephros is remarkable and comparable ^).

With this the possibilities for the original appearance of the Amy-klaion have been outlined. They give little rise to apodictic assertions. The monumental remnants of the earliest periods point out nothingnbsp;as to the form of the centre of worship, so that we must be satisfiednbsp;with the drawing of ever uncertain parallels. The final disposition,nbsp;which defied ages, in no respect bears witness to a supremacy ofnbsp;Apollo over Hyakinthos. The idol is the armed god in full pontificals (spear and bow), his standing on the tomb of Hyakinthos doesnbsp;not stamp him as the conqueror of the deceased, but at best as thenbsp;form of appearance of the deceased himself. Apollo does not evennbsp;occur on the grave reliefs of the Hyakinthos-altar, so that thenbsp;doubling and the opposition of the figures has not yet been expressednbsp;in the Amyclaean configuration. The legend for the first time followed the new line of development, deviating from the religiousnbsp;connexion. Hence Pausanias mentions the legend loosely at the endnbsp;of his description of the throne, and because of the lack of connexionnbsp;with the cult-situation cannot but remark that matters are perhapsnbsp;otherwise with Apollo and Hyakinthos than the average readernbsp;might imagine ^). More need not be suspected behind the usualnbsp;scepsis of the periegete.

Now that the development of the cult in the Amyklaion has been dealt with, it remains to give an enumeration of the places whichnbsp;underwent an influence from here, perceptible in traces of the Hya-kinthos-Apollo cult. When on Dorian soil the name of the monthnbsp;Hyakinthios is used, the assumption of a transmission by the Spartans is obvious. An earlier Achaean spreading need not be excluded,nbsp;though it is unproved. One might even propose the other extreme,nbsp;namely that the name of the month has been transmitted to colonizednbsp;areas without the festival attached to it. But this can hardly benbsp;believed for ancient times, as the calendar had not yet been abstracted from religion to such an extent then. A transmission of the Hya-

Paus. II, 19, 8 and VIII, J3, i sqq, Cf. Solders AHW' 32, i?3f, p. 147-Nilsson GF p. 166 sq. Parnell nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;IV, 130.

He repeatedly gives voice to his disbelief as regards metamorphoses; II, 17, 4 (Zeus as a cuckoo); VII, 23, 2 (Selemnos-river); VIII, 3, 6 (Kallisto-bear); IX,nbsp;10, I (dragon�s teeth of Kadmos).

kinthia by the Spartans after the Amyclaean compromise may be supposed for the following places, where the month Hyakinthiosnbsp;has been adopted into the calendar:

1. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Byzantium, according to the very probable correction bynbsp;K. F. Hermann^) of Papias� gloss: latheos Byzantinorum linguanbsp;iulius mentis. The other Byzantine names too have been mutilated,nbsp;the reconstruction of Hyakinthios is therefore fairly certain ^).

3. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Kalymna, repeated mentioning of the month Hyakinthios innbsp;a list of participants of the Apollo-cult �).

4. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Kos, mentioned three times, e.g. in a sacral inscription of thenbsp;phyle Halasarna ^).

5. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Rhodos: in several inscriptions�) and numerous stamps ofnbsp;Rhodian amphoras �). Here the month of Hyakinthios followsnbsp;Agrianios, as in Sparta.

6. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Thera. Known from two inscriptions, one of which describesnbsp;an offering of grain brought on the fifth of Artemision and thenbsp;fifth of Hyakinthios; the other one gives an equation Hyakinthiosnbsp;25th = July i8th (149 A. D.) ^). Crete and Knidos, where othernbsp;indications suggest an autochthonous tradition, have been mentionednbsp;above.

The narrative of the foundation of Tarentum leaves but little doubt as tO' the correctness of the classification of this town amongnbsp;the areas influenced by Amyklai. It is interesting to find back tracesnbsp;of the Hyakinthos-cult in the colony in Southern Italy. The tombnbsp;of �Apollo Hyakinthos� �) is a proof of the identification of thenbsp;two gods at the time of the transmission. The Amyclaean god seems

�) SGDI 4245 passim; I. G. XIV, 2393 passim; S. E. G. II, 888. The Sicilian find-spots of these amphoras of course do not count for the spreading of thenbsp;month.

Polybius VIII, 30, 28. Wuilleumier Tarente p. 243, 248. The same epithet of Apollo in Studemund Anecdota varia graeca p. 267 (Anonymusnbsp;Laurentianus).

also to be alluded to in the representations of 6th century Tarentine coins, as the Due de Luynes discovered ^). These mostly shownbsp;the same type on the obverse and the reverse, the latter incuse, andnbsp;have a lighter weight than other Tarentine coins, from which itnbsp;perhaps appears that they were struck for commerce with thenbsp;Achaean towns of Magna Graecia : one more indication of Achaeannbsp;connexions of the effigy. Sometimes in a square on the reverse anbsp;flower like the hyacinth is depicted, on the oldest coins. On silvernbsp;staters a naked kneeling figure appears, holding in his left hand anbsp;four stringed lyre, in his right a flower (hyacinth?) which he movesnbsp;towards his faee ^). The Due de Luynes sees in the attitudenbsp;of the figure a connexion with the dances of the young Spartansnbsp;at the Hyakinthia. According to him the figure depicted would benbsp;Apollo, who by Pindar is also called the �dancer� ^). Later on thenbsp;coins in question have also been interpreted as representations ofnbsp;Hyakinthos himself. Hauser adduces the argument that Apollonbsp;as a lyre player is mostly depicted in- action �). The solution liesnbsp;midway. The youthful dancer must be taken as the type of thosenbsp;celebrating the Hyakinthia, who play the lyre, apparently handlenbsp;the hyacinth, and perform dance figures. For in a standing attitudenbsp;a similar boy appears in the Amyklaion, without the flower butnbsp;wreathed: the bronze of the naked lyre-player. At the same timenbsp;this type represents the god himself, in casu still more Hyakinthosnbsp;than Apollo, to judge from the very youthful appearance. But thenbsp;lyre here again facilitates the transition �). The smelling at the flowernbsp;which the dancer of the coin does is a gesture reappearing in thelnbsp;East, for example on Cyprus in Adonis-connexions, and apparently

B. M. C. Italia p. 165. A good enlargement in K. L a n g e G�tter Griechen-lands, Meisterwerke antiker Miinzkunst (Berlin 1941) fig. 3. Wuilleumier Tarente p. 35 sq and 371 sq, PI. 26, 2. M. P. V 1 a s t o Num. Chron. 1907, PI. X,nbsp;I, p. 277 sqq (nice specimen).

�) Cf. also the scarab in Overbeck Kunstmythologie, Apollon Gemmen-tafel No. 9, exact repetition of the cointype, direct connexion (archaic from Tarentum). Furtwangler Antike Gemmen, PI. VIII, 21 sqq, 35 and VI,nbsp;36. He calls these and similar representations Apollo, III, p. 96 sqq.

bearing a sacral character ^), though it may quite as well have originated independently.

The dating of these coins in the sixth century furnishes a testimony of a relatively high age for the Hyakinthos-cult, which apparently in its original Amyclaean form was transferred tonbsp;Tarentum, where Hyakinthia may have been held from the foundation onwards. Seeking a connexion with another, better knownnbsp;coin-type of Tarentum: the dolphin rider, would take us too farnbsp;afield. The boy on the dolphin is a manifestation of the divine child,nbsp;just as Palaimon-Melikertes, but it cannot easily be proved that thisnbsp;epiphany from the sea was also applied to Hyakinthos. Yet a latenbsp;version of the well-known wonder tale about the dolphin and itsnbsp;youthful rider points in this direction. In Apion the boy whonbsp;is beloved by the dolphin and dies in his youth is called Hyakinthos.nbsp;In spite of the untrustworthiness of the eye-witness accounts of thisnbsp;author this indication of the name may yet reflect a late echo ofnbsp;once living traditions. Moreover the images of Amphitrite and Poseidon wrought in relief on the altar of Hyakinthos (Paus. Ill, 19, 4)nbsp;suggest maritime connexions of the Amyclaean god. For the present,nbsp;however, the Tarentine rider had better keep his name of Phalan-thos, the mythical leader of the Spartan colonists, who is worshippednbsp;at his tomb just like Palaimon-Melikertes �).

To the average Greek Hyakinthos, a manifestation of the once widely venerated god of vegetation, continued his existence in thenbsp;saga as a beautiful youth, beloved by Apollo and suddenly cut offnbsp;in the prime of life by a sad fate. The gist of his youth- and birth-episode has been forgotten: nymphs nor wild animals bestow theirnbsp;cares upon him as a foundling. He has become a Laconian prince,nbsp;incorporated in a local genealogy and provided with a saga fromnbsp;Amyclaean materials, in which well-known motives were joinednbsp;to a lasting whole, for some fame has always been left to Hyakinthos.nbsp;His tragic death snatches him away at an early age: one episodenbsp;from his divine career remains to him in his mythical life.

No great sagacity is required to explain how motives grouped themselves into the saga of Hyakinthos. For the date too a terminusnbsp;post quern may be found, be it a rather high one. Apollo�s penetration into the Amyklaion, which in the course of time led to anbsp;dominant position of the god who was introduced by the Greeknbsp;interpretation above the Minoan god, first gave rise to a bringingnbsp;out of the two figures in mythjcal relief. If we suppose that thenbsp;earliest attempts at seeing the Amyclaean god as Apollo were madenbsp;about iioo/iooo B.C., thfc saga may have developed some centuriesnbsp;afterwards, presumably not before the eighth century (At Tarentumnbsp;Apollo and Hyakinthos have not yet been discriminated).

In the mean time the kernel of Hyakinthos� career has always been remembered: his sudden death, warranted by the tomb in thenbsp;Amyklaion. The dead god faced the Greeks with a difficulty, whichnbsp;they could solve here with heroization, at the same time stampingnbsp;Apollo as the real god, who had arranged the cult in honour ofnbsp;his young favourite. The relation of lover-beloved is no unusualnbsp;figure between new and ousted gods, Apollo�s relations to Daphnenbsp;and Kyparissos may be compared with the case in question. Thenbsp;cruel death of the beautiful youth could not quite so easily benbsp;accounted for with the current patterns, but the mythological parallels speak a clear language.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;*

To begin with the drama of the abruptly dying vegetation-god does not only find its expression in the myth of Hyakinthos, but

also in many kindred sagas, as those of the western Asiatic pmifi-cations Adonis and Attis. The gist of the saga is always identical and hints at the nature-phenomenon of the decay of vegetation;nbsp;while there is a great variety of solutions which occur in the anthropomorphizing fiction for the way in which the god or youth meetsnbsp;his fate. It depends upon the form of the possible cult and uponnbsp;local circumstances, which symbolic image is chosen to describe thenbsp;death. In the oldest Greek version of the myth of Adonis not evennbsp;a definite reason of his dying is given ^). The wild boar, which isnbsp;mostly held responsible for his death, also figures in analogous sagasnbsp;about Attis ^). Then the god of vegetation in the form of a youthful hunter falls a victim to his prey, a consequence of the expansionnbsp;of his sphere of influence to the fauna (wild animals and flocks).nbsp;In Herodotus the theme appears in an old variation, confirmingnbsp;two things; the character of a hunter of the youthful dying god;nbsp;and the relatively chance formation of the death legend. The Lydiannbsp;prince Atys (Attis secularized in much the same way as Hyakinthosnbsp;in his saga) is accidentally killed when boar-hunting by the spearnbsp;of the guest-friend Adrastos. The throwing of the spear, which isnbsp;akin to the disc-blow striking Hyakinthos, takes the place of thenbsp;boar as the immediate cause of death, but the hunting episode hasnbsp;been maintained as a significant entourage. How familiar and serviceable �killed in hunting� was ¹s a motive in the sagas, appearsnbsp;from its frequent application. The Caledonian boar kills Hyleusnbsp;and Ankaios, while in the heat of the fight Peleus by accident transfixes Eurytion with his spear ¹). Hyes-Hyas, who was held to be anbsp;variant of Dionysos, likewise falls a victim to a boar (or a lion) '^).nbsp;Perhaps in the episode of Atys Adrastos is no more than a personification of the death-god; then in this respect the Lydian saga isnbsp;more abstract than the Amyclaean one, which, in order to get a well

Apollod. I, VIII, 2. The boar-hunt was already a popular sport in the Myce-naen age, cf. e.g. gems as Furtwangler Antike Grmmen pi. II, ii (Vaphio) and 12 (Peloponnese).

�) Hyginus fab. 248 and 192. Cf. p. 67, note 9 supra. There even exists a late analogous version about the Cretan Zeus, cited by Cook Zeus I, p. i jy,nbsp;3: �Zeus a prince, ripped up by a wild boar.�

fitting texture, had an unvoluntary murderer of Hyakinthos at hand in the person of Apollo.

The parallel with the legends of Asia Minor is instructive too as regards interpretation. The boar which slays the Oriental gods was,nbsp;probably in early times already, given an astral explanation as anbsp;symbol of the sun�s heat ^), though this must not at all be seen asnbsp;the clue of the mystery. The same thing happened to the quoit whichnbsp;killed Hyakinthos: it was understood as the disc of the sun, Apollo�snbsp;instrument, which ruthlessly scorches the splendour of the youngnbsp;flowers ^). Though for the origin of the various gods in botanicalnbsp;sphere evidence could repeatedly be drawn from plant- and tree-cult, allusions to the sun as an adversary were almost wanting, sonbsp;that the allegory which is obvious to modern conception has notnbsp;been the starting-point of the remarkable legends. Both disc andnbsp;boar are to be explained separately in the connexion of which theynbsp;form part.

In addition to the deities of Asia Minor which have been dealt with above because of their prominence and which still clearly shownbsp;the traces of their religious origin, a series of more modest figuresnbsp;can be given which yet bear the same basic features, though it isnbsp;often only due to their characteristic mythology that they are distinguishable as modifications of the same type of vegetation-god.nbsp;This is not the place for a circumstantial comparison of the mythsnbsp;in question, which mostly have been worked up individually, andnbsp;are locally connected with other sagas. Linos is an instance of thisnbsp;category. His being a foundling and his early death make himnbsp;approach the well-known type, on the other hand he is so closelynbsp;associated with music, that Nilsson^) will not see more than anbsp;personification of the song in him. His funeral cult �) and the mourning for his death rather plead for a reverse development, in whichnbsp;from a �young daimon of verdure or vegetation� he has risen to thenbsp;�highest power of music� (Parnell�)). A blending with Phoe-

Schoemann Griech. Altertiimer II, p. 404. G r e v e Roscher's M. L. I, 2, 2763 sqq.

nician clements may have occurred on his way ^). More complicated is the myth of Skephros and Leimon, who show traces of Cretannbsp;connexions and both are slain in their youth. Of the two Skephrosnbsp;is bemoaned, while Leimon bears a clear name. There may be questionnbsp;of ousting the older Skephros by the more perspicuous Leimon, withnbsp;adaptation of the vegetative ritual to two persons Death strikesnbsp;Linos, Leimon and Skephros in various ways: tearing up by dogs,nbsp;a shot of Artemis, murder by a fraternal hand. Nor is a uniformnbsp;cause of death intimated by the saga of Narkissos, which has atnbsp;least been influenced by the other mythical youth-figures. Hisnbsp;languishing goes on gradually, perhaps under the influence ofnbsp;catoptromancy �). In Bithynia, Mysia and Phrygia many similarnbsp;figures were periodically bewailed �*). Bormos, a beautiful youth,nbsp;has disappeared when he was fetching water, or perished whennbsp;hunting'�). During harvest-time the Mariandynian reapers lamentnbsp;him to the accompaniment of the flute. Priolas, his double, is saidnbsp;to have been killed in battle �). The Phrygian Lityerses is a champion-reaper who meets his victor and is annually commemorated ^).nbsp;Hylas disappears in a stream, Kyzikos again falls a victim to forcenbsp;of arms �). All this warrants the inference that the sudden and tragicnbsp;death time and again forms the kernel of the saga and seems to benbsp;an obstinate disease among beautiful youths in Asia Minor. Thenbsp;development of the intrigue differs from one case to another, thoughnbsp;models and imitations can be distinguished. A more important distinction will have to be made between harvest-rites which may benbsp;explained with the aid of simple N. European parallels, and customsnbsp;which have been influenced by Anatolia. The Phryglan-Bithynian

Cf. O. Eissfeldt Linos und Alijan (M�langes Dussaud I, p. i6i�170): a compromise between the Greek and Phoenician derivations. Accepted by E.nbsp;Diehl Rhein. Mus. 89, 1940, p. 106 sqq.

�) Hylas: Apollod. I, IX, 19; Kyzikos Apollod. I, IX, 18 and Apollon. Rhod. I, 1057�77.

i6s

figures give us the impression of a blending of the two spheres. But a comparison on the base of religion is left out here because datanbsp;are wanting. The affinities of the sagas were of course realized fromnbsp;old and led to interplay and levelling, in which figures from allnbsp;directions, as Linos, Maneros, Bormos were mutually compared.

The myth of Hyakinthos was unvoluntarily modelled upon similar examples, and the typical youth-episode disappeared from his religious career. What was left was one among many tragical narratives in which a young boy met with a cruel fate. At Amyklai thenbsp;special way of working it out lies in the quoit-motive. The solarnbsp;interpretation has been rejected above. The other extremity sees innbsp;the disc a chance instrument of mythology; �Die mituntcr auf dennbsp;Paldstren vorkommenden Totschldge spielen auch in der Mythologienbsp;eine Rolle� ^). Indeed other mythological figures too become thenbsp;victim of an unfortunate turn of the disc, as Akrisios (by Perseus,nbsp;without obliging us to see in this a �genuine solar myth� ^)), Ther-*mios by Oxylos �), Phokos (purposely) by Peleus ¹ ²), Kanobos bynbsp;Menelaos �) and Krokos by Hermes �). The saga of Krokos, whichnbsp;is mentioned only late, may be influenced by Hyakinthos�, thoughnbsp;an older development need not be excluded.

So the disc-motive in itself is no abstruse allusion to cosmological backgrounds. At Amyklai there existed all the more reason for this

Cook Zeus II, p, 1153 sq. Paus. II, 16, 2; Apollod. II, 4, 4. Cf. on the saga L. Bieler Wiener Studi�n XLIX, 1931, p. 120.

This is a late version of Kanobos� death, preserved to us by the younger Herakleides Pontikos. To a certain extent Kanobos has been assimilated to Hyakinthos, probably because he was also said to originate from Amyklai. Thus henbsp;is called young and beautiful (Conon ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 132 a, 22 sqq) and killednbsp;by the blow of the quoit (of Menelaos, Her. Pont, in Etym. Gud. s.v. KdvtoPos).nbsp;He was buried in the homonymous Egyptian place, an additional reason why thenbsp;death of the Amyclaean steersman could be modelled upon Hyakinthos�. Thenbsp;commoner version tells that Kanobos died from a snake-bite, like Archemoros andnbsp;Hyas. Cf. his domain mentioned by Dionys. Perieg. 13. Meineke Analectanbsp;Alex. p. 377 sqq.

�) Galenus gives the version with the quoit (De compos, medicament. IX, 4, K � h n XIII, p. 269), which according to E h w a 1 d is of Lydian originnbsp;(Scherling R.E. XI, 1972 sq). Lydia as an area of such plant-mythologynbsp;would open perspectives for the age of the quoit-saga, which, however, remainnbsp;vague.

development of the myth, because throwing the disc was practised there of old, as appears from archaeological finds. Hyakinthos himself was, if not a god throwing the disc ^), at least a hunting godnbsp;who used stone weapons, the predecessors of the athletes-diskoi, likenbsp;the Cretan Apollo at Eleutherna ^). The stone-throwing passed onnbsp;to the Amyclaean Apollo and under the influence of the formingnbsp;of agones at Amyklai it was interpreted in an athletic instead ofnbsp;thereutic way. So Apollo and Hyakinthos could go and enjoy a gamenbsp;of disc-throwing, and the stage for the tragic peripeteia was ready.

It is not necessary to interpret the death by the blow of the quoit as an aition for a ritual killing of the vegetation-daemon by thenbsp;throwing of stones �). No trace of such an active intervention ofnbsp;the worshippers can be found in the tradition about the Minoannbsp;vegetation-cult. Throwing stones (Lithobolia) does occur in vegetativenbsp;ritual, though no satisfactory interpretation has been given yet.nbsp;W e 1 c k e r already raised the question when discussing the mythnbsp;of Hyakinthos, by comparing the ritual in use for Amaia andnbsp;Auxesia at Troizen '*). In Sparta by the way these goddesses seemnbsp;to be entrusted with the Cretan (?) Zeus Taletitas, which via Talosnbsp;would once more furnish a connexion with a stone-throwing god '^).nbsp;The festival BaXh]xvlt;; at Eleusis and the ^oXai liPmv at the Nonae

Cf. p. 143 supra and A. H. Krappe Folklore 34, 1923, p. 212 sq (whose conclusions go too far).

'�) �. G. V, I, 363. Wide LK p. 219. Prott Fasti Sacri 14. The inscription apparently contains prescriptions for a ritual which behoves a Cretan relative ofnbsp;Hyakinthos (agrog, H�lkv^a, tVQ�g, rgmyava, aXq^ita, Invekag (sc. agrog) andnbsp;as in the kopides of the Tithenidia, cf. p. 54 supra) in the month of ^lotdatognbsp;when roiig rijg yrjg uagsiovg aufidt^eiv ov/i/isfitjxer Steph. Byz. s.v. ^hovg). Zeusnbsp;is called TaXawg on Crete (Hesychius), where Takkala Spfj are situated North ofnbsp;the Ida. Cf. B � 11 e R.E. IV A 2067 sq. For Talos as a stone-thrower seenbsp;p. 143 note 5 supra). His tomb Paus. I, 21, 4. Moreover there exists a late tale,nbsp;making Talos-Perdix a Venator matris deum amore correptus (Mythograph. Vat.nbsp;I, 232; II, 130; III, 7, 3). As he tired of the chase, because of the sad fate ofnbsp;Aktaion, Adonis and Hippolytos, he devoted himself to agriculture, but did notnbsp;fare better. All this suggests affinities between Talos and the Adonis-Cretan Zeusnbsp;type. Cf. Cook Zeus I, p. 728.

Ziehen R.E. Ill A 1474 sq and Nilsson GF 414, 5 doubt of the interpretation Aapoia = Aapia and the supplying of Av^rjjala in the Spartannbsp;inscription concerned.

Caprotinae are similar sham fights, which certainly intend to promote the fertility of men, animals, or crops ^). But a groupingnbsp;into two parties and a fighting against one another with stone- ornbsp;disc-throwing cannot be reconstructed for Amyklai either. Throwingnbsp;the disc is found back here only as part of the agonistic contest,nbsp;in which connexion it may indeed be associated with fertility-magic.

Figures which on account of their myth might be compared with the quoit-god are mostly actively practising the throwing. Only anbsp;figure like Antheus falls a victim to it ^). He bears a name whichnbsp;also occurs as a Dionysiac appellative *), and refuses the advancesnbsp;of Kleoboia, who in revenge kills him with a heavy stone when henbsp;climbs down into a well for her sake �). The saga makes him comenbsp;from Halicarnassus or Assesos, from Asia Minor-surroundingsnbsp;therefore. His namesake Antheus is loved by Deiphobos and Paris,nbsp;and accidentally killed by the latter when playing �), just as Krokosnbsp;by his lover Hermes, Hyakinthos by Apollo.

Perseus, who accidentally kills Akrisios with his quoit, has a larnax-record �). Hunters who are imagined as throwing stones arenbsp;Orion and Aktaion. Orion, yrjyevi]?, who hunted with Artemis onnbsp;Crete and was buried there, challenged her once to a contest ofnbsp;disc-throwing �). Aktaion, likewise in connexion and conflict withnbsp;Artemis, haunts Orchomenos as a stone-throwing spectre �). His

Plutarch Rom. 29, 9. W e i n s t o c k R E. XVII, 856. W i s s 0 w a R.u.K. 184.

At Patrai Paus. VII, 21, 6; .'^nthios at Phlya, Anthister on Thera Gruppe Gr. Myth. p. 1414, 4. Or: companion of Dionysos from Lyktos on Crete Nonnusnbsp;Dionys. 52, 187 and 35, 382 sq.

Parthenius 14, with Alex. Aetol. (who says that Antheus is loved by Hermes, as Krokos). Cf. S. M. Pitcher AJPh LX, 1939, p. 147 sqq. Thenbsp;murder in the well is a folk-tale motive, which also occurs as a variant in thenbsp;saga of Palamedes (Dictys Cret. II, 15, cf. E. W � s t R.E. XVII, 1930), humorousnbsp;K 345,2 (Thief sent into well by trickster) Motif-index Stith Thompson.

�) Apollod. I, IV, 5. He is married to Side. The Koronides, who sacrificed themselves of their own free will on behalf of Thebes (on account of an oracle ofnbsp;the Gortynian Apollo) pass for his daughters (Ant. Lib. 25). Cf. Gruppe Gr.nbsp;Myth. p. 945 sqq and W e h r 1 i R.E. XVIII, 1065 sqq. He is also said to havenbsp;been loved by Artemis, and unwittingly killed by her, to her great mourning:nbsp;Hygin. Astronom. XII, 34.

�) Paus. IX, 38, 5. His image on the rocks seems to have been that of a stonethrowing hunter.

Such stone- or quoit-throwers suggest that the disc as a part of the Hyakinthos-saga reaches back to the hunting-weapon of thenbsp;original god. An abstruser interpretation is superfluous in this connexion. It has been stated above, that the myth about the relationnbsp;Apollo-Hyakinthos might have developed about the eighth century.nbsp;Possibly the disc-motive has been absorbed into it at the same time,nbsp;though a later evolution of the whole is well conceivable. At thenbsp;time when Bathykles adorned the altar-tomb with the reliefs ignoringnbsp;Apollo, the myth will none the less have flourished among laymen;nbsp;in the sanctuary itself religious traditions persisted which were morenbsp;and more lost in the outer world. Euripides, the oldest literarynbsp;source for the saga, still speaks of a fiov�vrog i^/uega in connexionnbsp;with Hyakinthos, killed by Apollo�s quoit. In spite of the nonreligious saga he knew of the cult, in the fifth century. But it isnbsp;curious that sources which partly precede Euripides: vase paintings,nbsp;give an image of the young Hyakinthos which is far more remotenbsp;from religion, and differs from the standard version preserved tonbsp;us in literary sources, which for instance may be found in Ovid.nbsp;This difference illustrates the fragmentary character of traditionnbsp;which has come down to us, though it may be supplied by meansnbsp;of comparison.

One of the earliest representations of Hyakinthos which are known is found on an Attic black-figured lekythos of about 500nbsp;B.C. ^), so perhaps from the same period in which Bathykles chisellednbsp;Hyakinthos and Polyboia on the altar-tomb. But the differencenbsp;makes us conscious of the gap between religious and purely mythological tradition. On the lekythos Hyakinthos appears as a tendernbsp;boy, who rides on a swan over the waves, his long locks being garlanded. Dolphins jump all around, while on either side trees indicatenbsp;the coast. An archaic scarab �) represents him in a similar situation

K. A. Neugebauer F�hrer durch das Antiqiiarium II, pl. 38, P. SI-Stephanos Th. Wiegand zam 6o. Geburtstag (1924) pl. IV, text p. 9 sq. Invent. Antiquar. No. 30852.

C. H. E. H a .s p e 1 s Attic black-figured lekythoi (1936) p. 150, 153 (Appendix XV, No. 17).

Furtwanglcr Die antiken Gemmen III, p. 96, Hg. 66. Cf. ibid. p. 443: a Peloponnesian gem which perhaps has the same meaning, though uncertainnbsp;because of the inscription EPOS.

as a swan-rider on the waves, his hair flowing behind him, a branch in his left hand, while a dolphin jumps away. The wreathing andnbsp;the branch bear out the identification of the swan-riding boy asnbsp;Hyakinthos. The literary source which makes this identificationnbsp;possible is the younger Philostratus, who sees the relation Apollo-Hyakinthos entirely from the later profane point of view. Sonbsp;according to him Apollo bestowed on Hyakinthos all favours andnbsp;gifts, part of which properly belonged of old to the inventory ofnbsp;the Amyclaean god: �gaiv � Tfjg Atjtov; rov /bteiQaxiov jtdvxa dmaeivnbsp;avzm (ptjaiv, oaa e%u, to ^vveivai ol ngoae/xhco, to^elav re ydg xainbsp;fiovoixrjv diddieiv xai fiavnxfjg Inaleiv xainbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;/nrj dncodov elvai xai

rdig dfirpl naXaiaxQav �moxr'joeiv, dc�aeiv d� vn'eQ xvxvcov avxbv oxov-fievov neQinol�iv xtr^Qia, 00a � AndXXcovog q?iXa. The fulfilment of the last promise is depicted in the representations mentioned. The ride overnbsp;the waves may vaguely allude to an epiphany from the sea, thoughnbsp;it is no sufficient evidence in itself. Swan-riding may be a featurenbsp;derived from the beliefs of northern peoples ^), which then indeednbsp;could have been bestowed upon Hyakinthos by Apollo and wouldnbsp;be connected with the lyre-playing of the god ^). Several terracottasnbsp;representing a long-haired swan-rider will probably have to benbsp;entitled Hyakinthos instead of Apollo�), for instance at Taranto,nbsp;which fits in with the cult there ¹ ²). In this respect too Hyakinthosnbsp;approaches the sphere of Eros and Aphrodite, who also appear ridingnbsp;swans or driving a team of swans �). Erotes are depicted with swans

K, Meuli l.c. p. 151 sq: the harp as a �swan� among the Ostyaks, the riding-animal of the singer.

Overbeck Kunstmythologie III, Apollon p. 350, No. 8 and other ones, some of them uncertain. Uncertain too is an Apulian amphora in Naples, onnbsp;which among other things a white swan occurs which carries a garland with hisnbsp;feet and is ridden by a boy with a cup and bough (Heydemann No. 3282,nbsp;cf. Hauser Philol. 52, 1893, p. 209 sqq). Vase fragments from Falerii, adduced by H a u s e r, will indeed indicate Hyakinthos with the swan-rider holdingnbsp;the lyre and plectrum.

O. Keller Die antike Tierwelt II (1913) p. 213 sqq. R.E. II A 787 sqq. I m h o o f-B 1 u m e r and Keller Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf MUnzen undnbsp;Gemmen des klassischen Altertums (1889) PI. XXII, 21 and 29; VI, ii.

in all kinds of situations ^), in some cases one may doubt whether the youthful rider is to be called Eros or Hyakinthos.

The probability of the occasional identification of the swan-rider as Hyakinthos is confirmed by a scene on a redfigured skyphos innbsp;Vienna, on which Hyakinthos, riding a swan, mocks at Zephyros ^).nbsp;The vase dates back from the beginning of the fifth century andnbsp;introduces a series of representations of Zephyros and Hyakinthos ^),nbsp;which, it is true, can be found back in literary tradition, thoughnbsp;there they remain rather in the background, compared with thenbsp;relation to Apollo. A kylix of Douris ¹ ²) depicts the winged Zephyros,nbsp;who lifts Hyakinthos and seems to lay him down on a flowerynbsp;meadow, on which a red flower has been painted separately, perhapsnbsp;as an allusion to the hyacinth. In another realistic scene the twonbsp;come floating through the air, Hyakinthos with long locks, a lyrenbsp;in his hand �). The vase paintings will have contributed their partnbsp;to the development of the myth. They bring Hyakinthos into thenbsp;sphere of paederasty and Liebesverfolgungen, where Erotes, swansnbsp;and Zephyros move gracefully. It may be considered whether itnbsp;was in these erotic regions that Hyakinthos met with the swan asnbsp;his riding-animal.

The relation to Apollo is only indirectly alluded to. The marble groups alleged to represent Apollo together with Hyakinthos arenbsp;all doubtful, and will probably consist of late, arbitrarily joined,nbsp;copies �).

While the mythological connexion with Apollo has been woven around the Amyclaean situation, such a starting-point, invitingnbsp;aetiology, was wanting for the relations to Zephyros. So it is not

Illustrated Hauser Philol. l.c., cf. Eitrem R.E, IX, 12, who thinks it to be a travesty of the common saga. H. W. R. Smith Der Lewismaler (1939)nbsp;p. 17, note 26 and PI. 27 a and b. J. D. B e a z 1 y Attische Vasenmaler desnbsp;rotfig. Stils (1925) p. 150, No. ii; cf. No. 10 and 17.

P. Hart wig Die griech, Meisterschalen (1893) PL 22, i; p. 210 sq. B e a z 1 y Attische Vasenmaler p. 202, 31. H o p p i n Handbook of Attic redfig.nbsp;�vases (1919) I, 224 sq.

�) Hart wig l.c. Pi. 72, i; p. 659 sq (Meister mit der Ranfee-Douris), Berlin Inv. Antiquar. 2305. Beazly Att. Vasenm. p. 208, 120.

�) Cf. e.g that from the Hope-collection in Overbeck Atlas zur Kunstmythologie XXVI, No. 18.

surprising that the interpretation of Zephyros� jealousy, the god who rivals Apollo in the saga to obtain the favour of Hyakinthos, againnbsp;took the direction of the nature-allegory. As a factor influencingnbsp;the growth of the flowers, the spring-wind may be contrasted withnbsp;the sun. Thus Svoronos for instance came to an explanationnbsp;of his own for the disc as a symbol �des gewaltigen starkstUrmendennbsp;Windes, der oft mit Hageldisken, in Fr�hlingszeit, viele Blumen,nbsp;viele Hyazinthen t�tet, die wenig vorher'unter der Sonnenwdrme,nbsp;unter der Apollo-Liebe bliihten� ^). The quoit as an instrument ofnbsp;Zephyros is not a happier explanation than that of the sun�s disc,nbsp;though the connexion of Zephyros with the flowerworld is indeed-to be considered for his intrusion into the saga of Hyakinthos. Asnbsp;Zephyros has nothing to do with the original cult, an external conjunction may have been made in later times. Most likely seemsnbsp;G r e V e�s supposition, that the explanation of the unexpected changenbsp;in the direction of the quoit gave rise to his appearance ^). Thenbsp;unlucky way of throwing the disc does not behove a god like Apollo,nbsp;but can be excused by the counteraction of another divine will,nbsp;namely that of Zephyros, whose motive then could have beennbsp;wounded pride and jealousy. Via this consideration the wind-godnbsp;could be introduced into the saga. Since he and Boreas are alwaysnbsp;inclined to abductions, a similar attempt on Hyakinthos lay in thenbsp;line of his conduct. The flower-nature of the boy-favourite makesnbsp;him a suitable object to Zephyros. Ze(pvQov nveiovxog l�Qorjv thenbsp;flowers come up in spring �), Zephyros chooses the flower-goddessnbsp;Chloris-Flora as a bride ^). Kyparissos too is sometimes said to havenbsp;been loved by Zephyros �). So Zephyros setting his affections onnbsp;Hyakinthos, and being compelled by jealousy to his act of despair,nbsp;was a fiction of the myth which suited the intrigue well and didnbsp;not require a brilliant originality.

Meanwhile it appeared that literary sources (of a younger date) had yet to be resorted to in order to recognize the allusions which

�) Serv. Aen. Ill, 680. When Boreas is called the lover of Hyakinthos by Serv. ad Verg. Eel. Ill, 63, the author is on the wrong track. Pan and Boreas are rivalsnbsp;for the favour of Pitys, cf. Roschers M. L. s. v. Pitys.

plastic art makes to Hyakinthos� saga. Euripides is the only contemporary source. The Alexandrians devoted ample treatment to the saga, which at the same time will have stressed the schematic elementnbsp;in some of the motives. Euphorion and Nicander wrote specialnbsp;poems on Hyakinthos; his fate inspired epigrams which oftennbsp;described the tragedy gracefully in short terms ^). When Ovid tooknbsp;up Hyakinthos too in his Metamorphoses, he could even make anbsp;selection from rather extensive material, the essentials of whichnbsp;will presumably have been known as early as the fifth century. Thenbsp;version of Euripides is rarely found in its simple form ^), mostlynbsp;Zephyros is involved in the action, when he causes the fatal directionnbsp;of the quoit, not being able to carry his point with Hyakinthos �).nbsp;In revenge Apollo shoots his arrows at Zephyros �). Once the partnbsp;of Zephyros is even performed by Boreas''). From the blood ofnbsp;Hyakinthos the. hyacinth springs up �), or from his ashes �), thenbsp;earth as an act of pity generates the flower ^�), or Hyakinthos himself is transformed into the flower The lamentation for Hyakinthos is inscribed on it, AI AI or the beginning of his namenbsp;lA Sometimes Apollo buries him with his own hands �). Isidorusnbsp;puts all sagas aside and asserts that the hyacinth has been named

�) e.g. Palaiphatos 46; Westermann App. Narr. j8; Libanius Narr. p. 855; Philostr. Im. 24; Philostr. lun. Im. 14; Nonnus Dionys. XIX, 95 sqq and XXIX,nbsp;98 sqq; Lact. Plac. ad Stat. Theh. IV, 223.

Philostr. I.C.; Theocr. X, 28 sq; Moschos Epitaph. Bion. 6 sq; Luc. Deor. Dial. 14; id. De salt. 45; NonnosJ Dion. XI, 259 sqq; Nicander frg. 74 Schneidernbsp;31 sqq.

Philarg. ad Verg. Eel. Ill, 63; Palaiph. 46. Cf. Eitrem l.c., Verg. Eel. Ill, 106.

Hyakinthos is held to be the prototype of the beautiful youth ^), who sometimes is also loved by Thamyris, the first paederastnbsp;according to Apollodorus Hyakinthos may owe this to his lyreplaying, like his childless marriage to Erato, mentioned by a scholiast ^).

One of the genealogies which are given of him agrees with this: he there passes for the son of Kleio and Pieros �). A wider distribution has been acquired only by the Amyclaean descent, accordingnbsp;to which he is the son of Amyklas or Oibalos �), and is taken up innbsp;a Laconian pedigree. Apollodorus for instance gives the followingnbsp;scheme �):

One point from this Greek fabric of myths has still a claim upon our interest, namely the transition of Hyakinthos into a flower.

This is narrated only in literary tradition in all sorts of modifications. The kylix of Douris mentioned above with Zephyros and Hyakinthos may already allude to the metamorphosis with thenbsp;indication of the loose red flower, so that in the fifth century thisnbsp;motive would already have intruded into the saga. On a later scarabnbsp;Hyakinthos is stooping, his head drips with blood and a roundnbsp;object (disc?) lies at his feet ^). This might be an attempt at illustrating the origin of the flower ^). It is noteworthy that the connexion of Hyakinthos with the homonymous flower is treated morenbsp;as an appendix than as the gist of the myth, even by Ovid, whosenbsp;object is the metamorphosis. This is due to the imperious positionnbsp;of Apollo, who outside the Hyakinthia and the Amyklaion wasnbsp;considered the mighty god, whose adventure with Hyakinthos wasnbsp;of primary importance. The metamorphosis was a relic of the propernbsp;meaning of Hyakinthos himself, which had nothing to do withnbsp;Apollo. Because of the striking homonymy it was not likely to benbsp;forgotten, though for the rest it did not form an essential part ofnbsp;the intrigue.

Yet the metamorphosis was all the better kept in remembrance, because it entered the saga in the form of an old and wide-spreadnbsp;motive: the conception that the human soul can live on in thenbsp;plant-world �). This idea is found back in the sagas of many races.nbsp;The Greeks knew it too, not so much in their official mythologynbsp;as in popular belief, and numerous instances are found in plant-mythology. The human soul passes into a tree or plajjt by a directnbsp;metamorphosis, as in the case of Narkissos, Daphne, sometimes ofnbsp;Hyakinthos^); the tree or plant arises from the blood of the dying

Brit. Mus. Cat. No. 498; Furtwangler III, Pi. XX, 31 (with an Etruscan inscription Luce).

R. K � h 1 e r Kleine Schriften (1900) III, p. 274, quoting A. Koberstein Das Fortlehen menschlicher Seelen in der Pflanzenwelt, Weimarer jahrh. I, 1854,nbsp;73 sqq.

For references see further Roschers M. L. s. v. Phyllis and L. M a 11 e n Hermes 74, 1939, p. 193, note i.

Serv. ad Verg. Eel. Ill, 63 (mutatus in florem nominis sui). Stith Thompson Motif-Index D 210, 212, 215, A 2610.

person^); the anemone springs from the blood of Adonis, azhvov from the blood of the Kabeiroi, this version prevails with Hya-kinthos^); less often from the ashes of the deceased, as Philargyriusnbsp;asserts for Hyakinthos �); finally hanging also makes the soulnbsp;migrate into the tree concerned ¹ ²), a variant which in the saga ofnbsp;Hyakinthos is of course excluded by the intrigue. Here the motivenbsp;is still embellished by the accidental circumstance, that afterwardsnbsp;the lament AI or (in mirror writing) the beginning of his name lAnbsp;can be read on the flower It is not to be wondered at that laternbsp;on Aias was also associated with the hyacinth in a new saga; hisnbsp;name could more easily be read from the petals. Pausanias �) makesnbsp;a difference between the flowers which sprang from the blood ofnbsp;Aias and Hyakinthos, but to Ovid and Euphorion they are one andnbsp;the same

This idea of the transmigration of the human soul into plants and trees is supposed by M a 11 e n to have come to the Greeksnbsp;from the pre-Hellenic stratum. Popular belief may have thus beennbsp;influenced, but in view of the wide prevalence of these motivesnbsp;no strong dependence need be assumed. The fact that most of thenbsp;legends in question concern the adventures of figures with pre-Greek names, does not imply at all that this mythology was adoptednbsp;together with the names. Hyakinthos is a proof to the contrary.nbsp;Nor are we allowed to neglect the essential difference between thenbsp;two strata of conceptions which may be distinguished in his case.nbsp;It is to be assumed that the indefatigable vital force of nature hasnbsp;always and everywhere gripped man and filled him with admiration.nbsp;Among the Minoan Cretans this religious emotion crystallized in anbsp;very definite and typical manner into the belief of an annuallynbsp;reborn and dying childgod. If we compare this worship of thenbsp;gradually anthropomorphized numen of vegetation with the sagas

Cf. G. B u b b e De metamorphosibus Graecorum capita selecta (Diss. Halle ^913) P- 75 SQQ- P r e 11 e r-R o b e r t p. 646. Motif-index E 631, o, 3.

ad Verg. Eel. Ill, 63. Cf. Persius Sat. I, 38: from the ashes of the poet violets arise.

which make the soul of a dying person pass into a flower, springing from his blood, then a distinct contrast forces itself upon our mindsnbsp;between religion on one side and an anthropocentric world of fairytales on the other. The latter fascinates by an irresistible charm, innbsp;casu by the fairy-like metamorphosis of blood into a blossom, but itnbsp;lies on quite another level of the human mind. Though the belief innbsp;such transformations appeals to a feeling of kinship between humannbsp;and vegetable life, which is tinged with religion (reappearing bothnbsp;in the humanizing of vulnerable trees, or those vitally interwovennbsp;with the fate of a mortal, and, in a literary and profound way, innbsp;the leaves-simile of Homer), the origins of the two lie apart. In thenbsp;myth too Hyakinthos has been degraded: he has irretrievably lostnbsp;his divine power, to figure among the Greeks in a far less elevated,nbsp;if well-known, saga.

A] A

A]Ph

Ann. d. Inst.

Arch. Anz.

Arch. f. Or.

Arch. ]h.

Arch. Zeit.

ARW

BCH

Berl. Phil. Woch.

B. M.C.

BBA

CAM

C. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;I. A.

C.I. G.

C. 'l. L.

C. I. S.

Class. ]ourn.

Class. Phil.

Class. Quart.

Class. Rev.

C. V. A.

Eph. arch.

E. R. E.

FHG

GgR

I. G.

JHS

MMR

Mon. Ant.

Neue Jahrb. Wiss. Num. Chron.

LIST OF THE CHIEF ABBREVIATIONS

Bury, S. A. Cook, F. E. Adcock Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarumnbsp;Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (B o e c k h)

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarumnbsp;Classical Journalnbsp;Classical Philologynbsp;Classical Quarterlynbsp;Classical Reviewnbsp;Corpus Vasorum Antiquorumnbsp;�EqprjfceQis aggaioloyturj.

Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum ed. C. M�ller I�V, Paris 1841�70nbsp;M. P. Nilsson Griechische Feste (1906)

M. P. Nilsson The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its survival in Greek Religion (1927)nbsp;Monumenti Antichi pubblicati per dura della Realenbsp;Accademia dei Lincei, Milanonbsp;Heue Jahrbiicher fiir Wissenschaft und Bildungnbsp;The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of thenbsp;Numismatic Society

Osterr. Jahresh.

Philol.

R. E.

Rev. Arch.

Rev. Assyr.

Rev. �t. anc.

Rev. �t. gr.

RGVV Rhein. Mus.

R�m. Mitt.

R o s c h e r s M. L.

178

Jahreshefte des Osterreichischen archaologischen Instituts in Wiennbsp;Philologus

P a u I y�s Realencyclopadie der klassischen Altertums-wissenschaft, herausgegeben von G. quot;W i s s o w a Revue Arch�ologique

Revue d�Assyriologie et d�arch�ologie ori�ntale Revue des Etudes Anciennesnbsp;Revue des Etudes Grecques

Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten Rheinisches Museum f�r Philologienbsp;R�mische Mitteilungen

Ausf�hrliches Lexikon der griechischen und r�mischen Mythologie herausgegeben von W. H. R o s c h e r.nbsp;Leipzig 1884�1937.

Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, herausgegeben von M. Ebert. Berlin 1924�32nbsp;Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, ed.nbsp;C o 11 i t z-B e c h t e 1. Gottingen 1883�1915.

FULL TITLES OF BOOKS REFERRED TO IN THE NOTES

B. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;S. A. A1. De mannelijke en de vrouwelijke godheid van de boomcultus in

� Ursprung und Entwickhtng der kretischen Zeusreligion. (Philologus LXXI, 1912, p. 437�478).

G. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;A. Barton. The royal inscriptions of Sumer and Akkad. Library ofnbsp;ancient Semitic inscriptions. New Haven 1929.

J. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;D. Beazly. Attische Vasenmaler des rotfigurigen Stils. Tubingen 1923.

J. B � r a r d. La colonisation grecque de IT talie m�ridionale et de la Sicili� dans l�antiquit�: L�histoire et la l�gende. Paris 1941. (Biblioth�que des �colesnbsp;franfaises d�Ath�nes et de Rome fase. 150).

H. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;B e r V e. Griechische Geschichte 1. Freiburg im Breisgau 1931.

E. B o i s a c q. Dictionnaire �tymologique de la langue grecque. Paris-Heidel berg 1916.

B u r s i a n s Jahresherichte �ber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissen-schaft.

E. Buschor and W. vonMassow. Vom Amyklaion. AM LII, 1927, p. i�83. G. B u s o 11. Griechische Geschichte P (Gotha, 1893).

G. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Contenau. Le deluge habylonien. Ishtar aux enfers. La tour de Babel.

H. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;D a n t h i n e. Le palmier-dattier et les arbres sacr�s dans I�iconographie de

I�Asie occidentale ancienne. (Biblioth�que arch�ologique et historique du Haut-Commissariat de la R�publique franfaise en Syri� et au Liban, Servicenbsp;des antiquit�s tome XXV) I�II, Paris 1937.

R. M. Dawkins. Artemis Orthia. Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies. Suppl. paper No. 3. London 1929.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;,

D r a g m a Martino P. Nilsson dedicatum. Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae. Series altera 1. 1939.

R. D u s s a u d. La Lydie et ses voisins. (Babyloniaca tome XI, fasc. 2�3, p. 69�174). Paris 1930.

A. Enmann. Kypros und der Ur sprung des Aphroditekultes. Petersburg 1886. A. Erman. Die Religion der Agypter^. Berlin-Leipzig 1934.

Essays in Aegaean Archaeology presented to Sir Arthur Evans. Oxford 1927. A. J. E V a n s. Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean Relations.nbsp;(JHS XXI, 1901, p. 99�204).

A. Pick. Vorgriechische Ortsnamen als Quelle fur die Vorgeschichte Griechen-lands verwertet. Gottingen 1905.

H. Frankfort. Cylinder Seals. A documentary essay on the art and religion of the ancient near east. London 1939.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Gods and myths on Sargonid seals. (Iraq, I, 1934, p. 2�29).

S. Fuchs. Die griechischen Fundgruppen der friihen Bronzezeit und ihre auswdrtigen Beziehungen. Neue deutsche Forschungen, i. Abteilung Archa-ologie 144. Berlin 1937.

A. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Gotze. Kleinasien. (Kulturgeschichte des alten Orients, Handbuch dernbsp;Altertumswissenschaft III, i) M�nchen 1933.

H. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;G r a i 11 o t. Le culte de Cyb�le, mere des dieux, a Rome et dans I�empirenbsp;romain. (Biblioth�que des ecoles fran5aises d�Athenes et de Rome, fasc. 107).nbsp;Paris 1912.

Gressmann. Die orientalischen Religionen im hellenistisch-r�mischen Zeitalter. Berlin-Leipzig 1930.

G r u p p e. Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte. I�11. M�n-chen 1906.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Themis. A study of the social origins of Greek religion^. Cambridge 1927.

B. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;V. H e a d. Historia Numorum. A Manual of Greek Numismatics. Oxford

H. Hep ding. Attis, seine Mythen und sein Kult. RGVV 1. Giessen 1903. R. Herzog. Koische Forschungen und Funde. Leipzig 1899.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and P. Gardner. A numismatic commentary on Pausanias. Reprinted

H. Jeanmaire. Couroi et Cour�tes. Essai sur [�education spartiate et sur les rites d�adolescence dans I�antiquite hellenique. Lille 1939.

A. J e r e m i a s. Handhuch der altorientalischen Geisteskultur^. Leipzig-Berlin 1929.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients^. (ATAO) Leipzig 1930.

C. G. Jung and K. K e r � n y i. Das g�ttliche Kind in mythologischer und psychologischer Beleuchtung. (Albae Vigiliae VI/VII). Amsterdam�Leipzignbsp;1940.

G. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Kaibel. Epigrammata graeca ex lapidibus collecta. Berlin 1878.

J. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Keil. Die Kulte Lydiens (Anatolian Studies presented to Sir William

W. K r a i k e r and K. K � b 1 e r. Kerameikos. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen I.

P. Kretschmer. Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache. Gottingen 1896.

T. K1 a u s e r. Die Cathedra im Totenkult der heidnischen und christlichen Antike .M�nster in W. 1927.

P. Kretschmer. 2ur griechischen Wortkunde: �laxivamp;oc (Wiener Eranos, zur 50. Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmanner in Graz) Wiennbsp;1909, p. 118�121.

W. B. K r i s t e n s e n. De loofhut en het loofhuttenfeest in den Egyptischen cultus. (Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen,nbsp;afdeeling Letterkunde deel 56, serie B, p. 179�198). 1923.

K. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Latte. De saltationibus Graecorum. RGVV XIII, 3. Giessen 1913.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and others: De godsdiensten der wereld^. Amsterdam 1941. I�11.

W. Mannhardt. Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstamme (BK). Berlin 1875.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Antike Wald- und Feldkulte aus nordeuropaischer �berlieferung. (AWFK)nbsp;Berlin 1877.

R. Meister. Die griechischen Dialekte. I�II. Gottingen �882�89. M�langes Dussaud. M�langes Syriens offerts d M. R. Dussaud I�11.nbsp;Paris 1939.

E. Meyer. Geschichte des Altertums I�, 2, and IIP. Stuttgart-Berlin 1926 and 1937.

R. D. M i 11 e r. The origin and original nature of Apollo. Diss. Philadelphia 1939.

V. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;K. M�ller. Der Polos, die griechische G�tterkrone. Berlin 1915.

C. T. Newton and R. P. P u 11 a n. A history of discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae. London 1862�63. I�11.

M. P. Nilsson. Geschichte der griechischen Religion. I. (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft V, II, i) M�nchen 1941. (GgR).

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Griechische Feste von religi�ser Bedeutung mit Ausschluss der Attischen.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its survival in Greek religion. Lund

Pap e-B e n s e I e r. W�rterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen^. Braunschweig 1884.

L. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Pareti. Stpria di Sparta arcaiea. I. (Contributi alia scienza dell� antichitd

W. R. Paton and E. L. Hicks. The inscriptions of Cos. Oxford 1891. Nell Perrot. Les representations de I�arbre sacr� sur les monuments denbsp;M�sopotamie et d'Elam. Paris 1937.

P e r r o t-C h i p i e z. Histoire de l�art dans l�antiquit�. I�X. Paris 1882�1914. C. Picard. Eph�se et Claros. Paris 1922.

� nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Les origines du polythe�sme hell�nique. I. L�art cr�to-myc�nien. jParis 1930.nbsp;L. P r e 11 e r. Polemonis periegetae fragmenta. Lipsiae 1838.

1. de Prott. Fasti Sacri. (Leges Graecorum sacrae e titulis collectae I) Leipzig 1896.

G. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Quandt. De Baccho ah Alexandri aetate in Asia Minore culto. Diss.nbsp;Halle 1912.

A. de Ridder. Catalogue des bronzes de la soci�t� arch�ologique d�Ath�nes, Paris 1894.

E. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Rohde. Psyche. Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der Griechen'^.

A. Rowe. The topography and history of Beth-Shan (Publ. of the Palestine section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania) Philadelphia 1930.

H. Schafer. Djed-Pfeiler, Lebenszeichen, Osiris, Isis (Studies presented to F. Ll. Griffith). London 1932, p. 424�431.

i83

M. A. Schwartz. Erechtheus et Theseus apud Euripidem et Atthidographos. Diss. Leyden 1917.

F. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Schwenn. Die Menschenopfer hei den Griechen und R�mern. RGVV

K. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Se the. Urgeschichte und dlteste Religion der Agypter. Leipzig 1930.

E. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;S i 11 i g. De Graecorum nominibus theophoris. Diss. Halle 1911.

Eunice Burr Stebbins. The dolphin in the literature and art of Greece and Rome. Diss. John Hopkins University, Menasha, Wisconsin 1929-P. Stengel. Die griechischen Kultusaltertiimer^. (Handhuch der Altertums-wissenschaft V, 3) M�nchen 1920.

L. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Stephan i. Comptes Rendus de la Commission imp�riale arch�ologique,

Stith Thofhpson. Motif index of folk-literature. (FF Communications 106�109 and 116�ti?)- Helsinki 1932�36.

M. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;N. T o d. A selection of Greek historical inscriptions. Oxford 1933-

M. N. T o d and A. J. B. W a c e. A catalogue of the Spartan Museum. Oxford 1906.

G. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;F. Unger. Der Isthmientag und die Flyakinthien. (Philologus 37, 1877, p.

C. W. Vollgraff quot;Eoitpoc sj yak� ssietov nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;(Mededeelingen Koninklijke

Akademie van Wetenschappen Afdeeling Letterkunde 57, A, 1924, p. 28 sqq). A. J. B. W a c e and C. W. B 1 e g e n. Pottery as evidence for trade and colonization in the Aegaean Bronze Age. (Klio, 32, 1939, p. 131�147)-

Wald e-H o f f m a n n. Lateinisches etymologisches W�rterbuch^. Heidelberg 1938�

F. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;G. W e 1 c k e r. Griechische G�tterlehre I�11. Gottingen 1857�60.

U. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;von Wilamowit z-M oellendorf. Der Glaube der Flellenen. I�11.

G. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;W i s s o w a. Religion und Kultus der R�mer^. (Handhuch der Altertums-wissenschaft V, 4). M�nchen 1912.

M. W i t z e 1. Tammuz-Liturgien und Verwandtes. (Analecta Orientalia 10) Rome 1935.

P. Wuilleumier. Tarente des origines d la conquete romaine. (�coles fran?aises d�Athenes et de Rome, fasc. 148). Paris 1939.

Xenia. Hommage international ^ 1�Universit� nationale de Gr�ce. Ath�nes 1912.

H. Zimmern. Der babylonische Gott Tamuz. (Abhandlungen der K�nig-lichen Sdchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse. Leipzig 1909, 27, p. 701�738).

� Sumerisch-babylonische TamuzUeder. {Berichte �ber die Verhandlungcn der Sdchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Phil.-Hi:t. Klassenbsp;JSgt;. 1907, p. 201�2J3).

Voor een verklaring van de riten der Hyakinthia moet de peripetie in de feeststemming tot uitgangspunt genomen worden.

II.

De gestalte van Apollo Amyklaios is ontstaan door wederzijdsche assimilatie van den voor-Griekschen Hyakinthos en den door denbsp;Achae�rs ge�ntroduceerden Apollo.

De zgn. trooncultus is niet autochthoon in Griekenland, maar ge�mporteerd met den dienst van vooraziatische g�den.

Hyes-Hyas is een verschijningsvorm van den kleinaziatischen Dionysos, waarvan o.a. sporen zijn overgebleven in epitheta vannbsp;Zeus, Semele, Sabazios en de formule vijs arrrjg, arxrig vijg.

Ten onrechte leidt C. Picard (Dionysos Psilax in M�langes offerts a M. Octave Navarre, 1935, p. 317�337) af uit denbsp;passage bij Pausanias III, 19, 6 dat er een beeld van den gevleugel-den Dionysos te Amyklai heeft bestaan.

De verklaring, die Van der Leeuw fMededeel. Kon. Ak. v. Wet. Afd. Lett. Nieuwe Reeks 2, 12, p. 12 sq) geeft voor de gewoonte, dat een Messeensche priester(es), die een kind verliest, hetnbsp;priesterschap moet overdragen (Paus. IV, 12, 6), is onjuist.

De zegelcylinder Louvre T 100 (Encycl. phot, de l�art fase. 13, fig. 42, p. 73) illustreert o.a. de geboorte (epiphanie) van �Tammuz�nbsp;uit een boom.

VIII.

Op het cultustableau van Vounoi {Syria XIII, 1932, pl. LXX sq) moet men onderscheid maken tusschen naar de realiteit afgebeeldenbsp;figuren (de drie idolen met slangen tegen de muur) en artistieknbsp;zichtbaar gemaakte epiphanie (de figuur op de troon).

IX.

Aeschylus Prom. Vinct. 17 is de lezing der Mss �^coQiai^uv te handhaven (cf. S.E.G. VII, 1934, Syria 195).

Het is onjuist de papyrus Didotiana (N a u c k^ p. 666) te beschouwen als een fragment van Menanders Epitrepcntes.

XI.

K. B a r w i c k�s verklaring van de uitdrukking magna ex parte in Caesar De bello civ. 2, 31, 8 en 3, 57, 3: �aus einem gewichtigennbsp;Grunde� is onaanvaardbaar (Rhein. Mus. 91, 1942, p. 34 sqq).nbsp;Evenmin betcekent de uitdrukking multis partihus bij Caesar: �innbsp;vele opzichten� (contra M e u s e 1 Lexicon Caesarianum II, 1004nbsp;en zijn commentaar ad Bell. Gall. V, ij, i).

XII.

Het is wenschelijk de uitspraak van het oud-Grieksch te richten naar de geschreven accenten.

XIII.

Het is aanbevelenswaardig dat studenten zich tijdens hun academische opleiding niet tot ��n Universiteit beperken. Bij de geringe Nederlandsche beweeglijkheid zou een periodiek optreden van gast-hoogleeraren een analoog resultaat kunnen bewerkstelligen.

XIV.

In een wetenschap als de klassieke philologie dienen de beoefenaars hun specialisme te compenseeren door een wijsgeerige verantwoording van den zin van hun vak.

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