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IRISCHE TEXTE


e/


MIT übï:rsetzungen und wörterbuch


HERAUSGEGEBEN


VON


WH. STOKES UND E. WINDISCH


ZWEITE SEBIE. 1. HEFT


I BIBLIOTHEEK OrR

i ...... ‘

j U i . O I i 1


LEIPZIG

VERLAG VON S. KIEZEL 1884.


RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT TE UTRECHT


2708 878 4


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Vorwort.

Dem freundlicheii Entgegenkommen unseres Verlegers, des Herrn H. Hirzel, ist es zu danken, dass die in meinem Buchenbsp;„Irische Texte mit Wörterbucliquot; begonnenen Publicationen iri-scber Texte fortgesetzt werden können. Zur besonderen Erendenbsp;gereicM nair, dass Whitley Stokes gewonnen worden ist, sichnbsp;an dem Unternehmen zu betheiligen. Um weitere Kreise annbsp;demselben zu interessieren, geben wir üebersetzungen bei, ohnenbsp;uns jedoch durch ein festes Programm irgendwie binden zu wollen. Die Verantwortlichkeit für seine Arbeit tragt jeder Autornbsp;fiir sich. Die einzelnen Hefte sollen einen Umfang von zehnnbsp;bis zwölf Bogen haben, und boffen wir, dass jedes Jahr einesnbsp;erscheinen kann.

E. Windisch.

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Inhalt.

Seite

The Destruction of Troy, aus H. 2.17, mit englischer Uebersetzung,

von Wh. Stokes................. 1

Die Altirischen Glossen im Carlsruher Codex der Soliloqnia des

S. Augustinus mit Anmerkungen von E. Windiscli.....143

Das Fest des Bricriu und die Verbannung der Mac Duil Dermait,

mit Uebersetzung, von E. Windisch..........164

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Tlie Destruction of Troy.

The following two fragments of one of the Middle-Irish versions of the Destruction of Troy are taken from a ms. markednbsp;H. 2. 17, preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, andnbsp;formerly in the possession of Edward Lhwyd. The manuscriptnbsp;contains 491 pages, all on vellum save pp. 1 — 82, which arenbsp;on paper, and all in Irish save pp. 1—28, which contain a Latinnbsp;tract on the Passion. It is of various dates and in variousnbsp;handwritings, and its contents are more than usually miscellaneous — the religious, gnomic, romantic, historical, genealogical,nbsp;grammatical and medical branches of Irish literature beingnbsp;exemplified. Thus, besides our Destruction of Troy (which isnbsp;preceded by three fragments of another Irish version of thenbsp;same story), we have a Nennius (p. 172), the Instructions ofnbsp;Cormac (p. 179), and Proverbs of Fithel (p. 181), Triads (p. 183),nbsp;the Dialogue of Two Sages (p. 185 and pp. 192—194), the Tainnbsp;bo Ciialnge (p. 334) and Bruden da Derga (p. 477), the Warsnbsp;of the Irish with the Danes (p. 350), a pharmacological treatisenbsp;(p. 279), grammatical tracts (pp. 195 et seq., and 486) etc., etc.

The first of the fragments now printed begins at the top of the first column of p. 127. It corresponds with Dares Phry-gius, ed. Meister, from the end of c. II to c. XI inclusive andnbsp;from c. XIV to the middle of c. XIX. But there is much matter,nbsp;e. g. the account of the labours of Hercules (pp. 127'', 128''')nbsp;for which there is no warrant in Dares. The second of thesenbsp;fragments begins with the end of Dares’ c. XX and continuesnbsp;to his chapter XLIV. But half the column corresponding withnbsp;chapters XLIII, XLIV has unfortunately been cut away. Both

1

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fragments are in the same handwriting — the scribe’s name being Mael[s]echlainn. He may have lived in the fourteenthnbsp;or the early part of the fifteenth century.

Three fragments of another copy of this version are preserved in the Book of Leinster, pp. 397 — 408. The first (pp. 397—407) corresponds with Dares from the end of c. IInbsp;to the beginning of c. X; the second (p. 403 col. a, from line 1nbsp;to line 18 inclusive) with the end of Dares’ c. XVIII and the firstnbsp;half of his c. XIX; the third (p. 403, col. a, from line 19 to p. 408nbsp;inclusive) with the end of Dares’ c. XX down to the beginningnbsp;of his chapter XXXI. This copy is not older than the sixteenthnbsp;century, and is so corrupt that it is not worth while to givenbsp;all its various lections. Where its readings are better thannbsp;those of H. 2. 17, I have inserted them in the text; where theynbsp;merely deserve notice, I have given them as footnotes markednbsp;„L“. The portion of this later copy which corresponds withnbsp;Dares’ cc. XXV — XXX is printed in Togail Troi, Calcutta,nbsp;1881, pp. 52—56.

In editing the present text I have punctuated: contractions have been extended, hut the extensions are expressed by italics;nbsp;proper names have been spelt with initial capitals: infected fnbsp;and s when omitted by the scribe have been supplied in brackets:nbsp;the transported t and n have been seiiarated by a hyphen fromnbsp;words beginning with vowels: hyphens have also been employednbsp;in the case of infixed pronouns and assimilation of the n ofnbsp;the prepositions in and cow: an apostrophe has been usednbsp;where a vowel has been dropt; and, lastly, the article, possess-sive pronouns, verb substantive, prepositions, conjunctions andnbsp;negative particles have been separated from the words to which,nbsp;in the manuscript, they are respectively prefixed. In othernbsp;respects, for instance, the use of v for u, the manuscript hasnbsp;been followed as closely as possible.

Oxford, August 1882.

w. s.

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[H. 2. 17, p. 127a]

[Doroigni lason innisin tna druidhec/j^ Mediae .i. cet[h]ar-dam Ulcain do thabai]jt a hiffnnd, ocus araiU ut ante dictum.

lAr forba, tra, in gnima sin ule atrubairt Éga fri lasón „nib slan dot-r’incboisc Média m’ingbensa fadéisin; is hi dorignenbsp;insein uile“, ol sé.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;5

[Dares c. 3.] Doratad iar suidhe do lason 7 do anradhaib na Grece in crocunn órda.

lArsindi, tra, rotbinscan lasón cona^ slógbaib deirge na cathrach 7 ascnam a n-orba 7 a feraind fadein. Eofuabairnbsp;Media lenamain dia coraib firaib feib ronaiso^1 fiadb rigbaib 7 pQnbsp;cboradbaib na Gréei 7 fiadb mathib innsi mara Toirrén, 7 anbsp;gradbugudh dogrés d’óinmnai. Atrubairt lasón friése nachas-beradnbsp;leis da tbir dia mberad a claind Ie. Doróni Media iarsin gnimnbsp;cuilech uathmar escon .i. marbad a macc ar seirc 7 inmaininbsp;ind óclaig rocbóeim, 7 ar na bad focbund a facbala 7 a nem- 15nbsp;brithi leis dochvm a tbire.

Ceilebrait iarsin in milidh don rig, 7 tucsat in^ crocond,

7 lotar asin ch^thraig. Cengait iarvm inna luing 7 imraiset iarsin tsét chétna, co binber srotha Cii, secb airera Trói, conbsp;riacbtatar pbort na Greci. Rucsat® iarsvide a long i tir, 7 tia- 20nbsp;gait do acallaiin in rig Peil ros-cuir frisin tecbtairecbt, 7 at-fiadat a scéZa 7 a n-imtechta o tbosucb co forcend, 7 rotai-selbad dó in crocond. Doróne inti Péil atlugwd buide do lasónnbsp;7 do Ercoil 7 don foirind® arcbena. Doraf' séotu 7 maine,nbsp;do cbacb doi’eir a ngraidb, ocus araile.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;25

Misi Mailechtown in beg sin.

1

The words in brackets are inserted from the Book of Leinster, p. 397a.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;2 Ms. dona slóghaib. L. cona shliiag. “ Ms. ronaisg. 1 Ms. an.

^ Ms. Rugsat. ® Ms. foiraind. L. marcroidh, ’ Ms. Doratad.

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Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 127''.

[Dares c. 3.] [127’gt;] Ba cuimnech, tra, in caur^ 7 in cathmilid 7 in cliathbernaiclh eet as tresivm thainic do sil Adhaim .i. Ercoil macnbsp;Ampitnonis, don dimicin 7 don melai tucad fair o Lamhedheon,nbsp;30 o rig na Ttoiannae .i. een óighedheeht^ phuirt do thabhairt dó,nbsp;dia rofaidbed malle iri lasón do ebvinebid in eroieind órdbai.nbsp;Trom les a ebridi iar suidbiu een a digbail forsin IncM roboinbsp;i eomaitbees na Gréci for ur Erpoint® allatber, i n-airtbiurnbsp;Assia biei, rogab breit mbeee di ferund isind uillind iartaraiebnbsp;35 na Frigiae fri traebt mara To[r]rén. Ar n^ rabai do Meebradbaibnbsp;dombain neeb rosiacA^ outrummMS frisseom. Ni rabi laecb is-siu^nbsp;nótbegbed do dbigbail a uile i eriebaib ciana eomaitbebe oldass.

IS bé Hereoil romarbb in eoraidb eomnairt eosna® trib cendaib isind inis Eritbria i n-inbiur mara Torrian, bi eoieriebnbsp;40 Eorpa 7 Affraiee, i firiartbar in betba .i. Gerion a ainmside;nbsp;rocrin [side] na tvatba 7 na eenéla.

IS bé Ereoil dawo rocbvmdaigb na da ebolombain immon muineind nGadidanda, 7 eacb dib oe déebain a ebeile .i. colomannbsp;Eorpa 00 deebsain Affraiei 7 coloman Affraiee oe deebsain Eórpa.nbsp;45 IS bé dawo dorat a dóit frisin carraie, diis in roised! mar-bad Caie mie Uleain, robói im-meodbon na earrge, [128'‘] eonbsp;roebur in eairrie isin srutb.

IS be damarbh Bussirim robói i eoraideebt bi taeb srotba Nil. IS be side noedbrad a óegbedbaidb do srutb Nil.

50 IS bé da«o romarb in leomban n-angbaid isind ailt móir i n-iartbardbeiseeirt in betba.

IS bé romarb in natbraigb ndüabais n-éeendais co seebt cennaib robói il-Lenna palóde, roebrin 7 roditbaigb tuascert innbsp;betba do dóinib 7 indilib 7 cetbraibb.

55 IS be dawo rotrascair Antbeum mac Terrae ar nert gaile.

IS bé dawo dorat scaindir for bantraebt uallacb na eieb-loisc[tb]i rorergatar in n-Assia móir, trian in betba, co slait 7 siniud 7 indriudb, co rofallnaiset in letb n-airteracb don domonnbsp;fri ré trichsit hliadan doib sic, co tuc Hereoil leis liadbibbnbsp;00 arm na rigbna dia rofaided ebuinebidb.

1 Ms. caui’ad. ^ Ms. oidhedhecht. ® Ms. urerpoirt. * Ms. léoch isia. L. prefixes: Ic so tra ni dia gaisgeadaibh. ** Ms. cosa na.

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Dares c. 3.

IS hé dorighni gmmu diarmidhe archewa.

IS hé tuc in crocami órdai a tir na Colach.

Fer, tra, dorighni na gnima sa ni rofodaim dó cen tairn-iudh divmais Lamhedhoin. Conidh iarsin dochóid do chuin-chidh sochraite 7 sluag co caindle 7 co anradhu Greci. Dochiiaid 65 do atach na rig 7 na tóisech 7 trénfer in ^ tire co tistais leisnbsp;do dighail a chneite 7 a osnaidhe.

IS od ronuc a baire 7 tossach a thocos[t]ail co righaib Lacdemóni .i. Castoir 7 PulMic, da euchraid insin 7 da chri-discel thuascirt in* betha. Roinnis doib iarsin ani ima tauic .i. 70nbsp;do chviuchidh [128^] slóig 7 sochraide dia dhighail for Lamedonnbsp;in domiadh 7 in® dimicen dóratad dhó fadéin 7 do I’asón macnbsp;Esóin 7 do mac[aib] rig 7 ruirech na Gréci ule, 7 a[t]bert narnbsp;mó a ole dhósom cid^ fair rola oldaas dona Greccaib uile 7 donbsp;Chastor 7 do Phulldic fadheisin. Asbertatar Gastar 7 Pnllwic 75nbsp;cia nóthech[t]atais ilacmi 7 iltuatha na Grece uilo, 7 ciamtisnbsp;coimsidhe atriaidh ó chiund tmehta Ceperion fades hi coicrichnbsp;Gréci 7 Etale, nóregtais leiseom do chvmtaoh dala 7 dunaidhnbsp;7 do dighail a ancridhi cech leth fo cricha in® betha. Roattlai-gestar Ercoil in® seel sin.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;80

Luidh uadhib iarsin in Salamiam co Telamon cosin rig,

7 atrubairt fns „IS do émh“, ar sé, „dodechadhsa chucutsa, do innisiu duit na mórméla 7 na mordimicen 7 na morathisi doratnbsp;Lamhedhon for fairind na luiiga Argai 7 for sMag lasóin 7nbsp;fo'rmsa féin. Mana'* mater®, tra, sin,“ ol sé, „tiefat na Troianae 85nbsp;for crechaib do slat 7 d’indriudh na Gréci. IS ail dam iaromnbsp;condigiseo lem icummai® caich for slüaghudh dochum Trói.“ „Ninbsp;ba meisi“, ar ’Tëlanion, „cétfer feimthébas baigh 7 sochMr feraindnbsp;na Gréici do ebosnam. Regatsa lat in liu biat do chairdib 7nbsp;do chocelibb. Regat lenn dawo attrebthaidhe Sal[a]mi8e doneoch 90nbsp;gebes gai ’na laim 7 is tualaing éladu imbertha airm. Biarnbsp;füiridhe dawo ic ernaidhe th’aithisce.“

Foracaib bewnachtain iar suidhe la Telamon.

^ Ms. an. ^ Ms. an. ^ Ms. an. Ms. gid. Ms. an. ” Ms. an. Ms. Ma a. * L. atcher. “ Ms. acuma, L. cumai.

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Togail ïroi. H. 2, 17, p. 129“

lARsiiidi', tra, rodal 1e\amon co feraib [129®] Salamiae ’na 95 degaidh, 7 roglé sitb 7 chaincomrac fri sidhe. Rochumlüi co rurichnbsp;7 imper Moesiêe^ co Peil, ceiid side gascidh 7 üaille 7 diumaisnbsp;7 rigdaclita fer tiiascirt in^ betha. ISs ed roradi fris iarvm.nbsp;„Do iaxraid socraide chucatsa dodechadhsa do dul i tir® nanbsp;Troianda, ar dia ndichiseo in slógha[d]sa dofhuscéba Grécunbsp;100 otha airter thire Arabia co tracht mara Egetai, otha tüaiscertnbsp;Traciae co crichae Etale fades. Atresat uile la hescomliid duitsiu;nbsp;ar is tii cend aniusa 7 erdercMsa 7 grian na Grece uile.nbsp;Comérigh iarum fri les tuatha 7 chenel na Greci, ar is les donbsp;Grécaibh ule in sloghadhsa niadh coscrach cathbuadacli thér-105 naidhter de.“ „Cia notechtaindse éin)h,“ ar Peil, „firn in tal-man andes, o thir na hEthiope fathuaidh cosin nindia, 7 huanbsp;buaidlecaib1 hErcoil 7 o tercbail grene cosin rind n-airtberachnbsp;7 deiscirt Eorpa benas iri hinber mara Torren 7 co fuinedhnbsp;ngrene, dus-berainnse uile letsu do milliud 7 d’indriudh na Troi-110 anda, do thogail 7 do loscad cathracfe Ijkm^doin: a fil immwrronbsp;do sooraide acvmsa is letsa cbongenas. INtan, tra, batir erlamhanbsp;longa 7 lugbarca letsa, faid techtaire chucvmsa 7 nodbia monbsp;socrnite sea [arrlam intan8in®].“ Celebrais hErcoil imvm do.nbsp;Luid hErcoil iarvm in Pilum co Nesttir: is he ba ri inbsp;115 svidiu. Roiarfaigh® ésidhe scéla do Ercoil cia fochund imma-tarla? Ro[f]recair Ercoil, „do cuinchidh socraide“, ar sé, „conbsp;[129’’] ndechaise lem cot uile socraite in sloghadhsa i tiagat maithinbsp;na Gréci .i. Castor 7 Pullüic 7 Talemón 7 Peil, do dighail ind’’nbsp;ancridhi dorónadh frimsa. Mad foraibse immurro noimbérthaenbsp;120 méla 7 athis no[f]indfaiti8 fir betha o tercbail gréine coa funedhnbsp;mo chumangsa oca dinghail dib. Ocus cidh i n-India no Scithianbsp;no Persidhia no i n-Arabia no i n-Égipt no i n-Ethióip no inbsp;n-Eispain no i n-Galléib no i n-Germain no i n-Alania nobetisnbsp;caingne 7 écraiti duibhsi, ni bad lesc lemsa a digail fa nanbsp;125 orichaib imechtrachaib sin cenmótha na tire ata nesam duin.quot;

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Ms. Moesidhiae. ^ Ms. an. ® Ms. a tiribh. ‘‘ Here the words and letters: 7 buaidlegai are cancelled, the words biid teas are writtennbsp;in the left margin, and after the b of legaib the letter a is inserted.nbsp;® in left margin. ® Ms. Roiarfaidh. ’ Ms. and, L. in.

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Dai-es e, 4. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;7

Ro[f]recair iarvm Nestor „Beniiaclit ar cacli eomliiiertas sóiro 7 socmiti na Greet do cliosnam. Mad meise immurro, regat lat intannbsp;bas furidbo cech rét.“ Buidech daMO liErcoil do sein.

INtan, tra, rofitir liErcoil toil 7 accabMr na n-anradh 7 na laechraide, doróigu mileda rocbalma a tliire fadesin. Rotinolad 130nbsp;leis iavvm an-robai i n-airiur Gréci do longaibh 7 lestraib 7nbsp;-nóaibb, otba inbbiur mara Point atuaidh corici in’ inuir n-A'ra-bacda fadess. Rochóraigh^ a cboblacb ar muir, 7 rothoghnbsp;müiudha 7 anradba rocbalma na Greci uile chuci as cech airdnbsp;tna epistlib 7 iQchtamp;\xïh\\, 7 tancatar ind rig .roghaellsatt com- 135nbsp;milib 7 airbrib 7 slvagbaib adócbvm. far tiachtain, tra, donanbsp;sluagaib 7 dona soebaidhib co mbatar a n-óenbaile, bai comairlenbsp;lasna rigbaib in i n-oe[d]che no il-lóo noregtais do phurt nanbsp;Trói[andae]. [130^] IS fair deisid léo: dochotar i n-aidhchi liinbsp;port Sygei.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;140

O rancatar iarvm in port blsin dochoidh hErcoil 7 Tale-món 7 Peil, co cath mór impu, do thogail Trói. Roan Castor 7 Pulliiic 7 Nestor cósiia longaib. Atchiias larsin do Lambedbonnbsp;slógb mór do Grecaib do gabail pbuirt Sygei. Atraig sidbenbsp;cofergacb 7 cobbatbmar, cofortrén 7 coferamail, co laeebraid 145nbsp;uallaig borrfadaigb na Troi imbi, 7 rogab remi aranainus mara.

0 docbüatar bi comfoebraib dona longaib rotbogaibset idna® catba ósa cennaib cinnebomair fn’sin mbéist n-amnais buatb-mair imma rotbecail^ óebath amuas tbuascirt in domain.nbsp;Rotbindscansat in Troiaendae catbugbudb darcend a tire 7 a 150nbsp;n-atbardai 7 a catbracb. 0 robas, tra, im na fibsa doebvaidnbsp;Ercoil docbvm na catbracb. IMaseeb Aa.no doralatar .i. ninbsp;binund sligbi rogbabbsat na Txoiannae docbvm na long, 7 rogabnbsp;Ercoil cona sbluagb doebum na Trói. IMtbiisa Erco*7, rosiaebtnbsp;cosin Trói 7 fóuair in Trói n-oslaictbe cen neeb oca ditin nacb 155nbsp;’ca gabail. Conos-tarat fó daigb 7 fó cortbair tbened, co ro-mbarbb an-rop inécbta innti, co rotbinóil immurro or 7 argat,nbsp;seoit 7 maine 7 indmassa na catrach leiss. Noeba n-érlai asinnbsp;catbraigb aebt cla térnai do rind g^i 7 do gin cbloidbem.

^ Ms. au. ^ Ms. Rochóraidh. ^ Ms. iwotna, L. iuda. Ms. rothegail.

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Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 130igt;.

160 [Dares c. 4.] [130’gt;] INtan larum. atcMas do Lamhedhón inredh na cathrach rothintai lor cüla don cathraich, conos-tarla tel i telnbsp;do Ercoil im-medón séta. IS annsin, thra, rola Ercod smm dianbsp;mewmain, 7 rolin a shainnt do thodhail fola na Tróianda, 7 robrisnbsp;raoïi catlia tré nert fer for foVmna matlie na Tvóianda immanbsp;165 righ: co romarbhadh and Lamedón ri na Tróianda, cona trinbsp;maoaib 7 cona rigraidh^ 7 miledhaib. Dochoid Ercoi? iarsin,nbsp;co mórcboscur dia longaib, co Castor 7 Pulluic 7 Nestor. larnbsp;comrac iarum dona sMaghaib rorannsatt etarru in mbrait. Donbsp;Thelamón rosiaoht Esióna ingben Lamedoin, fóbith is bé cétnanbsp;170 laecb do latbaib gaile na Grece docbóidb isin catbraigb. Ó tbair-nic, tra, ani sin uile docbvuaidb cecb toisecb dib dia tbir conbsp;jnbvaidb 7 coscor.

Ba dubacb dusaimb domewmnacb, tra, Priaimb mac La-medboin, rigbdomna na Troiawda 7 na bAsia bice, don mór-175 glifit dpnn-anic .i. loscad na Trói 7 a arcain, a séoit 7 a maini 7 a indmasa 7 a bratt do breitb do Grécaib, a sivr fein donbsp;breitb i ndóire 7 a tabbairt i^ tvarwstal ngaiscidb do Tbalemón.nbsp;Ba troma each ngalar leis toitim a atbar 7 ar na Tróianda donbsp;ebor isin cbatb 7 isin cbatbraigb. Ba batbis 7 ba méla mórnbsp;180 dawo leis büadugwd do Grecaib dona Troiawdaiè, 7 Frigia donbsp;bitb fó cbuitbiud 7 enecbruce. Derbb leis naani tbarrasta colüatbnbsp;ni tbarrasta [131'1] cobratb [an diogbaiP], Arapaidbe1 is mmma^nbsp;comarba bói leiseom ciarbó gabbail do latbracb dó. IS ed ropnbsp;ail [dó,] atbnügutb na mur 7 deimnigbudb na catracb 7 córogbudbnbsp;185 sluag 7 popnl. Dodeebaidb iarsin d’imradud sin do cbatbraignbsp;a atbardbai cona mnai .i. Écuba, cona macaib .i. Eebtor .i,nbsp;Alaxander .ii. Diopboebus .iii. Helenas .iiii. Troilus .u. Octisnbsp;Andromaeba hen Heebtoir mie Priaim. Ocus da ingin Priaim, édbónnbsp;Casandra 7 Poliuxina. Robai mór macc la Priaim, cenmótba in cóienbsp;190 fersaEcubu, do macaibimtacb 7 caratban. Céd mac, iss eci adfiad-bar do genemain üadb uile, 7 ni armidbter necb dib isin tsil rigb-dai cenmótba in cóiefersa Écubai 7 mie aile rogenatar o mnaibb

** Ms. a. ® inserted

1

Ms. conad rlgraidh 7 conadh tri macaib. by a later hand. 1 arapaiti, L.

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Dares c. 4.

dlighthechaib 7 ó cliommam[aib] córaib técbtaidbibb. Ni armidh-ter vcamurro na mic doronta i n-etecbtu 7 i n-adbaltras isin cbenéul rigda. lAE riacbtain, tra, do Priaimb docbvm Trói doronta miiir 195nbsp;móra daingne leis immon Trói, comtar uilliu commór oldate na cét-miiir. Doronta focbloi 7 ratha móra impe doraitb. Rotinólaitnbsp;slóigb 7 socbaidbe móra dona fib robatar for esróidiud secbnón*nbsp;Frigiae 7 Assiae bice, co mbetb ócbatb latir lutbbasacb aicenbsp;do gbabail 7 do cbatbugvd darcend a catbracb. IS airi doróni 200nbsp;sin, na tistais nambait^ [ISP] fair cen airius inna cbatraigb 7nbsp;cen imdegbail ó ócbaidb rocbalma, amal tancatar for a atbairnbsp;.i, quot;Lnmedon. Conrótacbt leis rigimscing amra im-medbón nanbsp;catracb. Dorónadb dawo treb chain cbumtacbta® 7 foradb leisnbsp;for temair 7 dingna na catbracb do dalluc 7 d’fordecsin 7 do 205nbsp;dibricud nambat tairis secbtair: arc (.i. dind) Priaimb ba bedbnbsp;a bainm. Rocossecrad leis altóir do loib isin rigimscing bisinnbsp;na ercbomair fadeisin. Conrótacbta leis dóirsi na catbracb co-léir. IT be anso a n-anmand na ndorus .i. Antenor .ii. Idianbsp;• iii. Dardanida .iiii. Ebusee .v. Cithimbre .vi. Troiana. 210

INtan iarum atcoradairc Priaim in Trói fotbaicbtbi 7 ro-tbairisnigbestar daingne 7 sonairti na catbracb, oc^ts 0 roairigb sloigb 7 socbaide erlama leis, dorat miiin imbi do catliugitd innbsp;Green. Liacb leis iarvm ilar na laecb rocbalma 7 imbed nanbsp;miledb ngaiscedacb, cena n-imbfrt fn digbail a atbar 7 a ca- 215nbsp;tbracb. Fobitb dorósci ind ócbatb sin do ócbadbaib domainnbsp;uile, etir Idas 7 léimnigi, etir suam 7 dibricudb 7 clesamnaigi,nbsp;etfr imbrim eicb 7 charpait, etir imbeirt gai 7 cblaidibb 7 im-beirt fidcbille'* 7 brandub. Dorósciebset dawo eter crutb 7 deilb 7nbsp;deicbelt 7 ani 7 atblaimi. Espacb leis iarvm intan® bai fords fora 220nbsp;sldagb [132®] inna ebatbraigb cena n-imbirt fri torba. Roboinbsp;oc fritbalemb cia aimser nóregbad do digbail a osnaidbe, conidnbsp;airi sin rogairedb dbó Antinóir, toisech sin 7 erlabraidb deir-scaigtbech do Troiandaib, dia cbor fri tbeebtaireebt bi tirenbsp;Gre'c, do acallaim na toisech dodechatar® cbvcai la hErcoii do 225nbsp;orcain na Trói, dia aoain friu ind étualaing móir roimretar for

^ Ms. sethnón. ^ Ms. namhaitft. “ Ms. cvmtacthta. * Ms. fichilli.

L. fithchille. ® Ms. antan. ® Ms. dodechadar.

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10

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 132».

Priaimh .i. [a]athair do marbhad, a chatliair do loscain, a shivr do brith i ndóire, a ór 7 a arcad do slait, a chatbair do inu-riud, een dire, een mathigudb nach neich dib sin fris. Ba doilgbenbsp;230 cech raet leis dam een tidhnacul a sbetbar a dóire, ar dianbsp;tidnaicthae dósvm a sivr asin doire dogéntais sith 7 corns.

[Dares c, 5.] Dochuaidh damp;no Antinóir fri techtairecht avaal roforcangrad fair: fairend óenlungv al-lin. ISs ed luide inti^nbsp;knimoir artós, in Moesiam, co Peil. Tri laa 7 téora aidhchenbsp;235 dhó for oegedacht i suidi. ISsin cetbramadh loo immurro roiar-faigb Peil scéla dó, dus can a chenél 7 cia rofbóidh frinbsp;techtairecht. Rofrecair Antinóir: „fri techtairecht dodechadsa“,nbsp;ol se, „ó Priaimh mac Lamedóin, ó righ na Ivoïandae. Donbsp;Troianaib mo chenél. Do aisuéis imw^^^rro 7 do inn[i]siii nanbsp;240 doinewman aidhbli fil for Priaiin don domiadh 7 don mélainbsp;doratsat Greic fair .i. a athair do marbadh 7 a chathair donbsp;loscad, a shiur do dóeradh, cenam- [132’gt;] maithighud fris. Nó-loghfadh dawö cech ni dib sin dia tuctha dó Isióna a sivr a dóiri^.“nbsp;Ainffl? rochuala fochétóir inti® Péil anisin, ros-gab ferg 7 tóirrsenbsp;245 dond athesc sin, condébairt: „IS danatus 7 [isj essamna mór donbsp;Troianaibh toidecht een faosam, een chomairche ina tire [co]nbsp;Green, fobith ba mór d’ulc dorinnset fri Grecu.“ Rodlom, tra, Péilnbsp;do Antinóir [dul] asin tir 7 asin phurt. Tanic, tra, Antinóir iarnbsp;forcongra ind rig dochvm a lunga. Rochuirset a luing for muir,nbsp;250 ocus tancatar rempv sech Bóethiam dochvm Salamiae. O thainicnbsp;co Talemoin, co righ Salamiae, roinnis a techtairecht dó .i. donbsp;chuinchid Isiónae chuic[i]seom sec/j each — ar is dó tucad il-lógnbsp;a gaisceidh 7 a miltnechta — 7 atrubairt narbó coir ingen in^nbsp;cheniuil rigdai do bith i ndóiri'’ 7 foghnaw amal chvmail. Ro-255 frecair iarum Talemón 7 atrubairt na derna olc fri Priaim 7nbsp;ni hé fórüair teoht in tslüaghaid, 7 asbert na tibred do neochnbsp;in chomain doratad dhó il-Mag a gaiscidh. Rodlomai dó astirnbsp;iarsin.

Dodechaidh Antinóir iarsin dlomadh sin ina luing, 7 tainic 260 co hAchiam co Castor 7 co Pullüic. Roinnis doibside aninbsp;' Ms. anti. ^ Ms. dóire. “ Ms. anti. ^ Ms. au. ^ Ms. andóire.

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11

Dares c. 5.

imma taiiic, 7 atber^ corbó ferr sith 7 cb.arat»-ad na Troiauda 7 Priaim oldds a n-eisitli. Dia tuctha dó dawo Isióna forcula ro-badh adbbhar don [tjsith sin 7 don c[b]aratrad. Rofrecratar sidenbsp;na dernsat focbunn daebtha no essoentad fri Troiandai [133^] arnbsp;in rabatar oc argain nkch ic loscud na cathrach, nacA ic tabairt 265nbsp;a braite. Asbertatar dawo nac^ acu robói Isiona, 7 diainad acunbsp;nobértais arciilu do Pbnaimh. Atbertatar dawo irm na beitbnbsp;ni badh sia isin ti'r, ar doruméwatar is do brath Gréc thainicnbsp;Ó Thróiandaib. Téit iarwm Antinóir astir docbvm a longv,nbsp;com-mbrón mór 7 co nduba. Atfét dia muintir in n-athis 7 270nbsp;in mebvl mór tucadh fair 0 Chastor 7 o Pulluic.

ISs ed docbuaidh iarsin in Pilvm co Nestor, ar na badh meraighecht dó nech do thóisigib in tsluaghaid cen riachtain.nbsp;Roiarfaig Nestor scela dó, cisi thucait ara tainic. Atfét Antinóir; „do chuinchidh Isionae inghino Lamedoinquot;, ol sé. kmal 275nbsp;rochvala Nestor anisin rogab ferg 7 liiinde iri Antinóir, 7 at-bert ba cró[d]acht 7 ba naemnaire tnór do Tróianaib tiachtainnbsp;co Green: fóbith is toisechv dorónsat Tvoiannai ole iri Greevnbsp;oldds Gréic iri Tmiannu. Ba toirsech inti^ Antinóir don chuit-binth rofuirmedh for Priaim 7 fair fadeisin 7 for Troiawww vli. 280nbsp;0 dochvaidh iarvm ’na lungai roimrai cecbndirech aramwsnbsp;Troi. lar riachtain don cathraigh adfét a scéla 7 a imthechtanbsp;Ó thiius CO dered do Pnaim. „IS ar nemni, ira, is tomaite dvitsivnbsp;cech ole dorónsat Gréic fnt costrathsa i farradh na méla 7 nanbsp;athisi 7 na dimicen doratsat fort féin 7 for Troiannu [IBS’*] 285nbsp;uile don chursa. Man[i] dingba, tra, dit in méla sin ni bia donbsp;main co la mbratha: mani thócba dawo do ghaiscedh lias gais-cedhaib caicb, co fesatar fir domhain in^ dighail dobéra forsnanbsp;Grecaib dorónsat ole frit. Ni ba mewma dawo la cech n-oennbsp;twrcébas airbirt ngaiscidh fias aird hi tiribh Gréc corob forbsi 290nbsp;toisech imbres gaiscedh 7 anius 7 allud. Mani choméir óebadnbsp;rochomnart iri cath 7 fri fogail na Greci, coraib gol cecha.nbsp;leithe isin Gréic léo.“

IS si sin techtairec/i^ Antinóir.

Ms. anti. * Ms. an.

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12

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 134».

295 [Dares c. 6.] Confócartha, tra, a tuili maicc do Priaimh, 7 a uili thóisig 7 a uile rig 7 a milidli. Rocomgairmed dó dawonbsp;Antinóir 7 Anachis 7 Aéneas 7 Aucoligonta 7 Panthus^ 7 Lam-pades. O thancatar, tra, na tóisig uile dochvm na dala 7 atru-bairt Pnaimb rad n-athisc fnu lar riacbtain, „Rofhóidiusa“, olnbsp;300 Priaim, „Antinóir uaim fri techtairecbt i tire Gréc do cbuincbidnbsp;mo digdhe [ó Grécaib] iarmo chrad dóaib. IS dó rofaidiusnbsp;int[s]ainrudh, dus in tibertba mo siur dam asin dóire. Ni na,ma,nbsp;immurro na tucadh sidhe asa dóire, acht dorónsat fochuitbiudnbsp;immum fadesin 7 fo Troianaib uile. ISs ed, tra, as ail damsa;nbsp;305 sliiaigh 7 socbaide do dul isin nGréic do cbuincbid Isiónae arnbsp;écin buair na bétar ar oais m ar cbaratradb. No comad buidenbsp;[leu] a telcud buadbib daréisi na braite [134®] dobértbaasin Gréicnbsp;arna beitis arboir na Troiannae fó cbuitbiudh ni ba sire lanbsp;GrecY.“ Roguid iarvm Priaim a m«cu colléir, 7 roiiert comtisnbsp;310 aircbindicb oc tinól cecb raeta, oc tabairt cbiud for airimmeirtnbsp;sliiaigh 7 socbaidhe. Cidh mór ronert each insin mórmó ronertnbsp;Hechtoir.

Rofregair dao Hechtoir — is hé cetfer roraid insci isin dail 7 i comthinol na Troiana — co n-érbairt: „Mesi,“ ol sé, „óen donbsp;315 ThroiawaïA, lasmad ferr digbail mo saenathar 7 dénam neiebnbsp;bad maitb la Priaim, cid aca dofaetbsaindsae. Acht namma ata-gur in^ gnimsin tinscantai mani berthai i eind 7 mani for-bantar 7 mani ructhar i calad, 7 is móite a mebol duib anbsp;thinnscetal 7 een a forba. Fóbith at lia Greic oldathe, it ilar-320 dai a slüaigh 7 a popuil 7 a socruite di cech leith fo Eóraipnbsp;ule. OcMs cid óen tüath no óen aieme namma do Grécaib niptanbsp;do lin na® gaisced a tairisivm, cénmótha mórsbocraite na Gre'icenbsp;uile. Ar cid edh bad ail do Grécaib cowérset fir Eórpa léonbsp;ótha tretbon Silail i ndescert Etale co tuaiscert tire na uAgandaenbsp;325 isin eborthair immeebtraigb na hEórpa benas frisin n-ociannbsp;mór fathuaidh. Atetbfet, coméirgfit dawa léo^ mad ail dóib, fir nanbsp;n-iunsi mara Torrén, otha rind Pitbir i® Sicil [ISd**] co Pacéii 7

^ Ms. parthus. ® Ms. in.


angnimsm.


® Ms. do.


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13

Dares c, 7.

¦t

CO Posfoir, CO inber mara Point. Ni hail damh larvm tochuiredh ind fiallaichsin, fóbithin m fil di ocaib domain lucht as com-maith gaiscedh friv. Ar nl biat acht hi cathaib 7 i^ congalaib 330nbsp;7 i cocthib: cech tvath oc orcain 7 ic inriud a chéli, conbsp;wd[at]athlaimite oc imbirt gai 7 sceith 7 chlaidib. Ni hinunnnbsp;7 lucht na hAsise bice: lu romuinsetar sidé dóib bith i cathaibnbsp;no i coicthibh, acht i sith 7^ cainchomrac 7 indess dogres.

Nl fil lib imm sluagh fón innassin; cowidh airisin nach sant 335 lem tochuiredh na laech s[i]n dona fil cvtrMwmus do laochra-dhaibh domain. Ni thairmescub immurro dib arna habairthenbsp;IS dia emudh dam. Ni ba mo chuitse immurro dorega farcendquot;.

[Dares c. 7.] Robói immurro Alaxandér oc nertad chooaidh iri lucht na Gréci 7 atrubairt; „Blam toisech don tsluaghudsa, 340nbsp;ar farétar co ndingiun toil Priaim, co tiber bvaid 7 choscur asinnbsp;Gréic sech [each]. Brisfet for rao naimte: dober seótu® 7 maine;nbsp;ticvb féin slan dom thigh arcfla. IS dé ata lem, fobith robanbsp;oen na fecht oc tafhann iquot;* sléibh I'da: conaca chvcvm Mercuirnbsp;mac lóib 7 téora mna rochoema ’na dheghaidh .i. luno 7 Uenus 345nbsp;7 Minerua. Atfetet scéla dam fochétóir. „Dorónadh émh“, ol iat,nbsp;„cobled mór doiia huilib bandeib 7 ferdéibh la Péil mac Aiaic,nbsp;co fócurthe tra dochvm na bandsisin na hvile dee, eter firunbsp;7 mhnaa im lóib mac Saterind, im Apaill mac lóib, imnbsp;Dardan mac lóib, im Mercüir mac lóib, im Neptuin, im Uénir, 350nbsp;im Meneirb, im lünaind. Ni tucad immurro Discordia and eter.nbsp;INtan larvm ros-gab failte mór ina n-óltigh dochóid Discordianbsp;co lubgort® na u-E[s]perda co tuc uball óir ass 7 co roscribnbsp;inscribend ind .i. hoe est donum pulcerrimae® deae, co rotheilgnbsp;fiadi dar seinistir in tige ’na fiadnaisi uile. Roingantaigset na 355nbsp;sluaigh anisin 7 roerleghad ’na fiadnaisi ani robói isind ubull.’nbsp;Asaitb, tra, cosnum mór don scéol-sin eter na tri bandea asnbsp;chaimi robbatar isin domhun .i. lunaind 7 Minerba 7 Uénir.

Ba cosmail diwo ri lunaind na raibi cosnam fn'e, ar ba hingen rig .i. Satorind, ba siur 7 ba ben rig aile .i. do loib mac 360

® Ms. seota. ^ Ms. a. ® Ivgport.

^ Ms. a. Ms. inserts a. Ms. pul serri mse. ’ uball.

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14

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. IBS'».

Saterind. Ba crMthach, tra, ind inghen sin, etir fholt 7 rose 7 fiacail, eter méit 7 cliórai 7 chvmmai: folt fochóel fathman-nacli furri^. Da bré,i dubai dorebaidi lea co mbentais fos-cud i cechtar a da grüade. Nirbó menma, léa ben do mnaibnbsp;365 domain do derseugud di^ ar chóemi. Cid Menirb dawo, nirbónbsp;menma lea nech do ebomardad fria[e], ar febas a crotha 7 anbsp;delba 7 a ebenéuil 7 a beladban, fóbitb cech eludu® dogniter isinnbsp;dombun is üadbi robairced. Rotbocaib Aano Uénir a crutb 7 anbsp;daelb 7 a svarcus for aird, fobitb camp;ch svirge 7 each lennanacbtnbsp;370 fil isin domvn [135’gt;] is liadbi ata; ar ni raibi isin domun mbnainbsp;a maccasamla, cowidb isin feebtain no[cba] fetaitis roisc dboinenbsp;a décaiu ara baille 7 ara soebvrebaine. Doebótar diwo i^ mbritb-emnaebt coloib: „ni bérsa,“ ar eiside, „bbreitb diiib; aebt eirgid-'*nbsp;co Alaxandér mao Priaim fil i sléib Ida 7 regaid Mercuir reuibnbsp;375 corop bé béras breitb duib.“ „Tancatar iarvm a cetbror .i. Uénirnbsp;7 Imaind 7 M.mir'b 7 Merewr rempv cbvci«msa,“ ol Maxander,nbsp;„co rucasa breitb dóib iar ngelladh Macba rim ó each mnai di'b.nbsp;Torgaid dam iarum*’ lunand rige na bAsiae móire dia nder-scaigind bi dona mnaib aili. 'Torgaid Meneirb immurro eladainnbsp;380 oac/i réta dogniat di laim dvine. Hovgaid dam Uénir in mnainbsp;bad cbóime nobiad isin Gréic, dia mbad bi noderrscaiged donnbsp;mnai aili. Rop bi mo bretbsa, tra, corbo Vénir ropo soebraidbivnbsp;and. Dobera Aano damsa Uénir in’ mnai as aillem bias isinnbsp;Gréic amal rogaell.“

385 And adbert Diopboebus „is degcomairli dobefr Alaxandér, arbair 7 slüaigb do teebt isin Gréic do tbabbairt braite 7 atb-gabala esti, co mbad buide lasna Grécv comassec do dénvm.“nbsp;lArsin, tra, rotairebanastar Helenvs dóib fastini cow-érbairt:nbsp;„Ticfat namait co Tmiannw. foebiebret in Trói darcend: mairfitnbsp;390 firn na b-Asia, dia tuca klaxander mnai asin uGréic.“

Dorairmesc dawo Troil [136“] mac Priaim oc radb ind atbisc sin, ósar mac Priaim in Troil sin arai n-aeisi: treisi immurronbsp;indas Heebtoir ar imguin 7 ani 7 forneurt.^ IS bec, trd, na ra-

Ms. a. ® Ms. eirig.

1 Ms. fM»Tri. ^ Ms. di. ® Ms. eludva. ® Ms. iaxh. ’ Ms. in.

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15

Dares c. 8.

dechrad imbi ic nertad in catbaigthe. „Nd tairmescad ni imuib,“ ar sé, „saibfastinenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ropo guth cét a beolv óen léo techt 395

isin Greicc.

[Dares c. 8.] 0 rofitir da^o Priaim toil 7 accobor caicb, 7 0 roairigb corbo ail léo ule techt in tsMagaidhb rofhóid Alaxan-dér 7 Diofóeb in Foeniam do thogba 7 do theclaim^ miledh,nbsp;amus 7 óclach do dul in i%luagaid. Roberfuacradh dawo 0 400nbsp;Priaim for a phopul 7 for lucht a thire i coitchend tiachtainnbsp;do dail 7 chomairle. Rothecaisc a macv isin dail sin co mbadnbsp;tigerna do cecfe ósar dibh a sinnser. Roinnis dawo don popvlnbsp;’na degaid side cac/i tarcasal doratsat Greic forrusum na Troi-awa, „comd airi sin“, ol Priaim, „as ail damsa Alaxander co 405nbsp;sliiag iiubi do cbor isin Greic do dighail neich dona liolcaibnbsp;móraib dorónsat frind. Acht chena cidh nach hé Antinóirnbsp;innises scé^a düib, ar is hé dochóid isin Greic fri tecbtairecht.“nbsp;„Am éolach, émh“, ol Antinóir, „isin Gréic. Atchonnarc -a laechvnbsp;7 a n-anradu“, 7 ni fil ni armad écen düibsi a n-ecla: ar is ainiu 410nbsp;7 athlaimiu for córaidh 7 for trénfir 7 for milid andate milidh nanbsp;iiGre'c.quot; „Cesc diwo“, ol Priaim, „in [136’'] fail hiiaib nech lasmad*’nbsp;olc teoht in ts^liiaghaid ?“ Rofregair iarvm Panthus mnc Eüfronn^,nbsp;fer airechdai do Throianaib 7 degcomairlid amra, cow-érbairt ónbsp;guth airisil: „Atchvaid damsa mo athair“, ar sé, „fer diarbó 415nbsp;ainm Alexander, aimser hi tiberad side mnai asin Gréic, comadnbsp;hé sin forbha 7 forcend na Trói. Fóbithin dorostar co slvagnbsp;amhnas aichthidi ’na degaid: dohértar na Troiana fó gin gai 7nbsp;chlaidib; conid ferr deiside bith i sith 7 i cainchomrac, amalnbsp;atathar ann, indds tóchvired slóigh 7 sochaide no-inrifed in 420nbsp;Trói 7 nos-millfed.“ INtan rochiiala iarvm in popul augtardasnbsp;Panthii rolaset gair 7 chuitbiud 7 fonitniud’’ imbi. Ocus atru-bartar ani bad maith la Priaim dogéntais airi. Asrubairt iarvmnbsp;Priaim friu. „Maith lemsa éimh“, ar sé, „fiir na long 7 tinólnbsp;sMaigh do techt isin Gréc. Ar dia ndentais[i] comairli far rig 425nbsp;ni thesaba maith na hordan foirb.“ Doróni Priaim dawo atlu-

^ Ms. an tslüadaidh. ® Ms. tlieglaim. Ms. nanrada. * Ms. lamp;snèd. ^ Euphronii, L. Corruptions of Euphorbi. ® fonitmiudh, L. Eead fonim-tiud? or fonnitiud?

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16

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 137t.

gud^ bvidhe cloib uile, 7 roléic dóib imthecbt isin dail 7 tecbt docbTHi tbighe. Rofoided HechtM»* isin Fngia tüascertaig donbsp;chuinchid sloig 7 socbraite.

430 INtan rochvala Casandra ingen Priaim in chomairle rofua-bair a batbair, rotinnscain taircbetul in-neicb® nobiad arcbiund and, co n-érbairt. „Biaid, trd“, ol si, „mor d’vlcc din scéol sin.nbsp;Dofoetbset laeicb 7 anraid, rig 7 rurig, [137tóisig 7 óctbi-geirn na bAssia dond imradud sein.quot;

435 [Dares c. 9.] Tanic iarvm amser tbecbta for muir, 7 roscaicb cvmdacb na long. Tancatar milid 7 slóigb o Foenia bi comai-tecbt Alaxandér 7 Diopbóebi. Tanic Ecbtair mac Priaim conbsp;slogaib 7 socbaidib asind Frigia tbuaiscertaig. Tanic iarwmnbsp;aimser fordécsana in mara. Ocus roguid Priaim ani® Alaxandérnbsp;440 co ndernad coglicc follomnogud in tsluaigb rofoided malle fris.nbsp;Rofóidit dawo tóisigb aile ’na[f]arrad .i. Diopbóebws 7 Aeneasnbsp;7 Polidamas*. Roerfüacair dawo Priaim do Alaxawder co mbadnbsp;fri tecbtairecbt nódecbsad do denvm sitb 7 cbaincbomraic eitirnbsp;Gre'cv 7 Troiawww.

445 O roscacbitar, tbra, na bulisa, dodecbaid Maxander cona c[b]oblucb ar fut mara Toirrén, 7 Antinóir rempv oc breitb éolaisnbsp;dóib. Mrbó obian, tra, riasin n-amsirsin i ndecbaid Alaxawdernbsp;docbvm tbire na nGrec 7 ria tóscugud co comfocbraib Cetberee,nbsp;doluid Menelaus mac Atir, ardtóisecb side do Grecaib, docbvmnbsp;450 insi Pil do acallaim Nestoir, co comranic fri Alaxandér macnbsp;Priaim ciundcbomair. Ba machtad mór iarvm la Menelaus innbsp;sluag rigda d’aicsin iconn imram. Ingnad leis immed na longnbsp;7 rolin in® cbobblaig. Derb leis is im mac rig no rigdomnanbsp;robatar. Ni rolam dawo taeib riu, acbt tanic cacb dib sec/inbsp;455 a cbéile.

IS bi sin ré 7 aimser i tanic Castor 7 Pulliiic co slüag [137’’] impu co rabatar bi comfocbraib Framiae, 7 rucsat® donnbsp;cbursin Isionvm ingin Lamedóin léo docbvm a tire.

ISna laitbib cétna dawo robói sollomaiii mór i n-inis Cbe-460 tberee .i. sollomon lunainde. O tbainio, tbra, Alaxandér i com-

^ Ms. altugwd. ^ Ms. anneich, L. inneith. “ Sic. Eead inni. ¦* Ms. Polidamus. ® Ms. an. rucatar, L.

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17

Daves c. 10.

fochraib do phurt Cetheree — in Cetherea hisin, inis mor hi,

7 tempull do Uénir inti — is annsin ros-gab ecla atrebtbaidi na bindsi riasin coblacb romór, 7 roiarfaigsetar cia robói isinnbsp;choblucb^ 7 can dodecbatar 7 cid dia tiiitchetar. Rofrecair doibnbsp;iarvm Kisixander: „Pidaiin ri na Troianda^ rofoidb a mac fri 465nbsp;tecbtairecbt .i. k\sis.ander, co ndised i tire Grec, co rotbadlednbsp;ic Castor 7 ic Pulluic,“

[Dares c. 10.] INtan rocbvala, ird, Elenna [ingen] Leda, derb-fiur Chastóir 7 Phuilluic 7 ben Menelai mic Atir, riacbtain klamp;xandir isin phurt, tanic am-medon na bindsi co rabi for ur 470nbsp;in trdga hi comfocbraib in puirt hi raibi kXaxander-, fóbithnbsp;doobvaid a mewina fr1s, 7 rotholtnaigestar di in gilla rochalma,nbsp;caindel 7 aide 7 dretel na hvile liAsia, co mbiiaidh crotha 7nbsp;delba 7 siiarcvsa dóine ndomain. Rind n-aga 7 ainiusa 7 im-gona tvascirt in betha asa bainius 7 asa burdarcTS, na rathalla 475nbsp;isind Assia iri muir Torréin anair, co ndecbaidb siar isin Greicnbsp;co mbei’ed buaidh 7 cboscvr cecha. cluichtbi i n-óenacb na Greci,

7 ni choemnacair oclach na octhigern® na rigdomna cvtrvmmvs fris do \vLcht1 [138 “] na Greci, co roscail a tbeist 7 a erdarcvs fónnbsp;Euroip uile, co rocbarsat bantrocht na n-Athanaensta arna ciiisib 480nbsp;sin, conid airi sin tanic ind rigan Helena dochvm na traga conbsp;faced 0 siiilib cinn in nech adchvala o chliiasaib. ISsind inisnbsp;sin robai tempvl 7 idaltech Deane 7 Apoill, 7 is i suidiu doróninbsp;Helena a idbarta dona hidlaib doréir, ama? ba bés dona geintibnbsp;i solloinnaib a ndée 7 a n-arracbt. larsin atcfas do kXaxander 485nbsp;Helein do dvl dochvm in pbuirt. 0’tcvala son damo, tanic co-dian do décain a crotha.® 0’tcbonnairc, trd, rod-char comor, arnbsp;ni raibi do mnaib domain inbnai nocbosmailiged fria im deiibnbsp;7 im dénvm acht Polixina ingen Priaim nanimd. Ni roacbt-sidenbsp;dano cuti’Mwmi friosi im hordon 7 im erdarcvs 7 im sercaigi, 490nbsp;conid airisin rod-char Alaxawder mac rig na Troi, corbó Iannbsp;cech n-alt 7 cech n-aga and dia grdd. Tanic dawo klaxandernbsp;i fiadhuaisi na bingine do thaiselbadb a crotha 7 a écosca, a

oicthigernai, L. ^ Ms. do

1

Ms. clioblacb. ^ Ms. troiauanda. lucht do Ivclit. ^ Ms. chrotha.

-ocr page 26-

18

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 139».

eirraid 7 étaig, fóbith ba bétach intlaise bai imbi, cowa imdénvm 495 do deVgór drumnech, cona, ecor do legaib logmaraib imbi an-ecbtair, 7 toiiach dersoaigthe fHa cbnes dond étvch sirec[d]ainbsp;cona cbimhsaib deiligthe di ór ibrloiscthe. Ba socbraid 7 banbsp;dallac/t iiidas in toicbmi thvc leis do déchain in bancbviri.nbsp;O rodéc cechtarde araile dib tarrasatar ed ciana cdcb dib ic im-500 sellad a chéile. IS In [138'’] clano a mét rochar cacb dib arailenbsp;co narbó dvtbracbt léo eterdeilig[ud] etarru co bas. Roforcoiigairnbsp;Aano KAax.ander fora muntir comtis füiridi 7 comtis erlaim frinbsp;taitbmech a long acht co tisad ind adaig. O thanic iarum indnbsp;adaig dochóid hXas.ander cona muintir do indriud ind idalthaige;nbsp;505 7 doberat Mim thairis. Rucsat Helenam coi?.a banntrucht léonbsp;dochvm a long. Ba maitb, tra, la Helind aniséa. O roglé dónbsp;indred ind idhailtaigbe 7 sarngud^ Uéniri 7 Apaill 7 breitlinbsp;Helene for aithedb, atchvalatar \\xcht na cathracb anisin. Tecaitnbsp;as-cech aird. Doberat tend comraic do Maxander arna ructhanbsp;510 nadib a rigan co mbetis flr marba oca cosnam. ’Arsin atcvasnbsp;dond [f]aii'ind [do] Tróianaib batar isna longaib anisin. Tan-gatar side lomtbornacht asa longaib, 7 rogabsat a n-armv form,nbsp;ocus ro-inretar in magin-sin 7 rogabsat ina-rabe and do braitnbsp;7 do cbrudb. Tancatar iartain ’na longaib 7 roimretar co portnbsp;515 Tenetos. O tbancatar cosin portsiii rofóabair Alaxander cend-sugud Helene, ar dorala i nduba 7 i ndobrón mór ar scartbainnbsp;fria tir 7 fria talmaiu 7 fria muintir fadeisin. Fóidbis iar-siu Alaxander techta co Priaim, do aisnéis scél dó inneicb^nbsp;forcoemhnacair and. INtan iarvm atcvas do Menelaus robóinbsp;520 i® n-inis Pil breith a mna i mbrait do Alaxander 7 argain nanbsp;hindse, [139»] docbuaidb fachetóir co rabi in Sparta 7 rotóchvirednbsp;dó a bratbair Agmemnón, 7 atcbvaid dó Helind .i. do breitbnbsp;do Alaxander, do mac rig na Troiawa ar atbedb 7 ar elód.

[Dares c. 11.] Tcite AlaxanAev colleicc cona mnai 7 cosin 525 mbrait móir rogab co Priaim cosin Trói, 7 atfét a scéla iar’'nbsp;n-ürd ond üair docbvaid for conair cosin n-üair donanic. Ro-

’ Ms. sarudug. ^ Ms. aneich. » Ms. a. ‘ Here there is a gap

in LL.


-ocr page 27-

19

Bares c. 11.

gab tra svbvcbvs 7 luth mór Priaim don scéul dorighni Alaxaw-der, ar indar leis robad buidbe lasna Grecv coemhcblód^ 7 imassec don brait 7 dona mnaib .i. Isióna darcend Heline.nbsp;Ecmaing ni bed roboi and.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;530

INtan atchownairc, ira, PWaim bron 7 dvbai 7 merlin for gnvis Helene roboi oca comdidhnad 7 ica nertad 7 ica gelladnbsp;di nobethe dia reir, 7 ni bad mesa di beitb isin Troi indaasnbsp;beitb isin Lacdemoin i raba remi.

kmal atcöw[n]airc immurro Cassandra ingen Priaim ani 535 Heleind rothinuscain fastine 7 tairchetal aneicb nóbiad arcbivnd:nbsp;marbad in tslóigh 7 thimdibe na tóisech, tuitim na idg, etar-imdibe na^ ruirech, dicbennadh na catbmiled®, fordinge na cvrad,nbsp;tamtbutim na senoracb, dilgend 7 loscvd na catbracb, indrednbsp;an tire 7 in talman 7 ind feraind. „Beti, tra“, ar si, „laeich 7 540nbsp;airraid 7 cathmilid,“ ar si, „fo cbonaib 7 fiachaibh. Biat lananbsp;na maige do chnamaib na laech, dia cendaib, dia lessaib, dia lara-gaib, conid isin fecbtain [139’’] farétfa necb imteclit for maigbibbnbsp;na Troi ri himmad na cvala cnam in-cecb maigb. Dofaetbsat,nbsp;tr«, fir Éorpa 7 fir Asia triad fotba, a ingen!“ ar Casandra. 545

ISi sin fastine Casandra do Troianaib.

Tanic, tra, ferg Priaim fri Casandra din sceol sin, 7 dora-tad bos fria bél.

0 tbanio iarvm Agmemnón^ do Spairt roboi ic comdidnadb 7 ic nertad a bratbar. „Na bid merten na dobrón fort,“ ar 550nbsp;se, „ar dogéntar tb’ainecb 7 ni bia fo mélai. Ar atresat firnbsp;thréna na hEorpa uile do digbail th’osnaide, ar is cwma do-génat a digail, 7 amaZ bid fri cec/i. n-aen dib fein dognetbe.“nbsp;ISerZ deisid leo iarvm techta do dul uadib setbnon na Grecinbsp;uile do tbocbasvl sluagaidh na Greci, do fiiacra chatba for 555nbsp;Troianaib. Roberfvacrad liadib ar thiius for Achil 7 Patrocuil,nbsp;da rig na Mirmedonda, 7 for Nemtolim ri inse Róid, 7 fornbsp;Diomid ri innse Arpis. 0 thancatar side d’insaigid Agmemnóinnbsp;CO mbatar in Sparta, ocus dorónsat a seissiur tóisecb oomluganbsp;7 cominsce 7 crd cotaig 7 óentad, 7 atbert[at]ar na dingentais 560

Ms. A'gmennou. 2*

Ms, ceomhclód. ^ Ms. na na. ^ chathmOed.

-ocr page 28-

20

Togail Troi. H, 2, 17, p. 140^1.

caingen aile ria tecbt co slógaib 7 co sochaidib do digbail for Troiandu in dimiada móir tucsat for Grécv. Roórdniset iarvmnbsp;Agmemndw do impeir 7 do airdrig forrv uile. Rofóidset iartainnbsp;techta co Grécv do tlünól 7 do thocasal na Grece uile, othanbsp;505 in cend airtherac7^ [140®] slebe Elpa andes co coicn'ch Traciae 7nbsp;Alaniae^ fathuaidh, otha iairther tire na Macedonda aniar conbsp;tracht mara Egetai sair, co mhetis coinne mewce 7 comhdhalanbsp;7 tercomraicthe^ cecha, criche fóleith acv: co mhetis nóthe 7 longanbsp;7 lestair er lama léo, 7 co mhétis ’na sliiagaib 7 na cathaibnbsp;57Q h[i] purt na nAthne[n]sta co n-escomlaitis iarvm for oinchóinbsp;dochvm na Trói do dighail a saraichthi.

Gastar immurro 7 Phulliiic, iar closin doib a sethar do brith ar® athed 7 ar elod do Troianaib, dochótar ’na luing fornbsp;muir do ascnam in degaid a sethar. IS ed doch[u]atar iantw» lanbsp;5Y5 toeb in trachta Lesbetai, co rothimairg anbthiue iat dochvmnbsp;thire, co tardsat a luing hi tir. IS annsin testatar Castor 7nbsp;Pvllvic, 7 ni fes cia dechatar iarsin: acht atberat na geintlidhenbsp;rosothe i ndib retlandaib cowdat Gemini a n-anmand an-nim.nbsp;IS doigh immurro is hadud robadit isin ainhthenach. Rohatarnbsp;5g0 immurro ind Lesbetai fora n-iarair in-noaib 7 il-longaib conbsp;rosirset commin ótha inber a tire corice an Troi, 7 ni fuaratar.nbsp;Cenco beith, tra, d’esbaidh for Grécaib din sluagud sin, acht nanbsp;da anrath 7 na da rind n-agha sin ha mór esbaidh doih.

0 roscail, tra, in scélsa fón Gréic .i. Elend do hrith ar 535 athed, dofiiasnad [140’’] inor fonÉuraip uile ótha tire na Meótacdanbsp;co h inber srotha Réin. Rofich a nGrécaib uile in sce7 sin, fónbsp;hith ba mebvl la cech tvaith 7 la cec/» cenél innti amal bad frivnbsp;fadeisin dognethe. Rohata»', tra, dala mence in-cech tuaith, 7nbsp;dochótar aithesca caich cochéle dia fis cvin bad mithig dóibnbsp;590 techta for conair, 7 roherlaimigit dóib aidmi na cowaire, etirnbsp;longv 7 sivla 7 refeda, etir hiad 7 étvch 7 indili. Roglésaisetnbsp;na Tesaldai a n-eochv 7 [a] ngraighe dia mbreith co hor innbsp;mara. Roglanta luirecha 7 cathba[i]rr na Mirmedóndai dia meirgnbsp;7 salohvr. Roarmtha a ngai comtis géra iri fogail namat 7

Ms. alamac.

Ms. teriM'comraictlie. ® Ms. ar ar.

-ocr page 29-

-T


21

Dares c. 11.

620

echdrann. Rosliptha a claidib 7 imorchoraigit a scéith ria 595 iidvl for coMair. Roerlaimigit timthaigo 7 erredai 7 étaige nanbsp;iiAthnénsta. R[o]bói, tra, óengair arfut na Gréce uile fóbitbnbsp;roraindset lat fadéin. Drem dib a cailtib ic biiain na fidbadnbsp;conk cluined necb gutb a cheile dib la himed na saer 7 locbtanbsp;ind fognwjwa ic tescad 7 ic timdibe 7 ic snaide na crand. Drem 600nbsp;aile dib i cerdchaib ic dénvm arm 7 iarnaig .i. ic dénvmnbsp;chlaideb 7 Ivirecli 7 sciatb, ic slibad 7 ic slaide a n-arm. Ninbsp;rabi, tra, isin Gréic ule necb cew monar fon innassin. Robdarnbsp;lana do dunadaib 7 do longphortaib ótba in corthar airtheracbnbsp;Rétiae anairdes [14 D] co iarthar tire Traciae for Erphoint sair-tlniaidh. Robatar ann na hA[th]nensta i ndvnad. Robatarnbsp;Pilipénsta 7 Mecenda 7 Lacdemónda i n-óinbale. Robatar Argainbsp;7 Danai ^ [7] Pilasci. Robatar and aes Traciae 7 Arcadiae 7 Tesa-liae 7 Achaiae 7 Boetiae. Robatar in Macedondai 7 in Mirme-dondai 7 ind londai. Robatar ann na Galatacdai 7 na Tels-ciatai 7 ind Eoldai. Nirbó ni, tbra, in tinólsa na Gréci coricinbsp;in tócbastaP robói i n-innsib marv Torren. Ni mór fora-caib commet intibsidé ótba tónna in mara Aratacdai cosiianbsp;gaetblaigbib Meotacdaib. IT iat so na bindse ir-rabe an tocba-s[t]alsin .i. bi Creit 7 hi Ci[pi]r 7 hi Roith 7 hi Pil 7 in Sala-mia 7 isna bindsibh dianid ainm Acspartide 7 innsi Celiberniaenbsp;7 inis Ambrache. Robói darao tinól mór bi Corcira 7 Itbaicnbsp;7 Egelai 7 in Cutberia 7 in Calamia 7 in Carpado 7 i Treitnbsp;7 in luén 7 is-Sodaim 7 in Calamis 7 in Egina 7 in Patreidanbsp;7 i n-innsib Celidónis 7 i n-innsib Babidi 7 in Maccorés 7 innbsp;Abarthia 7 in Sciro 7 in Peperetbo 7 bi Lenno 7 in Thaeso 7nbsp;in Imbro 7 in Sciro 7 i n-arailib innsib olchenai docb^ clvnbsp;7 erdarcits. Ocus is ed innister and co tancatar sluaig 7 sochaidenbsp;cid isna tirib comfochraibe filet a comaitbces na nGréc an[d]esnbsp;7 atüaidb 7 iniar. Dodechatar ann amna® huathmara na n-Éu-truscecda^ failet a tuaiscert na bEtale, asa gaisged dorósce do clan-naih domain. O dechadwr [14 P] dawo lucht Dalmatiae 7 Dar-

' Ms. Danaid. trustecda.


^ Ms. tóschasal. ® Ms. amh na.


Ms. uahéu-


-ocr page 30-

22

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 142^.

daniae 7 Istriae 7 Paiiumae 7 Retiae, dochodar and in luclit ro-calina failet isin cliorthair tuascertaich in domain fn sruth 630 n-Istir atuaid .i. anreth Dacia [7] Alania. Dodechatar and dawonbsp;Dromantauri filet ic inbej'aib na Meótacda. Dodechafar andnbsp;mare . . . saeria na nAgarda. Dodechatar ann dawo Melachlinbsp;seiebtori saera na sluag sin. Dodechatar and béos Ypomelchinbsp;7 Ypódés 7 Groni 7 Neurai 7 Agatbarei, 7 c.

635 [Dares c. 12.] Robói, tra, tinól morsluaigh do phurt na n-Atha-nénsta. Mór mbuiden 7 cuiteebta tancatar and. Mór do rigaib 7 do tóisechaib 7 do tbigernaib 7 do trénferaib 7 do latbaibnbsp;gaile na Gréce dodeebadwr and. Mor di airbrib 7 cétaib 7nbsp;milib tancatar ann. Is cuit péne na berraebt andsin inn Eoraipnbsp;640 uile consL sluagaib, cona. rigaibh, cona, tuathaib, cona chenélaib.nbsp;Mad necb atchised muir Toirrén, cruth robrecad do longaib 7nbsp;lestraib 7 libarnaib, robad aebind a décsin. Ba lór d’erfidibhnbsp;in talman don Ivcbt robatar for telchaib 7 tracbtaib na iiAtha-news^e forchomét na coblach 7 na slóg 7 na mbuidaen do muirnbsp;645 7 do tbir .i. aicsin cech rigbdomna 7 cech rig 7 cacb tóisig,nbsp;inna toiebim rfgbda, aicsin cecb miledb 7 cech trénfir fó armaib,nbsp;ocus ic déchain in leitb ón [142a] muir;na ramha icond im-rum 7 séol n-ildathach cec/ia tire, fóbith rotinolad an-robai dinbsp;longaib 7 lestraib i n-airiur na bÉorpa uile 7 in n-innsib maranbsp;650 Toirren. Co ndernta sretba dib la hor traga na n-Atbanenstanbsp;d’immarcbvr morsluaigh na hEórpa ulo dochvm na Trói.

IS bé so immurro bn long doebvaidb cech toisech do Gre-caib ’sin coblwc/isa.

Cét long ba si fairond Agmemnow mie Atir, a tirib na 655 Mecenda.

Menelaus mac Atir, a Sparta .lx. long.

Archilaus 7 Pertinonor, da rig Boetise .1. long.

Asoalapius 7 AlimeiiMs, ex Arcomero .xxx. long.

Epistropus 7 Scedius, ex Proscidia .xl. long.

660 Aiax mac Telamoin 7 Isionae ingine Lamedóin co seisivr tóisecb .i. Teocrus a brathair 7 Bublatio 7 Ampbimacus 7 Bonus 7 Teséus 7 Pulixenus, cóica long a Hn.

Nestoir a Pil .Ixxx. long.

-ocr page 31-

665

665

23

Dares c. 15.

Toas 0 Etholiam .xl. long.

Aiax mac Olei, a Locris .xxx. long.

Venerius ex Inaiiia .xl. long.

AntipMS 7 PilipMs 7 Toas ex Celidone. .xxxvi. long Ulix ex Odisia no B/taca. .xii. long.

Protesalaus 7 ProtarcMS, ex Pileo .xl.

Emileus, ex Pills .x. low^.

Podamas 7 Machon, da mac Escolapi, ex Eutrus ... xxxix. Achil 7 Patrocvil, da rig na Mirmedonda, ex Patliia. cóica

670

long.

675

[142''] Telepolemws ex Róda .ix. longa.

Polipites 7 Leontheus ex Larisa .xl. long.

Diomides 7 EuryaLts 7 Stenelas ex Arjoi .xl. long.

Piloctines ex Me[li]boia .uii. longa.

Goreus ex Cipro .xxi. long.

680

Prothous'^ ex Manesia. .xl. long.

Agapénor ex Arcadia .xl. long.

Mnesteus ex Atlienis .cóica low^r.

Lin, tra, do ardrigaib dorimtber suiid do Grecaib nói rig cetbrachat uile.

[Daros c. 15.] lARsindi, tra, tancatar uile do pburt ua u-Atha-neiista, rotochuirit a uile tóisig co bAgmemnów dia chomairle 685 ciniias dogéntais. O thancatar iarrm na tóisig i n-ainbale atru-bairt Agmemnow friv co ndecbsaitis drem uadib do insaigidnbsp;Apaill, dia iarfaigid cimias nóbiad in sldagad, in bad soraid nonbsp;in bad indola eitir. Romol each in comairle sin 7 doebvaidhnbsp;Acbil 7 Patrócuil fnsanisin. O rancatar iarvm coruici Delfus, 690nbsp;tempul Apaill, roiarfaigset scela dond arracht. Rofregair Apaillnbsp;doib co mbad cbóir teebt in tsluagaidb, ar doristis co catb-bvadacb dia taigb eind .x. mhliadan iar ndvla for in Trói.nbsp;Roedbair Acbil edbarta móra do Apaill isin dvn sin. INtan,nbsp;tra, robói Acbil ic dénvm na n-edbart isin tempvl, is ann tanic 695nbsp;Calchas mac Gestoris co ndanaib 7 edbartaib ó Troianaib donbsp;Apaill. Tanic side isin tempvl 7 iarfaigis scéla na Troianna

Ms. protesalaus.

-ocr page 32-

24

Togail Ti’oi. H. 2, 17, p. 1431'.

[143‘‘J coléir, ciiidas nóbiad for eind dóib don chathugwc? 7 don chomthócbail bai dóib fri Grécaib. Eofrecair Apaill co cuirfidenbsp;700 darceud in Trói eind .x. mhliadan. 0’tchvala Calcbas anisinnbsp;tanic co hAclul 7 doróni a oentaidh 7 a charatradh fns, 7 do-deoebatar col-lougpbort na nGrec. Roinnesetar a scéh 7 anbsp;n-imtheebta. O roscacbitai’b tra, na buile soa atbert Calcas fnanbsp;muintir a longa do ebor for muir 7 for fairge. Dorónsat nanbsp;705 slüaigb airisivm anisin, Tuctba rempu Ascalaip 7 Menelausnbsp;comtis éolaig dóib cec/mdirecb arainus na Trói, ar robatar inbsp;longai lasoin prins.

IS ed doebótar artbrius diaraile insi robói fó mamus Priaim. Toglait in n-insi sin. lARsin, tra, tancatar co binis Tenédos,nbsp;710 dv i mbitis seóit 7 maini, ór 7 argat Pn'aim 7 na Troianda.nbsp;Doberat na Gréic a fuaratar and do dainib fó gin gai 7 olaidib.nbsp;Tinolait ’na fuaratar do sétaib 7 mainib. lArsin, tra, tancatarnbsp;rig na nGréc i n-óenbaile co liAgmemnón do cbomairle cidnbsp;dogentais.

715 [Daros c. 16.] IS hi comairlc dorónsat: techtaire do dvl uadib fri haitbesc co Priaim do chuinchid Helene 7 na braite ronucnbsp;hlaxander a binis Cetherea. Tancatar na techta .i. Diomid 7nbsp;Ulix, co Priaim 7 atfiadat a n-aitbesc dó doléir.

uX

Géin, tra, robas im na fibsa, rofoided Acbil 7 Téleip 720 (.i. filius Ercolis) [143’’] do indriud Moesiae. Teophras is bonbsp;ba ri intiside. O'thancatar co Moesiae argait an tir, teclaimmitnbsp;brait 7 cethra an tire co hóenbale. Tartbetar sMaig 7 soebaidonbsp;in tire form im Tbeopbras, ’ma rig. Rofuacair Teophrais com-land ainfir form. Tan atcbvala Acbil anisin roebuir etachnbsp;725 imtocht de 7 rogab a cbatherriud catha 7 comlaind imbi.nbsp;Rogab éim a luirig d’iürn atble[g]tha imbi 7 a catbbarr cirachnbsp;CMmmaide fora cbiund. Tanic iarsiii fó slüag na Moesiandanbsp;amal leoman londcrecbtaig iarna thocrad fo cbvilenaib, no amalnbsp;tarb ndasacbtacb ^ dia tabar droebbéim. Dorat erebor donbsp;730 manais móir lethanglais for Tbeopbras, co ruc arrinni triit ónnbsp;taib diaraile, co ros-anaic Telepws mac Ercoil, co tabairt scéitb

Ms, roscathitar. ^ Ms. ndasachacht.

-ocr page 33-

25

Dares c. 17.

ara scatli intan rofuabair in cathmilidh a dilgend doraitti. Fo-bith dorat oegedecht aidchi do Thélip 7 dia atbair .i. do Her-coil reime, coniè. airi rosn-anaic. INtan, tra, rogab Teupras céil for écaib rotimna a flaitliemmts Telepo, fóbith is be Hercoil 735nbsp;dorat righe dosum, 7 romarb Diomid (sic), 7 dorat a forba donbsp;Theufras; con[id] airisin dorat Teufras a rigbe do Thelip. Ro-ordwi^r iarum AcMl Telip hi rige co tardad ds crutbnecbta donbsp;Grécaib [144“] dia fulang i céin nobetis for in togail. Roco-mailled dawo amlaidsin. Roan dmo ïélip bi Moesia 7 docbóid 740nbsp;CO mbrait 7 co crud mór cosna Grecaib do insi Tenedos. Adfétnbsp;a sceZa 7 imtecbta 0 tbvs co forcend do Agmeinno'w. Buidecbnbsp;side dawo.

[Dares c. 17.] IMtbusa \mmurro na tecbtaire .i. Diomid 7 Ulix, roinnisetar do Priaim a n-atbesca .i. a cor 0 Grégaib 745nbsp;d’iarraid Helene 7 na braite arcbaena, do denvm sitb 7 cbarat-raid etarru co iidecsaitis Greic for ciilu dia taig. Ni mór, tra,nbsp;co n-anic Priaim a freora na mbriatbarsa, acbt nama atbert darnbsp;menmain „IN tabaertbi dobur n-óidb“, ar sé, „a ndorónad frimsanbsp;.i. m’atbair^ do marbad, mo cbatbair do loscvd, mo sivr do 750nbsp;breitb i ndóiri.“ „Ni dingénsa“, ar Priam, „sitb friv. Ni bératnbsp;mnai no brait.“ Rofiiacair dona tecbtaib dvk as’tir. „Ni [fjetamarnbsp;amb“, ol na tecbta, „in cóir in comairle dognii. Bid doilig d’óen-tuaid bic isiu domun imguin 7 imbvalad fri lucbt na Grécenbsp;uile cona socbraide.quot; „Bid móte,“ ar Pn’aim, „a blad 7 a air- 755nbsp;dercus dnnd natbiud dogéna cocad sainembail frisin morsocbraidenbsp;isin.“ „Bid olc dit an cocadsa,“ ol na tecbta: „dofaitbais féinnbsp;and, 7 dofaetbsat do mie 7 do cbarait.“ „Ni mór fórmsa foinnbsp;iarwm anisin“, ar Hecbtair. „Bid terebail anma, 7 bid fotbanbsp;mo cblua darmése. Mairfet sluagv 7 soebaide. Betit [.144''] 760nbsp;eind 7 ebosa 7 cbolla 7 m^e 7 medoin iarna tescad 7 iarnanbsp;timdibe do deis mo ebloideb. Bid lan an Grec ule do dubvnbsp;7 do tboirsi, ar dofaetbsat mie ar-rig 7 a tóisecb 7 a n-octbi-gern dim’ gnimsea.“ „Cinnas dogénasa sin?“ ol na tecbt[a];

„ar betit laieb do samla 7 do cbomdelba i eind airge fri^. Ar 765

* Ms. mftathair.

-ocr page 34-

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. IIS'»

bid imda and laecli lasmba laind tiachtain ardocbindsa. Ni ba iarraid and laóch bas tvalaing th’ergaire 7 techt thorut.“

„Ni ba bamlaid bias,“ ol Hechtoir, „biam congancnes ie comrac fn cecb fer üadib. Ni cbombraicfet a n-airm fninsanbsp;770 ar faebas na bersclaide^.quot;

26

't

Rotbintaiset na techta iartain co hinis Tenedos do long-port na riGrec. Roiarfaig Agmemndw sce7a dona tecbtaib, c'indas tire cosa ndecbatar 7 cia calinacbt na laech, cia trese na miir,nbsp;cia daingne na catbracb. „Cia nobetis énib“, ar iat, „secMnbsp;775 tengtba i eind cech ain acanne, ni fétfaimis aisnis cecJi neiebnbsp;atehowdeammar. Ar rucsat na Tróianda do dainib domhainnbsp;. -f uile ar crutb 7 deilb 7 deichelt. Mairg noda-maindéra, niairggt;lt;^^''nbsp;do neucb mairfit, mairg do neocb nos-mairfe 7 bas coscrach diib,

7 dos-béra fri lar!“

780 [Dares c. 18.] INtan, tra, atchuas in teclomadsa na hEorpa for sluagvd dochvm na Trói dia bindred, doebvas liadib donbsp;chvinchid sbocraite co a comaithibh 7 co bardrigv na bAsia more,nbsp;[145“»] 7 tancatar a rigbside 7 a tóisigb co sMagaib 7 soebai-dib do cbongnvm fri Troiannu.

785 Dodechaid and lavum^ Fuudatus 7 Amfiebastus, da rig Zeliae.

Dodeebaid and dawo CarMs 7 Amfimaebus 7 Nestius co sluagaib Colofontae.

Dodechaid and dano Sarpedón [7] Clausiis co slvag Liciae.

Tancatar ann dmo Epitbogus 7 Papessits, da rig Larissao.

790 Tancatar® and Réinus a Chizonia.

Tancatar and Pirras 7 Alcanas co n-ócaib Traciae.

Dodeebatar and dawo Astanas 7 Antipas 7 Poreus co slaa-gaïb mói'aib a Frigia.

Tanic Epistrofeus 7 Buetias a Uetiwo.

795 Tanic and Filomenes co ^\uag mór a Salaconia.

Dodeebaid and dawo Persis Memnón co ^hagaih diarmidib asind Ethióib, cend athchómhairc 7 tóisecb na huile Asia.

Tanic and Esseus 7 Amfimachvs co Auag Agrestiae.

Dodechaid and Epistropvs co mbvidnibb imdaib de Alizonia.

Sic. Read ersclaige? ^ Ms. iamp;rh. ® Read Tanic?

-ocr page 35-

27

Dares c. 19.

0 thancatar na hulese, tra, doróegv Priaim oentoisech im- 300 gona forsna hvli slóghvsv, etir a medon 7 diaii-echtoir .i. Echtoir.nbsp;Rosmacht cech fer indegaidh alaile .i. Diofóeb indegaidh Hectoir,nbsp;Alaxander ’nadegaidh sidhe. Troilws iarsin. Aeneas iarsin, Mem-non fodeud. Roerffacrad immurro iarsin 0 Agmemndw for rig-raid 11a iiGrec tiachtain do cbomairle ima n-aithesc tvcsat na 805nbsp;techta leo ó Priaim. INtan batar ocon chomhairle is and tanicnbsp;Nauplius Palamides (.i. filius Naupli) de Zona ex Coma, fairendnbsp;.XXX. long. [145’']. Ferthar failte mór^ fris. Robói iamm ocnbsp;erchoitmiud^ na tdnic fochetóir do pliurt® na n-Athanenstanbsp;a[r]robói a tromgalar, 7 antan rooethig fair thanic.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;810

[Dares c. 19.] Docbvaid iarsiii isin combairle 7 atbertatar Greic ba hi in chomhairle choir, gabhail ind oidchi imman Troi.

Ni roléic dawo Palamides anisin, acM a soillsi an lai co robristis for Troiandv, 7 saighe immon caihvaig iarsin. Romol each annbsp;comairle sin. Roordniset iarMm hi forcivnd a comairle Agmem- 815nbsp;no'w do ardrig 7 do ardtóissivch dóib ule. Rofóidset Aano^nbsp;techta 7 tóichléori üadib im-Moesiam 7 i n-araile tire olchena.

Ac;

Rofüacair Agmemnow forsna rigaib 7 for na miledaib 7 for in slog ule co cuirtis a longa 7 a mbarca for fairge do imramnbsp;dochvm Trói. Ocus rogab ic nertad na cvrad 7 na lath ngaile 820nbsp;7 na cliathbernaide cét, co rofertais gléo faobrach fvilech fér-gach firamnus fri laochv na hAsia. aigthide.

Atraracht iarsin in sluag, 7 rotaitmigset refeda a long 7 ¦ lt;’ foracsadar in n-innsi. Tancatar cec/mdiriveh dochvm na Trói.

IS beg, tra, na rocrithnaig in talam o thvrgbail co funed, 825 7 na dechaidh muir Toirrén dara bruigib dermaraib lasin trén-imram doróusat fairenn in trichat ar óen cétaib décc long 7nbsp;libharnn. Deitbir són dawo rind n-imgona fer mbetha 7 forghinbsp;sil Adhaim ule, ermór chathmiled fer ndomain in Ivcht robatarnbsp;isin [146^] choblachsa: fóbith is and robai in domon im-medon 880nbsp;a aese 7 a- borrfaid, a utmaille 7 a divmais, a chath 7 a chongal.

IS ann robtar trese a fir 7 robtar calmai a inilid isind amsir i

dawo.

Ms. móir. ® Ms. erchoitmedmiud. ^ Ms. phurt do. * Ms. dmo

-r

-ocr page 36-

28

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p.

ndechvs in slogadsa. IS airisin na rabi cutrumvs frisin laechraid-sin üa thustin dvl arai ngaiscic? 7 engnama, acht na rabi 835 Ercoil and nanima, laech dorósci each.

Dala iramurro Priaim, rochuir techtaire do fordécsin 7 do thaidhbrivd na long 7 na slóg fadesin, ceped tan donistais donbsp;muir Torren do phurt na Trói, co mbetis catba erlama aracindnbsp;do ditin na cathrach.

840 O rola imim in dercaid sfil darsin fairgi atchondairc ni n-ingnad: robrecad in muir do longaib 7 libarnaib 7 lugbarcaib.nbsp;Atchonnairc in fidbaid firadbbail, üasna longaib 7 üas cennaibnbsp;na curad, do séolcrandaib ardaib ergnaib in betba. Atconnaircnbsp;brechtrad na seol n-illathach di datbaib écsamlaib étaigh cechnbsp;846 tire iias na séolcrandaib. Dochóid iarsin co fis scél do Priaim.nbsp;Roiarfaig Priaim scéla do. IS ann dixit:

„Andar-lem ém amal rodercvs“, ar sé. „domarfas tromchéo , tiughaide 7 glasnél dub dorchaidhe forsind fairce, co roletb conbsp;•nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;‘Yrvt'l' niulu nime, cona acus nem liuasa eind 7 cona hacvs Ier fona

850 longaib, ar rolin dorchatu in cocai' ó nem co iahnain.

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Domarfas iarsin iogtir gaeithe gére [146’’] gailbighe: indar-

lem noth[r]ascérad fidbada in betba, amal esnad mbratba.

„Rocbvala breisim tboruige^ more: andar-lem ba hé in nem doroebair, no in muir rotrdigb, no in talam rosoail i n-ilrannaib,nbsp;855 no amal nothut[it]is frosa rétland for dreieb an talman.“

„Ali, eed eter sin?“ ar Priaim.

„Ni anse“, ar in techtaire. „In glasnél tiugaide atconnarc uasin Ier, it bé anala na curad 7 na latb ngaile rolinsat dreichnbsp;na fairge 7 a coban fil etir nem 7 iaXmain, fobitbin frisrócaibnbsp;860 in gal 7 fiucbiud na ferge faibraige i n-erbruinnib na laechnbsp;lancbalma, conid fair roimretar a feirg for imarbaig ind imramanbsp;co rolin in n-aer fiasa.

„Fogwr na gaithe gairge atcbvala, is hi osnadacb 7 bolc-fadach na trénfer sin la seis ind imrama 7 la himtbnuth cos-865 nama tosaig.

„IS hi dawo in toirrnech rocbvala, détglés 7 imchomailt fiacla na miledh, 7 tresebvr na rama, 7 briscinmnech na scvlmaire,

^ Sic. Read cóchain? ® Ms. thairnige thornige.

-ocr page 37-

29

Dares c. 21.

7 cutaim na ses, 7 breisim na fern si'vil, fogvr na ngae 7 na claideb, 7 trostgal na scfath, grinniguth na saiget, golgaire nanbsp;cathbaiT 7 na Mirecb, la mét ind iinrama 7 na sesbemend no- 870nbsp;bentais na milid forsna rama icoud imram. Ata do cboinnairtenbsp;na lamb imbrit na rama, co focliroithet’ na barca 7 na libarnanbsp;cowa-fairnib 7 a lucbtlaigib, cona sesraib, cowa claraib, cowanbsp;n-armaib.

ole sin, a dhuibli. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;875

[147®.] „Cid aill atchonnarc?“ ol Priaim.

„Atchonnarc iarsin breclitrad ind étaig illatbaig co n-aille Cecil datha roletb darsin fairgi ule: indar-let ba, do pbuplibnbsp;ildatbachaib robrecad ind fairge uile. Ni aca email dbatbanbsp;isin domun na rabi and, etir glas 7 gorm 7 dérg 7 buaine 7 880nbsp;chorcair, etir dub 7 fliind 7 odhor 7 buide, etir brec 7 dondnbsp;.okM 7 alad 7 riiad.

„Atcbondarc iarsin comeirge in marv i n-airde fo chosmai-liiis sliab n-ard.

„Atchonnarc cac/^ sliab andiaid araile. ISs ed airdmius lem 885 nolethfadb cech sliab 7 cech tonn dib darsna Troianda ule.

Roarthraigestair dam iarum braine na mbarc 7 na libarn 7 corra ^a long 7 cind na miled.

Roartbraigfestoif dam étaige 7 timthaige 7 bretbnasa na rig 7 na tóisech. Atchonnarc idna 7 iidbaid 7 slegdaire na 890nbsp;ngae 7 na croisech a brainib 7 a corraib na long.

„Atchonwdre drong 7 damdabach na caladsciatb, conamp; tim~ thugu do lannaib oir 7 argait inna timchell, iar n-ora-ib na longnbsp;immaevairt. Nobenad lainrech na n-arm mo rose uaim, 7 taitb-nemb ind oir 7 ind argait 7 imcbvmtaigi na claideb 7 na calg 895nbsp;ndét 7 na nglass gai cowa muincib 7 na sciath co«a lannaibnbsp;7 coni n-imdéumaib di or 7 do argat. A mbrechtrad, ira, indnbsp;étaig illatbaig, it bé na sivil esredaeba robatar bvasna longaibnbsp;7 uasna barcaib.

IN t-anfod mor [147’gt;] thainic isin fairge co mbatosr na 900 tonna imal beuda sleibe, it hé tondguir na seisbeimaend no-

Ms. frocliroitliet.

-ocr page 38-

30

Togail ïroi. H. 2, 17, p 149a.

' tliinta a corraib 7 a brainib na mbarc 7 a bóssaib na rama 7 a taóebaib 7 a srónaib na long. Bid tnvtha[ch] in tecmongsa.nbsp;Biat imdai mairb. Biat imdai cuirp élnide fó chonaib 7 énaibnbsp;905 7 fiacbaib do chechtar in da leithe. Bid garb an comhracsa oon-dricfad fir^ Asia 7 Eorpa. Comraicfid anal ind Etbiopacdai frisin Tragecdai, co mbiat oend ar dib cendaib. Bid tnfthachnbsp;ind imtbfarcain dogénat na bailithir, in Persicda a haerthivrnbsp;in^ betba 7 in Macedónda asa iarthar. Ba dirsan nad bóinbsp;910 miltengaid dognétb córai fri Grécv, co tintais asin mbaigin hinbsp;taat.“

Tanic in sluag colléicc bi purt na Trói, céin robatarsom for na briathraibsea. Rolinsat in n-airer do longaib 7 libarnaib.nbsp;Rogab chenai [Hecbtoir] ind airer frm co tanic Achil, dia n-érbradnbsp;915 is totum exerciturn® euertit. Fóitir in fer cetna do fordécsainnbsp;7 do chor svla tairsiv, 7 dochvaidside 7 atcbondairo rémend nanbsp;mbuiden 7 na cath, cech cath 7 cech slvag imina rig 7 immanbsp;tóisecb, oc escomlód asa longaib.

écosc each rig

Atcbvaid iarvm do Priaim cruth 7 delb‘‘ 7

920

7 cech tóisig, cech óclaig 7 cech miled do Grecaib.

Esbaid so ar in laebar.

[149“] . . . ic tafond Alaxander, co tarat Aenias sciath dara ési 7 corodiarsinsher di lamaib Menelai. Dochvaid Alaxander doebvmnbsp;na cathrach post. Nóx praelivm dirimit.

925

[Dares c. 21.] Dollotar trciifir Eórpa 7 na nGrec arnabaracli arcind chatha na Troiannae. Huathmar, thra, indas na luindenbsp;7 na barainde 7 ind nitha tvcsat léo isin cbath, Acbil 7 Diomid in-airiniucb catha na n-Gréc; Hecbtoir immorro 7 Aeneasnbsp;in n-airinuch catha na Troiannae. IS ed immorro tucsat tóisignbsp;930 na iiGréc léo fordinge Hecbtoir diafét[at]ais. Acher, tra, in gresnbsp;rolaset. Robiiirset cotnvtbacb isin cathsin damrad rocbalmanbsp;Asia 7 Eorpa. Dochótar ann na milid rotréna darcend cifjwaingnbsp;inn-agaid a nainat. Grandi na hardi robatar ann .i. laindrechnbsp;na claideb 7 a n-aeblig oc tvarcain na sciath, findnéll na cailee,

“ is totum exercitum

“ Here LL. 403^ recommences. ^ Ms, an. in fugam vertil, Dares c. 19, Ms. dealt.

-ocr page 39-

81

Dares c. 21.

comtvarcain na claideb 7 na ngai 7 na saiget frisna Mirechaib 935 7 frisna cathbarraib, briscbruar dawo 7 beimnech 11a mbocotinbsp;iarna traast[r]ad dona claidamp;iamp; 7 do[na] bratblecaib bodba 7 donanbsp;laigbnib k^hanglasaibh a lamaib 11a laech laiicbalma. Robrecadnbsp;in^ t-aor liasa cind do dibraictbib na n-arm n-écsamail. Ro-batar, tra, taesca fola codiarmidi ic snigi a ballaib 7 a haltaib 940nbsp;7 a bagibb na laoch, co rolfn etrigeda 7 cobana ind armaige.nbsp;Gand combach rofersat in^ cetb[r]ar rigmiled .i. AcMl 7 Diomid, Hechtoir 7 Aeneas. “ [149'’] Roslaidsetar na slfagv etarrv.nbsp;Robai Achil 7 Diomid oc fortbiu na^ Troianda a airinivch catbanbsp;na nGréc. Robói immurro Hecbtoir 7 Aeneas oc fortbiv na 945nbsp;nGre'c a hairenivcb cbatha na Troianda. Roimbretar iat for[s]aanbsp;slvagaib co torchratar ilcbéta do cechtar in da ergal. Ba métenbsp;nobeth i scelaib 7 airisnibh co la mbratba a ndoróni Hecbtoirnbsp;namnid isin latbisea do mórgnimaib.

IS adbal, tra, fri turim cid an-rotrascair do rigaib 7 do 950 tbigernaib 7 do tbrénferaib, cenmótba a udorocbair dia laimnbsp;do drabarsliiag 7 do daiscardainib is diarmide side. Batirnbsp;crdda, tra, a gluind, ic dvl cohadbuathmar tria thwu a namatnbsp;CO farcaib martlaige dona collaib arbélaib na nGrec. Doroninbsp;chró mbodba do chollaib a namat imbi immacvairt, cor’bó nnir 955nbsp;rodaingen dó fri hvcbt na iiGrec. Robai Achil dawo don leitbnbsp;aili oc slaide na sMag, ic marbad na mbviden, co torcbratarnbsp;sochaide móra do saeraib na Tvoiannae lais. Romarbsat dawonbsp;Aeneas 7 Diomid ili roehalma do cechtar in da leitb.

IS andsin dorala Ai’comenus, rigmilid side do Grecaib, al- 960 loss claidib fri Hecbtoir, co torracbt a luinde léomain co Hec-toir, co tarat bvlle [löD^] do cblaidib dó, co ndernai da gabaitnbsp;de. 0’tchonnairc immurro Palamón ani sin .i. ArcomeuMS donbsp;tbuitim do gtiimaib Wectoir, doroicb cobruthmar baghaoh inde-gaid Hec^o^r. Sóidh Hec^otV fris 7 beirid riiatbar u-aduathmar-'’ 965nbsp;adócum, co torcbair Palamon leis isin magin sin. Doruachtnbsp;iartain Pistrópus do cbomruc fn Hec^otV, co torat erchor donbsp;manais letbanglais for Hec^oir, co rocbvir Hec^oir secba anisin.nbsp;Rocertaig iarvm in® gai cbncaiseom, co tarla, na sciatb, co nde-

Ms. Aenaes. Ms. na na.

Ms. an.

* Ms. an. ® Ms. au.

-ocr page 40-

32

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 151^.

970 chaid trit fein iar tregtad in scéith ó ichiur co facli[t]vr, co n-erbailt PistropMS desin fochetóir.

Dochvaid dawo Scedius arcind Hec^oiV do chvinchid a er-darcusa. Derb leis ropad lan in^ domun dia anmum dia tochrad dó Hecfoir do thuitim leis. Tanic immorro Hecfolr cohvathmarnbsp;975 aigthidi araamus conos-fargaib een anmain. Tanic Cliofinor donbsp;cliomrac fris co wgairside gairm nemnech [nduabais] fair. „Fer“,nbsp;ar sé, „théte ardochind iunosse not-mairbfe 7 etarscarfaid t’anmainnbsp;frit chorp. Biat failid in dithrubbaig 7 ethate ind aéuir dit.“nbsp;„Frit fein impaifes sin ule“, ar Hec^oir, la tóebail in® gai bainbsp;980 ina laim, co tabairt forgaba for Cliopbinor, co rabi ’na croisnbsp;triit, co torebair doebvm tlialmaw. Reithid Hec^oir chucai conbsp;ruc a fodb 7 a chend leis. Don-anic faisin Dorens. „Ni béranbsp;een [150'’] debaid“, ar sé, „ind fadbsin. Ni ba binund duit 7nbsp;21a laieb rofersat gléo frit cos’trathsa. „Bad iai’vm noinaide“,nbsp;985 ar Eebtoir. „Dia fis tiaginait“, ol se. Cotrecat iarum. Doroebairnbsp;Dorens annsiii la Heebtoir iarna cbrecbtnugMcï coadbbal.

Rofüabair Polixenus iarum comi’uc fri Heefoir darési in loebta sin, co torekair la Hectoir. Tanic Idumeus fón cumnnbsp;cétna: ni roscar Hectoir fri side co rós-marb.

rftl-

990 Oclitui’, tra, do rigaib rotbrénaib do gblangassraid na Groei romarb Hectoir in laa sin ar galaib óinfer, cenmótba an-romarbnbsp;do miledaib caln2aib asa baium doebeil clv 7 erdarciis. Diasnbsp;rigmiled rotb[r]ascair Aeneas mac Anaebis ar galaib óenfer isinnbsp;latbi cétna .i. Ampbiniacbvs 7 Nereus a n-anmann, cenmótbanbsp;995 an-romarb do doescarslüag. Tri tóisigb immMrro do Troiannaibnbsp;romarb Acbil in®-n[e]urt gaile .i. Seufremas 7 Ypoterntts 7nbsp;Astrivs. Ropo adiiatbmar, tra, a delb Acbil in laasiu. Catbbarrnbsp;ciracb imma ebend, dia sceindis gai 7 cbbxidib 7 cblocbai.nbsp;Liiirecb tbrebraid trédvalacb treinglommacb, nos-ditned ó bó conbsp;1000 bescait. Claideb mór mileta ’21a laim, frisna gabtis liiirecba 7nbsp;catbbairr, ara géri 7 ara atbi 7 ara ailtnideebt. Cro2nsciatbnbsp;caladgér for a ebliv, i tallfad tore trebliacZaw no lanamain i cosair.:nbsp;Ba lan [immorro] o or co bor de delbaib d2’acon ndodeilbnbsp;7 do delbaib blast* 7 bledmil n-ingantacb in betba, do ildolbaibnbsp;1 Ms. an. ® Ms. an. Ms. an. * Ms. plast.

-ocr page 41-

33

Bares c. 22.

torothor[th]aib in talman. Robói dano béos i n-indsmbivnd in 1005 scéith delb nime 7 talman 7 iffirn, mara 7 aeóir 7 etbeoi'r,nbsp;gréne 7 ésca 7 na rend archena rethit i n-ethéor. Ni rabanbsp;isin demon catherriud catba no combraic no comlaind amal innbsp;n-erriudsa Achil. Fóbitb is be Ulcain goba Iffirn doróni innbsp;n-armgaiscec? sin Aiebil, iar mbritb a airm féin do PbatbrocaiB 1010nbsp;reime do cbomhrac fri Ecbtoir, co ros-marb Hec^oir ir-riuchtnbsp;Achil, 7 CO ros-fodbaig im etach Aiebil, conid iarsin doróni Ulcain in n-arm nemnechsa do Achil arti gona Hechtoir.

Ba croda, thra, in mesc[ad] dorat Achil for na sMagaib. Mór rig, moV rurech, moV riianaid, mdr triath, mor tigerna, mo'r 1015nbsp;trénfer robatar iarna fortbiv isin berna miled rue Achil i cathnbsp;na Troiawwae. Komai’b dawo Diomid sochaide dona slfiagaibnbsp;la diis do rigmiledaib na Troiannae domarbad dó [.i. Nestiusnbsp;7 Nestrisca.]

INtan immorro atchonnairc Agmemno'w rig na nGréc 7 1020 tóisigh imda dia muintir do marbad 7 ar a sliiaig do chor,nbsp;roherfuaci'adh dia muintir tiach[t]ain for cvla 7 scor na her-gaile. Donitber on dano. Lotar na 'ïvoiannai dia cathraig®nbsp;co mbvaid 7 choscor. IMthusa imworro Agmemnóin, rotóchuiretnbsp;chyci side rig 7 airigh na nGrec, 7 rogab oed [ISP] nertad co 1025nbsp;nabtis teremenmnaig cia dorochratar sochaide liadib; ar donic-faitis sloig 7 sochaide móra aran-ammws a Moysia isinlau iarna-barach.

[Dares c. 22.] lARiiabai’acfe Immorro tic Agmemndw co nGré-caib co mbatar for lathir na debtha, 7 rogab ic nertatf na 1030 laech 7 na rig co tistais cona n-uilib^ miledaib 7 óclacb[aib]nbsp;dochvm in chatha^ in laa sin.

Lotar na Troiawwai don leith aile. Ferthar cath fergach and di cech aird. Mór, tra, buaine in cathaigtbi fri ré. Ixxx. laa,nbsp;cen tairisimh®, cen uarad, cen óithigvd, acht each oc tfarcain 1035nbsp;a chéli dib. Dorochratar, thra, ilmili do laéchraid Assiae 7nbsp;Eorpa isin chatbugud sin. Cencobeth d’esbaid for in tsluagnbsp;cechtarda aebt an-romarbadh frisin ré sin, ba mór eshaid. Mad

^ Ms. prathrocail. ® Ms. tairisemh.

® Ms. cathraid. ‘‘ Ms. nuile. * Ms. an catha.

-ocr page 42-

34

na

•..«Kr»)--

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 1531).

a üdoróni Heclitair frisin ré sin do deggaiscivd ba lóor d’air-1010 scélaib do feraib in betba dia festa colléir.

kmal atcbonuairc immorro Agmemndw^ ilmili do tlmitim dia muintir cech lai, 7 o’tcbonwairc in fordingi móir doratnbsp;Hec^oir form, 7 amal aiciionnairc na maige lana dona collaibnbsp;7 dona hapaigib 7 dona cnambaib, co nabo inimtbechta in magb

1045 mór ótha miiru na Trói corici scurv na nGre'c, la bimbed^

coland 7 la slaimred na fola. Mad ind Assia bec immorro nir’bó inatrebtba ule óth4 tairr mara Point atuaid corici Eifisnbsp;fades, la droobthvth na fola 7 na coland ic lobad 7 la dethaignbsp;[152'^] na n-apaige ’ca loscvd isna hiltentib, co rogaib ag 71^nbsp;1050 accais 7 aingces in® tir uile de, co rocuired an ar do doinibh 7nbsp;cetbraib 7 biastaib [7 énaib]. kmal atchowwairc iarvm Agmemnónnbsp;na huile sea, rofóidi da tóisecb dia muinntir fri tecbtairecbt* conbsp;'Troianmi .i. Ulix 7 Diomid, do chuinchid ossaid teóra mblia-dan. ïan, tra, dochüatar na tecbta isin cbatbrai^ rochomraicsetnbsp;1055 fri bócv do Throiannaib. Roiarfaigsetside soéla dóib. Atber-tatar na tecbta „fri aitbesc ossaid“,® ar iat, „dodecbamar conbsp;Priaim.“ Ó rancatar iarvm co rigphelait Priaim, atfiadat a sc^a .i. anbsp;tiacbtain do cliuincbid osaid ó Grécaib, fri cóiniud a coem 7 anbsp;carat 7 fri hadnacvl a marb, fri bic a n-othracb, fri daingnigudnbsp;1060 a long, fri tercomrac a sliiag, fri lessugud na longphort. O ro-chvala Priaim iarum in® atbesc hisin rotóchuiret dia insaigbidnbsp;a slóigh 7 a sochaide, 7 roinuis dóib ani frisi-tancatar tecbtanbsp;na iiGréc .i. do cbuinchid osaid téora mbliadaw. Nirbó maithnbsp;immorro la Hec^oir in t-ossad do thabairt. Tamm’’ dorat anbsp;1065 himpide rig na Tróianda, ar robo maith leoside daingnigud nanbsp;miir, adbnacvl a carat.

Roleth, tra, clu 7 erdercus Hecioir mie Priaim sechnón® na buile Assia 7 na hvile Éorpa. Ba cocur cecha. deisse [152’gt;]nbsp;etir primcatbracha in® domain. Óencbathmilidh co M-iiatb, con-1070 erud^®, co luinde leoman, co criias choradh, co mbuille^^ müed, conbsp;n-ainbthinche onchon, 00 cathugud 7 oc comérge 7 oc comersc-

' Ms. Agmennow. ^ Ms. himbet. ^ Ms. an. Ms. teclitairevcht. ® Ms. ossaig. ® Ms. an. ’ Sic. Read Cid ed? * Ms. sethiión. ® Ms.nbsp;an. Bis. seems, errud. huilleadh, L.

i(

A HS-

P'

-ocr page 43-

35

Dares c. 23.

laig[i], CO n-uathiud a c[h]athracli fn laechv athlama ana lartliair in betha.

IS amlaid so immorro nóinnistea in scél sin.

q-

Ata fer mor uathmar ic cathugud icon Trói: romarb trian 1075 na slog a aenur, 7 roth[r]ascair na trenmiledv, 7 roling darnanbsp;laecbv, 7 rochroitb na hergala: roohursacb na cwrada, rodingnbsp;na rigv, roloisc na longa. Dorocbratar al-laitb ghaile 7 a cliath-bernaide cbét 7 a n-arsidbe urgaile 7 a n-onchoin échtacha ocnbsp;catbTgvd fris. Rolin na maige do choliaib arbélaib na Trói. 1080nbsp;Robói dano óengair gvil 7 éighme for fut na Gréce trfa agbnbsp;ind fir cbétna, ar^ dorocbratar a mio 7 a n-ue 7 a ndaltae trénbsp;ag lama Hecbtoir. Mad insi mara Toirrén is mor in gair gvbainbsp;robai inntib. Robai gol cecha cléithe léo ótba trethan riudenbsp;Pilóir co Pucén 7 Bosfoir. Batir aildi na hingena macdacbt[a] 1085nbsp;nobitis ic amran 7 ic ducbvnd, nógebed do leith dóib danonbsp;imradud anma Hec^ofr male fria caomaib 7 chairtib^ dorocbratar dia laim seom. IS si a mét, tra, roraitb clii 7 erdarcMS Hec-toir etir primrauna in domain co ros-carsatar banchuiri 7 ban-dala 7 ócmnfi rebecha in domain [153“^] ara herscélaib, co 1090nbsp;tocraitis asa tiribh do décsain 7 do thaidbrivd crotba Hectoirnbsp;main gabtais na mórcboictbi diib. Mad immorro mie rig 7nbsp;ócthigern® na Gréci dochótar corici Thrói óentoisc do décainnbsp;Hectoir condringitis for foradhaib 7 for lesaib do décain Hec-foir dar formnv na fer. INtan nóbith fo lantrela[m] gaiscifi 1095nbsp;7 chongrami ni [Qetatar na Gréic cidb dogéntais ar vamannbsp;Ilecioir. Ni fetatar cindas noregadais ara marbad. Ni raibenbsp;do dóinib domain ceped febas a n-engnama 7 a n[d]ibricthenbsp;lucht conistais ermaisi Hecioir ar febas na bersclaige 7 nanbsp;himditen. Nocor-[fJetsatar éim Gréic triasna .uii. mbliadna 1100nbsp;teebt airi (in marg. .i. ó asgaid iar.), ce dóróscaigset side do dai-nib domhain, ar eena 7 ar éolas, ar gais 7 gaisced.

[Dares c. 23,] Tanic iarum cend in mitbisi. Dolluid Hectoir 7 Troil ria sluagtoi na Troiawwa arcind na iiGréc. Roferadnbsp;gléo^ fercach feoebair faebrach leo isind armaigb. Rofuabair 1105

* gleu, L. 3*

Ms. aro. ^ Ms. chairdib. “ octigernada, L.

-ocr page 44-

36

Togail Troi. H. 2; 17, p.

Hectoir cath na nGre'c co torchaii’ leis Pilippus isin cétna ergail. Dorat cMmmasc forra [uili] 7 marbais ilmfli diib. Dorochair leisnbsp;dawo AiitipMS, toisech side amra do Grecaib. Tanic dawo Achünbsp;a le[i]th na nGréc, 7 dorat atbcvma forsna TroiawwM, co torcbra-1110 tar ilchéta diib lais. Romarb da.no da anrad 7 da ardfen[n]idhnbsp;na Troiannae .i. Licónius 7 Eofronivs, Ni rabi, tra, cMmsanadnbsp;for in cathugi«(ï [153’’] cech n-óen lai co cend .xxx. laitbe.nbsp;Robói, tra, lechtlaige 7 carnail mór^ do cbollaib dóine eter innbsp;cathraig 7 na scurv frisin résin.

1115 INtan iarum atchonwmVc Priaim slógv diarmide do thui-tim dia muintir lasin fortallin tanic asin Gréic 7 asin Moysia, dochiias uad do iarraidb osaid [co cend] sé mis. Dorat danonbsp;kgmemnon anisin a comairle maitbe na nGréc.

Ci- nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Tanic aimser in chatba. Fertbar cuimleng cróda and disiv

1120 7 anall. Dorocbratar iltóisigb rotbréna di cecbtar na da slóg: rocrechtnaigthe sóchaide. Rob imda ilacb im cbend curad and.nbsp;Ni roanadb and, tra, icon catbugMt^ fri ré da la ndéc.

lARsin, tra, docbvas ó Agmemno'w do cbuincbid mitbisi .XXX. laa. Dorat Priaim anisin a comairle na Troiawwae 7 anbsp;1125 comairle Hecbtoir mie Priaim.

[Dares c. 24.] INtan dano thanic aimser in chatba and, dorala do Andromaeba, do mnai Hecioir, aslinge dfaigh dfabais donbsp;asoain^ imdala a fir. Robo bé in® t-aslinge. Delb mór robóinbsp;do Hec^oir isin stuagdorus robo leis don ebathrai^, a delbnbsp;1130 som fadesin and dawo, 7 delb a eieb fói. Atebonwaire iarvmnbsp;Andromach a cend do thvitim don deilbsin. Rochuir a sochtnbsp;ani Andromach iar n-éirge asa svan, adfét do Hec^oir in n-as-linge, 7 rogab oca tbairmesc imbi tbeebt isin catb [in la-sin].nbsp;Ó’tcbvala Hecifoir anisin asbert nar’bó degcomairle, 7 rogab icnbsp;1135 cursacbad [154®] a mna cogér [7 isbert]; „ni thibersa etir monbsp;gaisceti no m’engnvm% ar sé, „ar comairle mna“.

Tan iarvm «rogab Hecioir a catbeirriud catba imbi 7 ro-füabair techt doebvm na hergaile, is and [sin] doraP’ Andromaeba a trii faidi vas aird, co ragaib grain 7 ecla Ivcht na Trói [uile] di

Ms. móir.


dofaicsin, L “ Ms. an.


Ms. doroMsat.


-ocr page 45-

87

Dares c. 24.

sein; 7 tanic rempi co Priaim, 7 roiunis dó side a haslinge, 7 1140 atbert fris ara n-astadnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;in laa sin cen dvl isin chath.

IS annsin, tra, tucad a mac bee arbélaib in cathmiled cowid ed rodn-ast. 0 rofastad iarvm Kectoir rofiiabair Pnaim for sliiagb-aib na cathrach co tistais cogiir dochvm in^ catba. Doni-ther on.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1145

IMtbusa immorro Agmemnoin 7 Achil 7 Diomid 7 Aiaic Locreta; o’tchonncatar cen Hechtair do tbiachtain isin ebathnbsp;doronsat uepbni dona slvagaib. Rodeebrad impv ic slaide nanbsp;slvagb, 7 m tballsat a lamba diib coros-timairgsetar isin eba-tbraig for a cfla 7 coros-iadsat forru.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1150

INtan tra atcbvala in bcist lanambnas 7 in® tendal tbaib-senacb dia rolas airtbivr in betba .i. Heebtoir, séiselbe romóir na nGréc 7 in gabvd mór ir-rabatar na Tvóiannai, berid barenbsp;mbrutbmar mbéoda doebvm na debtba, co torebratar soebaidonbsp;do laecbaib na nGréc leis. Doroebair ém leis Idumius isin cétua 1155nbsp;erga[i]l. Romarb dawo Picluin laecbmilid do Grecaib. Marbaisnbsp;Leuntivm béws don ruatbar cétnai. [154’gt;] Rogon dawo Stene-laum® ’na sbasait. Rogab, tbra, fón sluagb fón innas[s]in cor’-imbir a büracb forru amal dam ndamgaire. Ni roan, tra, Hec-toir diib fón inna[s]sin corbó lan do cbollaib 7 do ebennaib neonbsp;on beind diaraile don c[b]atb. IMtba samlaid connach lia pun-nand cborcai i fogomor déis mórmotble, no bomand ega fónbsp;ebosaib grega rigraide i n-atb etir dib cocricbaib,”~andait eindnbsp;7 ebossa 7 cbolla 7 medóin iarna timdibe d’faibvr a cblaidibnbsp;do rinn^ gai 7 iarna tescad dona claidbinib 7 dona gaib roba- 1166nbsp;tar for innell asa Idrigb feisin 7 a Ivirecbaib a eebraide.

INtan, tra, aichonnairc Acbil rind n-imgona na Gréci uile do tbuitim la Hec^oir 7 in ebummase dorat Hec^oir forsna slva-gnih, iinrordid ’na mewmain cindas nofüaberad marbbad Hec-toir, ar ni raibe ic Gre'caib laocb a dingbala acht Aebiles a 1170nbsp;óeniir. Derb leis mani tbóitbsad Hec^oir colvatb ni tbernabadnbsp;necb vad dona nói rigaib cethrachat dodeobatar Gréic in slua-gadsa, 7 dobérad scandir for in slvagb arebena conna ternaifed

' Ms. an. ^ Ms. au. ® Ms. Zeiielaum. * Ms. roimi.

-ocr page 46-

38

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 1551).

1190

1195

béo dib varl. Géin dawo robai Acbfl icond imradvdsa is andsin 1175 dorat cathmilid calma do (rrecaib (.i. Polibetes) sciatb fn sciathnbsp;do HeciJoi»”. Nirbo fota rofulaing do Hec^oir co torchair lais.nbsp;Rochvir i socbt na Grécv, a thrice romarba(^ in^ laecb ’na fiad-naise. IS and sin rofnabretar na Grac comairle mbrécaig n-int-ledaig iarnachvl, intan na rofétsat ni dó araagaid [155^*'] arnbsp;1180 thairisem ngaisctó. Rob i in chomairle: rolaset a n-étaige diib 7nbsp;dorónsat dumai dib arambélaib, 7 rosuidiged Achil co ngai ’na laimnbsp;im-medon in^ dvmai. Rointamlaigset teched iai'Mw. Roraith innbsp;cathmilid .i. Hec^oir, innandaeghaid, 7 rogab ic airliucb® 7 ic ath-chumai na miled 7 ic slaide ind air, 7 rogab for fodbugud Idumiinbsp;1185 iarna marbad. Tic Acbil chuci fóisin. INtan SLtchonncatar innbsp;tslóigh anisin rolaset óengair estib, etir Grécv 7 Tvoiannu 7 luchtnbsp;na cathrach armedón, acht ba co n-innithim écsamail. Rob i inni-tbim na Troiawwa iarMm, do füacra na ceilge do Hectoir. Innithimnbsp;immorro na iiGréc gair fói na closed. IS andsin robidg Hec^oirnbsp;7 rothintai iri hAcbü, 7 dorat forgab do gai fair co tarla ’nanbsp;sliasait, 7 rothindscan iecM i n-ucht a muintere feisin. Rolennbsp;de in caur hvathmar as treaam robói i n-iarthvr in betha .i.nbsp;Achil, o roling gal 7 bruth 7 ferg indalta ind, co tara^ bvillenbsp;do gói mór robai ’na laim ’na druim co robris chnaim^nbsp;a dromma, riasiv thisad i n-vcht a muintere. Donarthetar slüaighnbsp;na nGrec, co roiadsat imbi. Rofóid, thra, lUectoir a spirM^ fonnbsp;innassin. Rochuirset Gre'ic gair choscair 7 commaidme fo chendnbsp;Hec^o^r primhgaiscedaig in taljwaw.

O roforb, thra, Achil in ngnimsa, roding na Troiandu remi 1200 dochvm a chathrac/i. [155'’] 7 focheird a n-ar corici na doirse.nbsp;Araide dorat Memnón dvb déchomrac dhó, 7 tarrasair fri[s], ciarbónbsp;chomlond dolig, cowid hi ind adhaigh® roetarscar a comlond.nbsp;Tintaid Achil, iar forba in lai, fuileoh, créchtach, crolinnech,®nbsp;dia scoraib iar mbvaid 7 choscor.

1205 TRóg, tra, in golmairc 7 in mialguba robai isin Trói ind n-aidchisin. Robai mór mbróin 7 dubai 7 toirse 7 lamchomart

Ms. chnami. ® Ms. agaidh.

Ms. an. ^ Ms. an. “ Ms. airlech. 1 Ms. crechtacht crólinnecht.

-ocr page 47-

.SO

Daros c. 26.

inti, fóbith testa, üadib a ndegthóisecb engnama 7 a cnv cridhi 7 dos a ndi'ten 7 a cliatlicbomlai chatlia 7 a sciath imdheglanbsp;7 a sapb cocrichi f«a naimte. Ba cathir een immi a cathairnbsp;dia éis. Ba costvd im rig costvd imbi. Ba coméirglie im cLó- 1210nbsp;raid coméirge’ imbi. Doróscaigi do Mechradaib domain uile arnbsp;anivs 7 ar athlaimi, ar gais 7 ar gaisced, ar ordan 7 ar imbad.

Ba éolach in-cec7i eladain. Doróscaigi do latbaib gaile in betha oc imbert gai 7 cblaidib. Rodersca*^» dawo d’feraib in tamp;Xmannbsp;ic brissivd catba 7 chomlaind. Doróisci dawo ar ani 7 ar ath- 1215nbsp;laimi, ar Idas 7 leimnige, di ócaib in talman. Roaccainsetnbsp;cid sochaide móra dona Gre'caib ara airscélaib. Roaccainsetnbsp;iiamorro comór na maceoemi 7 in t-aes ócc óetedbacb thancatarnbsp;a cnchaib comaithchib dia déc[h]ain.

Mor immorro ind[f]aelte robai i ndunadh na nGréc in 1220 u-aithebisin, cowa tvilset in Gréic [löö'^] in n-aidcliisin a slan-chotlud®. Roebuirset a n-imecla dbib. Rodhigbailsetar a n-os-nada. Rolaset a seis diib iar t[r]ascrad in mórmiled rotbairbirnbsp;a n-anradv, ro[f]ording a laechu.®

[Dares c. 25.] Céiu, tra, robói Memnón arnabaracb oc tinól 1225 in cbatba do Grecaib, rofóid Aigmemwów tecbt[a] co Pnaim donbsp;ebuinebid ossaid co caenn da mis fri badbnacvl a marb, fri otbvrnbsp;a crécbtnaigthe. IAR comaidécud do Priaiinb in mitbisi robad-naebt leis Hec7oir fiad doirsib na catbracb, 7 dorónta cluiebenbsp;ebointe dó amal robai i smacbtaib 7 besaib na Troiawdae. 1230nbsp;Géin robatar na bossoda robai Palamides oc accaini comórnbsp;do rige oc Agmmwdw. INtan diwo rocbuala kgmemnón anisinnbsp;atrubairt nóscérad tria rige diamad maitb ri each. Arabarachnbsp;lai iarum congairtber in popw? do imacallaim. IS and asbertnbsp;Agmemwdw nirbó santacb immon rige: fói leis cia nobetb inti: 1235nbsp;fói leis cenco beitb. Léor leis nama co ndernta^ enech nanbsp;Tróianda. INtan, tra, robai Palamid oc maidem asa eena 7 asanbsp;éolvs, asa gaisced 7 asa flaitbemnas, roordnigset na Gréic iar-sin do ardrig form uile. Rogab iartain Palamid in rige, 7 roat-

^ Ms. coméirig. ^ Ms. -chodjud. ® Here in the Ms. is „Dermad fadera“ preceded by the ceim fa eite. * Ms. connernta.

-ocr page 48-

40

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 157^

1240 laigestar buidi do Grécaib. Rop olc immorro la Achü clóe-chlóddi rige^ do dénamb dóibh.

[Dares c, 26.] Rogab ïmmofro Palamid for [156’gt;] daingnigvd /onbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;na scor, for méiugud na murchlodh. Rogreis^ dawo na miledu

co tfstais cogfr do chatlmgMC? fri 'Tromncfw 7 fri Diopboeb mac 1245 Priaim. Condrecat, tra, na Iroiandai 7 na Gréic for lathirnbsp;debtha arnabaracb. IS andsin, tra, robris Sarpedon Licivs (Trot-andae) for Grécu, 7 rola ar mór forrv. Feraid TelepolemMSnbsp;Rodius® (Grec) comrac feochair fr^ Sarpedon (Troiandaé). 0’t-clronnairc diwo Feres mac Admeist, rigtlióisech do Grecaib, Tele-1250 polémMS do thyitim la Sskrpedon, tic cofercach ’7 co feramailnbsp;adochum co mbatar sist fota ic imthvarcain. Dofuit [dawo] Feresnbsp;(Gréc) lar créchtaib imdaib la Sarpedon. Rothaithchuir diwonbsp;Sarpedon fuilech créchtach^ dza thig.

Géin, tra, robatar oc catliugud dorochratar iltóisigh do 1255 chechtar in da lethe, acht is lia dorocbair do Tróiandaib, donbsp;trénferaib 7 cbvradaib. Tan \axum robo trom for Troiannaihnbsp;dochvas uadib do chvinchid mitbisi. Géin, tra, robatar na osadanbsp;.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;roadnaicset a marbv, rohotbratar® a n-atbgóite.

liijiili dawo do Tróiandaib imthecht i scoraib na nGrec 1260 céin nóbitis na hossada ar cóir, [7] ba binill do Grecaib techtnbsp;isin Trói.

IS andsin rotóchuired Agmemwow 7 Demepows i tech n-im-acallma co Palamid, co rig na nGrec, co ndecbsaitis in Moysiam do tbabbairt cbis chruthnecht[a] ó Thelip mac Ercoil, ó recb-1265 taire Moysiae. [157'‘] „IS dóigh chena“, ol Palamid, „bid emeiltai.?e*n«^nbsp;la bAgmemndw iar mbeith ir-rigi a fóidhivd fri® tochtairecht.“

„Ni ba hemi[l]t immorro“, ol Agmewiwdw, „lem tecbt lat forchou-grasa.“

IMtbusa immorro Palamic7, rodaingnigh na scuru’ 7 doróni 1270 tharu roarda immacvaird, ’na timcbaell. Maclitad immorro lasnanbsp;Tróianda, cidh fótera do Grecaib, frecor céill na scor 7 atbnu-gud na mür 7 tórmacb na rath 7 na fal 7 iür cech réta.

^ Rogresi, L. L, Roothratar.

1 righ, L. Ms. roohothatar.

Ms. rogdivs. ^ Ms. ri. ’ Ms.

Ms. créchtacht. scvra.


-ocr page 49-

41

Dares c. 28.

[Dares c, 27.] INtan, tra, robo Ian a hUadan^ Hec^otV i n-ad-nacvl, dollotar asa ca!(hraig sechtair .i. AndromascAa a ben Hec^oir 7 Pria[i]m mac Lamedoin 7 Ecvba ben Vriaim 7 Poliv- 1275nbsp;xina ingeii Priaim 7 Maxander mac Priaim 7 Troil mac Priaimnbsp;7 Diophoeb mac Priaim 7 slóigh 7 sochaide malle friu, donbsp;dénvm cbluicbe chainte do Hecifoir. IS andsin dorala Acbil inbsp;ndorus na cathrac[h] aracind. Amai atchonnaircside fochétóirnbsp;ill mnai rochoem .i. inni Poliuxina, dorat gradh 7 seirc 7 in-maini di. Rotbinscan bith indes cen catbugwci oc fritbailim 1280nbsp;ernadma na mna dó.

Ba trom da«o leis AgmmMow do chor asa rlge 7 Palamid do rigad^ fobith ni rabe ni na dénad k^memmn airiseom.

Foidis larvm Acbil tecbtaire .i. seruvs troianus, do acallaim Ecuba^ .i. co tvctha dó Poliuxina, 7 nóregad dochvm a tbire 1285nbsp;cona Mirmedondaib malle fris, 7 atbert dia ndechsadsom nore-gad cec/j rigb 7 ccch tóisecb di Grecaib ule dia tbig. Atru-bairt [157’’] Ecuba‘‘ robo maith lea anisin dia mbad maitb lanbsp;Priaim. Rofiarfaig se do Priaim in ba maith leis. „Ni chum-angar® anisin“, ol Priaim, „acht cbsena ni comad ole d’iarmairt, 1290nbsp;ar cia nódigbedsom cona Mirmedónaib dia thigh ni regtais®nbsp;tóisigh na nGre'c olchaena.“ Ba hole leis dawo a inghen donbsp;thabhairt do óegid anachnidh nóregad dochvm a chriche 7 anbsp;ferainn fochétóir. IS annsin rofóidh Achil in mog cétna dianbsp;iarfaighid do Ecuba’’ cidh chomhairle doróne 7 Priaim. Adfét 1295nbsp;Ecvb[a] dó comairle Priaim.

INtan iarvm roinnis in techtaire do Achil a scéla 7 a im-thecht[a], robai oc geran 7 ic accaini móir sechnón* in dunai«i co n-érbairt: „Mór in® bvrba“, ol se „donither sund .i. cathmilidnbsp;chalma 7 curaid chróda na hAisia 7 na hEórpa do chomthinól 1300nbsp;co mbatar oc slaide 7 oc miairlech'® a chéile tria fochund óenmna.“nbsp;Trom leis dawo clanda na rigb 7 na tóisech 7 na n-octhigernnbsp;do dibudh 7 do erchru triasi[n] fothasin, 7 athigh 7 doeraieme

^ lanbliadaw, L. ^ righu, L. ® Ms. Ecvbv. Ms. Ecubv. ® cumnagar, L. ® Ms. regdais. ’ Ms. Écvbv. quot; Ms. sethnón. ” Ms,nbsp;an. airliuch, L.

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42

ïogail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. löSii.

do móradh dianéis. Ba ferr sith 7 caratrad 7 chaiiicliomrac 1305 [do beith] aiiii, 7 each do dola dia thir feisin.

[Dares c. 28.] lArsindi, tra, roscachetar na ossadha. Tanic Palamid cona sluagaib 7 cona, sochaide sechtair na scoraib conbsp;mbatir for lathor dsebtha. Tancatar imiworro na Troiandainbsp;don leith aile im Diofoeb inac Priaim. Ni thanic immorronbsp;1310 Achil in lasin isin cath ar feirg 7 luinde. [158“] Móite damonbsp;bruth 7 anbthine Palamid di sein. Roben berna cét isin c[h]atbnbsp;co riaebt dü i mbai Diofóeb mac Priaim, co roben a chendnbsp;dar sciath de.

--9-^

Atreacbt iarsin comrac rotbréii roamnas and. Ba fe ille 1315 7 innund in comracsin. Doroebratar ilmile do ebeebtar in danbsp;letbe, co mbó forderg in talam fo cossaib la slaimred na folanbsp;IS annsin, tra, thainic Sarpedón Licius com-mórbruth 7 com-mórfeirg do chatbugMc? fri Palamid. Ros-fritbail Palamid conbsp;torchair leis Sarpedón Licivs. O doróni, tra, Palamid na gnimanbsp;1320 sa, robai cofailid arbélaib na burgaile. Intan, tra, robai ’canbsp;maidhem da rigebathmilid na Ixoiandai do tbuitim da laim,nbsp;rotbrochlastair Alaxawder a fidboc^ 7 rola [for] Palamid er-chor do saegit co ndechaid ind. 0’tchonncatar na Troiandai ani-gjjj foeberdat^ ule a ngai fair co nderna criatbar focha de.nbsp;1325 Doroebair Taldmid [ijsin maigiu sin. lAr tuitim dino rig nanbsp;nGrec doratad tafond form corici na scuru co ndeebatar ’na me-don for teebedb. lAdait® na Troiandai imon ndün do t[h]oghai?nbsp;na scor, 7 loiscit na longa. INdistir do Achil innisin.^ „Ni firnbsp;sin“, ar Achil, „brissid forsin righ nua 7 a tbuitim la naimtib!quot;nbsp;1330 fochuitbiud leossvM in nisin.'’ Rogab, tra, Aiac mac ïelamoinnbsp;dareisi in t[s]luaigb 7 dorat catbughMi? cruaid do Troiandaih,nbsp;cowid bi in adaig roetarscar a catbughwei.® Co ndeebaie? eachnbsp;dib dia daingiu la [158^] dead lai. Rochóinset, tra, na Greic inninbsp;Palamid in n-aidchisin .i. ar fsebas a chrotba 7 a dénma 7 anbsp;1335 dselba, ar mét a eena 7 a éolais 7 a fessa, ar met a gharta 7 anbsp;gnima 7 a gaiscid Roaccainset dawo na Troiandai Sarpedónnbsp;7 Diofóeb a rigthoisig 7 a primebatbmiM.

Ms. fidhblioch. ^ Ms, andisin focerded (focertid, L.). ® Ms. lAdaid. Ms. indisin. ^ Ms. anuisin. ** Ms. gcathughud.

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43

Dares c. 30.

[Dares c. 29,] Rothinólastar, tra, Nestoir na n'gu 7 na tóisechv i n-oendail in n-naidchi sin do ctiomairli co rogaibtis^ óennbsp;rig form, 7 issec? ronert iamp;vum co nabadh Agmemnm intsainrudh 1340nbsp;nogabhtais, fobitb robai mórsónmigbe 7 socbonaicb don tsluagbnbsp;ann céin robo ri doib Agvaemnon.^

ISin matain arnabaracb iarvm dollotar na Tvoiandai don cbatb. Is bee na rodasedb 7 na rodeebrad impv, 7 roebrotb-set in® talmain la mét in lutbbasa 7 la fiebiudb na férgi ruesa^ 1345nbsp;na lae[i]cb leo isin^ catb. Dolluidb dawo Agmemwow don leitbnbsp;aile co catb na nGrec imbi. Ba cróda, tbra, in catb rofersetnbsp;na milidb. Robai ancridbe ic cacb dib diaraile. Rosantaigsetnbsp;todail na fola ceii imnegbad. Ba róen ille 7 innund in com-racsin.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;'nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1350

INtan, tra, donn-anic® medbónlai doroaebt Troilus arammus na bergbaile, 7 rue bare naebar ’nagtbidbe seek anradu na Troi-andae, cor-raibi etarru 7 a naimte, co ragaib oc fortbe na curad,nbsp;oc brecad na mbvdben, oc slaidbe na slogb, a uebt a ebatbanbsp;fadbeisin. Ocus dorat torannglés form, 7 ros-timmairg remi 1355nbsp;docbvm na scor, amaZ timairces séigb mintv. Ocus ni roan diibnbsp;[löO'^] co torebratar ilmili diib leis riasiv nóiadaitis dóirsi nanbsp;scor dianéis. IS do diarmidib®, tra, in sceoilsi ana torebratarnbsp;do lóecbaib na Greci sund do garbcblucbi Tbroil.

ARnabaracb immorro, im-moeba’ lai, tancatar Tioiandai asa 1360 cathraig seebtair don cbatb. Tic dawo Agmemnon don leitbnbsp;aili, CO laeebraid na nGrec imbi. Fertbar gléo fuileeb, fergacb,nbsp;iritbacb, neimbneeb, nvalgbubacfe ann di each in da irgal®. Ro-laadb, tra, ar dermar di cecMar in da leitbe. Robriste andnbsp;laitb gaile Eorpa 7 Assiae. Conaebad and catb cro'dba cawwiart 1365nbsp;crécbtnaigbtbecb and. Roptar imdba srotba fola dar cnesaibnbsp;m[o]etbóclacb ic teebt i ngabudb darcend CMwaing. Robo iradanbsp;laecb ’na ligv iarna Matbletrad 7 iarna liiatbtimdibé do bagaidnbsp;bidbad. Robo imda sciatb iarna dlugba ó or cO' bur. Robonbsp;imda claideb iarna ebatbim corici a dornebar ’conn-imbvalad. 1370

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44

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 160^.

Robü iiucla gai 7 foga lama [mjbrisiud sechnón^ na latlirecL Rob-tar imda fadba con oógud. Robtar lana, tbra, glenda 7 allta 7 inbera ind armaighe in laasin dona srothaib fola robatar aun ocnbsp;snighe a corpaib^ léech lanchalma. Con co termide, ird, do gni-1375 maib ind lathise amp;cht cech a torchair do laim ïroil ósairnbsp;chlainne Priaim — sinsir immorro fer ndomhain o tercbail conbsp;funed arai n-enigh 7 engnama 7 gaiscid — een co tMmidhe diwonbsp;acht sin, baléor do scélaibh gaiscid 7 d’esbaidb dia naiintib. Arnbsp;een co fagbaitis Gre'ic doimniudh in tsMaghaidhsin acht cech anbsp;1380 torebair dia tóisecbaib trenaib in laa-sin la Troil, ba mór db’vlc,nbsp;cenmótba, a forlaig din tslüagb olcbena: is lia turim són.

lArsin, tra, robatar oc catbugad cech aen lai co cenn seebt-maine. [159*’] Doevas ó kgmemnón do ebvinebid mitbisi co cend da mis. Roadbnacbt, tra, cacb a cbarait 7 a eboem 7 anbsp;1385 cbocéle. Dorónsat [dano] Greic im Agmemnón cluiebe cbaintenbsp;cobergna 7 cobonóracb do Palamid dia rig.

[Dares c. 30.] Céin, tbra, robatar na mitbisi, rofóidi Agmm-iwn teebta do tbócbviriMd Acbil isin cbatb. Batir bé na teebta hisin® .i. Ulix 7 Nestoir 7 Diomid. Ni roétad étir o Acbil ani-1390 sin, fobitb aneieb dorairngert Écuba^ dó, ar rop bé mét seircenbsp;Poliuxina leis conarb’ ail dó etir catbugad fri Troiandu. Ro-fergaig® immorro comór frisna techta. ar tbiaebtain etir adócbvm.nbsp;Et dixit friv Rop ferr sith 7 caratradb 7 caincbomrac do dénvmnbsp;etir na da tbir indds eisidh 7 esoaratradb 7 laieb na da tirenbsp;1395 do thuitim.

INtan atciias do kgmemmn tennopad in cbatbaigtbe do Acbil rotócbuirit® dó ind uile tbóisigb arebena do comairle cidbnbsp;dogéntais, in badb bé an ni atrubair[t] Acbil .i. sitb 7 caratraci,nbsp;no inbad eboead 7 debeeb’ ama? rothinscansatar. Roiarfaignbsp;1400 dóib isin dail eed rotbogb mewma cech ain fadib. IS and sin,nbsp;tbra, roattaig Mewelaus a bratbair® co mbad comnertad na miledbnbsp;don chaïhiigud donetb 7 na bad déirge na Trdi. Atrubairtnbsp;dawo nacbar fécen üatb na hemd don chathrai^, ar ni raibenbsp;laech mar Hecioir ’ca ditin annsin amal robai reime.

^ Ms. brisiud sethnon. ^ Ms. corbaib. ” Ms. hisin. * Ms, Éciibv. ^ Ms. Rofergaid. ® Ms. rotóchuirid. ’ debaid, L. * Ms. brathwr.

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45

Dares c. 31.

IS andsin asbert Vlix 7 Diomid narbad treisse Rectoir in- 1405 das Troil i ngnimaib gaiscicZ 7 eiignama, „Ni d’opa[d] cbenanbsp;in cathaigthe atberam sin“, ar iat^. IS ann asbert Calcbas^nbsp;friv, a fastine Apaill, arna deirgitis ferand na Trói, ar rop focsinbsp;‘nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;[160®] acach dóib tvitim na Trói.

[Dares c. 31.] 0 tlianic, tra, cend in mithisi dolluidh Agmemnón 1410 7 Menel[a]us 7 Diomid, Ulix 7 Aiaic dochvm in cbatlia. Dollotar®nbsp;dawo na Troiandai don leitb aile im Throil im Aeneas,im Helin,

¦ie nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;7c. Rofua(^naigIisetar na da ergail cotrén 7 cotnuthacb. IMthusa

A--quot;

immorro Throil, tanic reme co cath na nGrec. Rofuabair gleo n-amhnas n-agthidhe d’forthain forsna sluagu. Roathchvmmai 1415nbsp;Menelaum isin chétna ergail. Dorat iartain tafhonu ndermairnbsp;fofsna sliiaghv co rangatar na scMrv. ISind lathi arnabarachnbsp;dolluidh Troilus 7 A\a,xander ria sliiag na Troiawdae. Tic im-morro Agvaemnón 7 Diomid 7 Ulix 7 Nestoir 7 Aiax macnbsp;Telawtom 7 Menelaus ria cathaih na liGréc. ISin fechtain^ 1420nbsp;iai'um ma rofacaibhset nech isnaib scoraib amp;cM Achil conanbsp;muintir 7 cona, sMag. Achar, thru, indas na hesorgne rofersatnbsp;diblinaib. Ni rodomair nech ann cert diaraile. Rodechradh annnbsp;im Throil 7 noberedh bhre cosna Grécv, co mbiid im-medhonnbsp;in tsluaigh. Noléicthe lathir laich dó for lar in chatha co 1425nbsp;rnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;mbid rót n-vrchvra uad cen nech dia naimtib fair. Nirbo len- _(

bhaidhi in t-amas dó ferann claidib 7 buali bodba 7 cathmur : do chollaib do denvm imbi ’macvairt im-medon a namhat, conbsp;mba hiat a namait nobitis etwrru 7 a muintfr fadheisin. IS ann-sin rofuabair drong na miledh co rubai Diomid etarru 7 dorat 1430nbsp;tafhonn forto. Rofuabair iartaiu drong na rigraidhe co n-Ag-memnón: dorat breisim forru co romarb rig etarru. Dasthirnbsp;imbi iam^m, 7 rodn-imbeir forru ama^ fóelaid [160^] etir chaircha,

. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;coros-timairc remi corici na scwra. Robatar, thra, fou innus sin

i cathugiid fri ré .xxx. laa. Mor trichat, mór cethrachat, mór 1435 cdicat, mór oét, mor mile dorocratar dib frisin ré sin.

I nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;INtan diwo atchonwairc Agmemnón in sliiag romór do

thvitpm] dia muintir, 7 ni raibi do sliiagb adhbxr cathaighthe®

® Ms. iad. ^ Ms. chalchas. L. calcas. aenaes. “ Ms, -fechtawi. ® Ms. cathhaighthe.


Here L, ends.


Ms.


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46

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 161^.

fri Troiaw(?t( far ndfth a muintire, docliüas üad do clmiiicliid 1440 ossaid for Prfaim co ceiid sé mfs. Rothóoliuirthe, thra, conbsp;Prfaim a huile thóisigh, 7 roinnis dóib tfachtain ó Grécaib donbsp;chuinchidh ossaid letbbk'a^^we. Nf roétadh immorro o Throi-andaih 7 o Throil anfsin co bésca*lt;^, acht araidhe doratsat anbsp;hinipidbe Prmim. Tancatar farsiii a techta na nGrec dochvmnbsp;1445 na scor. lar tabairt ind ossaid roadnaci^^ each a ebarait 7 anbsp;chocéle, 7 ro othroit èano in \a.cht atbgóite la liAgmeMwbw .i.nbsp;Diomid 7 Menelaus. Doronsat damp;no in Tromndai a cétna .i.nbsp;roadnaicset a marbhv, rolegesaighset a créchinadgthiu.

Bai combairli farvm lasna rigaib Grecdaib diis cindMS do-1450 beVdis for Acbil techt isin chath, fobith ni frith léo laech tairismhe Troil acht eiseom; co roaslaighset for Agmewo'ww fei-sin techt do thóchuiriudh Achil. IS annsin, trh, roattaigh Achilnbsp;inni Agmemwo'w conn^bad cocad doneth, acht commad sith: „arnbsp;is ferr sith sochocad. Mad cathug^^(^ immorro dognethi cuir-1455 fitsa mo muintir do chongnvm frib, arna digese fo uile era.“nbsp;Téit Agmemwdw dfa thig budhech forfailid.

[Dares c. 32.] nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;0 thanic, thra, aimser an catha rochoraigset

L.tr

Txoiandai a slogh. Roecratar dawo Gréic a cath don leith aile. ^ IS annsin roghab Achil for gresacht na Mirmedonda colléir, 7nbsp;1460 ros-faide ’na snadmaimm [I61‘‘] ohatha do chathugwtf fri Troi-andu 7 fri Troil, 7 atrubairt friu dawo ara tuctais cend Troilnbsp;dosum léo. Asaidh comrac uathmar anachnidh etir da n-indnanbsp;na cath. Rodased imna Mirmedóndaib; is bee na romid annbsp;talam fo cossaib la fichud na feirge bai ’na mbruinnib. Banbsp;1465 méte léo né, fagebtais a ndoithin debtha 7 urgaile co forcennnbsp;mbetha. Ba méite léo CQch beim dobertais nothascertais nanbsp;firn co talmain. Ba méte dawo léo nothaféntais na Txoidndunbsp;corice a cathrai^. Ba méite dawo héus leo norainfidis 7 nobrufitisnbsp;mury na Troi. Manbad nert na fer doralatar fr[i]u araidhenbsp;1470 ni failsaitis mani chobhrad Troil.

INTan diwo atchonwairc Troil in dechradb romór 7 in luthbas 7 in bvrach rofersat na Mirm[id]ónda, 7 antan rotheilc-set a ngai fair feisin, ros-lin bruth 7 ferg, 7 atraracht an Ionnbsp;laich asa éton combo comfota frisin sróin, 7 dodechatar a di

V

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47

Dares c. 32.

svil asa chind combat sitb[ith]ir artemh fna cbenn anecA^air. 1475 Ropo CMmma a folt 7 cróebred scidd. Rofóbair an cruthsinnbsp;na slogv, amal leoman léir Ian Imnd letarthaigh reithes donbsp;thruchii torcraide. Romharb, thra, tri coicthv latli ngaile donbsp;Grecaib 7 Mirmedóndaib lasin cétriiathar müed ron-uc aran-ammus, Ataig cMw^masc larsin forna sliiagu vile^ 7 roinill na 1480nbsp;Grécv 7 romarbb na Mirm[ed]ónda corici beolv na scor. Ocusnbsp;rola ar na slogh, 7 is do diarmidhib na Togla an-romarb Tróilnbsp;in laasin nanmd dona Grecaib. Ocus is cuit péne ma roélanbsp;nech don tsluagh uile uad nad bad baccach no dall no bodharnbsp;\ no cérr iarna [16P] tbescad 7 iarna timdibe d’forgab a gai, 1485nbsp;do gbin a chlaidhibb, do bil a scéith, do ind a duim, do baccnbsp;a uille, do remor a glüini, conad iminale noimbi’edli form bairnenbsp;na clocb, creta na carpat, cunga na ndam, cécbt na n-aratbar.

Nógebed dawo na sciathv 7 na claidbe 7 na sunnv 7 na liom-

nada, cona bitis ’na laim acht a terfarsena iarna mbrisivd 1490 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;^

oc slaide a namat. IS si a mét, tra, docbótar for techedh cowidh

isin fechtain tarrasair Aiaic mac Telamóin daran-éise. Rothintai

Troil cona Thi'oiandaïb com-mórbfaidb 7 com-morchoscvr fó

truth fescoir dia cathrui^. Bai bron mór in n-aidchi sin i

ndvnadh na liGrec tria agh lama Troil. Tarthut léo a óete in 1495

mie 7 a lagbad nofulngaitis forgla trenfer 7 feinedh iarthair

in betha imbvaladli fris. Asbert each uadhib fria chéle, diam-

bad lau a fichamp; bliadan nomairbhfed in slógh ule 7 ni rised fer

innisi scéoil diib üad co tir na Gréci forcülu. Diamad fer i

formna® a aise, uobiad ós churada 7 trénferaib in talman ó 1500

twrcbail ngréne coa funedh, 7 nohnfadh in domhun dia ailgib

7 dia gaiscedhaib 7 dia mórglonnaib, 7 doróscaighfedh eed do

Ercoil ar neurt 7 chalmatMS. Dia sirtha fair combad trichtach

a righe na Ti-oiandae nofollomnaigfedh for firv talman, oth4

cricha luenes co hinnsi na inBretan fri domun aiiiarthüaid. 1505

Robad óenri, tlira, fó chetheora arda an domhuin. si. r.

ISsin matain arnabarach dolluid kgmemnón cona slogh.

[162®.] Dollotar dawo uli thóisigh na Mirmedonda cobaghach l)ruthmar cechndiriuch arcind Throil. Ó rochomraieset imworro

’ Ms. ihïag nvile. Ms. foruna.

-ocr page 56-

48

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 162gt;gt;.

1510 na da chatli, rofiged gléo garb anif. Dorocbratar socbaide do cecbtar in da lethe. Robatar sist in cruth sin oc cathngWÉÏnbsp;cech Mi. Nos-füabred Troil each dia, 7 focéirdedb an ar coricinbsp;na scuru. Ocus rogab eill dona Mirmedontob secJi ckch, conas-cirredb lama dib co teigtis ’na les co Acbil.

1515 INtan iaruin aichonnaire kgmemnón na hilmile do thotiin dia muintir 7 in fordinge dorat Troil forru, doch[ü]as uad conbsp;Prmim do chuinebidh ossaid, trichai laa fri adhnacvl a marb,nbsp;fri bic a crechtnaigthe. Dorat Pnaim in n-ossad sin fóbitb anbsp;cétna do dénvm.

1520 [Dares c. 33.] O thanic, tra, aimser in cbatha tecait na Troi-andai am-mach asa catbrai^. Tinólait na Gmc don leitb aile.

Tic dawo Troil fóisin doebum na bergbaili. Roimmaig na Grécv. Rotbaföww na Mirmedónda remi doebum na scor for teebedb.nbsp;larsin, tra, rogab ferg 7 luinde a[n]ni Acbil oc décain an madmanbsp;1525 cech lai ara ammus. Garb leis in glés nógebedb Troil cech lainbsp;for a muintir. Ingir dano leis a dégbmuinter 7 a degóes im-gona, a cbóemb 7 a cbarait, do tbuitim isinn armaigb arabélaib.

Mebol leis dawo in moetbgilla amulacb dona roas finna uó ulcba do beitb i[c] cMmmai 7 oc letrad trénfer iartbair in betba donanbsp;1530 raibi cvdrumns do sbil n-Adbaim coséin. IS and sin docbiiaidnbsp;fadbeisin isin cbatb, 7 ised doebvaid cecbndirivcb [162’'] arcindnbsp;Troil. Ó’tchonnairc Troil anisin ros-fritbail. Condrecat iarumnbsp;comrac déssi diblinaib. Fócberd Troil fair erebor do gai mórnbsp;co rodn-gon. IS for feraib, tbra, rucad üad dia scoraib intinbsp;1535 Acbil. Robatar, tra, fón innas sin in tslüaigh oc tbüarcain conbsp;cend seebtmaine. Socbaide immorro dorocbratar etarrv frisinnbsp;ré sin.

jIua

ISin tsesed lau immorro iar crecbtnugbvdb Acbil dode-ebaid isin cbatb aridbisi, 7 rogab a[c] grosacht na Mirm[ed]onda 1540 co robristis for Troiandaib. INcan robói in grian oc fresgabailnbsp;Itjkcyt. iii cletbe nime 7 doralni fn' glenuaib 7 fanaib, tanic Troil liriOs-docbvin in catba. Fócbérdat Gréic gair mór estib ic aiscinnbsp;Troil. Tecait na Mirmedónda arachiud 7 fillit fair, fóbitb isnbsp;for eocb robai. Do ségdaibb an domain ana nderna do clesaibnbsp;1545 gaiscidb arambelaibb .i. febas in dibraictbe, glice na bersclaige,

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49

Dares c. 33.

trici na trénbéimend. Roimir a bvrach 7 a baraind for mar-tad na mbuden, for marbad na mfledb, for slaide na slógb.

IS do dirimib na Togla an-romarb Troil 7 a ech do Grecaib

isind lathisin namma. amp;ic\ionnmtar farvm na Greic sochaide

mora do maxhad do Throil, doratsat uile a megt;^main frf tetar- 1550

racht a marbtha. Tan dmo robai Troil ocond imguin fbcherdar

ercbor forsin n-ecb bai fói, coruc arrinde thriit, 7 co rola an

t-ech tri bidgv i n-arde, 7 co torcbair dochvin tbalmaw, ocus

rola Troi forsin leth aile ’na lighu. Riasiv atrésedh siias tic

Acbil cotric 7 co- [163^] tinnendsach ar a ammus, 7 dobeir for- 1555

gab do gai mór fair, co riacht co idXmain triit, co w-erbailt

Troil de. Tan iarum dorat ammus for breith leis an cbuirp nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;[ ^

dia scoraib, is ann tanic Memnon dub adocbvm, 7 robe^^ uad

in corp arécin 7 rogon Acbil feisin. Téit Acbil iarna guin dia

scoruib. Tainic Memnon ’na degaid docvm na scor cona slua- 1530

gaib imbe. INtan iarum atcbowwmVc in caur uathmar as tresi

robói do sil Adhaim .i. Acbil, ni rodam dó cm tinntud fr«

Memnon. Condrancatar iarum comrac déisi iar catbugud doib fri bed ciana. Dorocbair Memnow iar^ fuirmed ilchrecbt fair,

7 rocrecMnaiged ced Acbil, 7 docboid dia scorvib co mórbuaid 1535 7 morcoscar,^ 7 robass ica otbrus intib cofata. Ond uair iarumnbsp;dorocbair Troil 7 Memnow romebaid forsna Troidndu documnbsp;a cathrach, co farcsat ar mór do degdóinib, 7 roiatta na doirrsinbsp;colleir. 0 tainic ianm ind adaig, docbotar Greic dia scorvibbnbsp;co mbuaid 7 coscar.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1570

Docuas arnabaracb 0 Priam do cvincbid osvid co cenn trichat latbi. Rofoemsat Greic indnisin. Robadnacit iarvm lanbsp;Priam Troil 7 Memnon 7 socbaidi aile arcbena. Mad in coi-niud immorro roferad for Troil 7 Memnow is diaisneti amalnbsp;doronad. Ar robatar sluaig Asiae etir fer 7 mnai, eti’r macv 7 1575nbsp;ingina, et reliqua sen 7 00c, oc lamcbomart 7 occ nualguba i n-oen-fecbt 7 i n-oenuair. Rotbelcset frosa dér ndicbra. Robensatnbsp;a fulta dia cendvib, 7 roruamnai[g]set a n-aigtbi la tiacbra in

^ over this word is written .d. and in the left margin is a cross. ^ coscar is written over -buaid.

4

-ocr page 58-

50

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 164».

gnima. Fobith nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;is é insinnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;lathi i tor chairnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;airther in hetha .i.

1580 ardtoisech na hvili Asiae nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;more .i. ri na Pers 7nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;ind Egept do

tvitim ann .i. Memnow. Mad immorro caur 7 [Ids'*] cathmiKc? 7 cliathcomla cathv fher mhetha 7 in macoem an aurdaircnbsp;imma n-ergidis niacrada na Troiandae fri clvchih 7 chetih donbsp;thutim and, hanbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;moreshniclnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;don Assia ule.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ba sinbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;so, tra, cétor-

1585 gain na Trói. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ba hüathnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;lasna mileduihnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;techtnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;i cath daréis

Tróil, ar ha comnart leo a menma o nahiid Tróil rempav, ar nochanos-gehed uath na oman imi in-cech cath 7 in-cech ca-throi i tegedh. Deithhir ón dawo, ar cia ro[h] maccaom somnbsp;arai n-aisi, roho cathmilid arai n-engnama, roho gart arai n-enig.nbsp;1590 IS iat sin, tra, scela 7 imthechta 7 aided in coiced tréncath-miled sil Adaim ule .i. Troil.

[Dares c. 34.] IS annsiii, tra, doroni Ecuha hen Priaim comarli cealcaig n-indtledaig. 01c lea a da mac lancalma do marhadnbsp;da Achil cew a digail fair. Rotocured iavum M-anander dianbsp;r.lukAP 1596 hindsaigid co roindled etarnada for Achil. Fohith nofaidfethnbsp;si techta co hAchil dia tiachtain co tempull n-Apuill do naidmnbsp;Poliuxina ingeni Priaim dó, 7 do dénam sitha tri Priaim.nbsp;Rogell Maxander co forhthechfed andisin dia tisad Achil isinnbsp;coindi. ISind aidchisin iarvm fadeisin dor[o]ega klaxandernbsp;1600 mileda rochalma rotestamla na Troiandae, 7 ros-tinoil co hidh-altech Apaill Timhrecda. O tharnecatar, tra, na hisea rofoidinbsp;Ecuha techtairi do togairm Achil. Ro-indis in techtairi donbsp;Achil indi ’ma rofoided. Roho failid ri hAchil annisin 7 hanbsp;fota les cid co matain, ar serc na hingine. Doluid dino arna-harach Achil 7 Antiloicius mac Nestoir a comalta malle frissnbsp;1605 docum an idaltighe amal ashert in techtairi fn'u, Atraighnbsp;iavum Maxander cona-muinntir asa n-etarnaidi 7 rogah ocnbsp;gresacht na mileadh. [164'*'.] INtan iarvm atchondcatar Achilnbsp;7 Antiloic anisin rolaset a n-étaige diih for a laim cli 7 doros-laigset a claidhiv. Rodased iarsin im Achil, 7 roimhir forsnanbsp;1610 sMagv a hruth 7 a haraind, 7 ros-fuahair cofergach 7 cofera-mhail 7 dorochratar ilmile dih leis, conid do dirimih na Toglanbsp;ana torchair leis an lasin don gérrchlaideh hai ’na laim. Conos-toracht klaxander iar marhhad Antiloic, 00 tarat ilcrechta for

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51

Dares c. 35.

AcMl. Rodn-gonsat dawo na Tvomiidai adiu 7 anall, co torchair fodeoidh la Yiklaxander iar mbeith fota oc debhaidh 7 ic im- 1615nbsp;tbuarcain. Ro[f]orchongair iarsin Alaxawder corp Acbil donbsp;chor fó cbonaib 7 énaib 7 alltaib. Dogénta darao anisin maninbsp;thairmescad Elena. Tucai^ iarum corp Acbil do Grecaib. Mor,nbsp;thra, in bron 7 in cóiniud robói ind n-aidcbi sin i ndiinadhnbsp;na iiGréc. Nir’bó bron cew fatha doibsivm on anisin, fobith 1620nbsp;dorocbair a cathmilid calma 7 a cléth baga fria, naimtiu, 7 intinbsp;rodbingaib Hec^oir 7 Troil diib 7 na tóisiuchv Ivoiandu olohe-nai dorasoratar ilmil[i] dia slógaiamp;. Rodn-gab atbrechus donbsp;thecht an tsluagailt;^ efoV, ar dorocbratar a tóisigb 7 a trénfirnbsp;7 ar-rig. Annso cecfe ni léo dawo Acbil do naarbhadh, ar dia 1625nbsp;mbeth Acbil rempv nofailsaitis cecfe docair cbatba 7 comraic 7nbsp;acbomlaind donicfad.

[Dares c. 35.] Bai comaii’le ill aidcbisin la rigaibb na nGrec diis cia dia tibértais comarbws n-Acbil. Ba si a comairle, anbsp;tbabairt do [164'’] Aiaix mac Telémoin, ar is bé ba foicsi 1630nbsp;carotrad dóa. IS and asbert Aiax mac Teleniom ba córai dóibnbsp;tecbt üadib arcenn Birr (pirocnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;interpretatur rufus) a

mec fadbeisin robói i n-inis Scir la Licoméid, lia senatbair .i. la atbair a mbatbar. Ba tol do Grecaib uile anisin. Ocusnbsp;rofóidbset Menelaum forsin tecbtairecbt sin arcend Pbirr. Ro- 1635nbsp;léic iarum Licomeid leosMm Birr do gabail gaiscid a atbar.

0 tbanic, tra, cend na mitbisi, rocbóraig kgmemnon a cbatb,

7 rogreisi na miledv. Tecait dawo Troiandai don leitb aile; fertbar catb croda and, 7 dofuitet ilmili don tsliiagb cec^tarda.nbsp;Rolaadb gair moir and disiv 7 anall. IS annsin robói Aiax 1640nbsp;lomtbornaobt isind birgail. Robai dawo Alaxawi^er ic saigtednbsp;na slógb a bucbt cbatba, 7 doroscair socbaidbe móra do Grecaib. Rola iarum ercbor do saigbit for Aiaic, 0 robói lom-tbornocW isin cbatb, co ndecbaic^ ’na tbóeb. 0 dodecbaii? iarumnbsp;brutb 7 ferg na gona innsidbe rofiiabair triasin catb co bAla- 1645nbsp;xander, 7 ni tball laim de corus-marb 7 corus-mudbaig. Do-cbvaid immorro Aiax mac Telemoin dia scoraib 7 tall a saigitnbsp;ass 7 atbatb iarvm foce'fóir. Berair dawo corp Alaxawamp;’r donnbsp;cbatbrai^. IS and, tra, robris Diomid forsn[a] Troidndu iar tui-

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Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 140*.

1650 tim K\amp;xandir, 7 rola a n-ar corice rloirse na cathrac^. Cénco beith, tra, doimniudh na HxoidMdae acht an burach rofer Diómidnbsp;form isin lathisin, ba léor do ar 7 do mortlaid: ar ni rabe ninbsp;bad granche oldas in luathletrad 7 in Inaththinme dorat formnbsp;iri doirse na csAhrach. Docbvaidh Agmemwow [165“^] iarsin conbsp;1655 nGrécaib imbi, co ndeisidh im-medón-cathraig 7 co ndernai fr^-tfVnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;thairi impi corice in findmatin arnamharacfe, ar ni rabe isin Trói

necb doberad dorair doib daréisi a ndeghthóisigh .i. Msknander.

cU;

'quot;V

Mór, thra, in bron 7 in dubha robai in n-aidhchisin hi ca-ihraig na Troiawdae do dith a ndegrigh. Trog an golgaire 1660 rofersat and fir 7 mna, etir ais 7 óitid. IS annsin dororchairnbsp;in cing 7 in cathmilid dédhenach rochongaib ócv airthir innbsp;betha. Robadh ingir éim la feraib in talman, o twrcbail conbsp;funedh, timdibe a chuirp seom dia n-aichintigtis a ecosc som:nbsp;fobith ni raibi deilb amal deilb Maxandir etir méit 7 maissinbsp;1665 7 mórordun, etir chruth 7 chéil 7 chomlabra, etir détgen 7nbsp;dénvm 7' deichelt, etir folt 7 ulchai 7 aghaidh, etir gnais 7nbsp;gais 7 gaiscedh. Ba tairmesc do airbrib na nGréc din chathu-gud taidbriudh a chrotha. Ba techta dar tire ciana dia décsain.nbsp;Bantrochta Immorro na Greci nodercdis fair ic breith na mbvaidnbsp;1670 i n-oenuch Elédem ni ba fiu léo asscin a fer feisin iarna ais-cin seomh ’na thimthuch óenaigh. Roleth, thra, allud 7 aniusnbsp;7 vrdarcvs klaxandir fon Assia 7 fon Éoraip ule sicc. Doratsatnbsp;émh na Tróianda dimhicin for a cathrai^, fóbith atbath a frés-cisiv 7 a ndval tesaircne 7 a lennan uile etir firn 7 mnaa. Ar

1675 intan nothéged i cathugwci noiadaitis fir 7 mnaa lama fair na dichsed i n-eslind etir. dég avrachille la techt ananat (sic) uadhibh.nbsp;[165''.] Ni raibe dia bratbribh domna righ bad ferr oldaas,nbsp;etir chruth 7 chéil 7 chóir hgaiscidh.

ISsin matin arnabarach imworro dollotar do adhnacvl chuirp 1680 klaxandir .i. Priaimh 7 Ecubv 7 Elenae, ar na miscnighed nanbsp;likoidndu 7 na carad na Grécv, do dith a fir.

[Dares c. 36.] ISind lathi sin innworro rothiuóil Agmemwo'w na Grecv do doirsib na cathracA, 7 robói ic grennugMd na Troi-dnda co tistais asa cathraigh do cath frisom. Roforchongairnbsp;1685 imMorro Priaim for a munntir frithairisem cocalma 7 gabail

X-

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53

Dares c. 21.

na catbracli co tisadli Pentisilia righan na cicliloisctlie ^ coiia slógaiö do chongnum 7 do chobair dóibh. 0 tbanic immorronbsp;Pentisilia rosem arnabaracb in catb inagbaidb Agbrnewmom.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;^

vf.

Hüatbmar, tra, an cbomleng, crddbo in claidbed 7 in coscrad O- ^ ' * tuc each araebéile isin maigbinsin. Ba tnutbacb roferset na 1690nbsp;nana armaebai an cboimleng. Nobristis na bergala for fiananbsp;rocbalma fer n-Eoi’pa. Noléced ferscal annsin a bernai ebatbanbsp;do banscail. IS and sin cowdriced Pentisilia frisna trénfirv com-marbad cech fer arvair dib. Beg nar-bvd rescidir iri bannanbsp;d’fordorus i n-aimsir foilc catbmilidb ebróda iarna tuitim do- 1695nbsp;cum thalmmi tré agb a comlaind ar galaib deisi. Ni fóelan-gatar iai’Mm catbmilide na iiGre'c an lutbfas romor 7 an de-ebradb rofersat na banfénidi form. Rotbeiebset immi coricenbsp;na scurv. [166“.] Rochuir Pentisilia cona bantroebt ar mórnbsp;dib CO ndeebatar isna scoraib. Rosretb iarum an banmilid a 1700nbsp;slog imna sewru ’maefairt. Roloisctbe lea drécbt naór donanbsp;longaib. Dobered catb cacb lai doib fón-innas[s]in, 7 nóbrisednbsp;form CO teigtis im-medón na scor for teebedb 7 isin feebtainnbsp;notbairised Diomid a oénur friesi, fóbitb batir atblamiv na mnanbsp;andati na fir. Ar intan dourgabtais na Greic a Ibma fn ta- 1705nbsp;bairt béime no forcaib, nothocobtais na mna a sciatbv imma-timcbsell dond ersclaige: intan immorro immarchiiiritis na Greicnbsp;a sciatbu 7 a mboccóti fri ersclaige 7 fri himditin, in letb dianbsp;nochtatais iarwm nocriatbraitis ona mnaibh. INtan iarww nanbsp;foelangtar na Greic ted[f]uaparta na mban lancbalma dona frith 1710nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;^

set na samail do mnaib domhain, doebótar ’na scoraib 7 ro-iadsaif na doirse coléir. Ocus ni roléic Kgmemnon doib dvl ammach asin dun co tisad Meweluas asiu Greic. Panic dawonbsp;foisin Meweluas 7 Pirr co dunad na nGréc, 7 tncad arm a atharnbsp;do Phirr, 7 doróni cói 7 lamchomart fora liglie, ocus nir-bo 1715nbsp;gan fotha dho.

IMtbusa immorro Pentisilia, tanic isin catb amal dognith cac/i lai, 7 dotbét do dóirsib na scor. Córaigid Pirr dawo, rinbsp;na Mirmedón[d]a, a chath don leith aile. Sretbais dawo Kgmem-

Ms. chicloiste.

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54

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 146igt;.

1720 non slogv na nGréc archeiia. Doroichet diblinaib arciud Penti-siliae. IS and sin roslaidb Pirr ar dérmar [166'’] dona cioblo-is[c]tib, 7 robris forrv co tanic Pentisilia. O thanic-sidhe iarvin condric combrac ndéssi fn Pirr. Robatar, thra, co dead lainbsp;each dib oc tvaroain a scéitb for araile, 7 ni ruc nechtar for-1725 gab for toiiuR araebéile. Robo ebródha, thra, in comloim ban-soaile rofóbair Pentisiliae andsin .i. comrao frisin laech isnbsp;treisiv robai i n-airther in betha, 7 romarbh sochaide mói'anbsp;dona slvagafo.

Laa n-and dorat Pentisiliae forgab for Phirr coros-loit 1730 cogarbh. Dochvaidh iarvm ferg 7 bruth na gona hi Pirr, co nknbsp;fitir hath na herod ic indsaigid Pentisiliae. Fegait comlannnbsp;hdéise. Ropo ferda, thra, an comracsa, araide ba forthreisenbsp;gaiscet? Pirr. Doroehair Ventisiliae a comrac déisse.

lAr tuitim immorro na rigna romemaidh for na cichlo-1735 is[c]tib 7 for na Tróiandaib, 7 rola Pirr 7 Diomid ar mór dib, co riachtatar dóirsi na oathrach. ladait iarsvide na Gréic im-mon cathraigf, 7 ferthar in cath impe^ ’maciiairt.

Jr

[Dares c. 37.] INtan imm atchonwaw'c rig 7 tóisigh na Troiandae na slüaghv seefetair 7 a mbeith immon cathrai^,nbsp;1740 dochótar do acallaim Priaim. Batir hé na tóisigh thancatarnbsp;and .i. Antinóir 7 Polidamas 7 Aenéas. Do chomhairli dawonbsp;thancatar düs cid dogentais fn'sna mórshiaghaib rogabsat forrv.nbsp;Rotóchuirit a uile thóisigh do Priaim, 7 roiarfaigh dóib eednbsp;rop a[d]laic léo [do] dénamh. IS andsin asbert frfv Antenor.nbsp;1745 „IS cuitbiudh düib“, ol sé, „cafhagud iri Green, ar atbathatarnbsp;[167“] for milidh, rotascrait for laich, dorochratar for tóisigh,nbsp;romarbtha maicc Priaim 7 cech óen dodechadar asna hailithiribnbsp;do fortacht düib. Marait immorro tóisigh na nGréc .i. Mene-laus 7 Pirr mac Achil, nad étrese oldaas a athair, 7 Diómidnbsp;1750 7 Aiax Locrus 7 Nestor 7 ülix. Dobar-timairced iarvm isinnbsp;chathraig 7 rodunta dóirse na cathrach forib. „ISs ed asnbsp;maith duib iarvm“, ol sé, „berar liaib Helena do Gre'caib 7 innbsp;brat olchena tuc Alaxant^er ó inis Citherea. Raghdait iarvm

* Ms. fertoind ^ Ms. imphe.

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55

Dares c. 38.

Greic di'a tigli co sith 7 chaiiichomrac.“ Ó robatar sist oc trial dénma in tsid, atraacht Amfimacrus mac PHaim isind 1755nbsp;Vkixeclit. Moethóelach rotréii iiisin, 7 roradi briatlira and frinbsp;Antiuóii' 7 frisna hi robatar ’na oentaid .i. „Ba córv duib“,nbsp;ol se, „commad gressacht in tsliiaig dognéth sib 7 techt rempa’-do chauthugM(i friar naimtib tarcend far tire 7 for u-athardainbsp;7 for cathrach.“ lArsindi, tra, roforb Antinóir^ na briai/irasa 1760nbsp;atraracht Aeneas mac Anacis co n-érbairt aithesc n-alghen frinbsp;‘nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;bAmfimacrus. „A maic“, ar sé, „ba férr sitb 7 chainchomhracc

olddas eisith 7 debach.“

[Dares c. 38.] Asraract dmo Priaim fadeisin co ndérbairt „Cia beitbisi émh“, ar sé, „a[c] cuinohidh sitba 7 chórv? Is 1765nbsp;triuib tbanic cech n-olc dorónad sund. Batir sibh tóisig ro-^nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;fóidius[s]a co Grécv. Rofóidwsa émb indarade do chuinchid mo

Ja

sethar dam o rigaib na liGréc. [167’gt;] Intan iarvm dodechaici fo mélaobt 7 fo éra, ó ulib rigaib na iiGréc robai ic aslach 7nbsp;ic tabairt iminón airtabarta catha do Grécaib. A cbéli, dawo, 1770nbsp;is hé roairg inis Citberea, maille fri hAla.xander, 7 tuc estinbsp;Helenam 7 in inbrait olcbénai. IS airi sin iarvm ni biarata cidnbsp;dvibsi in sith. Bid far mewmai fris immorro corbat erlamhanbsp;intan seinnfider in stocc oc techt dochum na ndorus do tba-bairt chatha criiaid codait do Grécaib, do brisivd duib for far 1775nbsp;f', 'nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;naimtib nó for mbas fadeissin.“

O roscaicb iar^m rad na mbriaftarsa docbóid each dia tbig. Doeboaid iarMm Priaim isin rigtbech 7 rogaired a macnbsp;cbuici .i. Amf[im]acrus, ocus roraidb fris: „AtagMr“, ar sé, „innbsp;lucht ataat ic erail an tsidba do bratb na cathracb conid-ed 1780nbsp;is cóir deisidhe a marbad ria sin chinnit in cbombairle sin.“

Derb leis mani mairntae in cbathir robad cathbfadacb fora naimtib 7 nobrisfedb form. IS ed comairle doróni Priaim. Rotinolait leis a milid rocbalmai do dénvm ind écbta riasiv noforbaitaisnbsp;lucht na comairle bratb na cathracb. Rogell dó iaxum Amfi- 1785nbsp;macrus dogénad ani roforebongair Priaim fair. „Déntar coblednbsp;mor lend“, ol sé, „7 gairter na toisigb do cbathim na fleidbe.nbsp;Tinólfatsa miledv do cbvmsanad forrv“

1 Ms. rempha. ^ Sic. leg. Amphimachus.

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Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p, 168igt;.

[Dares c. 39.] IMthvasa immorro na tóisech .i. Antinoir^

1790 7 Polidamas [168^] 7 Aucligón 7 Amfidamas, o roscailset asiii dail lotar co mbatar i 11-óenimacallaim 7 roairchis each üadibnbsp;a imnedh fna chéile. Ba trom léo ani roraidhi Pn'aim, ar banbsp;ferr leis a dügend féin 7 dügend na cathrach 7 a athardainbsp;oldaas sith fri Grécv. IS and asb«rt Antinóir „Bai comairlenbsp;1795 lemsa dvib“, ol sé, „7 tiefad far less di, man bamm imeclachnbsp;dia rad.“ „Apair-seo éimh“, ar na tóisigb aile, „7 ni ricfanbsp;csenn scéoil üainne tar tech, 7 ceped comairle dobera dogén-amno airiut.“ „Tiagar üain“, ar Antinóir, „artüus co hAenéas,nbsp;co raib acaind isin-comairle. Panic dawo Aeneas andóchvm, 7nbsp;1800 rofiarfaig diib „cidli comairle is ail dvib do dénvm?“ ol Aeneas.

„IS hi dawo ar comairle“, ar Antinóir, „madat óentadachsv frinn. Nech liainn do thee/»# co Grécaib do acallaim kgmenv-noin 7 matlie na iiGrec archenai, co tartar glinne 7 enighenbsp;frinn im anacul ógh ar muinteri darcend bratha na cathrachnbsp;n^..'il805 7 dilsighthe ar n-atharda 7 tréoraigthe éolais doib 00 rigphe-i^*^^nbsp;lait Pnaimh.“ Romol c4ch an comairle sin. Rocuiredh dawonbsp;Polidamas üadhib do acallaim kgmemnóin, dég ba hé ba lughunbsp;cin fn Grecv, oms roinnis do kgmemnón a thechtairecht do-léir. Rotóchvirit iarvm rig na nGrec i n-óendail co hAgmem-1810 nón, 7 atfet dóib ani frisa-tanic Polidaim .i. do brath na Tróinbsp;darcend sith 7 charatraidb dóib féisin.

[Dares c. 40.] lArsin, tra, [168’’] roiarfaigh kgmemnón dona righaib diis cedh dogentais frisna brathemhnaib, in tibértaisnbsp;ratha friu fó na tibhértais? kirkhairt Ulix 7 Nestor, nir’bónbsp;1815 fir etir do 'Polidaim, acht as for ceilg thanio. Madh Pirr im-morro, ni thorlaicside chucai etir scél Polidaim. O rodheimh-nighestar dóib iarvm Polidamas, nach fri scél mbréci thanic,nbsp;rochuinohidar Gréic comhartha chveai. Atrubhairt Polidaimnbsp;„cidh isind uairse ria techt damsa dechastai dochum na Tróinbsp;1820 oslecfaid Aenses 7 Antinóir dóirse na cathrach reimhib.“ Atber-tatar iarvm tóisigh na nGréc dia fegatais in comhartha .i.nbsp;caindle adhanta do thaspénad! dóib, 7 dia cloistis guth Aeniasa

Ms. Antintiwoir.

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57

Dares c. 41.

7 Antinóir iiofirfaitis al-luga fnsna bratliemiio .i. Antenóir 7 Aucoligon 7 Ippitamas 7 Aonaes 7 Aiiachis do anacul conanbsp;mnaibh 7 maccaib 7 ingbenaibh, cona mbrathrib 7 cbobnestaib 1825nbsp;7 chocélib 7 cona focbraibib archaenai.

[Dares c. 41.] nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;0 i’ogléset larvm a corn rogab Polidamas tiis

rempv docbum na catbrach .i. cosin dorus dianid ainin Scea. Fiiaratar lamm comartba dia comarthaib and .i. cend eich findnbsp;i n-imdénam nas an dorus.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1830

Tancatar larvm lucbt in braith .i. Aenaes mac Anacbis 7 Antinóir i conde na nGre'c. IMtliMsa immorro Priaim, robóinbsp;cech rét i fiir 7 i n-erlamha aici do marbad lochta an braithnbsp;7 do chathugMci darcend na catbrach. Rothinolset larum tóisigbnbsp;in braith a muntera 7 a coemv 7 a cartiu dochvm an doruis 1835nbsp;hi tardsat comartha [169do Grécaib conid and hkiar immonnbsp;dorus adiu 7 anall. Tancatar Greic foisin dochvm an doraisnbsp;dianid ainm Scéa. Lvcht in braith rooslaicset in dorws 7nbsp;rofhursainset caindle iri haigthe a carad 7 a cocéle, 7 roléicsetnbsp;chuca isin cathrai^r. IS siad so immorro na toisigh^ roléigset 1840nbsp;chuca .i. Pirr mac Achil hi tosuch 7 Diómid 7 Menelaus macnbsp;Atir 7 araile toisigh archewai. Pirr, immorro, is é robói icnbsp;anacvl a muinntire uile in lochta romairnset an cathrai^. Rogab, thra, Antinóir tóisech ria mbuidnibh 7 slóg^jia^mGréc - 'nbsp;dochum deniia 7 rigimscingi 7 rigphelati Priaim, dii ir-rabatar 1845nbsp;forgla thóisech na Tróianda uile. Indarlat dofóethsad an talamnbsp;fó cossaib ar threise na toilge ron-ucsat 7 ar mét na feirgi.

IS ann sin, tra, roimbir Pirr mac Achil a bruth 7 a baraind 7 a bidbanais forsna Troiandit. Dorochratar sochaide dib innbsp;n-aidchisin dia laim. Dorochair and iarMm Pontius mac Ephrói, 1850nbsp;primerlabraid na Tróiandai ule indegaid Anfenoir. Dorochairnbsp;and dawo Coréb céle Casandra ingene Priaim. Maccóem insin ,

7 anrad 7 rind n-aga airthirthvascirt in betha. Ni moo anda sechtmain 0 thanic an chath ... 00 ronasced dó Casandra. Ninbsp;roaccobair immorro etir Casandra a héilniud, acht rop[f]err 1855nbsp;léa a feidligud i n-ógi 7 i ngsenus. IS andsin, thra, tarrasair Pirr

Ms. toisidh.

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58

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 170®.

mac Achll in catliniiK(^ i ndorws denna Pnaim, 7 tiiag dé[f]aG-bracli ’na laimh, 7 rogab dowo doms as cainemb [169’’] 7 is aillem robói isin bitb do rindaigec/i^ écsamail oacba tire conbsp;1860 n-imdénvm di ór 7 argut 7 lüg lógbmair. Roraindset iavumnbsp;na milidh robatar i pelait Priaim iat feisin. Tuosat drem üa-dhib in doms ind lis. Rogabsat side ic fritbgabail fri Pirr 7nbsp;frisua laechaib arcbewai. In fairend aile immorro dochótarnbsp;side for sonnac/^aib 7 dvmaib 7 cbnoccaib togla an denna, cor-1865 gabsat ic tréndibricud na slógb, conid immaille notheilgidis formnbsp;na gae 7 na claidbe 7 na sciathu 7 na saigte 7 bairne nanbsp;^nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;clocb fo cbossa 7 sailge 7 claradv 7 dromclai 7 ocbtaige na A

ngrianan 7 na taige claraidh. Robrissiset dawo benua na stiiag-dorws, 7 rochuirset i cenn na nGréc, co rotbascairset ilmili dona 1870 sluagaiamp; fón innas[s]in. Atreacbtatar iarvm Ivcht na catbrac?»nbsp;cobuatbmar 7 cobimeclacb, codremon 7 codéinmnetacb. Ni,nbsp;tratb, conair tbeicbidb acu, ar rolinsat Gréic srati 7 cb[l]o-cbana 7 belata na catbrach. Robai, ird, óengair forfut na ïrói.

IS mmai nógairtis na milid 7 nóeigbtis na curaid, nobuirtis 1875 na buirb, nóiaecbtaitis na mna, nóscrécbaitis na lelaip. Dalanbsp;immorro denna Priaim, rogabsat laicb lancbalmai na ïroiandanbsp;ica din 7 ica anacul. Fóbitb is ann robói an-roba decb d’ór 7nbsp;d’argut, do sétaibb [ITO'^] 7 mainibb na ïroianda. Rogab im-morro Pirr mac Acbil ic tesoad 7 ic timdibe na comlad conbsp;1880 riacbt féin cona sciatb triana lar. Dorat iarsiii tafbonn forsnanbsp;Troiawda robatar ic daingnigbud a ndorais. Deitbbir ón fóbitbnbsp;rop bé cend gaiscid for mbetba daréise an locbta lancbalmanbsp;^nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;dorocbratar ann foran togailsea anti Pirr mac Acbil diata

2Ma.

fztraitbmet svnn. lAr inbrised do Pbirr ind imdorais, 7 iar 1885 tafbonn na c^^M^étaide robatar isin dor««s, docbfaid isin rigtbecbnbsp;co romarbb a mac arbélaib Priaim. Roléci Priam ercbor donbsp;gai fairseom co ndechaid secbai, fóbitb robo senóir diblide bénbsp;ann. Rola Pirr ercbor for Priaim co ndecbaid iiin 7 co ro[s]-sreng arcbind isind imdai, 7 tall a cend de ic altóir Menerbe.nbsp;1890 IN-óen cbonair immorro docbiiaid Éovba 7 Poliuxina. Raraitbnbsp;iarwm Aenaes arcend Polivxina. Dorat immorro Ecvbv landilsinbsp;na bingbine dó darcend a anaictbe. Rofolaigb iarsin Aenaes

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59

Dares c. 42.

Poliuxinam fó chóim a atliar Anachis. Andromacho immórro, ben HecMoir, 7 Casandra ingen Priaim docbótar co rolaig-set {or altóir Menerbe. Ni rabi CMWsanadb ann, tra, co find na 1895nbsp;matne for indriud 7 orcain na catbrach. Roloisced an cbathirnbsp;coraibe tria cbortbair tenedh 7 fo smiiit detbcha. Robiirestarnbsp;7 robécestar [170’’] Badb uasv. R[o]gairset demna aéoh’ liasvnbsp;chind, ar rop aitt léo martad mar sin do tbabbairt for silnbsp;n-Adhaim, fobith rop fórmach muinntire dóib sin. Mór, tra, an 1900nbsp;r€A,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;t-anféth 7 in micbostadh roboi ’sin Troi in n-aidchi sin. Roboi

crftb ar détaib na lobar. Rotódailed fuil nam-miled: roiacht-set na senóre: roscretsat na noidein: roéigbset na hingena macdacht. Romiimrit, tra, sochaide do mnaibh saerv socbenivlnbsp;andsin ocms rothaithmigit trilse na fedb, 7 romarbait na sluaigb. 1905nbsp;Robiured 7 robaircedh 7 rodélaraigbed an cbatbir.

[Dares c. 42.] nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;0 tbaiiic iarwm soillse lai arnabaracli con-

drancatar rig na nGréc i n-oencbomairle, 7 dorónsat altugttcï buide dianbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;ndéibh 7 dianbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;n-arrachtaib. Romol Agmemwownbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;na

sMagbv, 7 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;robescbongradnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;liad iarsin crod na catbracb uilenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;donbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1910

tbabairt co bóenbaile, 7 rorand eert fodla dona sluagaib iarna céimennaib 7 iarna ngradaib córaib. Robai comairle iarumnbsp;iena rigaibb dus eed dogentais fri luebt an braith, in tibertbanbsp;sóire dóib fó na tibertba. Rodivearsat na slóig ule, 7 isednbsp;roraidset:nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;sóire 7 córainbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;do tbabairt don lucht rotbréieset anbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1915

n-atbarda nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;7 a catbraigbnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Camp;ch ni, thra, rogab in slóghnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;dia

ndóinib 7 innilib, dia sétaib 7 mainib, doratad dóib ule, 7 dora-tad anacul dóib cowa cairdib 7 cbocélib 7 chomalteib 7 cósna huil[i]b róteebtsat.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;IS annsin, tra, roattaig Antenóir inui

Agmewwow, co roleictbe dó bec mbriathar do radb fris. Roebét- 1920 aig Agmemnon dósum. Rotheraind Antenóir for a glüinib 7 ro- —nbsp;fill fothri iat i fladnaisi Agmemnoin, 7 atbert fris: „Helena 7nbsp;Casandraquot; ar sé, „atat i ngabud 7 i ngüasacbt ar imeclai. Oidnbsp;is coir libse do dénvm friu? Ba cóir chenai duibsi anacul dóibnbsp;ar in degimpidbe 7 ar in degfastine dogniid Casandra duib 7 1925nbsp;,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;ar in n-aslach doróne Helena im tbidnacvl chuirp Acbil dia

^ Ms. cathraid.

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60

Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 171gt;gt;.

aflhnacul isna scoraib dar sar k\‘Axandir“ Dorat iamp;vum Agmem-non sóire don diis sin .i. do Chasandra 7 do Helena. IS and sin, tra, rogaid Casandra itghe darcend a mathar .i. Écuba, 7nbsp;1930 darceun mna ÜQctoir mnc Priaim .i. Andromacho, 7 roinnis donbsp;Agmemnon waal rod-carsat in dias sin commór, 7 doberdisnbsp;degtbeist fair ’na écmais. Rochomarlecestar Kgmemnon anisinnbsp;frisna rigaib. ISs ed deissidh léo a soire don diis sin. Ananbsp;fritli and iarvm do dóinibli cenmótha sin 7 do indmassaib foro-1935 dail kgmemnon don tslüag. Rugéne dmo kgmemnon atlugwdnbsp;biidi dona déib. ISsin cboicatmadh lau iarttm rothinolsat innbsp;tsliiaig uile i n-oendail dia cbinniud eed lathe nógluaisfitis do-chvm a tire 7 a feraind fadeisin.

1940 [Dares c. 43,] Tiiai’cabset anbtine im co nar’bó inimrama dóib in muir. Roansat di«o isin cathraigh tna illathibh.nbsp;IS andsin rofrecair Calohas nabtar buidig na déi dib. IS andsinnbsp;[171^] dodechaid im-mewmain Phirrnbsp;cbuinchid Poliuxina fonbsp;1945 ia na fochonn romarbhanbsp;ingnad leis iarum naclinbsp;isin rigthaigh. Téit dnbsp;chid co hAgmmwow. ïiagarnbsp;for a iarair sethnoin nacnbsp;1950 0 na fuair docuas uadhnbsp;Antinoir. 0 tainic sidenbsp;al-laim kigvaemnoin, adruhairnbsp;CO rocvinched dó Poliuxinanbsp;7 CO iumd il-lamaib Pirr maicnbsp;1955 Dochuaid-side do acallaim Aen

innisin dó. Agme[ni]now i cuinchid P écin ois. dorat Aenaesnbsp;inni Poliuxina. ar-ropo ecail 1nbsp;robai do thabairt fo rnbsp;1960 7 fó ghin chlaidhib. Ocus dos-rnbsp;il-laim kgmemnon. Co tarat sidnbsp;Phirr. Rogab-side iarvm

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61

eb dl for ligv a athar Ba fercacb iarvm kgmemnon iri hnbsp;VoMuxina. Ocus iseiZ atrubairt frinbsp;bad tir na ’ïtoiwndae 7 aranbsp;for longais. al-loss an giinbsp;dó. Dochuaidh (arsinnbsp;for longais cosin lin rolaenbsp;longaib a ndechaic? Alaxanbsp;hinis Citberea. dia tunbsp;Helind. ut ante dictum. Robóinbsp;.uii. mb]ia(fwa for nvacbommadnbsp;fut mara Torren, ut innbsp;0 rocbomlói, tra, Aensenbsp;ais dochóidh kgmemnon dinbsp;cathbfadacb cathcbnbsp;mórsluagh 7 cowa buidhnibnbsp;[172“]

Dares c. 43.

1965

1970

1975

iar ndigbail a cbneite ide for firv Assia farnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1980

7 iar milliudh 7 iar slaitt i]mna sétaib 7 imna mainibnbsp;na Troiawda féisin a forneurtnbsp;aib ciana comaitche fonbsp;ib in betha. Mór mbróinnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1935

bai for gnuis Helena do frisin Trói. Ba moo conbsp;dvba-sin olddas an duba ronbsp;ri ic scaradb fri hinis Cithnbsp;Helenas imiworro 7 Casandra inghen 1990nbsp;Andromacha ben Hec^oer 7nbsp;Ecub]v ben Priaim. ised rogabsat donbsp;da cet ar se milebh. al-linnbsp;Antenóir cona, fairaind hinbsp;Troiandae coic cét. ar dib milibh 1995nbsp;é lin rolen Aenaes cetbrinbsp;ora milib. IS hé lin dano donbsp;do Grécaib la Troiawdw, amal

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62

2000


2005


2010


Togail Troi. H. 2, 17, p. 172»gt;.

[Da]réit. sé mile ar ochtmogait ocht cétaib mile. IS liénbsp;doJrochatV o Thmiandatb la Grécv ria mbrnbsp;ca]tbrac7i .i. sé mile décc ar thrinbsp;cetaib mile. Cét ar sechtnbsp;is hé lin dorochair do Grecaibnbsp;Hechtoir a oenur. It iatnbsp;[toisigb ll Diomenus

Carpedon Lepodvm for meis llnbsp;Amentivs llnbsp;Cleofinor

righ.....Arcomenus


¦t


[172’’] Pullixinus, Minon, Antipus, Leontem, Polibétes, Clopenór. Da ardtóisech domarbh Aenses .i. Anfimacrus, Nerius.nbsp;2015 IT hé tóisigh domarb Alaxawc7er mac Priaim: Achil, Pala-mid, Antilocus, Aiax LocrMS, Aiax mac Telamom, comthuitim donbsp;sede 7 do Alaxawder.

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Literal Translation.

The figures refer to the lines of the Irish text.

1. Jason did that by means of Medea’s magic, to wit, bringing Vulcan’s four oxen out of hell, and the other things,nbsp;ut ante dictum.

3. Now after the completion of all that work, Aeetes said to Jason: „May it not he well (to her) that taught thee — Medea,nbsp;my own daughter! She it is that hath done all thatquot;, saith he.

6. After this the golden fleece was given to Jason and to the champions of Greece.

8. So then Jason with his hosts began to leave the city and to travel to their own heritage and territory. Medea begannbsp;to sue on her true covenants, which he had entered into^nbsp;before the kings and heroes of Greece, and before the worthies of the isles of the Tyrrhene sea, to love her^ alwaysnbsp;as® his one wife. Jason said to her that he would not bringnbsp;her to his country if she brought her children with her.nbsp;Thereafter Medea did a deed, sinful, fearful, brutal, to wit,nbsp;killing her sons for the love and dearness of the beautifulnbsp;youth and so that there might be no reason for leaving hernbsp;and not bringing her with him to his country.

17. Thereafter the soldiers bid farewell to the king, and carried off the fleece, and went out of the city. Then they gonbsp;on board their vessel and rowed along the same way, untonbsp;the estuary of the river Cius, past the districts of Troy, tillnbsp;they reached the harbour of Greece. After this they brought

' Lit. as he had hound. ^ Lit. and to love her. ^ lit. for.

I-

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64

Literal Translation.

their vessel on land and go to have speech of the king Peleas who had set them to the embassage, and they tell their tidingsnbsp;and their adventures from beginning to end; and the fleecenbsp;was displayed unto him. Peleas gave thanks to Jason and tonbsp;Hercules and to the crew besides. He bestowed treasures andnbsp;riches on every one according to his rank, and so forth. ^

27. Mindful, now, was the hero and the war-soldier and the battle-breacher of a hundred, — the mightiest that hathnbsp;come of Adam’s seed, to wit, Hercules son of Amphitryon, —nbsp;of the disgrace and of the shame that had been brought uponnbsp;him by Laomedon, king of the Trojans, to wit, the not givingnbsp;him the hospitality of a harbour when he was sent along withnbsp;Jason to seek the golden fleece. Heavy was his heart afternbsp;this not to avenge himself on the folk that abode in thenbsp;neighbourhood of Greece, on the eastern border of Propontis,nbsp;in the east of Asia Minor, (and) that had got a little stripnbsp;of land in the western angle of Phrygia, overagainst the shorenbsp;of the Tyrrhene sea. Por of the world’s warrior-hosts therenbsp;was none that attained to equality with him. No warrior wasnbsp;there here, who would go further than he to avenge his wrongnbsp;in far-ofl, neighbouring territories.

Now here are some of his valiant deeds. ^

38. It is he, Hercules, that slew the mighty champion with the three heads, in the isle Erythria, in the estuary ofnbsp;the Tyrrhene sea, at the mere of Europe and Africa, right innbsp;the west of the world, Geryon, to wit, his name: he witherednbsp;up the tribes and the races.

-r-

42. It is he, Hercules, moreover, that built the two pillars at the Gaditanian Strait, and each of them looking at thenbsp;other, namely, the pillar of Europe looking at Africa and thenbsp;pillar of Africa looking at Europe.

45. It is he, moreover, that set his hand to the rock, if perchance he might attain to slaying Cacus son of Vulcan, who

’ Here a scribe’s note: Mailechlann (has written) that little. ^ This sentence is prefixed by L.

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Literal Translation.

was biding in the middle of the rock, and he flung the rock into the river.

48. It is he that slew Busiris, who was playing the hero beside the river Nile. The latter used to offer up his guestsnbsp;to the river Nile.

50. It is he, moreover, that slew the cruel lion in the great glen^ in the south-west of the world.

52. It is he that slew the execrable, merciless snake with seven heads, that abode in the Lernean swamp, (and) thatnbsp;withered up and destroyed the north of the world as to humannbsp;beings and herds and cattle.

55. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;It is, he, moreover, that laid low Antaeus son of Terranbsp;by force of valour.

56. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;It is he, moreover, that scattered the haughty woman-folk of the Burnt-paps (Amazons), w'ho swayed the Great Asia,nbsp;the third of the world, with rapine and ransacking,^ and incursion, so that they ruled the eastern half of the world fornbsp;the space of thirty years, till Hercules carried off from themnbsp;the Queen’s armour, which he was sent to seek.

61. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;It is he that did innumerable deeds besides.

62. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;It is he that brought the golden fleece out of thenbsp;country of the Colchians.

63. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;A man, now, that did these deeds, could not bear tonbsp;refrain from abatingLaomedon’s pride. Wherefore he wentnbsp;thereafter, to seek multitudes and hosts, to the lights and tonbsp;the warriors of Greece. He went to beseech the kings andnbsp;the leaders and the champions of the country to come alongnbsp;with him, to avenge his sigh and his groan.

65

-r-

68. This is (the side on which) he gave his goal and the beginning of his muster, the kings of Lacedaemon, to wit.

* The mountain-valley of Nemea is referred to. For alt meaning 'glen’ see O’Don. Supp. to 0’R.

^ For siniud, I read siriud, 'searching’, ‘ransacking’: cf. rahai slat 7 siriud, LL. 224 •gt;.

® Lit. ‘did not endure to him without abating.’

5

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66

The Destruction of Troy.

Castor and Pollux, the two scions1 (were) those aud the two darlings of the north of the world. He told them, then, whatnbsp;he had come for, namely, to seek an army and a host, tonbsp;avenge on Laomedon the dishonour and the disgrace that hadnbsp;been inflicted on himself and on Jason, son of Aeson, and onnbsp;the sons of the kings and princes of the whole of Greece; andnbsp;he said that the wrong to him, though on him it ... . (?), wasnbsp;not greater than to all the Greeks and to Castor and Polluxnbsp;themselves. Castor and Pollux declared that even if theynbsp;possessed the many races and many tribes of the whole ofnbsp;Greece, and even if they were masters, in the north from thenbsp;end of the strand .... in the south, in the border of Greecenbsp;aud Italy, they would fare with him to form an assembly andnbsp;a host and to avenge his wrong on every side throughout thenbsp;confines of the world. Hercules gave thanks for that declaration.

over.

81. Thereafter he fared from them into Salamis, to Telamon the king, and he said to him: „For this“, saith he, „have I comenbsp;to thee, to relate to thee the great shame and the great disgrace and the great insult that Laomedon hath put upon thenbsp;crew of the ship Argo, and on Jason’s host, and on me myself.nbsp;Now,quot; saith he, „unless that is . . . ., the Trojans will come onnbsp;raids to plunder and make inroads on Greece. So I desirenbsp;that thou, like every one, shouldst come with me on a hostingnbsp;unto Troy.“ „Not I“, saith Telamon, „shall be the first mannbsp;who will refuse to fight and to contend for the benefit of thenbsp;land of Greece. I will go with thee, (togetlier with) thosenbsp;that I shall have of friends and of comrades. With us, more-shall go the inhabitants of Salamis, whoso shall take

spear in his hand and is fit to know how to wield weapons. W1e shall be ready, awaiting thy message.quot;

92. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;After this he (Hercules) left a blessing with Telamon.

93. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;So then Telamon held a meeting with the men of Salamisnbsp;after him (Hercules), and determined on peace and good will

1

euchraid, n. dual of eochair ‘a young plant, a sprout’ 0’R., if this be a genuine word.

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67

Literal Translation.

I-

towards him. He proceeded to the prince and emperor of Moesia, to Pelias, head of the valour and pride and haughtinessnbsp;and kingliness of the men of the north of the world. This henbsp;then said to him: „I have come to thee to seek a host to farenbsp;into the Trojans’ country, for if thou goest on this hosting thounbsp;wilt arouse^ Greeks from the east of the land of Arabia tonbsp;the shore of the Aegean sea, from the north of Thrace to thenbsp;confines of Italy in the south. All will arise at thy going-forth, for thou art the chief of splendour and conspicuousnessnbsp;and the sun of the whole of Greece. Arise, then, for thenbsp;profit of the tribes^ and races of Greece! For a profit to all thenbsp;Greeks is this hosting, if one escapes from it triumphant, battle-victorious.quot; „Even ifquot;, saith Pelias, „I possessed the men ofnbsp;the earth in the south, from the land of Ethiopia in the northnbsp;unto India, and from the victory-stones of Hercules and fromnbsp;the rising of the sun, to the eastern point® of the south ofnbsp;Europe which strikes against the estuary of the Tyrrhene seanbsp;and unto the setting of the sun, I would send them all withnbsp;thee to mar and to assail the Trojans, to destroy and to burnnbsp;Laomedon’s city. However, all the host that I have shall worknbsp;with thee. So when thou hast ships and galleys ready sendnbsp;me a messenger, and my host shall be ready then for thee.quot;nbsp;Hercules then bade him farewell.

114. Then Hercules went into Pylos, to Nestor. He was king therein. He asked tidings of Hercules, for what cause henbsp;had come? Hercules replied: „To ask for an army,quot; saith he,nbsp;„that thou mayst come along with me, with all thy army, innbsp;this hosting wherein go the worthies of Greece, to wit. Castornbsp;and Pollux and Telamon and Peleus, to avenge the wrong thatnbsp;hath been done to me. If it were on you that shame andnbsp;disgrace had been inflicted, the men of the world, from the

' I read dofhusceba, 3rd Sg. b-fut. act. of dmseim. In the Ms. the mark of length is over the c.

tuatha should he the gen. pi. tuaih.

® I pass over the meaningless 7 {ocus) of the Ms.: the whole passage is confused and corrupt.

5*

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68

The Destruction of Troy.

rising of the sun to its setting, would know my power in repelling it from you.^ And even if ye had dealings and enmities in India or Scythia lor Persia, or in Arabia or in Egypt or innbsp;Ethiopia or in Spain or in the Gauls or in Germany or innbsp;Alania, I should not be slack to take vengeance for themnbsp;throughout those outer territories, besides the countries thatnbsp;are nearest to us. Then Nestor answered: „A blessing on everynbsp;one who strengthens the nobleness and the army of Greece tonbsp;contend! As to me, however, I will go along with thee whennbsp;every thing is prepared.“ So Hercules was thankful unto him.

129. Now, when Hercules knew the will and wish of the champions and the heroes, he chose right valiant soldiers ofnbsp;his own country. By him, then, were collected all the shipsnbsp;and vessels and barks that were lying in the country of Greece,nbsp;from the estuary of the Pontic sea in the north as far as thenbsp;Arabian sea in the south. He arranged his fleet on (the) sea,nbsp;and the soldiers and right valiant champions of the whole ofnbsp;Greece he chose unto him, from every point, by means ofnbsp;letters and envoys; and the kings who had promised camenbsp;unto him with thousands and hosts and armies. Now after thenbsp;armies and the hosts had come so that they were biding innbsp;one stead, the kings took counsel as to whether they shouldnbsp;go at night or by day to the port of the Trojans. They settlednbsp;on this: they went at night into the port of Sigeum.

141. Now when they had entered that port, Hercules and Telamon and Peleus, with a great battalion around them,nbsp;marched to destroy Troy. Castor and Pollux and Nestor remained with the ships. Thereafter Laomedon was told that anbsp;great host of Greeks had seized the port of Sigeum. He arosenbsp;wrathfully and fearfully, mightily and manfully, with the proud,nbsp;indignant heroes of Troy around him, and proceeded towardsnbsp;the sea. When they were near to the ships they raised banners (?)nbsp;of battle over their heads in opposition to the savage, terriblenbsp;wild beast, around whom had gathered the savage soldiery of

^ Lit. them.

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Literal Translation,

the north of the world. The Trojans began to fight for their country and their fatherland and their city. So when mattersnbsp;stood thus, Hercules marched to the city. Now they passednbsp;by each other, to wit, the road which the Trojans took to thenbsp;ships was not the same as that which Hercules with his hostnbsp;took to Troy. As to Hercules, he reached Troy and foundnbsp;Troy open, without any one protecting or keeping it. So he setnbsp;it under a mist and a fringe of fire, and slew all that was fitnbsp;for slaughter therein, and he gathered the gold and silver,nbsp;jewels and treasures and goods of the city. No one escapednbsp;out of the city but he who fled from point of spear and fromnbsp;mouth of sword.

160. So when they told Laomedon of the onfall on the city, he turned back to the city, and met Hercules, front tonbsp;front, in the middle of the way. Then indeed did Herculesnbsp;cast off weariness from his mind, and fulfilled his desire tonbsp;pour forth the Trojans’ blood, and he broke a battle-breachnbsp;through might of men, on the choice of the worthies of thenbsp;Trojans around their king: in such wise that Laomedon thenbsp;king of the Trojans was slain there with his three sons andnbsp;with his kings and soldiers. Thereafter Hercules went, withnbsp;great victory, to his ships, unto Castor and Pollux and Nestor.nbsp;Now after the hosts came together they divided the bootynbsp;among them. Unto Telamon came Hesione, Laomedon’s daughternbsp;because of the champions of valour of Greece he was the firstnbsp;hero who entered the city. So when all that came to a endnbsp;each leader of them went to his land with victory and triumph.

173. Gloomy, uneasy, troubled was Priam son of Laomedon, crownprince of the Trojans and of Little Asia, at the great agony that had befallen him, namely, the burning of Troy andnbsp;its ruin, its jewels and treasures and goods and booty carriednbsp;away by Greeks, his own sister borne into bondage and givennbsp;to Telamon in guerdon of his valour. Sorer than every griefnbsp;he deemed his father’s fall and the slaughter of the Trojansnbsp;made in the battle and in the city. Disgrace and great shamenbsp;he deemed the triumphing of the Greeks over the Trojans and

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that Phrygia should suffer^ mockery and honour-scathe. Sure he was that, unless the vengeance should come speedily, itnbsp;would never come. ^ This is, what ho desired, to renew thenbsp;walls and to make the city secure, and to array armies andnbsp;peoples. Thereafter he went to consider that to the city ofnbsp;his fatherland, with his wife, namely Hecuba, with his sons,nbsp;namely 1) Hector, 2) Alexander, 3) Doiphobus, 4) Helenus,nbsp;5) Troilus; and Andromeda wife of Hector son of Priam, andnbsp;Priam’s two daughters, namely Cassandra and Polyxena. Manynbsp;sons had Priam, besides these five of Hecuba’s — sons of harlots and concubines. A hundred sons altogether were, it isnbsp;declared, borne to him, and none of them are reckoned in thenbsp;royal seed besides those five of Hecuba and other sons whonbsp;were born of lawful wives and of unions just and legal. Thenbsp;sons, however, that were begotten in illegality and in adulterynbsp;are not reckoned in the royal race. So after Priam had reachednbsp;Troy great strong walls were built by him round Troy, so thatnbsp;they were vaster greatly than the first walls. Casemates (?)nbsp;and mighty bastions were built around it first of all (?). Hostsnbsp;and mighty multitudes of those that had been scattered throughout Phrygia and Little Asia were gathered together that henbsp;might have soldiers strong (and) active to keep and to fightnbsp;on behalf of the city. That he did in order that foemen mightnbsp;not come upon him into his city without (his) knowledge andnbsp;without protection by the valiant soldiery, even as they hadnbsp;come upon his father Laomedon. A wonderful royal pavilionnbsp;was erected by him amidst the city. Moreover, a fair, adornednbsp;dwelling, and a mound were built by him on the acropolis andnbsp;the stronghold of the city, for . . . and for outlooking, and fornbsp;hurling at foes over it outside. ‘Priam’s ard, that is, fortress,nbsp;was its name. An altar was consecrated by him to Jove innbsp;that royal pavilion, overagainst himself; The gates of the citynbsp;were carefully adorned by him. These are the names of the

^ Lit. be under.

^ I cannot translate the following sentence {Arapaidhe etc.).

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Literal Translation.

gates: 1) Antenora, 2) Ilia, 3) Dardania, 4) Ebusea, 5) Thym-braca, 6) Trojana.

. 211. Now when Priam beheld Troy founded, and trusted the city’s strength and firmness, and when he perceived hostsnbsp;and multitudes ready by him, he felt ^ a longing to fight againstnbsp;the Greeks. Sad he deemed it then that the crowd of valiantnbsp;heroes and the abundance of warlike soldiers should not benbsp;employed in avenging his father and his city. Because thosenbsp;warriors surpassed the warrior-hosts of all the world, bothnbsp;in swiftness and leaping, both in swimming and hurlingnbsp;and feat-performance, both in managing horse and chariot,nbsp;both in plying spear and sword and in playing chess andnbsp;draughts. They excelled, moreover, both in form and shapenbsp;and raiment and splendour and dexterity. Idle it seemed tonbsp;him, then, when his host was increasing in his city, not tonbsp;employ them to advantage. He was awaiting what time henbsp;should go to avenge his woe, ^ wherefore to him was summurednbsp;Antenor, a leader and distinguished spokesman of the Trojans,nbsp;in order to send him on an embassy into the lands of thenbsp;Greeks, to have speech of the leaders who had come to himnbsp;(Priam) with Hercules, to wreck Troy, (and) to complain to themnbsp;of the great injury which they had wrought upon Priam, tonbsp;wit, slaying his father, burning his city, bearing his sister intonbsp;bondage, stealing his gold and his silver, attacking his city,nbsp;(and) without compensation, without making good to him anynbsp;one of these. Sorer than any thing to him seemed it, not tonbsp;deliver his sister out of bondage; for if his sister were givennbsp;to him out of the bondage they would make peace and order.

232. So Antenor fared forth on the embassage, as was enjoined on him: a single ship’s crew w'as their number. Firstnbsp;of all Antenor went into Moesia to Peleus. Three days andnbsp;throe nights was he a-giiesting therein. But on the fourth daynbsp;Peleus asked tidings of him, to know what his race was andnbsp;who had sent him on an embassy. Antenor answered: „I have

Lit. gave around him. Lit. his groan.

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come on an embassy“, saith he, „from Priam son. of Laomedon, from the king of the Trojans. Of the Trojans is my race.nbsp;To declare and to set forth the vast vexation that Priam suffersnbsp;from the dishonour and from the disgrace that the Greeks havenbsp;put upon him, to wit, slaying his father, and burning his citynbsp;(and) enslaving his sister, without making (any) compensationnbsp;to him. Yet he would forgive every one of all those things if hisnbsp;sister Hesione were delivered to him out of hondage.“ As soon asnbsp;Peleus heard that, anger and grief at that answer possessednbsp;him, and he said: „It is audacity and it is great rashness fornbsp;Trojans to come unto Greeks without the guarantee, withoutnbsp;the safeguard of the country, because much of evil have theynbsp;done to the Greeks.quot; So Peleus told Antenor to go forth outnbsp;of the country and out of the haven. So Antenor went tonbsp;his vessel, according to the king’s commands. They set theirnbsp;vessel on sea, and fared onwards, past Boeotia, to Salamis.nbsp;When he came to Telamon, king of Salamis, he set forth hisnbsp;embassy to him, namely, to ask for Hesione of him particularlynbsp;— for unto him she had bedh given in guerdon of his valournbsp;and war-service — and Antenor said that it was not meet fornbsp;a daughter of the royal race to abide in bondage and thraldom like a slavegirl. Then Telamon answered and said thatnbsp;he had done no evil to Priam, that it was not he that hadnbsp;caused the expedition to fare forth, and he declared that henbsp;would not give to any one the payment that had heen bestowednbsp;on him in guerdon of his valour. He declared to him thennbsp;(that he should go) out of the country.

259. After that declaration, Antenor went on board his vessel, and came to Achaia, to Castor and to Pollux. He toldnbsp;them what he had come for, and said that peace and friendship with the Trojans and Priam were better than being atnbsp;variance with them. If Hesione were given back to him itnbsp;would be a cause of that peace and friendship. They repliednbsp;that they had not given occasion of dissension or disunion to thenbsp;Trojans, for they had not heen present at the sacking nor atnbsp;the burning of the city, nor at carrying away the plunder

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Literal Translation.

thereof. They said, moreover, that it was not they that had Hesione, and if they had her that they would not restore hernbsp;to Priam. They said, moreover, to him that he should abidenbsp;no longer in the country, for they supposed that he had comenbsp;from the Trojans to beguile the Greeks. So then Antenornbsp;went forth to his vessel, with great grief and with heaviness.nbsp;He declared to his people the disgrace and the great shamenbsp;that had been inflicted upon him by Castor and by Pollux.

*

•t

I

272. Thereafter he fared into Pylos, to Nestor, so that he might not err by omitting to go to any of the leaders ofnbsp;the hosting. Nestor asked tidings of him, what was the reasonnbsp;he had come? Antenor declared, „to ask for Hesione, daughternbsp;of Laomedon“, saith he. When Nestor heard that, wroth andnbsp;bitterness against Antenor seized him, and he declared that itnbsp;was audacity and great shamelessness for Trojans to come untonbsp;Greeks, for that Trojans had done evil to Greeks rather thannbsp;Greeks to Trojans. Mournful was Antenor at the mockerynbsp;that was made of^ Priam and of himself and of all Trojans.

281. So when he embarked on board his vessel, he rowed straightway to Troy. After reaching the city he tells hisnbsp;tidings and his goings, from beginning to end, unto Priam.nbsp;„It is as nothing, now, is to he measured by thee every evilnbsp;that the Greeks have done to thee up to this time, as compared with the shame and the disgrace and the dishonour thatnbsp;on this occasion they have inflicted on thyself and on all thenbsp;Trojans. Unless, now, thou repellest from thee that shamenbsp;thy wealth will not abide till doomsday — unless thou up-liftest thy valour ever the valours of every one, so that thenbsp;world’s men may know of the vengeance which thou wilt takenbsp;on the Greeks who have done evil to thee. Every one whonbsp;shall raise on high the use of valour in the countries of thenbsp;Greeks will think that there is no leader over you who practises valour and (wins) splendour and renown, unless a full-mightynbsp;soldiery shall arise to battle and prey upon Greece, and causenbsp;in Greece lamentation on every side.quot;

^ Lit. set upon.

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That is Alltenor’s embassy.

295. So all his sons were summoned to Priam, and all his leaders, and all his kings and his soldiers. Moreover thennbsp;An tenor was called to him, and Anchises and Aeneas andnbsp;Ucalegon and Panthous and Lampades. So when all the leadersnbsp;had come to the assembly, Priam uttered a speech of admonition to them after they arrived. „I sent“, saith Priam,nbsp;„Antcnor from me on an embassy into the lands of the Greeks,nbsp;to bid my boon (?) from the Greeks after they had tormentednbsp;me. I sent (him) for this especially, to know whether my sisternbsp;would be delivered to me out of the bondage. Not only, however, was she not delivered out of her bondage, but they madenbsp;a mockery of me myself and of all the Trojans. This, then,nbsp;is what I desire — hosts and armies to march into Greece tonbsp;seek Hesione perforce since she cannot be got by consent ornbsp;for friendship (Or may be they might be thankful to cast hernbsp;from them in exchange for the booty that would be carriednbsp;out of Greece), so that the troops of the Trojans may no longernbsp;be mocked by the Greeks.“ Then Priam urgently besought hisnbsp;sons, and encouraged them to be chieftains in collecting everything, ill completing ^ (?) the preparation of a host and an army.nbsp;Though much he encouraged every one, much more he encouraged Hector. Him answered Hector — he is the man whonbsp;(always) spoke first in the meeting and in the assembly of thenbsp;Trojans — and said. „1“, saith he, „am (that) one of thenbsp;Trojans who would be most faine to avenge my graudsire andnbsp;to do what Priam wishes, even though I should fall thereby.nbsp;Howbeit I dread that deed begun, unless ye carry it to thenbsp;end, and unless it is completed and brought into port; andnbsp;the greater is your shame if ye begin and do not complete it.nbsp;Because the Greeks are more numerous than ye are: multitudinous are their hosts and their peoples and their armies fromnbsp;every side throughout the whole of Europe. And even thoughnbsp;it were only a single folk or a single tribe of Greeks, ye have

Lit. ‘in putting an end (or head) on.‘

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neither number nor valour to abide them, besides the mighty multitudes of the whole of Greece. For if the Greeks sonbsp;desire, Europe’s men will arise with them from the sea ofnbsp;Silarus (?) in the south of Italy to the north of the countrynbsp;of the ... in the outer fringe of Europe, which strikes againstnbsp;the great ocean in the north. If they, the Greeks, desire,nbsp;there will go to them (and) will rise with them the men ofnbsp;the isles of the Tyrrhene sea, from the point of Pithir (Pe-lorus?) in Sicily to Pacén (Pachynus?) and to Posfoir (Bosporus?)nbsp;to the estuary of the Pontic sea. I desire not, then, to challenge that people, because, of the world’s warriors, there arenbsp;none whose valour is equal to theirs. For they live only innbsp;battles and in conflicts and in fights, every tribe slaying andnbsp;raiding on the other, so that they are the more dexterous innbsp;plying spear and shield and sword. Not so the folk of Littlenbsp;Asia. They have not taught themselves (?) to bide in battlesnbsp;or in fights, but in peace and good-will and quiet continually.nbsp;Ye have not an army like that, wherefore I have no desire tonbsp;challenge those heroes, to whom of the world’s heroes, therenbsp;is no equal. I will not, however, forbid you (to fight) lest yenbsp;say I am incapable of it. So far as concerns me, ye shall notnbsp;be opposed.^

339. Howbeit Alexander was encouraging warfare against the folk of Greece, and said: Let me be leader of this hosting,nbsp;for ye shall find that I shall do Priam’s will and bring victorynbsp;and triumph out of Greece beyond every one. I will rout mynbsp;foes: I will bring (home) jewels and treasures: I myself willnbsp;come safe back to my house. Hence it is that I think so;nbsp;because I was once a-hunting in Mount Ida. I saw (coming)nbsp;towards me Mercury son of Jove, and three exceeding fairnbsp;women behind him, namely, Juno and Venus and Minerva.nbsp;They tell their tales at once. „There hath been made“, saynbsp;they, „a mighty (marriage-) feast, for all the goddesses andnbsp;gods, by Peleus son of Aeacus; and to that wedding were in-

‘ Lit. ‘It stall not be my stare, towever, ttat stall go against you.

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vited all the deities, both male and female, with Jove son of Saturn, with Apollo son of Jove, with Dardanus son of Jove,nbsp;with Mercury son of Jove, with Neptune, with Venus, withnbsp;Minerva, with Juno. Howheit Discordia, was not brought therenbsp;at all. Now when there was great glee in the drinking-house,nbsp;Discordia went to the garden of the Hesperides, and broughtnbsp;thence an apple of gold, and wrote thereon an inscription, tonbsp;wit, hoc est donum pulcerrimae deae, and flung it from hernbsp;over the window of the house in presence of them all. Thereatnbsp;the hosts marvelled, and what was on the apple was read outnbsp;before them. Now from that tale there groweth a great contest between the three goddesses who were the loveliest in thenbsp;world, to wit, Juno and Minerva and Venus. It seemed tonbsp;Juno that there was no contending against her, for she wasnbsp;daughter of a king, namely Saturn, she was the sister and thenbsp;wife of another king, namely Jove son of Saturn. Comely, then,nbsp;was that woman, both as to hair and eye and tooth, both asnbsp;to size and fitness and evenness; hair on her, thin below, . . .nbsp;Two black, dark eyebrows had she, which used to cast a shadownbsp;on each of her two cheeks. She did not think that any womannbsp;of the world’s women could surpass her in beauty. As tonbsp;Minerva, then, she did not think that anyone could equal her,nbsp;for the excellence of her form and her shape and her racenbsp;and her science; for every science that is practised in the world,nbsp;by her it hath been discovered. Then Venus raised on highnbsp;her form and her shape and her delightfulness; because fromnbsp;her is every wooing and every love-intrigue that is found innbsp;the world. For there was not in the world a woman resemblingnbsp;her, so that all that time men’s eyes were unable to behold hernbsp;because of her beauty and her . . . pleasantness. Then theynbsp;went for arbitration unto Jove. „I will not“, saith he, „delivernbsp;a judgment to you: but go to Alexander son of Priam, who isnbsp;on Mount Ida — and Mercury shall go before you — so thatnbsp;he may deliver judgment to you.“ Then the four of them,nbsp;namely Venus and Juno and Minerva, and Mercury beforenbsp;them, came unto me,“ saith Alexander, that I might deliver judg-

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ment unto them, after each of the goddesses had promised a guerdon to me. ^ Juno then offers the realm of great Asia ifnbsp;I would distinguish her from the other goddesses.^ Minerva,nbsp;however, offers the knowledge of everything which man’s twonbsp;hands perform. Venus offers me the fairest wife who shouldnbsp;bide in Greece, if she should he distinguished from the othernbsp;goddess. Now this was my judgment, that Venus was thenbsp;comeliest there. So Venus will bestow on me, as she promised,nbsp;the most beautiful wife that abides in Greece.quot;

385. Then said Deiphohus: „Good counsel doth Alexander give, that troops and armies should go into Greece to bringnbsp;thereout booty and reprisal, so that the Greeks may be thankful to make an exchange.quot;

388. Thereafter, then, Helenas prophecied unto them a prophecy, and said „B’oes will come to the Trojans: they willnbsp;overturn Troy: they will slay the men of Asia, if Alexandernbsp;bring a wife out of Greece.quot;

391. At the uttering of that declaration, Troilus spake against it® — the youngest of Priam’s sons was that Troilusnbsp;as regards age, mightier, however, than Hector in manslayingnbsp;and splendour and exceeding strength. He almost became madnbsp;with encouraging the fighting. „Let Helenus’ false prophecy,quot;nbsp;saith he, „in no wise prevent you.quot; To go into Greece wasnbsp;with them the voice of a hundred out of the mouth of one.

397. Now when Priam knew everyone’s wish and desire, and when he perceived that they were all fain to go on thenbsp;hosting, henbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;sent Alexander and Deiphobusnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;intonbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Paeonianbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to

choose and nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to collect soldiers, mercenariesnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;warriorsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to

wend on the hosting. Then was proclamation made by Priam to his people and to the folk of his country in general to comenbsp;to assemblynbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and counsel. He instructed hisnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;sonsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;in thatnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;assembly thatnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;unto each junior of them his senior should be lord.

After this he related to the people every insult which the

' more literally: ‘after a promising of reward to me by each woman of them. ^ Lit. women. Lit. prohibited.

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Greeks had inflicted upon them, the Trojans. „Wherefore“, saith Priam, „I desire to send Alexander with a host intonbsp;Greece, to avenge some of the great evils which they have donenbsp;unto us. But indeed, why should not Antenor tell tidings tonbsp;you, „for he it- is that fared into Greece on an embassy.''nbsp;„Truly,quot; saith Antenor, „I am acquainted with Greece. I beheldnbsp;her heroes and her warriors, and there is no need for you^nbsp;to fear them, since your champions and your men-at-arms andnbsp;your soldiers are more splendid and more dexterous than thenbsp;soldiers of the Greeks.quot; „Question, then,quot; saith Priam, „is therenbsp;one of you who would be unwilling to fare on this hosting?quot;nbsp;Then answered Panthous, son of Euphorbus, a leading mannbsp;of the Trojans and a wonderfully good counsellor, and said innbsp;a low voice: „My father,quot; saith he, „declared to me that anbsp;man named Alexander would be, when he brought a wife outnbsp;of Greece, the completion and end of Troy. Because they willnbsp;come after him with a fierce, fearful host (and) the Trojansnbsp;will be put under mouth of spear and sword. So that it isnbsp;the better to bide in peace and in good-will, as is now thenbsp;case, than to challenge an army and a host that would attack^nbsp;Troy and destroy it.quot; Now when the people heard the opinionnbsp;of Panthous they uttered a cry and mockery and ridicule concerning him. And they said that what Priam should wish theynbsp;would do for him. Then said Priam to them, „I desire indeed,quot;nbsp;saith he, „to prepare the vessels and to gather a host to gonbsp;into Greece. For if ye act on your king’s counsel neither goodnbsp;nor dignity shall be wanting to you.quot; Priam then gave thanksnbsp;to them all, and left them free to fare forth out of the assembly® and to go home. Hector was sent into northernnbsp;Phrygia to seek a host and army.

430. When Cassandra, Priam’s daughter, heard the counsel

^ Lit. ‘there is nothing for which it would he necessary for you.’ ^ inrifed is a scribe’s mistake either for inrised, the s-fut. sec.nbsp;sg. 3 of indriutli, or inrithfed the b-fut. sec. sg. 3 of the same verb.

® I here follow the reading of LL., a sin dail.

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Literal Translation.

¦wMch her father desired, she began to prophecy what would happen there in future, and she said: „Much evil will there benbsp;from that news! The heroes and warriors, kings and prince,nbsp;chieftains and nobles of Asia will fall in consequence of thatnbsp;resolve.^

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435. Then came the time for going to sea, and the building of the vessels ended. Soldiers and hosts came from Poeonia in the company of Alexander and Deiphobus. Hectornbsp;son of Priam came with hosts and multitudes out of northernnbsp;Phrygia. Then came the time of scanning the sea. And Priamnbsp;entreated Alexander to rule^ shrewdly the host that was sentnbsp;along with him. Moreover other leaders were sent in hisnbsp;company, namely, Deiphobus and Aeneas and Polydamas. Thennbsp;Priam announced to Alexander that he should fare forth onnbsp;an embassy to make peace and good-will between Greeks andnbsp;Trojans.

445. So when all these things came to an end, Alexander went with his fleet along the Tyrrhene sea, and Antenor beforenbsp;them, giving them guidance.^ Now it was not long before thatnbsp;time when Alexander fared to the country of the Greeks, andnbsp;before proceeding to the neighbourhood of Cythera, that Mene-laus sou of Atreus, a chief leader of the Greeks, was going tonbsp;the island of Pylos, to converse with Nestor, and met Alexander son of Priam face to face. Great marvel had Menelaus tonbsp;see the royal host a-rowing. Strange to him was the abundance of the vessels and the great number of the fleet. Henbsp;was sure that they were accompanying a king’s son or a crown-prince. So he did not venture to accost them; but each ofnbsp;them went past the other.

450. That was the season and time at which Castor and Pollux, with a host around them, came till they were bidingnbsp;in the neighbourhood of Framia (?), and on that occasion theynbsp;took with them, to their own country, Laomedon’s daughternbsp;Hesione.

Lit. ‘knowledge.’

* Lit. ‘that he should do the ruling.

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459. In the same clay, there was a great festival in the island of Cythera, namely, a festival of Juno. Now whennbsp;Alexander drew nigh unto the port of Cythera (that Cythera,nbsp;a great island is it, with a temple of Juno therein), then didnbsp;fear seize the dwellers of the island at the vast fleet, and theynbsp;asked who was in the fleet, and whence they came, and whynbsp;they had come? Then Alexander answered them: „Priam, kingnbsp;of the Trojans, hath sent on an embassy, his son, namelynbsp;Alexander, to go into the countries of the Greeks, to visitnbsp;Castor and Pollux.“

468. So when Helena, Leda’s daughter, own sister of Castor and Pollux, and wife of Menelaus son of Atreus, heard ofnbsp;Alexandei-’s arrival in the port, she came out of the middle ofnbsp;the island, till she was biding on the edge of the strand nighnbsp;to the port wherein lay Alexander. Because her mind went forthnbsp;towards him, and she desired for her(self) the valiant hoy, thenbsp;light and beauty and darling of the whole of Asia, with thenbsp;gift of shape and form and joyance of the men of earth: thenbsp;point of battle and splendour and manslaying of the north ofnbsp;the world, from his splendour and his eminence; (him) that hadnbsp;no room in Asia, on the east of the Tyrrhene sea, so that he wentnbsp;westward into Greece and carried off victory and triumph innbsp;every game in the assembly of Greece; and no warrior nor lordnbsp;nor crownprince of the folk of Greece could equal him, sonbsp;that his fame and eminence spread throughout the whole ofnbsp;Europe in such wise that the ladies of the Athenians lovednbsp;him for those reasons. Wherefore the queen Helena came tonbsp;the strand that she might see with her own eyes^ him whomnbsp;she had heard of with ears. In that island stood a templenbsp;and idol-house of Diana and Apollo, and therein did Helenanbsp;make her offerings to the idols at will, as was the custom ofnbsp;the heathen on the festivals of their gods and their images.nbsp;Thereafter Alexander was told that Helen had come to thenbsp;port. When he heard that, he went vehemently to behold

^ Lit. with eyes of head.

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her form. So when he beheld her, he loved her much, for of the world’s women there was not a woman who resembled hernbsp;as to shape and make, save only Priam’s daughter Polyxena.nbsp;He found not her equal in dignity and in conspicuousness andnbsp;in loveliness; wherefore Alexander son of the king of Troynbsp;loved her, so that every joint and every limb in him was fullnbsp;of passion for her. Then Alexander came in front of the lady,nbsp;to shew forth his form and habit, his garment and vesture,nbsp;because it was an embroidered (?) vesture that he wore,^ withnbsp;its adornment of ridged red gold, with its array of precious stonesnbsp;around him on the outside, and against his skin a noticeablenbsp;tunic of the silken cloth, with its separate fringes of refinednbsp;gold. Stately and proud was the kind of pace with which henbsp;came ^ to behold the women. When either saw the other of them,nbsp;they remained a long time, each of them a-gazing at the other.nbsp;Such was the greatness wherewith they each loved the othernbsp;that they had no desire to separate till death. Then Alexander enjoined on his people to be prepared and to be ready tonbsp;loose their vessels when night should have come. So when thenbsp;night fell, Alexander with his people went to attack the idol-house and they lay hand over it. They took Helen with hernbsp;ladies with them to their vessels. Helen, truly, was fain ofnbsp;that. Now when ho had finished the raid on the idolhouse,nbsp;and the outraging of Venus and Apollo, and the bearing awaynbsp;of Helen in elopement, the folk of the city heard of that.nbsp;They come from every point. They deliver a strong assault on®nbsp;Alexander, in order that their queen might not be taken fromnbsp;them, in such wise that men were slain ^ contending with them.nbsp;Thereafter that was told to the crew of Trojans who werenbsp;biding in the vessels. These came out of their vessels starknbsp;naked, and they took their arms on them, and they made annbsp;onfall on that stead and seized all that was therein of bootynbsp;and of wealth. Then they embarked in their vessels and ran

Lit. was about him. ** Lit. which he brought with him. Lit. conflict to. ¦* Lit. there were dead men.

6

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round to the port of Tenedos. When they came to that port Alexander began to soothe Helena, for she had fallen into gloomnbsp;and into great grief because of parting from her land andnbsp;from her country and from her own people. Then Alexandernbsp;sent envoys to Priam to tell him tidings of what had comenbsp;to pass there. Now when it was announced to Menelaus, whonbsp;was hiding in the island of Pylos, that his wife had beennbsp;carried off in booty by Alexander, and that the island (ofnbsp;Cythera) had been wrecked, he went at once to Sparta i, andnbsp;his brother Agamemnon was summoned to him, and he told himnbsp;of Helen, namely, that she had been carried off by Alexander,nbsp;son of the king of the Trojans, in elopement and in flight.

524. For the present, he, Alexander, went with his wife and with the great booty he had taken, to Troy unto Priam, andnbsp;he told his tidings in order, from the hour he went on (his)nbsp;way to the hour that he came back. So gladness and greatnbsp;joy took Priam, at the tale which Alexander made; for itnbsp;seemed to him that the Greeks would be thankful to exchangenbsp;and barter the booty and the women, namely Hesione fornbsp;Helen. It happened that that was not so.

531. Now when Priam beheld grief and gloom and weariness (?) on Helen’s countenance, ho was consoling her and encouraging her and promising her that (every thing) should be according to her will, and that it would not he worse for hernbsp;to abide in Troy than to abide in Lacedaemon wherein she hadnbsp;been before.

535. Howheit, as Cassandra Priam’s daughter beheld this Helen, she began to prophesy and foretell all that would be thereafter the slaying of the host, and the cutting off of the leaders,nbsp;the fall of the kings, the destruction of the princes, the beheading of the battle-soldiers, the overthrowing of the champions, the plague-fall (?) of the old men, the destruction andnbsp;burning of the city, the devastation of the land and the country

' lat. till he was in Sparta.

^ Lit. ‘ahead’: archiuun (gl. ante) Z.^ 611.

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and the territory. „Verilyshe saith, „heroes and warriors and battle-soldiers will he lying under hounds and ravens.nbsp;The fields will be full of the bones of the heroes, of theirnbsp;heads, of their haunches, of their forks, in such wise that itnbsp;is doubtful that any one will be able to pass over the plainsnbsp;of Troy from the abundance of the heaps of bones in everynbsp;plain. Because of thee, 0 virgin,^ saith Cassandra, „men ofnbsp;Europe and Asia shall fall.“

546. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;That is the prophecy of Cassandra to the Trojans.

547. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;So from that tale there came to Priam anger withnbsp;Cassandra, and a palm was put against her mouth.

549. Now when Agamemnon came to Sparta he was consoling and encouraging his brother. „Let not weariness or grief bide on thee,“ saith he, „for thy honour-price will benbsp;exacted, 1 and thou shalt not be in disgrace. For the mighty mennbsp;of the whole of Europe will arise to avenge thy sorrow,^ andnbsp;they will avenge it even as if it had been caused to eachnbsp;one of themselves.quot; This then was settled by them, to sendnbsp;throughout the whole of Greece to muster the hosting of Greece,nbsp;to proclaim war on the Trojans. This was announced by them,nbsp;first, to Achilles and Patroclus, the two,kings of the Myrmidons, and to Neoptolemus king of the island of Rhodes, andnbsp;to Diomede king of the island of Argos. When they camenbsp;unto Agamemnon and were biding in Sparta, their six“ captainsnbsp;made a confederacy and an alliance and a bond (?) of leaguenbsp;and union, and they declared that they would do no othernbsp;business before going with hosts and armies to avenge on thenbsp;Trojans the great dishonour which they had brought on thenbsp;Greeks. Then they ordained Agamemnon as emperor and overking above them all. They afterwards sent messengers to thenbsp;Greeks, to collect and muster the whole of Greece from the easternnbsp;extremity of the Alps in the south unto the confine of Thrace

’ Lit. made.

^ Lit. sigh.

® Lit. their hexad of captains. The oms seems an error.

6*

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and Alania in the north, from the east of the land of the Macedonians in the west to the shore of the Aegean sea innbsp;«the east, in order that they might have frequent meetings andnbsp;assemblies and congregations in every district, that they mightnbsp;have boats and barques and vessels ready, and that they mightnbsp;be in their armies and in their battalions in the harbour ofnbsp;Athens and then fare forth on one track to Troy, to takenbsp;vengeance for the outrage upon them.

572. Now Castor and Pollux, after hearing that their sister was carried off in elopement and flight by Trojans, wentnbsp;in their vessel to sea to voyage after their sister. They thennbsp;coasted by the Lesbian strand, till a storm forced them towardsnbsp;land, and they put their vessel on shore. Then Castor andnbsp;Pollux passed away, and no one knows how they fared afternbsp;that. But the gentiles say that they were turned into twonbsp;stars, and that Gemini are their names in heaven. Apparently,nbsp;however, they were drowned a drowning in the storm. Howheit,nbsp;the Lesbians were a-seeking them in boats and in vessels, andnbsp;searched minutely from the estuary of their land as far asnbsp;Troy, and they found not. Even though the Greeks had lostnbsp;from that expedition only those two champions and those twonbsp;points of battle, great were the loss unto them.

584. Now when this news had spread throughout Greece, namely, that Helen was carried off in elopement, there was anbsp;great commotion throughout the whole of Europe from thenbsp;lands of the Maeotioi to the estuary of the river Rhine. Thatnbsp;news boiled up in the whole of Greece, forasmuch as everynbsp;tribe and every race therein felt the disgrace as if it had beennbsp;done to themselves. So there were frequent assemblies innbsp;every tribe, and everyone’s messages (?) went to the othernbsp;to know when it would he fitting for them to wend on theirnbsp;way; and the implements of the way were gotten ready fornbsp;them, both vessels and sails and ropes, both food and raimentnbsp;and cattle (?). The Thessalians harnessed their steeds andnbsp;their studs to bring them to the border of the sea. Thenbsp;hauberks and helmets of the Myrmidons were cleansed from

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their rust and dirt. Their spears were armed so that they might be keen for the spoiling of foes and foreigners. Theirnbsp;swords were made sharppointed and their shields were adjusted (?) before wending on the way. The garments and weedsnbsp;and clothes of the Athenians were made ready. Now there wasnbsp;one cry throughout the whole of Greece because they dividednbsp;themselves. Some of them in woods a-felling the timber, so thatnbsp;no one heard another’s voice by reason of the abundance of thenbsp;wrights and the serving-men a-cutting and hewing and chippingnbsp;the trees. Another party of them in forges making arms andnbsp;things of iron, namely, making swords and hauberks and shields,nbsp;pointing and shaping^ their weapons. There was no one, now,nbsp;in the whole of Greece without a work in that kind. Theynbsp;were full of leaguers and encampments from the eastern bordernbsp;of Rhaetia in the south-east to the west of the land of Thracenbsp;on Propontis in the north-east. The Athenians were bidingnbsp;there in a leaguer. The Peloponnesians (?) and Mycenaeans andnbsp;Lacedaemonians were biding in one stead. Argives and Danainbsp;and Pelasgi were (there also). Folk of Thrace and Arcadianbsp;and Thessalia and Achaia and Boeotia were there. The Macedonians and the Myrmidons and the lonians wore there. Therenbsp;were the Galatians and the . . . and the Aeolians. The gathering of Greece was nothing to the muster that was in thenbsp;islands of the Tyrrhene sea. Hardly (?) was an equal numbernbsp;left^ ill them from the waves of the Adriatic sea to thenbsp;Maeotic marshes. These are the islands wherein was thatnbsp;muster: namely, in Crete and in Cyprus and in Rhodes andnbsp;in Pylos and in Salamis and in the islands named . . . andnbsp;the isles . . . and the isle . . . There was, besides, a greatnbsp;gathering in Corcyra and Ithaca . . . Cythera, Calaureia (?),nbsp;Carpathus . . . Aegina . . . Macris . . . Scyros and in Peparethusnbsp;and in Lemnos and in Thasos and in Imbros and in Scyros,nbsp;and in other islands besides, which win (?) fame and eminence.

^ slaide: cf. du-slaid (gl. plasmantis) Ml. 140 ii.

^ Perhaps the scribe has omitted ma-. if an equal etc. SicLL. 232'i.

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And it is related that hosts and multitudes came even out of' the border-lands that are in the neighbourhood of the Greeksnbsp;south and north and west. Then came the terrible bands ofnbsp;the Etruscans, who are in the north of Italy, whose valournbsp;excels the world’s children. Now when the people of Dalmatianbsp;and Dardania and Istria and Pannonia and Rhaetia came,nbsp;there also came the valiant people who dwell in the northernnbsp;fringe of the world, to the north of the river Ister, namely thenbsp;champions of Dacia and Alania. Then too came Dromantauri (?)nbsp;who dwell at the estuaries of the Maeotic (marshes). Thennbsp;came . . . Then also came Melachli (?), noble ... of those hosts.nbsp;There came, besides, Hippemolgi and . . . and Grunaei andnbsp;Neuri and Agathyrsi.

635. Now there was a gathering of a mighty host to the harbour of the Athenians. Many troops and companies camenbsp;there. Many of the kings and the captains and the lords andnbsp;the mighty men and the champions of valour of Greece camenbsp;there. Many bands and hundreds and thousands came there.nbsp;It is hard to say^ that the whole of Europe did not arisenbsp;there, with its hosts, with its kings, with its tribes, with itsnbsp;races. If any one should behold the Tyrrhene sea, how it wasnbsp;specked with ships and vessels and galleys, pleasant were hisnbsp;view! To the folk who wore biding on the hills and shoresnbsp;of the Athenians, it was enough of the earth’s delights tonbsp;observe the fleets and the hosts and the troops of sea and ofnbsp;land, to wit, seeing every crownprince and every king and everynbsp;captain, in his royal march, seeing every soldier and everynbsp;champion under arms, and espying the side from the sea: thenbsp;oars at the rowing and the many-coloured sails of every land,nbsp;because there had been collected all that there was of shipsnbsp;and vessels in the territory of the whole of Europe and innbsp;the isles of the Tyrrhene sea. So that ranks of them werenbsp;made by the edge of the strand of the Athenians, to carrynbsp;the mighty host of the whole of Europe towards Troy.

' For isna we should probably read asna. ^ Literally, It is a share of pain.

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Now this is the number of ships that went [with] each captain of the Greeks in this fleet.

A hundred ships, this was the crew of Agamemnon son of Atreus, out of the lands of Mycenae.

Menelaus sou of Atreus out of Sparta, sixty ships. Arc[es]ilaus and Prothoenor, two kings of Boeotia,nbsp;fifty ships.

Ascalaphus and lalmenus ox Orchomeno, thirty ships. Ajax, son of Telamon and Hosione daughter ofnbsp;Laomedon,

with six captains, namely Teucer his brother out of Buprasium, and Amphimachus and Diores and Tesous (leg. Thalpius) andnbsp;Polyxenus, fifty ships their number.

Nestor out of Pylos, eighty ships.

Thoas from Aetolia, forty ships.

Ajax son of 0'ileus out of Locris, thirty ships. Nireus out of Syme, forty ships.

Antiphus, Phidippus and Thoas out of Calydna, thirty-six ships.

Ulysses, or Odysseus, out of Ithaca, twelve ships. Protesilaus and Podarces out of Phylace, forty.

670. Eumeles out of Pherae, ten ships.

Podalirius and Machaon, two sons of Asclepius out of Tricca, thirty-nine.

Achilles and Patroclus, two kings of the Myrmidons, out of Phthia, fifty ships.

Tlepolemus out of Rhodes, nine ships.

675. Polypoetes and Leonteus out of Larissa [recte Ar-gissa], forty ships.

Diomedes and Euryalus and Sthenelus out of Argos, forty ships.

Philoctetes out of Meliboea, seven ships.

Gyneus out of Cyphus, twenty-one ships.

Prothus out of Magnesia, forty ships.

680. Agapenor out of Arcadia, forty ships.

Mnestheus out of Athens, fifty ships.

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Now, the number of Overkings of the Greeks, that are here enumerated is forty-nine kings in all.

684. Thereafter, then, all came to the harbour of the Athenians, and all his captains were summoned to Agamemnonnbsp;to counsel him as to what they should do. So when thenbsp;captains had all come into one place, Agamemnon declared tonbsp;them that some of them should go to Apollo, to inquire ofnbsp;him how the hosting would turn out, whether it would henbsp;prosperous, or whether it would be passable at all. Every onenbsp;praised that counsel, and Achilles and Patroclus fared forth tonbsp;that end. So when they had come as far as Delphi, Apollo’snbsp;temple, they asked tidings of the image. Apollo replied tonbsp;them that the expedition would turn out well, ^ for they wouldnbsp;return to their home battle-victoriously at the end of ton yearsnbsp;after marching on Troy. Achilles offered great offerings tonbsp;Apollo in that stronghold. Now, when Achilles was makingnbsp;the offerings in the temple, then came Calchas, sou of Thestor,nbsp;with gifts and offerings from the Trojans to Apollo. He enterednbsp;the temple and asked tidings about the Trojans urgently, whatnbsp;kind of end they would have of their warfare and contentionnbsp;against the Greeks. Apollo answered that Troy would benbsp;overturned at the end of ten years. When Calchas heard that,nbsp;he came to Achilles and made his union and friendship withnbsp;him, and they (both) went to the camp of the Greeks. Theynbsp;related their tidings and their adventures. Now when all thesenbsp;things had ended, Calchas told his people to put their shipsnbsp;on sea and on ocean. The hosts did that for him. Ascalaphusnbsp;and Menelaus were put before them that they might bo guidesnbsp;to them straightway towards Troy, for they had been previouslynbsp;in Jason’s vessel.

708. First they fared to a certain island, which was under Priam’s yoke. They wreck that island. Thereafter, then, theynbsp;came to the island Tenedos, a place wherein were the treasuresnbsp;and jewels, gold and silver of Priam and of the Trojans. All

Lit. that meet would be the going of the expedition.

i.

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the human heings whom they found there the Greeks put under mouth of spear and of sword. All the treasures and jewelsnbsp;which they found they gather together. Thereafter, then, camenbsp;the kings of the Greeks into one place, to Agamemnon, to takenbsp;counsel as to what they should do.

715. This is the counsel they came to, ^ that envoys should fare from them on an errand to Priam, to demand Helen andnbsp;the booty which Alexander had taken out of the island Cythera.nbsp;The messengers, namely Diomede and Ulysses, came to Priamnbsp;and declare their message to him diligently.

719. Now while they were about these matters, Achilles and Tolephus (a son of Hercules) were sent to harry Mysia.nbsp;Therein was Teuthras king. When they came to Mysia theynbsp;wreck the land, they gather the booty and the cattle of thenbsp;land to one stead. The hosts and multitudes of the land awaitednbsp;them round Teuthras, round their king. Teuthras challengednbsp;them to single combat. When Achilles heard that, he cast hisnbsp;travelling dress from him and donned his battleweed of battlenbsp;and combat. Ho donned, in sooth, his hauberk of twice-melted iron and his crested, shapen helmet on his head. Thennbsp;he came throughout the host of the Mysians like a fierce-woundful lion worried on account of (?) cubs, or like anbsp;furious bull to which an evil blow is given. He gave a castnbsp;of a great broad-blue lance at Teuthras, in such wise that thenbsp;head went through him from the one side to the other, andnbsp;Telephus son of Hercules came to him and put his shield tonbsp;ward him just when the battle-soldier had begun to destroynbsp;him. Because ho had given a night’s hospitality to Telephusnbsp;and to his father, namely Hercules, therefore he, Telephus,nbsp;came to him. So when Teuthras expected death he bequeathednbsp;his realm to Telephus, because it was Hercules that had givennbsp;the kingdom to him and slain Diomede (s1c), and given hisnbsp;heritage to Teuthras. Therefore did Teuthras bestow his kingdom on Telephus. Then Achilles installed Telephus in the

1

Lit. made.

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kingdom that he might furnish a tribute of corn to the Greeks to support them so long as they were engaged in the destructionnbsp;(of Troy). It was fulfilled oven so. Then Telephus remainednbsp;in Mysia and Achilles^ went with booty and with groat wealthnbsp;unto the Greeks to the isle of Tonedos. He tells his talesnbsp;and adventures from beginning to end to Agamemnon. Ho toonbsp;was thankful.

744. Now as regards the envoys, namely Diomede and Ulysses, they declared their messages to Priam, namely, that theynbsp;had been sent by the Greeks to demand Helen and the bootynbsp;besides, to make peace and friendship between them, so that thenbsp;Greeks might go back to their home. Hardly (?) then could (?)nbsp;Priam answer these words; but he only said in his mind „Donbsp;ye take heed,“ saith he, „of what hath been done to me, namely,nbsp;killing my father, burning my city, carrying off my sister into slavery?” „I will not make peace,” saith Priam, „with them. Theynbsp;shall not take away women or booty.” He ordered the envoysnbsp;to go out of the country. „Truly,” say the envoys, „we do notnbsp;know whether the counsel which thou takest is meet. It willnbsp;be hard for one small tribe in the world to slay and strikenbsp;against the folk of the whole of Greece with its army.” „Thenbsp;greater,” saith Priam, „will bo the fame and renown of thenbsp;few that will carry on a noble warfare against that mightynbsp;host.” „This warfare will turn out ill for thee,” say the envoys.nbsp;„Thou thyself wilt fall therein, and thy children and thynbsp;friends will fall.” „Not much does that alarm mo,”^ saithnbsp;Hector. „It will be an uprising of soul and a foundation ofnbsp;my fame after me. I will slay hosts and multitudes. Hoadsnbsp;and feet and bodies and necks and waists will be cut andnbsp;carved by the point of my sword. Full will the whole ofnbsp;Greece be of gloom and of sorrow, for the sons of their kingsnbsp;and their captains and their nobles will fall at my hands.”®

^ The scribe has obviously omitted Achil after dochóid. ^ Lit. on myself is that.

Lit. from my deed.

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„How wilt thou do that?“ say the envoys, „for heroes of thy likeness and fashion will bide at the end of the drove (?) againstnbsp;thee? For heroes there will be in plenty to whom attackingnbsp;thee will bo a pleasure. There will be no seeking for heroesnbsp;fit to forbid and overcome thee.“

768. „Not thus shall it be,“ says Hector, „for I shall be a ... in combat against each man of them. Their weaponsnbsp;will not clash against me because of the excellence of thenbsp;defenco.“

771. Then the envoys turned to the isle of Tenedos, to the camp of the Greeks. Agamemnon asked tidings of thenbsp;envoys, what kind of country they had gone to, and what thenbsp;gallantry of the heroes, what the strength of the walls, whatnbsp;the steadfastness of the city? „In truth,“ say they, „though therenbsp;were seven tongues in the head of each of us, we could notnbsp;set forth everything that we beheld. For the Trojans excelnbsp;the men of the world in form and shape and raiment. Woenbsp;to him who shall destroy them, woe to him whom they shallnbsp;slay (?), woe to him who shall slay them and shall be victoriousnbsp;over them and lay them low!“

780. Now when this gathering of Europe on a hosting towards Troy to devastate it, was announced [to the Trojans],nbsp;they wont to seek armies to their neighbours and to the overkings of great Asia; and their kings and their captains camenbsp;with hosts and multitudes to help the Trojans.

Then went Fundatus ^ and Amphicastus ^ two kings of Zelia.

Then went Cams and Amphimacus and Nostius* with hosts of Colophoiiia.

Then went Sarpedon and Glaucus with the host of Lycia.

Then came Hippothous and Cupesus, two kings of Larissa.

Then came Renus from Ciconia.

Then came Pirus and Acamas with warriors of Thrace.

^ i. e. Pandarus.

® Made up of Amphius and Adrastus. i. e. de Carla Amphimachus Nastes.

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Then came Ascanius and Antiphus and Phorcys with great hosts out of Phrygia.

Came Epistrophus and Boetius from . . . There came Py-laemenes with a great host out of Paphlagonia.

796. Then, too, came Perses (and) Memnon with innumerable hosts from Ethiopia, chief of consultation and captain of all Asia.

There came Rhesus and Archilochus with the host of Agrestia.

Then ctime Eitistrophus with numerous troops from i\lizonia.

800. Now when all these had arrived, Priam chose a single captain of manslaying over all these hosts, both in the middlenbsp;and in the outside of them, to wit, Hector. Every man hadnbsp;authority after the other, that is to say, Deiphobus after Hector;nbsp;Alexander after him; then Troilus; then Aeneas; lastly, Memnon.nbsp;Then, moreover, proclamation was made by Agamemnon to thenbsp;kings of the Greeks to come to take counsel concerning thenbsp;answer which the envoys had brought with them from Priam.nbsp;When they wore at the council, there came Nauplius Palamedes,nbsp;(i. e. son of Nauplius) from Zona (?) out of Cormum (?) withnbsp;a crew of thirty ships. Great welcome is made to him. Henbsp;was excusing himself for not having come at once to the portnbsp;of Athens, (saying that this was) because he was in heavynbsp;sickness, and when it ceased upon him he came.

811. Thereafter he went into the council, and the Greeks said that this was the proper advice, to attack (?) Troy bynbsp;night. Palamedes did not allow that, but (he said) that theynbsp;should break upon the Trojans in the light of the day, andnbsp;besiege 1 the city afterwards. Every one lauded that advice.nbsp;Then at the end of their council they appointed Agamemnonnbsp;as overking and chief captain of them all. Then they sentnbsp;envoys and travellers (?) from them into Mysia and into othernbsp;lands besides.

818. Agamemnon proclaimed to the kings and to the soldiers and to the whole host that they should set their ships

^ I take saighe to stand for suidhe: of. ac iomsuide immon mhaile, 4 Masters A. D. 1527.

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and barques on sea to row towards Troy. And he began to encourage the heroes and the champions of valour and thenbsp;battlehreachers of hundreds to fight a fight edgeful, bloody,nbsp;angry, truly severe, against the heroes of the terrible Asia.

823. Thereafter the host arose, and loosened their ships’ cables, and left the island. They went straight towards Troy.

825. Now the earth, from sunrise to sunset, almost trembled, and the Tyrrhene sea almost came over its great plains, with the mighty rowing made by the crew of the thirty andnbsp;eleven hundred ships and galleys. That was reasonable, fornbsp;the folk that were on board this fleet were the points ofnbsp;conflict of the world’s men, and the choice of the whole seednbsp;of Adam, and the greater part of the battle-soldiers of the mennbsp;of earth. Because then was the world biding in the midst ofnbsp;its age and its indignation, its mobility and its haughtiness, itsnbsp;battles and its conflicts. Then its men were strongest and itsnbsp;soldiers were bravest, at the time this hosting fared forth.nbsp;Wherefore there had been nothing equal to those heroes fromnbsp;the creation of the elements, as regards valour and prowess,nbsp;save only that Hercules was not there, the hero who excellednbsp;every one.

836. With regard to Priam, however, he put messengers to espy and to survey the ships and the hosts themselves,nbsp;what time they would come from the Tyrrhene sea to the portnbsp;of Troy, so that battalions might he ready before them tonbsp;safeguard the city.

840. Now when the look-out-man cast an eye over the sea, he behold a marvel: the sea was specked with ships andnbsp;galleys and pinnaces. Ho boheld the vast wood, over the shipsnbsp;and over the heroes’ heads, of the lofty, magniflcent (?) mastsnbsp;of the world. He beheld above the masts the varieties of thenbsp;many-coloured sails of different colours of cloth of every country.nbsp;Then he went with information to Priam. Priam asked tidingsnbsp;of him. Then he said:

847. „Meseemed as I looked,quot; saith he, „that there appeared to me on the sea a heavy thickish mist and a gray

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vapour dark and dim, that is spread to the clouds of heaven, so that heaven over their heads was not near, and that seanbsp;under the ships was not near, for darkness filled the void fromnbsp;heaven to earth.

851. „Then there appeared to me the sound of a keen tempestuous wind. Meseemed that it would cast down thenbsp;forests of the world, even as the blast of Doom.

853. „I heard the noise of a mighty thunder: meseemed it was the heaven that fell, or the sea that ebbed away, ornbsp;the earth that split into many parts, or as if showers of starsnbsp;were falling on the face of the earth.quot;

856. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;what is that?quot; saith Priam.

857. „Not hard to say,quot; saith the messenger. „The thickish gray cloud, which I beheld over the sea, is the breaths of thenbsp;heroes and the champions of valour that filled the face of thenbsp;sea and the hollow (?) which is between heaven and earth,nbsp;because the steam and boiling of the keen-edged wrath arosenbsp;in the forebreasts of the valiant heroes, wherefore they turnednbsp;their wrath upon the rivalry of the rowing, so that it fillednbsp;(with their breath) the air above them.

863. „The noise o,f the rough wind which I heard is the sighing and panting of those champions, with the fatigue ofnbsp;the rowing and with mutual envy of a loader’s contest.^

866. „Now this is the thunder which I heard, the gnashing and grinding of the soldiers’ teeth, and the ... of the oars,nbsp;and the crashing of the sculls, and the falling of the benches,nbsp;and the breaking of the masts, the sound of the spears andnbsp;the swords, and the clashing of the shields, the bundling (?)nbsp;of the arrows, the clang of the helmets and the hauberks, atnbsp;the greatness of the rowing and of the . . . which the soldiersnbsp;... on the oars in the rowing. Such is the strength of the handsnbsp;that ply the oars that the barques and the galleys tremblenbsp;with their crews and their companies, with their barrels (?),nbsp;with their boards, with their arms.quot; ^

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;The meaning seems to be ‘of a contest for leadership.’

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Here a scribe’s note: ‘Bad is that. 0 ink!’

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876. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„What else beheldest thou?“ saith Priam.

877. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„I beheld thereafter the diversity of the many-huednbsp;raiment, with the beauty of every colour that spread over thenbsp;whole sea. It seemed to thee that the whole sea was specked

^ nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;with many-coloured awnings. I have not seen any colour in

the world that was not there, both gray and blue and red and green and purple, both black and white and dun and yellow,nbsp;both speckled and brown and motley (?) and red.

883. „I saw thereafter the rising of the sea on high in the semblance of lofty mountains.

885. „I saw each mountain after the other. This is my estimate, that each mountain and each wave of them wouldnbsp;spread over all the Trojans.

^ nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;887. „Then there appeared to me the prows of the barks

and the galleys, and the beaks of the vessels, and the heads of the soldiers.

889. „There appeared to me the garments and dresses and brooches of the kings and the captains. I beheld the weapons (?)nbsp;and the wood and the spear-forest of the lances and the pikesnbsp;out of the prows and beaks of the ships.

892. „I beheld the crowd and shed of the hard shields, with their covering of plates of gold and silver around them,nbsp;along the edges of the ships all about. The glittering of thenbsp;arms would strike mine eye from me, and the brightness ofnbsp;the gold and the silver, and the ornaments of the lances andnbsp;the ivory-hilted swords and of the green spears with their neck-rings and of the shields with their plates and their adornmentsnbsp;of gold and silver. The diversity of the many-coloured raiment,nbsp;this is the spread sails that were over the ships and the barques.

900. „The great storm which came into the sea so that ^nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;the waves were like mountain-peaks, is the wave-roar of the

. . . from the beaks and bows of the barques and from the blades of the oars and from the sides and the stems of thenbsp;ships. This event will be cause of quarrel. Many will be thenbsp;dead. Many wdll be tbe bodies defiled under hounds and birdsnbsp;and ravens on each of the two sides. Rough will he this

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conflict which the men of Asia and Europe will fight. The hreath of the Ethiopian will meet with the Thracian; in suchnbsp;wise that they will be . . . Furious will be the mutual smitingnbsp;which the foreigners will cause, the Persian from the east ofnbsp;the world, the Macedonian from the west thereof. Alas thatnbsp;there was not a ‘honey-tongue’ who would make peace with thenbsp;Greeks in such wise that they would turn from the placenbsp;wherein they stand!“

912. Even while they were so speaking,^ the host came into the port of Troy. They filled the harbour with ships andnbsp;galleys. Hector, however, held the harbour against them tillnbsp;Achilles came, of whom was said is totum exercitum euertit.nbsp;The same man is sent to spy and to cast an eye over them,nbsp;and he went and beheld the courses of the bands and the battalions, every battalion and every host round its king and roundnbsp;its captain, issuing forth out of the ships.

919. He then declared to Priam the form and shape and habit of every king and every captain, every warrior and everynbsp;soldier of the Greeks.

This is a defect in^ the hook.

922. . . . hunting Alexander, so that Aeneas put his shield behind him and saved him from the hands of Menelaus. Thereafter Alexander went to the city. Nox praelium dirimit.

925. On the morrow the champions of Europe and of the Greeks went before the battalion of the Trojans. Terrible, innbsp;sooth, was the kind of rage and wrath and conflict which theynbsp;brought with them into the battle — Achilles and Diomedenbsp;in the forefront of the battalion of the Greeks, Hector andnbsp;Aeneas in the forefront of the battalion of the Trojans. Thisnbsp;is what the captains of the Greeks brought with them (intonbsp;the battle) — the overwhelming of Hector if they could. Bitter,nbsp;in sooth, was the attack which they delivered. Fui'iously innbsp;that battle bellowed the valiant stags of Asia and Europe.

Lit. on these words. Lit. on.

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Literal Translation.

Then the mightiest heroes went according to (their) power ^ against their foes. Horrible were the signs that were there,nbsp;namely, the shining of the swords and their sparks, a-cleavingnbsp;the shields, the white cloud of the bucklers,^ the smiting together of the glaives and spears and arrows against the hauberksnbsp;and against the helmets, the crash, then, and dashing togethernbsp;of the bosses beaten by the swords and by the warlike battle-stones and by the broad green lances in the hands of the valiantnbsp;heroes. The air above them was specked with the hurlingsnbsp;of the diverse weapons. Then there were jets of blood innumerably pouring out of the limbs and joints and members of thenbsp;heroes, so that they filled the furrows and hollows of thenbsp;battlefield. A close combat fought the four royal soldiers,nbsp;namely Achilles and Diomede, Hector and Aeneas. They hewednbsp;the hosts between them. Achilles and Diomede were cuttingnbsp;off the Trojans from the forefront of the battalion of the Greeks:nbsp;Hector, however, and Aeneas were cutting off the Greeks fromnbsp;the forefront of the battalion of the Trojans. They wroughtnbsp;upon the hosts so that many hundreds fell on each of the twonbsp;lines of battle. What Hector alone on this day did of mightynbsp;deeds were much to be in tales and stories till Doomsday.

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950. Exceeding much is it to count what kings and lords and champions he laid low; besides whatso fell by his hand ofnbsp;rabble and common folk, this is innumerable. Cruel, in sooth,nbsp;were his deeds, as he went terribly through the crowds ofnbsp;his foes and left horseloads® of the corpses in front of thenbsp;Greeks. He made a warlike fold (?) of the bodies of his foesnbsp;all around him, so that he had a strong rampart overagainstnbsp;the Greeks. On the other side Achilles was cutting down thenbsp;hosts, slaying the troops, so that great multitudes of the noblesnbsp;of the Trojans fell by him. Moreover Aeneas and Diomedenbsp;killed many very valiant men on each of the two sides.

* darcenn cwmaing, also in 1367, lit. pro potestate: cf. Lat. pro virüi parte. ^ which seem to have been chalked.

^ martlaige seems a scribe’s mistake for marclaige, acc. pi. of marelach.

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960. Then came Archomenus, — a royal soldier, he, of the Greeks, — by virtue of sword against Hector, so that his lion’snbsp;rage came to Hector and he gave him a blow of his sword,nbsp;and made two divisions of him. Now when Palemon saw that,nbsp;namely that Archomenus had fallen by Hector’s deeds, he wentnbsp;furiously, martially after Hector. Hector turns against himnbsp;and gives a terrible rush towards him, so that Palemon fellnbsp;by him in that place. Then Epistrophus came to contendnbsp;against Hector, and he gave a cast of his broad gray spearnbsp;at Hector, but Hector put that past him. Then he directednbsp;the lance unto him, and it went into his shield and passednbsp;through himself after splitting the shield from bottom to top:nbsp;so thereof did Epistrophus die at once.

nown.

972. Then Schedius went before Hector to seek his re-He was sure that the world would be full of his name

if it should happen to him that Hector fell by him. Howbeit Hector came against him terribly, fearfully, and left him withoutnbsp;a soul. Elephenor came to contend against Hector, and cried anbsp;venomous execrable cry at him. „The man,“ saith he, „that comesnbsp;before thee now will slay thee and separate thy soul from thynbsp;body. Glad of thee will be the beasts of the desert and thenbsp;birds of the air.“ „Against thyself all that shall turn,“ saithnbsp;Hector, raising the spear that lay in his hand, and giving anbsp;thrust at Elephenor in such wise that it passed through himnbsp;into his gullet, and he fell to the ground. Hector runs to himnbsp;and carried off his harness and his head. Thereat came Dioresnbsp;to him: „Thou shalt not,quot; saith he, „bear away that harnessnbsp;without a contest. Thou wilt not find me the same^ as the heroesnbsp;who have done battle against thee hitherto.quot; „Be it afterwardsnbsp;that thou boastest,quot;^ saith Hector. „We come to know it,quot;nbsp;saith he. Then they fight. Diores fell there by Hector afternbsp;being wounded exceedingly.

987. After those people, then, Polyxenus began a contest with Hector and fell by Hector. Came Idomeneus in like manner.nbsp;Hector parted not with him till he slew him.

^ Lit. I shall not be the same to thee. a mere guess.

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990. So Hector on that day slew in single combat eight of the mighty kings of the pure scions of Greece, besidesnbsp;what he slew of valiant soldiers, whose name wins fame andnbsp;renown. On the same day Aeneas son of Anchises laid lownbsp;in single combat two royal soldiers — Amphimachus and Nireusnbsp;their names, — besides what he slew of the rabble. Howbeit,nbsp;Achilles slew three captains of the Trojans by dint’ of valour,nbsp;to wit, Euphemus, Hippothous and Asteropaeus. Terrible, innbsp;sooth was Achilles’ appearance on that day. Round his headnbsp;(was) a crested helmet, from which spears and swords andnbsp;stones would rebound. A hauberk well-braided, mauy-looped,nbsp;strong- . . . protected him from ear to ham. A soldierlynbsp;claymore in his hand, which hauberks and helmets could notnbsp;resist, because of its keenness and its sharpness and its cuttingness. On his left, a hard-keen curved buckler, wherein would fitnbsp;a three years’ boar or a couple in bed. Full from edge to edgenbsp;was it of the forms of unshapely dragons, and of the forms ofnbsp;the beasts and wondrous monsters of the world, of the manynbsp;portentous shapes of the earth. There was, moreover, in thenbsp;inscribing of the shield an image of heaven and earth andnbsp;hell, of sea and air and ether, of sun and moon and the planetsnbsp;besides that run in ether. In the world there was not a battle-weed of battle or conflict or combat like this weed of Achilles.nbsp;Because it is Vulcan, the Smith of Hell, who wrought thatnbsp;armour of Achilles, after he had given his own armour to Pa-troclus, before fighting with Hector: so Hector slew him in thenbsp;form of Achilles, and stript him of Achilles’ raiment; whereforenbsp;Vulcan thereafter made this venomous armour for Achilles, innbsp;order to the slaying of Hector.

1014. Cruel, now, was the confusion which Achilles brought upon the hosts. Many kings, many princes, many heroes,nbsp;many nobles, many lords, many champions were destroyed innbsp;the soldier’s gap which Achilles wrought in^ the battalion ofnbsp;the Trojans. Then Diomede slew a multitude of the hosts,

Lit. in strength. ^ Lit. brought into.

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together with twain of the royal soldiers of the Trojans who were slain hy him, to wit Mesthles and . . .

1020. Now when Agamemnon beheld the kings of the Greeks and many captains of his people slain, and a slaughternbsp;of his army made, it was proclaimed to his people to retreatnbsp;and to leave the line of battle. This, then, is done. The Trojansnbsp;marched to their city with victory and triumph. But as tonbsp;Agamemnon, the kings and chieftains of the Greeks were summoned unto him, and he began to hearten them so that theynbsp;should not be dispirited though multitudes of them had fallen;nbsp;for that hosts and great multitudes would come to them fromnbsp;Mysia on the morrow.

1029. Howheit on the morrow Agamemnon comes with the Greeks, so that they were biding on the battle-field; andnbsp;he began to hearten the heroes and the kings to march withnbsp;all their soldiers and warriors to the battle on that day.

1033. On the other side came the Trojans. A furious battle is fought there at every point. Great in sooth was thenbsp;duration of that battle, for the space of eighty days, withoutnbsp;staying, without pausing, without ceasing, hut each of themnbsp;a-smiting the other. Sooth, many thousands of the heroes of

Asia and Europe fell in that battling. Though each of the two hosts had no loss save what was slain at that season,nbsp;groat were the loss. As to the valiant deeds that Hector didnbsp;at that time, if they were thoroughly known there would benbsp;enough of noble tales for the men of the world.

1041. Howbeit, as Agamemnon beheld many thousands of his people falling every day, and when he beheld the greatnbsp;overthrow that Hector inflicted upon them, and when he beheldnbsp;the fields full of the bodies and of the entrails and of thenbsp;bones, so that the great plain was not traversable, from thenbsp;walls of Troy even to the camp of the Greeks, owing to thenbsp;abundance of bodies and the clots of blood. — As to Littlenbsp;Asia, it was not inhabitable at all, from the bight of thenbsp;Pontic sea in the north as far as Ephesus in the south, withnbsp;the evil stench of the blood and of the bodies decaying, and

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Literal Translation.

with the smoke of the entrails a-hurning in the many fires, so that therefrom fear and... and cursing seized the whole country,nbsp;and slaughter was caused to human beings and cattle and beastsnbsp;and birds. — As, then, Agamemnon beheld all these things, he sentnbsp;to the Trojans two captains of his people, namely, Ulysses andnbsp;Diomode, to ask for a three years’ truce. Now, when the envoysnbsp;entered the city they met with warriors of the Trojans. Thesenbsp;asked tidings of them. The envoys said: „to ask a truce,“ saynbsp;they, „we have come to Priam.“ So when they came to Priam’snbsp;palace they tell their tidings, namely, that they had come fromnbsp;the Greeks to ask a truce, (in order) to bewail their comradesnbsp;and their friends and to bury their dead, to heal their sick,nbsp;to fortify. their ships, to assemble their hosts, to repair thenbsp;camps. Now when Priam heard that answer, his hosts and hisnbsp;multitudes were summoned to him, and he told them what thenbsp;envoys of the Greeks had come for, namely, to seek a threenbsp;years’ truce. To grant the truce, however, seemed not goodnbsp;to Hector. Nevertheless he granted it at the request of thenbsp;king of the Trojans, for they wished to strengthen the ramparts (and) to bury their (dead) friends.

1067. Now the fame and renown of Hector, son of Priam, spread throughout the whole of Asia and the whole of Europe.nbsp;Every pair was whispering about him^ among the chief citiesnbsp;of the world. An unique battle-soldier, with terror, with fear,nbsp;with a lion’s wrath, with a champion’s hardness, with a soldier’snbsp;blow, with a leopard’s storminess, fighting and arising and fending with the few of his city against the active, splendid heroesnbsp;of the west of the world.

1074. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Thus, then, was that tale told:

1075. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;There stands a great awful man a-battling at Troy.nbsp;He alone hath slain a third of the hosts, and cast down thenbsp;strong soldiers, and sprung over the heroes and shaken thenbsp;lines of battle: he reprimanded the heroes, he overthrew thenbsp;kings, he burnt the ships. Their champions of valour and their

Lit. He was a whisper of every pair of persons.

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battle-breachers of hundreds, and their veterans of the battle-line, and their slaughterous leopards have fallen in fighting againstnbsp;him. He has filled with corpses the fields before Troy. Now therenbsp;was one cry of wail and lamentation throughout Greece throughnbsp;dread of the same man, for their sons and their grandsonsnbsp;and their fosterchildren had fallen through dread of Hector’snbsp;hand. As to the isles of the Tyrrhene sea, great is the cry ofnbsp;lamentation that was therein. They had the wail of every housenbsp;from the sea of the headland of Pelorus to Pachynus andnbsp;Bosphorus. Beautiful were the grown-up girls who were makingnbsp;songs and music . . . commemoration of Hector’s name togethernbsp;with their dear ones and friends who had fallen by his hand.nbsp;So greatly had the fame and renown of Hector run amongnbsp;the chief divisions of the world that the troops and assembliesnbsp;of ladies and the joyous girls of the world, loved him for thenbsp;noble tales about him, so that they would have proceeded (?)nbsp;out of theirnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;landsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to see andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to contemplate Hector’s form,

had not the nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;greatnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;warsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;takennbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;[him] fromnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;them. Asnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to the

sons of the nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;kingsnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;noblesnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;of Greece,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;they wentnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;as far

as Troy, with one nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;will,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to seenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Hector, andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;they usednbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;to step

on mounds and on enclosures to see Hector over the men’s shoulders. When he was in his full equipment of armour andnbsp;apparel, the Greeks, for fear of Hector, knew not what theynbsp;should do. They knew not how they should go in order to slaynbsp;him. Of the world’s men there were none, whatever were thenbsp;excellence of their prowess and their casting of darts, that couldnbsp;strike Hector because of the excellence of (his) defence andnbsp;protection. During the seven years the Greeks were unablenbsp;to overcome him, although they excelled the men of the worldnbsp;in knowledge and wisdom, in cunning and valour.

1112. Then came the end of the truce. Hector and Troi-lus went before the host of the Trojans against the Greeks. A battle, angry, savage, edged, was fought by them on thenbsp;slaughterfield. Hector attacked the battalion of the Greeks, sonbsp;that Phidippus fell by him in the first line of battle. Henbsp;brought confusion on them all, and slew many thousands of

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Literal Translation.

them. By him, moreover, fell Antiphus, a wonderful captain of the Greeks was he. Then came Achilles from the side ofnbsp;the Greeks and cut up the Trojans, so that many hundredsnbsp;of them fell by him. Then he killed two champions and twonbsp;chief-warriors of the Trojans, namely Lycaon and Euphronius.nbsp;There was no pause to the fighting every single day to thenbsp;end of thirty days. There were layers, then, and great heapsnbsp;of human bodies between the city and the camp at that season.

1115. Now when Priam saw that countless hosts of his people had fallen through the greater force that had comenbsp;out of Greece and out of Mysia, he sent to seek a truce ofnbsp;six months. Agamemnon granted that, by advice of the worthies of the Greeks.

1119. The time of the battle came. A cruel conflict is fought on this side and that. Many most mighty captains fellnbsp;in each of the two hosts. Multitudes were wounded. Abundant was the paean round a hero’s head there. There, then,nbsp;they ceased not fighting for the space of twelve days.

1123. Thereafter Agamemnon sent to seek a truce of thirty days. Priam granted that, by the advice of the Trojansnbsp;and by the advice of Hector son of Priam.

1126. Now when the time of battle arrived, it came to pass that Andromache, Hector’s wife, saw a grim, execrablenbsp;vision concerning her husband. This was the vision. A greatnbsp;image had Hector in the archway that he held of the city,nbsp;his own image there in sooth, and the image of his horse beneath him. Now Andromache saw its head fall from thatnbsp;image. Andromache after rising out of her sleep, kept silencenbsp;as to that thing (but) she declares the vision to Hector, andnbsp;began dissuading him from entering the battle on that day.nbsp;When Hector heard that, he said that it was not good advice,nbsp;and he began upbraiding his wife keenly and said: „I will innbsp;nowise give up my valour or my prowess for a woman’s counsel.quot;

1137. Now when Hector took his fighting-dress of battle

Lit. put that into silence.

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about him, and began to go to the battle-line, then did Andromache utter her three screams on high, so that horror and fear thereat seized the folk of the whole of Troy, and she farednbsp;forward to Priam and related her dream to him and declarednbsp;to him that he should constrain Hector that day not to enternbsp;the battle. Then, too, his little son was brought before thenbsp;battle-soldier, so that this held him fast. When Hector wasnbsp;held fast, Priam pressed on the hosts of the city to go boldlynbsp;to the battle. This is done.

1146. As to Agamemnon and Achilles and Diomede and Locrian Ajax, when they saw that Hector had not entered thenbsp;fight they made nothing of the (Trojan) hosts. They werenbsp;furious in smiting the hosts, and they took not their handsnbsp;from them until they had forced them back into the city, andnbsp;shut it upon them.

1151. Now when the savage wild-beast and the glaring fire-brand with which the west of the world was flaming, tonbsp;wit. Hector, heard the exceeding great noise of the Greeks andnbsp;the great danger in which the Trojans were biding, he givesnbsp;a furious, lively goal towards the conflict, so that multitudesnbsp;of the heroes of the Greeks fell by him. Idomeneus, in sooth,nbsp;fell by him in the first line of battle. Then he slew Iphinous,nbsp;a hero-soldier of the Greeks. He slew Leonteus moreover, atnbsp;the first rush. Then he wounded Stlienelus in his thigh. Sonbsp;ho . . . throughout the host in that wise and plied his ragenbsp;upon them like a stag in heat (?). Hector rested not from themnbsp;in that wise till [the field] was full of bodies and of heads fromnbsp;one end to another of the battle. So it is that not morenbsp;numerous are sheaves of oats in autumn after a great reaping-party, or icicles under feet of kings’ herds in a ford betweennbsp;two territories, than are the heads and feet and bodies andnbsp;waists cleft by the edge of his sword (or) point of spear andnbsp;cut by the swordlets and spears that were fitted out of hisnbsp;own hauberk and the hauberks of his horses.

1167. Now when Achilles saw that the chief manslayers of the whole of Greece had fallen by Hector, and (beheld) the

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Literal Translation.

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confusion that Hector brought on the hosts, he pondered in his mind how he should set about slaying Hector, for the Greeks hadnbsp;no hero a match for him save Achilles only. He was sure thatnbsp;unless Hector should fall quickly not one of the nine and fortynbsp;kings who had come from Greece on this hosting, would escape,nbsp;and that he would deliver a sudden attack on the host besides,nbsp;so that no living man of them should escape from him. Nownbsp;while Achilles was thus pondering, a valiant battle-soldier of thenbsp;Greeks, namely Polyhoetes, set shield against shield to Hector.nbsp;It was not long that he endured Hector, so that he fell by him.nbsp;This struck the Greeks dumbh the quickness with which thenbsp;hero had been slain in their presence. Then the Greeks betooknbsp;themselves to a lying, snaring stratagem behind his back, sincenbsp;they could no nothing before his face, because of the constancynbsp;of (his) valour. This was the stratagem: they cast their clothesnbsp;off them, and made thereof a mound in front of them, andnbsp;Achilles, with his spear in his hand, was set in the middlenbsp;of the mound. They then pretended to flee. The battle-soldier.nbsp;Hector, ran after them, and began cutting down and hewingnbsp;the soldiers and causing^ the slaughter, and took to spoiling thenbsp;slain Idomeneus. Thereat Achilles comes to him. When thenbsp;hosts saw that, theynbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;gave one crynbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;outnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;of them,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;both Greeks

and Trojans and the nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;people of thenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;citynbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;in the middle; but it

was with a diverse intention: this was the intention of the Trojans, to make known the wile to Hector: the intention ofnbsp;the Greeks, however, was to shout at him so that he shouldnbsp;not hear (the Trojans). Then Hector started up, and turnednbsp;against Achilles, andnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;gave a thrustnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;of anbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;lance atnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;him, so that

it pierced his thigh, nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and began tonbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;gonbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;into thenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;midst of his

own people. Him followed the terrible hero, the mightiest who was in the west of the world, to wit, Achilles, when the valournbsp;and fury and anger wrought by the wound had sprung intonbsp;him; and a blow of the great spear that lay in his hand henbsp;dealt into Hector’s back and broke the bone of his back before

^ Lit. put the Greeks into silence. ^ Lit, striking.

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he had got into the midst of his people. The hosts of the Greeks overtook and closed around him. Then in that wisenbsp;Hector sent forth his spirit. The Greeks uttered a shout ofnbsp;victory and exultation, because of (?) * Hector the chief warriornbsp;of the earth.

1199. Now when Achilles had completed this deed, he drove the Trojans before him towards their city, and hurlednbsp;slaughter upon them as far as the doors. Howbeit Memnonnbsp;the Black gave a duel to him, and withstood him, although itnbsp;was a difficult combat, so that it was the night that separatednbsp;their combat. Achilles returns after the day was ended, bloody,nbsp;woundful, gore-streaming, to his tents after victory and triumph.

1205. Sad, in sooth, were the wailing and the lamentation that were that night in Troy. Much grief there was therein, and sadness and lamentation and handsmiting, becausenbsp;there was wanting unto them their goodly captain of prowess,nbsp;and their heart’s nut, and the bush of their safeguard, andnbsp;their battle-gate of battle, their shield of protection, andnbsp;their bar of boundaries against foes. A city without fencenbsp;was their city after him. Guarding (?) round a king was guarding round him. Arising round a champion was arising roundnbsp;him. He surpassed the heroes of all the world in splendour andnbsp;in dexterity, in wisdom and in valour, in dignity and in abundance. He was full of knowledge in every science. He surpassednbsp;the world’s champions of valour in plying spear and sword.nbsp;He excelled the men of the earth in winning battle and conflict. He surpassed the warriors of the earth in splendour andnbsp;in dexterity, in swiftness and springiness. Even great multitudesnbsp;of the Greeks lamented him because of the noble tales aboutnbsp;him. Greatly did the striplings lament, and the young youthfulnbsp;folk who had come out of neighbouring districts to behold him.

1220. Great, however, was the joy that abode in the leaguer of the Greeks on that night, so that the Greeks did

^ fo chenn must lie a nominal prep, like ar chenn, dar cenn, do chinn, but I do not know its meaning.

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not sleep, on that night, their sound sleep. They had put their great fear from them. They had avenged their sighs. Theynbsp;had cast their weariness from them after overwhelming thenbsp;great soldier who had flung down their champions (and) laidnbsp;their heroes low.

1225. Now while Memnon was on the morrow gathering the battle for the Greeks, Agamemnon sent messengers tonbsp;Priam to ask a truce to the end of two months, for buryingnbsp;their dead, for tending their wounded. After this truce hadnbsp;been granted by Priam, Hector was buried by him beforenbsp;the gates of the city, and funeral games were held for him,nbsp;according to^ the rites and the customs of the Trojans.

1231. While the truces were lasting Palamedes was complaining greatly that Agamemnon had the kingship. So when Agamemnon heard that, he declared that he would part from his kingship if every one (so) wished. On the morrow, therefore, thenbsp;people are summoned to a council. Then Agamemnon declared thatnbsp;he was not covetous about the kingship: he was willing thoughnbsp;he should abide therein, he was willing not to abide. Enough fornbsp;him only that the honourprice of the Trojans should be exacted.nbsp;So when Palamedes was boasting of his wisdom and his knowledge, of his valour and of his princeliness, the Greeks thennbsp;appointed him chief king over them all. So Palamedes assumednbsp;the kingship and gave thanks to the Greeks. Howbeit, Achillesnbsp;was ill-pleased that a change of kings had been made by them.

1242. Howbeit, Palamedes took to fortifying the camp and enlarging the trenches (?). Then he urged on the soldiersnbsp;to come boldly to fight against the Trojans and (especially)nbsp;against Deiphobus, son of Priam. So on the morrow the Trojansnbsp;and the Greeks meet on the battle-field. Then Sarpedon Lycius,nbsp;a Trojan, routed the Greeks and inflicted great slaughternbsp;upon them. Tlepolemus Rhodius, a Greek, fights a fierce contest against Sarpedon, a Trojan. Now when Pheres son ofnbsp;Admetus, a royal captain of Greeks, saw that Tlepolemus had

Lit. as was in.

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fallen by Sarpedon, be comes angrily and manfully towards him, so that they were for a long while smiting each other. Thennbsp;Pheres, a Greek, fell after (receiving) many wounds from Sarpedon. So Sarpedon returned, covered with blood and wounds,nbsp;to his house.

1254. So while they were fighting, many leaders fell on each of the two sides; but of champions and heroes more fellnbsp;of the Trojans. Now when the Trojans were sore pressed^nbsp;they sent to seek a respite. While the truces lasted theynbsp;buried their dead, they tended their wounded.

1259. It was safe then, for Trojans to wander about in the camp of the Greeks, while the truces were lasting duly;nbsp;and it was safe for Greeks to go into Troy.

1262. Then Agamemnon and Demophoon were summoned into the council-house to Palamedes, the king of the Greeks,nbsp;that they might go into Moesia to fetch thereout tribute of cornnbsp;from Telephus son of Hercules, the steward of Moesia. „It isnbsp;likely,quot; saith Palamedes, „that Agamemnon will deem it irksome,nbsp;after being on the throne, to be sent on an embassy.quot; „I willnbsp;not, however, deem it irksomequot;, saith Agamemnon, „to go atnbsp;thy behest.quot;

1269. Now as to Palamedes, he fortified the camp and built lofty towers all round about it. Howbeit, the Trojansnbsp;marvelled, what caused the Greeks to repair the camp, andnbsp;renew the ramparts, and extend the forts and the palisades,nbsp;and to prepare every thing.

1273. Now when Hector had been a full year in (his) grave, forth from their city fared outside Andromache Hector’snbsp;wife, and Priam son of Laomedon, and Hecuba Priam’s wife,nbsp;and Polyxena Priam’s daughter, and Alexander Priam’s son,nbsp;and Troilus Priam’s son, and Deiphobus Priam’s son, and hostsnbsp;and multitudes along with them, to hold funeral games fornbsp;Hector. Then it came to pass that Achilles was in the gatenbsp;of the city before them. At once, as he beheld that most

Lit. -when it was heavy on the Trojans.

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beautiful lady, to wit, Polyxena, be gave love and fondness and affection to her. Then began to be peace without fightingnbsp;(as men were) awaiting the lady’s betrothal to him.

1282. Now he felt sore that Agamemnon was put out of his kingship and that Palamedes was reigning, because therenbsp;was nothing that Agamemnon would not do for him.

1284. Then Achilles sent a messenger, i. e. servus Trojanus, to speak with Hecuba, namely, that Polyxena should be givennbsp;to him and that he would go to his country with his Myrmidons along with him; and he declared that if he went,nbsp;every king and every leader of all the Greeks would go home.nbsp;Hecuba said that that thing she would like, if Priam liked it.nbsp;She asked Priam if it seemed good to him. „That camrot be,“nbsp;saith Priam — not, however, that he is bad of birth; fornbsp;though he should go to his home with his Myrmidons, thenbsp;leaders of the Greeks besides would not go.“ It seemed evilnbsp;to him to give his daughter to an unknown stranger who wouldnbsp;fare forthwith to his territory and his land. Then Achillesnbsp;sent the same servant to ask of Hecuba what counsel she andnbsp;Priam had given.Hecuba declared to him Priam’s counsel.

1297. Now when the messenger had related to Achilles his tidings and his goings, he (Achilles) was lamenting andnbsp;bewailing greatly throughout the leaguer, and he said: „Greatnbsp;the folly“, saith he, „that is done here, namely, to collect thenbsp;valiant champions and hardy heroes of Asia and of Europe,nbsp;so that they have been a-smiting and slaughtering each othernbsp;because of one woman.quot; Grievous it seemed to him, then, thatnbsp;the children of the kings and the captains and the nobles shouldnbsp;perish and fade through that cause, and peasants and meannbsp;races should become great after them. Better were peace there,nbsp;and friendship and good will, and that each should go to hisnbsp;own land.

1306. Thereafter, then, the truces expired. Palamedes came with his hosts and with his mnltitudes outside the camp so

* Lit. made.

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that they were biding on the battlefield. The Trojans, however, came from the other side with Deiphobus son of Priam. How-beit, on that day, Achilles, for wrath and bitterness, enterednbsp;not the battle. The greater, then, was the fury and tempestnbsp;of Palamedes thereat. He broke a breach of a hundred in thenbsp;battle, till he came to the place wherein Deiphobus, son ofnbsp;Priam, was biding; and cut his head off him over shield.

1314. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Thereafter arose a very mighty and savage contest.nbsp;Woeful on this side and on that was that conflict.

1315. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Many thousands fell on each' of the two sides, sonbsp;that the earth was crimson underfoot with the clots of thenbsp;blood. Then came Sarpedon Lycius with great fury and greatnbsp;anger to fight against Palamedes. Palamedes awaited him, sonbsp;that Sarpedon Lycius fell by him. So when Palamedes hadnbsp;done these deeds, he was biding joyfully before the line ofnbsp;battle. So when he was boasting that two royal battle-soldiersnbsp;of the Trojans had fallen by his hands, Alexander loosed hisnbsp;bow, and sent a shot of an arrow at Palamedes, so that itnbsp;entered him. When the Trojans saw that, they all cast theirnbsp;spears at him, so that of him was made a mill-sieve. Palamedes fell in that place. After the fall of the king of thenbsp;Greeks, they were hunted as far as the camp, and they passednbsp;in their fleeing to the midst of it. The Trojans close roundnbsp;the fortress to destroy the camp, and they burn the ships.nbsp;This is told to Achilles. „That is untrue!quot; saith Achilles.nbsp;„Defeat on the new king, and his falling by his foes!quot; That wasnbsp;mockery on his part. Ajax son of Telamon was in the rear ofnbsp;the host, and he gave hard battle to the Trojans in such wisenbsp;that it was the night that severed their fighting, so that eachnbsp;of them went to his stronghold at the end of the day. Nownbsp;the Greeks that night bewailed Palamedes for the goodnessnbsp;of his form and his shape and his build; for the greatness ofnbsp;his wisdom and his lore and his knowledge; and for thenbsp;greatness of his bounty and his deeds and his valour. Thenbsp;Trojans, moreover, lamented Sarpedon and Deiphobus, theirnbsp;royal leaders and their chief battle-soldiers.

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1338. So that on night Nestor gathered together the kings and the captains into one assembly to counsel them to getnbsp;one king over them. And it was Agamemnon in particularnbsp;whom he urged them to get, forasmuch as the host hadnbsp;great prosperity and good fortune there while Agamemnon hadnbsp;been their king.

1343. In the morning on the morrow the Trojans marched to the battle. They were well-nigh mad and infuriated, andnbsp;they shook the earth with the greatness of the vehemence (?)nbsp;and the boiling of the anger which the heroes brought withnbsp;them into the battle. Then from the other side marchednbsp;Agamemnon with the battalion of the Greeks around him. Fell,nbsp;then, was the fight which the soldiers fought. Each of themnbsp;had harm for the other. They yearned to pour forth the bloodnbsp;without . . . That conflict was a rout on this side and on that.

1351. Now when noon had come, Troilus went towards the fight and gave a goal that was not unterrible, past thenbsp;champions of the Trojans, in such wise that he was bidingnbsp;between them and their foes; and he began hewing at thenbsp;heroes and severing the companies, and slaying the hosts fromnbsp;the breast of his own battalion, and he delivered a thunder-feat upon them, and drove them together before him to thenbsp;camp as a hawk drives little birds. ^ And he stayed not fromnbsp;them, so that many thousands of them fell by him before thenbsp;gates of the camp were shut behind them. Of the unreckonablenbsp;things of this story was what fell of the heroes of Greece herenbsp;by the rough play of Troilus.

1360. On the morrow betimes ^ forth from their city came outside the Trojans to the battle. Then Agamemnon comes onnbsp;the other side with the heroes of the Greeks around him. Anbsp;bloody, angry, deadly, venomous fight, full of mournful wailing,nbsp;is fought on each side of the combat. Vast slaughter was inflicted on each of the two sides. The champions of valour of

* Cf. Iliad XVI 582, 583, XVII 757. ^ Lit. in the early part of the day.

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Europe apd Asia were broken there. A cruel, mighty, woundful battle was there begun. Plenteous were the streams of blood over the skins of tender youths a-going into dangernbsp;according to their power. Many were the heroes lying hackednbsp;and cut by the fighting of foes. Many were the shields clovennbsp;from edge to edge. Many were the swords worn down to theirnbsp;hilts by the mutual smiting. Many were the spears and javelinsnbsp;broken all round the battlefield. Many were the byrnies without . . . Full on that day were the slaughter-fields, glens, andnbsp;valleys and firths, of the streams of blood that were therenbsp;a-dropping out of bodies of valiant heroes. Of the deeds donenbsp;on this day — though none should be counted save those thatnbsp;fell by the hand of Troilus (the youngest of Priam’s children,nbsp;but the eldest of the men of the world from sunrise to sunsetnbsp;as regards honour and prowess and valour) — though none butnbsp;those should be counted, it were enough of tidings of valournbsp;and of loss of his enemies. For though the Greeks should notnbsp;find a lessening (?) of that host save only those of their strongnbsp;leaders that fell that day at the hands of Troilus, it wasnbsp;enough of evil; besides what he laid low of the rest of thenbsp;host, — more was that than could be reckoned.

1382. Thereafter, then, they went on fighting every day till the end of the week. Agamemnon sent to ask a truce tillnbsp;the end of two months. Then each buried his friend and hisnbsp;comrade and his companion. Then the Greeks, with Agamemnon, held funeral games, magnificently and honourably, fornbsp;Palamedes their king.

1387. Now while these truces were lasting, Agamemnon sent envoys to invite Achilles into the battle. These were thenbsp;envoys, to wit, Ulysses and Nestor and Diomede. That wasnbsp;in no wise gotten from Achilles, because of what Hecuba hadnbsp;promised him; for so great was his love for Polyxena that he

was not at all fain to fight against the Trojans. He

was

mightily enraged with the envoys because they had come at all to him; and he said to them that it was better to makenbsp;peace and goodwill and friendship between the two countries

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than unpeace and unfriendship, and to have the heroes of the two countries falling (in fight).

1396. When Agamemnon was told of Achilles’ stern refusal of the fighting, unto him all the other leaders were invited tonbsp;take counsel as to what they should do, whether it should benbsp;what Achilles had said, to wit, peace and friendship, or whethernbsp;it should be warfare and quarrel as they had begun. He askednbsp;them in the assembly what the mind of each of them chose.nbsp;Then, truly, his brother Menelaus besought him to hearten thenbsp;soldiers to the fighting, and not to relinquish Troy. Menelaus alsonbsp;said that neither dread nor fear of the city was needful, for therenbsp;was no hero like Hector guarding it then, as there had beennbsp;before. Then said Ulysses and Diomede that Hector had notnbsp;been mightier than Troilus (was) in deeds of valour and prowess. „However, it is not in order to refuse the fighting thatnbsp;we declare that,“ say they. Then did Calchas declare to themnbsp;out of Apollo’s prophecy, that they should not desert the land ofnbsp;Troy, for that the fall of Troy was nearer to them than anything.

1410. Now when the end of this truce arrived, Agamemnon and Menelaus, Diomede, Ulysses and Ajax fared towards the fight. The Trojans, too, went on the other side with Troilus,nbsp;with Aeneas, with Helenus etc. The two battle-lines attackednbsp;(each other) mightily and passionately. As to Troilus, however,nbsp;be went forward to the battalion of the Greeks. He begannbsp;to deliver a savage, fearful attack on the hosts. He woundednbsp;Menelaus in the first line of battle. Then he mightily huntednbsp;the hosts until they came to the camp. On the morrow Troilusnbsp;and Alexander went before the host of the Trojans. Agamemnon, however, and Diomede and Ulysses and Nestor and Ajaxnbsp;son of Telamon and Menelaus come before the battalions ofnbsp;the Greeks. It is doubtful, then, if they left any one in thenbsp;camp save Achilles with his household and his host. Bitter,nbsp;insooth, was the kind of slaughter that they both inflicted.nbsp;No one there endured little (?) from another. Troilus wasnbsp;furious, and he gave a goal towards the Greeks, in such wisenbsp;that he was in the middle of the host. A champion’s site was

8

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left for him in the midst of the battle, so that for a spearcast from him there was none of his foes upon it. That attack ofnbsp;his was not . . , to make a sword-land and a warlike fold andnbsp;a battle-wall of corpses around him amidst his foes in suchnbsp;wise that foes were between them and his own people. Thennbsp;he attacked the band of the soldiers among whem was Diomede,nbsp;and he put them to flight.^ Thereafter he attacked the handnbsp;of the kings with Agamemnon: he routed them and slew anbsp;king among them. He is mad then and falls ^ upon them likenbsp;a wolf among sheep till he pressed them before him as far asnbsp;the camp. In that wise, then, were they battling for the spacenbsp;of thirty days. Many thirties, many forties, many fifties, many'nbsp;hundreds, many thousands of them fell at that season.

1437. Now when Agamemnon saw that a vast host of his people had fallen, and that of (his) host there was not thenbsp;material for battling against the Trojans by reason of the destruction of his people, he sent to ask of Priam a truce tonbsp;the end of six months. So all his leaders were invited to Priam,nbsp;and he told them that men had come from the Greeks to asknbsp;a half-year’s truce. That, however, was not readily got from thenbsp;Trojans and Troilus; nevertheless they granted it at Priam’s entreaty. Thereafter the envoys of the Greeks came to the camp.nbsp;After the granting of the truce every one buried his friend and hisnbsp;companion, and moreover the wounded folk, namely, Diomede andnbsp;Menelaus, were tended by Agamemnon. Then the Trojans did thenbsp;same, to wit, they buried their dead, they healed their wounded.

1499. Now the Grecian kings took counsel® as to how they should prevail on Achilles to come into the battle, because,nbsp;except him, there was found no hero with them who couldnbsp;withstand Troilus. So they persuaded Agamemnon himself tonbsp;come and invite Achilles. Then Achilles besought Agamemnonnbsp;that he should not make war, but that it should be peace; fornbsp;,peace is better than lucJcy warfare? „If, however, ye fare

1 Lit. so that D. was among them, and he put hunting on them. cf. 1416.

® Lit. plies himself.

^ Lit. there was a counsel with {apud) the Grecian kings.

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to fights I will put my people to work along with you, so that thou mayst not go with a complete refusal.quot; Agamemnonnbsp;fares home thankful (and) joyous.

1457. Now when the time of the battle came the Trojans arrayed their host. The Greeks also, on the other side, setnbsp;their battalion in order. Then Achilles began deligently tonbsp;encourage the Myrmidons, and he sent them in their knot ofnbsp;battle to fight against the Trojans and against Troilus; andnbsp;he said to them also that they should bring him Troilus’ head.nbsp;A conflict awful, unheard-of, arises^ between the two ends(?)nbsp;of the battalions. The Myrmidons became mad. The earth almostnbsp;broke under their feet with the boiling of the wrath thatnbsp;abode in their breasts. They deemed it much that they wouldnbsp;not get their fill of fighting and battle even till the end ofnbsp;the world. They deemed it much that with every blow theynbsp;should cast the men down to the ground. They deemed itnbsp;much that they should hunt the Trojans as far as their city.nbsp;They deemed it much also that they should breach and shatternbsp;the walls of Troy. 'Whatever (?) were the strength of the mennbsp;that happened to be against them, (those men) would not havenbsp;endured them had not Troilus helped.®)

gt;-

1471. Now when Troilus beheld the great fury and the vehemence and the valour (?) that the Myrmidons displayed, andnbsp;when they had cast their spears on himself, fury and angernbsp;filled him; and out of his forehead arose the hero’s light, untilnbsp;it was as long as the nose; and his two eyes came out of hisnbsp;head till they were longer than an artemh^ to the outside ofnbsp;his head. Alike were his hair and the branches of a hawthorn. He attacked the hosts in that wise, like a lion active,nbsp;full of rending fury(?), who runs to ... a herd of boars. Sonbsp;he slew thrice fifty champions of valour of the Greeks and

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Myrmidons at the first soldier’s onrush which he gave against them. He brought confusion then on all the hosts, and ruinednbsp;the Greeks, and slew the Myrmidons, as far as the entrancesnbsp;of the camp. And he caused the slaughter of the hosts; andnbsp;of the unreckonahle things of the ‘Destruction (of Troy’) isnbsp;what Troilus slew of the Greeks on that day only. And it isnbsp;hard to say^ if any one of the whole host escaped from him,nbsp;that was not lame or blind or deaf or lefthanded, after beingnbsp;cut and mutilated by the thrust of his spear, by the mouthnbsp;of his sword, by the edge of his shield, by the end of his fist,nbsp;by the crook of his elbow, by the thick of his knee; so thatnbsp;at the same time he plied them with the rocks (?) of the stones,nbsp;the bodies of the chariots, the yokes of the oxen, the sharesnbsp;of the ploughs. Then he used to take the shields and thenbsp;swords and the stakes and the lances, so that only their remnants lay in his hand after being broken in smiting his foes.nbsp;So greatly did they flee that it is doubtful (whether even)nbsp;Ajax son of Telamon remained behind them. Troilus with hisnbsp;Trojans returned with great victory and great triumph at thenbsp;hour of evening to their city. There was great grief on thatnbsp;night in the leaguer of the Greeks through fear of Troilus’ hand.nbsp;A marvel (?) to them was the youth of the lad and how little^nbsp;the choice of the champions and warriors of the west of thenbsp;world could maintain striking against him. Each of them said tonbsp;the other that if his (Troilus’) score of years were complete, henbsp;would kill the whole host and that not a man to tell tidingsnbsp;of them would get back from him to the land of Greece. Ifnbsp;he were a man in the prime* of his age he would overtopnbsp;the heroes and champions of the earth, from the rising of thenbsp;sun to the setting thereof, and he would fill the world withnbsp;stories of him and of his valorous achievements and mightynbsp;deeds, and would surpass even Hercules in strength and bravery. But if his life were lengthenedtill he was thirty years

^ Lit. a share (quota) of pain.

^ Lit. the littleness. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp; Lit. choice.

^ Lit. if it were lengthened on him.

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old, the Trojans’ realm would rule over the men of the earth from the hounds of luenes (Imaus?) unto the isles of the Britons, to the north-west of the world. Truly (then) there wouldnbsp;be a single king throughout the world’s four quarters.

1507. In the morning on the morrow Agamemnon went forth- with his host. Then all the leaders of the Myrmidonsnbsp;went like warriors, furiously, straight on before Troilus. Nownbsp;when the two battalions met, a rough combat was fought there.nbsp;Multitudes of each of the two sides fell. They were for a seasonnbsp;in that wise battling on every day. Troilus used to attack themnbsp;every day and hurled slaughter upon them as far as the camp.nbsp;And he took a troop of the Myrmidons especially, and cut theirnbsp;hands off, so that they might go to Achilles in his fort.

1515. Now when Achilles saw that many thousands of his people had fallen, and the crushing that Troilus broughtnbsp;upon them, he sent to Priam to ask a truce of thirty days, innbsp;order to bury his dead and to heal his wounded. Priamnbsp;granted the truce because (he wished) to do the same.

1520. Now when the time of battle arrived the Trojans come forth out of their city. The Greeks gather on the othernbsp;side. Thereat then Troilus comes to the line of battle. Henbsp;drove the Greeks about. He hunted the Myrmidons in flightnbsp;before him to the camp. So then anger and rage seized Achilles,nbsp;seeing every day the rout (coming) towards him. Roughnbsp;he deemed the dressing which Troilus would inflict^ every daynbsp;on his people. Sad he was that his good folk and good peoplenbsp;of manslayiug, his comrades and his friends, had fallen before hisnbsp;face in the battle-field. He deemed it a shame, too, that thenbsp;tender, beardless lad, whose hair or beard had not grown,nbsp;should be cutting and rending the champions of the west ofnbsp;the world, whose equal, of Adam’s seed, there had not beennbsp;up to that time. Then he himself went into the battle, andnbsp;he went right onward before Troilus. When Troilus saw thatnbsp;he awaited him. Then they both fight ^ a duel. Troilus hurls

Lit. take. Lit. meet.

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on him a cast of a great spear, and wounded him. On men, then, was Achilles carried from him to his camp. So thenbsp;hosts were in that wise smiting one another^ till the end ofnbsp;a week. Multitudes, however, fell among them at that season.

1538. Howbeit, on the sixth day after being wounded Achilles again entered the battle, and began urging the Myrmidons to rout the Trojans. Now when the sun was rising into the heightnbsp;of heaven and shone on glens and slopes, Troilus came to thenbsp;battle. The Greeks on seeing Troilus, utter a mighty shout.nbsp;The Myrmidons come before him and close ^ upon him, becausenbsp;he was on a horse. Of the stately things of the world wasnbsp;what ho did of feats of valour before them, to wit, the excellence of the hurling, the cunning of the defence, the quickness ofnbsp;the mighty blows. He plied his rage and his wrath on murderingnbsp;the troops, on slaying the soldiers, on smiting the hosts. Ofnbsp;the unreckonable things of the ‘Destruction (of Troy)’ is (thenbsp;number) of Greeks that Troilus and his horse slew on that daynbsp;only. Now when the Greeks saw that great multitudes werenbsp;killed by Troilus, they all set their mind to compass the killing of him. So when Troilus was slaying (his foes), a castnbsp;is made at the horse that was under him, and the spearheadnbsp;went through him, and the horse gave three bounds on highnbsp;and fell to the ground, and flung Troilus on the other side onnbsp;his back. Before he got up, Achilles comes towards him quicklynbsp;and rapidly, and gives a thrust of a huge spear at him, sonbsp;that it went through him to the earth, and Troilus died thereof.nbsp;Now when he (Achilles) made an attempt at hearing the bodynbsp;to his camp, then did Memnon the Black come towards him,nbsp;and took from him the body by force, and wounded Achillesnbsp;himself. After his wound Achilles goes to his camp. Memnonnbsp;followed him to the camp with his hosts around him. Now whennbsp;the terrible hero, the mightiest that hath been of Adam’s seed,nbsp;to wit, Achilles, saw (that), he could not bear not to turn

* I read oc [imm]thuareain, as in 1615. quot; Lit. fold.

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against Memnon. So, after battling for a long time, they fight a duel. Memnon fell, after many wounds were sot upon him;nbsp;and even Achilles was wounded, and he went to his camp withnbsp;great victory and great triumph, and was long a-liealing therein.nbsp;Now from the time that Troilus and Memnon fell the Trojansnbsp;were routed^ to their city, and they left (behind them) a greatnbsp;slaughter of valiant men, and the gates were shut diligently.nbsp;Now when the night came, the Greeks went to their campnbsp;with victory and triumph.

1571. On the morrow Priam sent to ask a truce to the end of thirty days. The Greeks accepted that. Then by Priamnbsp;were buried Troilus and Memnon and multitudes of others besides.nbsp;As regards the lamentation that was poured over Troilus andnbsp;Memnon, it cannot be told how it was made. For there werenbsp;the hosts of Asia, both man and woman, both boys and girls,nbsp;both old and young, boating their hands and bewailing at onenbsp;time and one hour. They cast forth showers of burning tears.nbsp;They cut their hair from their heads, and they darkened (?) theirnbsp;faces at the affliction caused by the deed. Because that wasnbsp;the day whereon fell the east of the world, to wit, the chiefnbsp;leader of the whole of Great Asia, to wit, the king of Persianbsp;and Egypt fell there, namely Memnon. As to the hero andnbsp;battle-soldier and battle-valve of battle of the men of thenbsp;world, and the noble, conspicuous stripling, around whom thenbsp;youths of the Trojans used to go for games and assemblies,nbsp;that Jie fell there was a great loss to the whole of Asia. This,nbsp;in sooth, was the first destruction of Troy. The soldiers werenbsp;afraid to go into battle now that Troilus was slain, ^ for theirnbsp;spirit was strong (only) when Troilus was before them, for neithernbsp;fear nor dread used to seize them (when) with him in anynbsp;battle and in any battle-field which he would enter. This wasnbsp;reasonable, for though he was a stripling as regards age, he

‘ Lit. it broke on the Trojans.

^ Lit. there was fear with (apud) the soldiers to go into battle after Troilus.

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was a battle-soldier as regards prowess, he was a chief (?) as regards bounty.

1590. Those, then, are the tidings and the goings and the violent death of the fifth mighty battle-soldier of the wholenbsp;of Adam’s seed, to wit, Troilus.

1592. Then did Hecuba, Priam’s wife, form a crafty, guileful design. She was grieved that her two full-valiant sons had been slain by Achilles without her having taken vengeancenbsp;upon him. Then Alexander was invited to visit her that henbsp;might prepare ambushes for Achilles. Because she would sendnbsp;messengers to Achilles to (invite) him to come to Apollo’snbsp;temple for Polyxena, Priam’s daughter, to be betrothed to him,nbsp;and (also) in order to make peace with Priam. Alexandernbsp;promised that he would fulfil that if Achilles should come intonbsp;the meeting. On that night, then, Alexander himself chose thenbsp;most valiant, most famous soldiers of the Trojans, and gatherednbsp;them to the idol-house of Thymbraean Apollo.

1601. Now when these things ended, Hecuba sent a messenger to summon Achilles. The messenger declared to Achilles that for which he had been sent. That was welcome to Achilles,nbsp;and it seemed long to him till morning, because of (his) lovenbsp;for the maiden. On the morrow, then, Achilles and Antilochus,nbsp;son of Nestor, his fosterbrother, went together to the idol-house,nbsp;even as the messenger had said to them. Then Alexandernbsp;with his people rose out of their ambush and he began tonbsp;encourage the soldiers. So when Achilles and Antilochus beheld that, they cast their garments from them on their leftnbsp;hand, and bared their swords. Thereafter Achilles was frenzied,nbsp;and he inflicted upon the hosts his rage and his wrath, andnbsp;attacked them angrily and manfully; and many thousands ofnbsp;them fell by him, so that of the unreckonable things of thenbsp;‘Destruction’ is what fell by him on that day with the short-sword that lay in his hand. So Alexander came to him, afternbsp;slaying Antilochus, and set many wounds on Achilles. Thennbsp;the Trojans smote him on this side and on that, so that at lastnbsp;he fell by Alexander, after having been long contending and

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smiting. Then Alexander ordered Achilles’ body to be oast under dogs and birds and wild beasts. That would have beennbsp;done bad not Helena^ forbidden it. So Achilles’ body wasnbsp;given to the Greeks. Great, in sooth, the grief and the lamentation that were on that night in the leaguer of the Greeks.nbsp;That unto them was not a grief without cause, because theirnbsp;valiant battle-soldier had fallen, and their hurdle (?) of contestnbsp;against their foes, and he that had repelled from them Hectornbsp;and Troilus, and the Trojan leaders, besides, who had laidnbsp;low many thousands of their hosts. Repentance seized themnbsp;for having come at all on the expedition, for their leadersnbsp;and their champions and their kings had fallen. Harder thannbsp;anything they deemed it that Achilles was slain; for if Achillesnbsp;were at their head, they would endure every hurt of battlenbsp;and conflict and combat^ that would befall them.

1628. On that night the kings of the Greeks held a council in order to see unto whom they should give the succession to Achilles. This was their advice, to give it to Ajaxnbsp;son of Telamon, for he was nearest in friendship unto him.nbsp;Then said Ajax son of Telamon that it was meeter for themnbsp;to send to Pyrrhus, to his (Achilles’) own son, who was biding innbsp;the isle of Scyros with Lycomedes, with his grandfather, that is,nbsp;his mother’s father. That was the will of all the Greeks. Andnbsp;they sent Menolaus on that embassy to Pyrrhus. Then Lycomedesnbsp;on their behalf® allowed Pyrrhus to take his father’s armour.

1637. Now when the end of the time came, Agamemnon arrayed his battalion and encouraged the soldiers. Then thenbsp;Trojans come from the other side. A cruel battle is foughtnbsp;there and many thousands fall of the host on either side. Anbsp;great ^ cry was uttered there on this side and on that. Thennbsp;was Ajax biding stark-naked in the battle-line. Alexander

^ Recte Helenus: but cf. 1926.

^ achomlaind seems a mistake for comlaind. leosum: or ‘in favour of them’, la here seems to have the meaning of secundum in such a phrase as decernere secundum aliquem.

*• móir a scribe’s mistake for mór.

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also was shooting arrows at the hosts out of a battalion, and laid low great multitudes of Greeks. Then he struck Ajaxnbsp;with an arrow-shot when he was stark-naked in the battleline, and it pierced his side. Then when the fury and ragenbsp;wrought by the wound had entered Ajax, he charged throughnbsp;the battalion to Alexander, and did not take baud from himnbsp;till he slew him and till he destroyed him. Howbeit, Ajax sonnbsp;of Telamon went to his camp and plucked out his arrow, andnbsp;so died forthwith. Then Alexander’s body is borne to the city.nbsp;Then, too, did Diomede rout the Trojans after Alexander hadnbsp;fallen, and he inflicted slaughter upon them as far as the gatesnbsp;of the city. Though there were no lessening (?) of the Trojansnbsp;save the furious attack which Diomede made that day upon them,nbsp;it was enough of slaughter and mortality: for never was therenbsp;anything more horrible than the swift hacking and the swiftnbsp;hewing which he brought upon them up to the gates of thenbsp;city. Then Agamemnon, with Greeks around him, went andnbsp;sat down in the midst of the city, and watched around it untilnbsp;the dawn on the morrow, for there was no one in Troy whonbsp;would give them battle after their good leader Alexander (hadnbsp;fallen).

1658. Great, in sooth, was the grief and the gloom that night in the city of the Trojans, because of the destruction ofnbsp;their goodly king. Sad was the lamentation that men andnbsp;women, both old and young,^ made there. It is then fell thenbsp;champion and last battle-soldier who upheld the warriors ofnbsp;the east of the world. Truly it would bo a sorrow to thenbsp;men of the earth, from sunrise to sunset, the hacking of hisnbsp;body, if they had been acquainted with his appearance; becausenbsp;there was no form like Alexander’s form, both in size andnbsp;beauty and great dignity, both in shape and sense and speech,nbsp;both in teeth and build and raiment, both in hair and beardnbsp;and face, both in manner and wisdom and valour. To contemplate his shape hindered the hosts of the Greeks from

‘ Lit. age and youth.

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fighting. Over far-off lands there was journeying to hehold him. Yea, the ladies of Greece, who used to gaze upon himnbsp;carrying off the prizes at the assembly of Elis, they cared notnbsp;to look at their own husbands after seeing him in his assembly-raiment. So the fame and delightfulness and renownnbsp;of Alexander spread throughout Asia and throughout the wholenbsp;of Europe. The Trojans, insooth, despised their city, becausenbsp;their hope had perished, and their tress (?) of safeguard, and thenbsp;darling of them all, both men and women. For when he usednbsp;to go into battle’, men and women would close hands uponnbsp;him, lest he should go into danger at all ^ ... Of his brethren,nbsp;there was no crownprince who was bettor than he, both innbsp;form and sense and right (?) of valour.

1679. Howboit, on the morning of the morrow, they, namely, Priam and Hecuba and Helen, went to bury Alexander’snbsp;body, lost he should hate the Trojans, and love the Greeks,nbsp;for the ruin of their (the Trojans’) truth.

1682. On that day, however, Agamemnon gathered the Greeks to the gates of the city, and was challenging the Trojans to come forth from thoir city to fight against him. Priam,nbsp;however, ordered his people to withstand boldly and to keepnbsp;the city until Penthesilea, the queen of the Burnt-paps, shouldnbsp;come with her hosts to work with them and to help them.nbsp;Now when Penthesilea arrived, she set out the battalion on thenbsp;morrow before Agamemnon. Dreadful, then, was the conflict,nbsp;cruel the swording and the slaughtering which each gave thenbsp;other on that stead. Angrily did the armed women delivernbsp;the combat. Most valiant champions of the men of Europenbsp;were defeated in battle.^ Man there yielded his battle-breachnbsp;to woman. Then did Penthesilea contend with the championsnbsp;till she slow each man of them in turn. Almost as numerous (?)nbsp;as drops from a porch in wet weather were the fierce battle-soldiers fallen to the ground through dread of fighting with them

1 Lit. battling.

^ I cannot translate the next sentence.

^ Lit. ‘the battle-lines were broken on most valiant’ etc.

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in a duel. The battle-soldiers of the Greeks endured not the exceeding great vehemence and the fury which the woman-champions brought upon them. So they fled as far as thenbsp;camp. Penthosilea with her women inflicted great slaughternbsp;upon them, so that they came into the camp. Then thenbsp;woman-soldier spread her host all round about the camp. Bynbsp;her was burnt a great portion of the ships. Battle was givennbsp;to them (the Greeks) every day in that wise, and they werenbsp;routed, so that they came into the middle of the camp fleeing;nbsp;and it is doubtful (if even) Diomede stood firm alone againstnbsp;her, because the women wore brisker than the men. For whennbsp;the Greeks would uplift their hands for delivering a blow ornbsp;a thrust, the women would raise their shields all round themnbsp;for protection. But when the Greeks carried their shields andnbsp;their bosses for protection and for defence, on the side at whichnbsp;they were (thus) made naked, they were riddled by the women.nbsp;Now when the Greeks endured not tho attacks of the full-valiant women, whose equal or like was not found of the womennbsp;of the world, they went into their camp and closed the gatesnbsp;diligently. And Agamemnon allowed them not to go forth fromnbsp;tho fortress till Menelaus should have come out of Greece.nbsp;Thereafter came Menelaus and Pyrrhus to the leaguer of thenbsp;Greeks; and his father’s armour was given to Pyrrhus, and henbsp;made wailing and handsmiting on his grave, and it was notnbsp;without ground that he did so.

1717. Howbeit, as regards Penthesilea, she came into the battle, as she used to do every day, and went to the gates ofnbsp;the camp. Pyrrhus, moreover, the king of tho Myrmidons,nbsp;arrays his battalion on the other side. Then Agamemnon setnbsp;out the hosts of the rest of the Greeks. They both proceednbsp;before Penthesilea. Then did Pyrrhus inflict an enormousnbsp;slaughter on the Burnt-paps, and he routed them till he camenbsp;to Penthisilea. Then when she came she fought a duel withnbsp;Pyrrhus. So they were biding till the end of the day, eachnbsp;of them smiting the other’s shield, and neither gave a thrustnbsp;on skin(?) to the other. Cruel was the woman’s combat which

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Literal Translation.

Penthesilea fought there, namely, a conflict with the hero who was mightiest in the east of the world and who had slain greatnbsp;multitudes of the hosts.

1729. One day (however) Penthesilea gave a thrust to Pyrrhus and wounded him roughly. Then the anger and furynbsp;wrought by the wound entered Pyrrhus so that, in attackingnbsp;Penthesilea, he knew neither dread nor fear. They fight a duel.nbsp;Manly, then, was this conflict. Ilowheit Pyrrhus’ valour wasnbsp;(the) mightier. Penthesilea fell in the duel.

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1734. Now after the fall of the queen, the Burnt-paps and the Trojans were routed, and Pyrrhus and Diomede set a greatnbsp;slaughter upon them, so that they reached the gates of the city.nbsp;After this, the Greeks close round the city, and the battle isnbsp;fought all round about it.

1738. So when the kings and leaders of the Trojans beheld the hosts outside, and (saw) that they were around the city,nbsp;they went to have speech of Priam. These were the leadersnbsp;that came there, to wit, Antenor and Polydamas and Aeneas.nbsp;To take counsel then they came, to know what they should donbsp;against the mighty hosts that had attacked (?) then. All hisnbsp;leaders were summoned to Priam, and he asked them whatnbsp;they wished to do. Then said Antenor to them. „It is anbsp;mockery for you,“ saith he, „to fight against the Greeks, fornbsp;your soldiers have died, your heroes have been laid low, yournbsp;leaders have fallen: Priam’s sons have been slain, and everynbsp;one who came out of the foreign lands to help you. Howbeit,nbsp;the loaders of the Greeks remain, to wit, Menelaus and Pyrrhusnbsp;son of Achilles, who is not weaker than his father, and Diomede, and Lociian Ajax and Nestor and Ulysses. Now ye havenbsp;been forced into the city, and the gates of the city have beennbsp;shut upon you. This, then, is good for you,“ saith he: „letnbsp;Helen be given up by you to the Greeks, and the booty, besides, that Alexander brought from the island Cythera. Thennbsp;the Greeks will go to their home with peace and good will.“

1754. When they had been for a while proceeding to make peace, Amphimachus the son of Priam rose in the as-

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sembly; a very mighty youth was he; and he spake words there to Antenor and to those who were at one^ with him.nbsp;„It were meeter for you/‘ saith he, „that you should spur onnbsp;the host and go before them to fight against our foes on behalf of your country and your fatherland and your city.“ Afternbsp;Amphimachus had completed these words, Aeneas son of An-chises arose and uttered a gentle answer to Amphimachus.nbsp;„My son,quot; saith he, „better were peace and goodwill than unpeace and quarrelling.quot;

1764. Then Priam himself arose and said; „Who are you, indeed,quot; saith he, „a-seeking peace and quiet? It is through younbsp;hath come every evil that hath been done here. Ye were thenbsp;loaders whom I sent to the Greeks. I sent one of the twain tonbsp;demand my sister for me from the kings of the Greeks. Whennbsp;he came back with disgrace and refusal from all the kings ofnbsp;the Greeks he was persuading and pressing us (?) to delivernbsp;battle to the Greeks. Oh! comrades, moreover, it is he, togethernbsp;with Alexander, that wrecked the island Cythera, and broughtnbsp;thereout Helen and the booty besides. Therefore the peace isnbsp;not to be sought for^ by you. Let your mind, however, benbsp;towards this, that you may be* ready when the trumpet shallnbsp;sound — going to the gates to give fierce, hard battle to thenbsp;Greeks — to rout your enemies or to die yourselves!quot;

1777. Now when the utterance of these words had ended every one went home. So Priam entered the palace and hisnbsp;son was called to him, to wit, Amphimachus, and he saidnbsp;to him „I fear,quot; saith he, „that the folk who are enjoiningnbsp;the peace will betray the city. Wherefore it is right to slaynbsp;them before they finish that design.quot; He was certain that unless the city was betrayed be would be victorious in battle overnbsp;his enemies, and would put them to flight. This is the counselnbsp;that Priam formed: his most valiant soldiers were collected

^ Lit. in his unity.

^ iarata is obviously corrupt, read perhaps iarrthi. ® For eorhat I read corbad.

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by him to do the deed before the councillors should complete the betrayal of the city. Then Amphimachus promised thatnbsp;he would do what Priam had ordered him. „Let a great banquetnbsp;be made by us,“ saith he, „and let the leaders be summonednbsp;to consume the feast. I will collect soldiers to . . . upon them.“

1789. Now as regards the leaders, to wit, Antenor and Polydamas and Ucalegon and Amphidamas, when they hadnbsp;dispersed out of the assembly they went on till they werenbsp;conversing together,^nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and each of themnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;complained tonbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;the

other of his nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;trouble.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;They were grievednbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;at what Priamnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;had

said, for he would rather have his own destruction and the destruction of his city and the fatherland than peace with thenbsp;Greeks. Then said Antenor, „I had a counsel for you“, saithnbsp;he, „and your profit would come therefrom unless I am afraidnbsp;to utter it.“nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Delivernbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;it in sooth,quot; say thenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;other leaders, „and

‘the end of nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;the storynbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;will not go from usnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;over a house’;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and

whatever be the advice that thou shalt deliver we will fulfil it for thee.quot; „Let us send,quot; said Antenor, „first to Aeneas, thatnbsp;he may be along with us in the council.quot; Then Aeneas camenbsp;to them and asked them, „what advice are you willing to give?quot;nbsp;saith Aeneas. „This is our counsel,quot; saith Antenor, „if thou artnbsp;in union with us, that one of us should go to the Greeks tonbsp;have speech of Agamemnon and the worthies of the Greeksnbsp;besides, that securities and guarantees be given to us for thenbsp;complete protection of our people on account of betraying ournbsp;city, and forfeiting our fatherland, and making bettor knownnbsp;to the Greeks the way to Priam’s palace.quot;^ Every one praisednbsp;that counsel. Then Polydamas was sent from them to getnbsp;speech of Agamemnon, for he (Polydamas) it was whose liability to the Greeks was least; and he declared to Agamemnonnbsp;his embassage diligently. Then the kings of the Greeks werenbsp;summoned into one assembly to Agamemnon, and he declarednbsp;to them what Polydamas had come for, namely, to betray Troynbsp;for the sake of peace and friendship to (the traitors) themselves.

* Lit. in one conversation.

“ Lit. of strengthening knowledge to them of the royal palace.

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1812. Thereafter, then, Agamemnon asked of the kings what they should do unto the traitors, whether they shouldnbsp;give sureties to them or should not give. Ulysses and Nestornbsp;said there was no truth in Poly damns, but that he had comenbsp;guilefully. As to Pyrrhus, however, he did not at all rejectnbsp;Polydamas’ story. ^ So when Polydamas had certified them thatnbsp;he had not come to tell them a falsehood the Greeks askednbsp;him for a signal. Polydamas said: „Even though in this hour,nbsp;before I go, ye shall fare unto Troy, Aeneas and Antenor willnbsp;open the gates of the city before you.“ Then the leaders ofnbsp;the Greeks said that if they should see the signal, to wit,nbsp;candles lit to make (things) manifest to them, and if theynbsp;should hear the voice of Aeneas and Antenor, they wouldnbsp;perform^ their oath to the betrayers, that is, to protect Antenor and Ucalegon and Polydamas and Aeneas and Anchises,nbsp;with their wives and sons and daughters, with their cousinsnbsp;and relatives by marriage and companions, and with their kinsfolk besides.

1827. Now when they had settled their pledges, Polydamas led them® to the city, that is, to the gate which is namednbsp;Scaea. There, then, they found a signal of their signals, tonbsp;wit, the head of a white horse in the border over the gate.

1831. Then came the betrayers, to wit, Aeneas son of Anchises and Antenor, to meet the Greeks. As to Priam, however, he had everything prepared and ready to slay the betrayersnbsp;and to fight for the city. Then the chief traitors gathered theirnbsp;households and their comrades and their friends to the gate atnbsp;which they had set a signal for the Greeks, so that there theynbsp;were biding about the gate on this side and on that. Thereafter came the Greeks to the gate which is named Scaea. Thenbsp;betrayers opened the gate and lit the lights against the facesnbsp;of their friends and their companions and let them into the city.

' This must be the meaning (‘Neoptolemus hos refutat’). This meaningless chucai is a scribal error due to the chucai in line 1818.

^ Lit. make true.

® Lit. took the van before them.

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Literal Translation.

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1840. Tltese, then, are the leaders whom they let in, to wit, Pyrrhus son of Achilles in the van, and Diomede and Mene-lans son of Atreus, and other leaders besides. Pyrrhus, however,nbsp;it is he that was protecting all the household of the folk thatnbsp;betrayed the city. Now Antenor was leader before the troopsnbsp;and the hosting of the Greeks unto the citadel and the royalnbsp;apartment and royal palace of Priam, a place wherein werenbsp;biding the choice of all the leaders of the Trojans. It seemednbsp;to thee that the earth would fall under their feet because ofnbsp;the mightiness of the pride which they brought and the greatness of the wrath. Then, in sooth, did Pyrrhus son of Achillesnbsp;wreak his fury and his wrath and his enmity on the Trojans.nbsp;Multitudes of them fell that night by his hand. There, then,nbsp;fell Panthus son of Euphorbus, chief speaker of all the Trojansnbsp;after Antenor. There, also, fell Choroebus, the husband ofnbsp;Cassandra daughter of Priam. A stripling was he and a champion and a spearpoint of battle of the north-east of the world.nbsp;It was not more than a week after the warrior came till Cassandra was betrothed to him. Cassandra did not at all desirenbsp;to be defiled,^ but she preferi’ed to abide in maidenhood andnbsp;in chastity. Then Pyrrhus son of Achilles, the battle-soldier,nbsp;remained standing before Priam’s citadel, with a two-edgednbsp;axe in his hand, and then there was a gate that was thenbsp;fairest and heautifullest in the world, from the various carving ofnbsp;eveiy land, with a border of gold and silver and precious stone.

1860. Then the soldiers who were in Priam’s palace divided themselves. A troop of them they put into the doorway of thenbsp;court. These began to resist Pyrrhus and the rest of the heroes.nbsp;The others, however, went on the palisades and mounds and sconces (?) of the citadel, and began to cast mightily at the hosts innbsp;such wise that they hurled together on them the spears andnbsp;the swords and the shields and the arrows and the rocks of thenbsp;stones under foot, and the beams and planks and roofs andnbsp;poles of the balconies and the plank-houses. Then they broke

' Lit. her pollution.

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the pinnacles of the archways and flung them against the Greeks, so that in that wise they laid low many thousands of thenbsp;hosts. Moreover the people of the city arose, terribly andnbsp;fearfully, furiously and hastily. Now they had no way of flight,nbsp;for the Greeks had filled the streets and causeways and crossroads of the city. So there was one 'cry throughout Troy.nbsp;Alike were the soldiers crying and the champions howling andnbsp;the clowns bellowing and the women wailing and the childrennbsp;screaming. Howbeit, as regards Priam’s citadel, the valiantnbsp;heroes of the Trojans began to defend it and to protect it.nbsp;Because there lay the best of the gold and silver, the jewelsnbsp;and treasures of the Trojans. Howbeit, Pyrrhus son of Achillesnbsp;began cutting and hewing the door-valve so that he himselfnbsp;with his shield passed through the middle of it. Then he putnbsp;to flight ^ the Trojans who were fortifying their gateway.nbsp;Reasonable was this, for Pyrrhus son of Achilles, of whomnbsp;there is commemoration here, was, after the valiant folk thatnbsp;had fallen at^ this Destruction, chief of valour of the men ofnbsp;the world.

1884. After the door (?) had been broken by Pyrrhus, and after the defenders who were biding in the gateway hadnbsp;been put to flight,® he entered the royal house and slewnbsp;Priam’s son before his face. Priam made a cast of a spearnbsp;at him, in such wise that it went past him, because henbsp;(Priam) was then a feeble old man. Pyrrhus hurled a castnbsp;at Priam, so that it went into him, and he dragged him forward into the room and cut off his head at Minerva’s altar.nbsp;On one road, however, fared Hecuba and Polyxena. Then Aeneasnbsp;ran to meet Polyxena. Howbeit Hecuba gave him full possession of the girl in return for protecting her. Aeneas then hidnbsp;her under the safeguard of his father Anchises. Howbeit Andromache, Hector’s wife, and Cassandra, Priam’s daughter, wentnbsp;and laid themselves down on Minerva’s altar.

^ Lit. he gave pursuit on.

^ Lit. on. ^ Lit. after hunting the defenders.

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Literal Translation.

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gt;-

1895. Now until the white of the morning, there was no pause to the devastation and the ruin of the city. The citynbsp;was burnt, so that it was in (?) a fringe of fire and undernbsp;vapour of smoke. Badb bellowed and roared above it. Demonsnbsp;of the air shouted above . . .; for pleasant it was to them thatnbsp;slaughter should befall Adam’s seed, because that was an increase to their (the demons’) household. Great then were thenbsp;turmoil and the . . . that were in Troy on that night. Therenbsp;was trembling on the teeth of the weak. The blood of thenbsp;soldiers was poured forth. The old men wailed, the infantsnbsp;cried, the grown-up girls lamented. Multitudes of noble, wellborn women were misused there, and the widows’ tresses werenbsp;loosened, and the hosts were slain. The city was devastatednbsp;and ruined and swept away.^

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1907. Now when daylight came on the morrow the kings of the Greeks came together into one council, and gave thanksnbsp;to their gods and to their idols. Agamemnon praised the hosts,nbsp;and then it was proclaimed by him that all the prey of thenbsp;city should be brought to one place; and he made a rightnbsp;division unto the hosts, according to their ranks and accordingnbsp;to their just grades. Then the kings held a council to seenbsp;what they should do to the betrayers, whether freedom shouldnbsp;be given to them or should not be given. All the hosts shouted, and this is what they said, that freedom and peace benbsp;given to the folk that had forsaken their fatherland and theirnbsp;city. Whatever, then, the hosts had taken of their men andnbsp;cattle, of their jewels and treasures, all was given (back) tonbsp;them, and protection was granted to them together with theirnbsp;friends and comrades and foster-brothers and with all thatnbsp;they possessed.

1919. Then did Antenor beseech Agamemnon that he might be allowed to say a few words to him. Agamemnon gavenbsp;permission to him (Antenor). Antenor fell on his knees andnbsp;bent them thrice in presence of Agamemnon, and said to him:

^ Lit. I think, ‘was unsited’, de-lathrigedl

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„Helena and Cassandraquot;, saitli he, „stand in danger and in peril because of (their) great fear. What does it seem to younbsp;just to do unto them? It would at this time be just for younbsp;to protect them, because of the favourable intercession andnbsp;prophecy which Cassandra used to make for you, and becausenbsp;of the persuasion which Helen made as to delivering the bodynbsp;of Achilles to be buried in the camp, notwithstanding the outrage (proposed by) Alexander.quot; Then Agamemnon granted freedom to those two, namely to Cassandra and to Helen. Then,nbsp;too, Cassandra begged a boon on behalf of her mother Hecubanbsp;and on behalf of the wife of Hector son of Priam, to wit, Andromache, and related to Agamemnon how those two loved himnbsp;greatly and used to speak well^ of him in his absence. Agamemnon left^ that to the kings. This is what was settled®nbsp;by them, (to give) their freedom to those twain. Whatevernbsp;human beings besides those, and (whatever) riches, were foundnbsp;there Agamemnon distributed to the host. Then Agamemnonnbsp;gave thanks to the gods.

1935. On the fifth day afterwards all the hosts assembled in one meeting to determine what day they would set out tonbsp;their country and their own land.

1940. Storms arose against them, so that the sea was not fit for voyaging by them. So for many days they stayednbsp;in the city. Then Calchas answered that the gods were notnbsp;satisfied with them.'* Then it came into the mind of Pyrrhus . . .

[lines 1944 — 2013 are too defective to be translated.]

2015. Two chief leaders Aeneas slew, namely Amphi-machus, Nereus.

These are the leaders whom Alexander son of Priam slew: Antilochus, Palamedes, Locrian Ajax, Ajax son of Telamon.nbsp;He and Alexander fell together.

^ Lit. to give good testimony, itself. * Lit. thankful of them.

Lit. permitted. ® Lit. settled


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Notes.

(The numbers refer to the lines of the text.)

do-t-r'-inclwisc, 3d sg. s-pret. act. of tinchoscim {da-ind-eo-sechim) with infixed prou. of 2 d sg. and infixed verbal particle ro- = pro.nbsp;This particle is, in the text now published, generally prefixed tonbsp;verbs, whether simple or compound. But in at-ru-hairt 3, 12, 1,nbsp;253, 1965, do-ri-gne 4, do-ró-ni 13, do-ro-chair 1850, do-ru-ména-tar 268, im-ro^rdid 1169, fo-ro-ddil 1935, é-r-hairt 1761, é-r-lainbsp;158, fo-r-üair 256, it comes (as it does in Old and Early Middlenbsp;Irish) between the verb and the prep, with which the verb is compounded. In do-r-air-mesc 391, do-r-atni (do-ro-aith-tenni) 1541,nbsp;fo-r-deaih {fo-ro-ath-gaib) 93, fa-r-csat (fo-ro-ath-g.) 1568, con-r-ótaclit {con-ro-ud-tacht) 203 and fris-r-óoaib {fris-ro-ud-gaib) 859,nbsp;as in do-t-r-in-choisc, it comes between the two preps, with whichnbsp;the verb is compounded. In domdrfds 847, 851 {do-m-ath-ro-hat-ta)nbsp;it comes between the second prep, and the verb. In do-r-o-s-laigset [do-ro-fo-ass-laicset) 1608 it comes between the first two ofnbsp;the three prepositions.

19.

iar here, as often, means ‘along’, a meaning not given in Windisch’s Wörterbuch. So iar n-oraib na long, 893.

20

long acc. sg. is probably a mistake for luing 249, 576, or longai (see infra at 707).

28.

cliath-bernaidh (pi. nom. -e 1078, gen. 821) is, like cliath-chomla 1208, 1582, a comp, of cliaih ‘battle’, 0’R. Cognate is cliathad ‘conflicting’: gan cliathad, Cogad G. 38.

33.

36.

57.

28. tresiwm, better tresam 1192, superb of trén. So nesam 125 (ocws), dillem 383, 1859 (dlaind) and cdinemh 1858 {cdin).nbsp;allaiher = allathair, Corm. s. v. mog-éime, allathoir, O’Don. Gr. 263.nbsp;sin (later sire 308) = O.Ir. sia 268, compar.. of sir = W. Mr.nbsp;ro-rergatar 3d pi. redupl. perf. of rigim. The 3d sg. ro-reraignbsp;occurs Brocc. h. 56, Saltair na Eann 7237 (and 2573, where thenbsp;ms. is corrupt).

ni rofodaim dó cen tairniudh. Compare 1562: ni rodam dó cen tinutud.

63.

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Notes.


nar, for nd-r-b, as ndchar 1352, 1203, for ndcha-r-h. coimsidhe pi. of coimsid SP. II 15.

note the omission of any prep, before Un. Should we read cosin-lln‘i or Begat lat?

bia-r 1st sg. fut. of biu with deponential ending. So in 3d pi. bat-ir 111, bdtir 952, 1388, 1740. Other interesting forms of thisnbsp;verb are bamm 1795, has 128, bias 383, hetit 765.nbsp;no-d-bia ‘he shall have’ (ei erit). Note the change from the 2dnbsp;to the 3d person. Rev. Celt. Ill 512.

doróigu {doróegu 800), 3d sg. redupl. perf. oi.togaim, 3d sg. s-pret. ro-ihogh 1400. Root gus.

139. 554. deisid Uo, deissidh Uo 1933, lit. consedit apud eos; ‘it was resolved by them’, O’Don. Gr. 257.

147. 890. idna seems here to mean banners.

149. rothecail seems a corruption of rotheclaim, and this of roihecmaill: cf. teclaimmit 721, teclomad 780. The inf. teclaim 399.

151. 719. ro-hd-s ‘fuif, = robdss 1566. This form of the 3d sg. pret. of bm is not in the grammars. It occurs with infixed pron. of 1stnbsp;pi. in the Saltair na Rann 4059, ro-n-bds bath ‘we have had (nobisnbsp;fuit) death’.

imna fib-sa, 198 dona fib-sa, for Old-Irish immna hi-sa, donaib M-sa. The nom. pi. na hi-sea 1601. acc. pi. frisnahi 1757.nbsp;fouair, better fofuair.

in-echta. Other instances of this prefix are in-dola 689 {dola 1305), in-imthechta 1044, in-atrebtha 1047, in-imrama 1940. So in Togailnbsp;Troi (LL.) in-marbtha ‘fit to be tilled’, in-techta ‘fit to go’.

1486. 1960. fo gin chlaidib. Here the mouth that drains is used for the point that pierces: cf. the metaphorical use of haurire fornbsp;perfodere in Verg. Aen. II 600, X 304 etc.nbsp;tairnic, 3d pi. tdrnecatar 1601, redupl. perf. of tair-icirn.

1351. do-n-n-anic ‘which came to him’. Root anc, Skr. ag.

181. 182. tarrastd seems 3d sg. 2dy s-fut. pass, of the verb of which tarraid (‘traf, iiberfiel, holte ein’, Windisch) is the perf. The nextnbsp;sentence seems to mean that Priam had a successor’s mind (i. e.nbsp;a desire to improve the inheritance), although he had actuallynbsp;taken possession of it. Ar-apai-dhe ‘on account of that’, apa, abanbsp;Mr. Honnessy says that it also means ‘nevertheless’ (which is thenbsp;meaning in Ir. Texte 99, line 11) and quotes LU. 60a; fanópairnbsp;arapa.

197. 1783. Bo-tin6lait, 3d pi. pret. pass, of tinólaim. Other examples of this form (as to which see Windisch, Kuhn’s Zeitschrift, XXVIInbsp;158, 159) are ro-foidit 441, ro-bddit 579, ro-herlaimigit 590, 596,nbsp;ro-tóchuirit 685, 1397 {-et 1024, 1061), ro-othroit 1446, ro-hadnacit


73.

77.

89.

91.


112.


130.


151.

155.

157.


159.


170.

175.


-ocr page 143-

135

Notes.

1572, ro-mi-imrit 190-1, ro-thaithmigit (leg. -taith-) 1905, ro-marhait 1905, ro-tascrait 1746, im-or-choraigit 595 (leg. -coraigit?).

203. conrótacM 3d sg. pret. pass, of conutgim (con-ud-tegim): 3d pi. conrotachta 208.

205. ddllue, dat. sg. of ddl-loc, a compound of dal ‘meeting’ (= W. datl) and loc from Lat. ‘locus’. So in O.W. datl-{l)ocou (gl. fora), Z^. 1055.

227. loscain inf. of loscim (the usual form is loscud 265, 750, corruptly loscad 175, 242).

233. luide. Here the -e is a suffixed pronoun indicating the subject. So teit-e 524.

257. ro-dlomai, 3d sg. pret. of an a-verb, to be compared with Welsh forms in -odd, -aud ex -aya. Corresponding forms of i-verbs arenbsp;dorósce 626, ro-fóidi 1052, 1387, ros-faide 1460, doratni 1541,nbsp;ro-greisi 1638, ro-rddi 1756, ro-rdidhi 1792, ro-léei 1886.

257. 269. 752. astir for asin-tir. So costrath-sa 284, 984 for cosin-trath-sa.

262. eisith for es-sitJi.

267. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;A negative seems omitted here.

268. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;dorumenatar 3d pi. redupl. perf. of domoinmr puto. Root man.

272. drna should be arna i. e. aran-nd.

281. ro-im-rdi, 3d sg. redupl. perf. immrdim. 3d pi. s-pret. imraiset 18.

283. tomdite seems for tomaiti, fut. part. pass, of domidiur.

293. gol cecha leithe. Here leithe is probably a mistake for cléithe: cf. 1084.

311. mórmó compar. of mórmór ‘specially great’.

319.

341.

316. dofoithsaind-sae, 1 sg. redupl. 2dy s-fut. of tuitim (= do-fo-th-étim). sg. 3 dofóethsad 1846, = tóithsad 1171. Of the s-future occur sg. 2nbsp;dofoithais 757, pi. 3 dofoethset 433, dofdethsat 544, 758, 763.nbsp;ol-ddthe, ddthe for tdtM 2d pi. (abs. form) of tdim = Lat. sto.nbsp;faretar seems to stand for forfetar, where fetar is, according tonbsp;Thurneysen, from fedsar, *videsar, an aorist like a-vedishani, eiSsm,nbsp;videro (Kuhn’s Zeitschr. XXVH, 174 note 2). As to t from ds seenbsp;Kuhn’s Beitr. Till. 350.

344.

348.

tafhann: taflionn 1416, 1431, 1880, 1883 (root svand): here the h seems to show that the f {os. sv) is to be pronounced like v.nbsp;fócurthe (read fochuirtlie) 3d pi. pret. pass, of fo-churim, cogn.nbsp;with tócJmiriur {= do-fo-e.) ‘I invite’.

362. fathmannach: cf. each fmna fathmainnech, LU. 81“.

371. macca-samla, usually mace-samlg.

371. infecMain (also in 543, 1420, 1492, 1703) is = inhheachtain .i. contabhart, 0’R. as inbechtain raféd tadall an taige, Three Fragments, p. 24, as inbechtain md tearna an tres duine do Lochlon-naib, ibid. 162.

374. reuib ‘before you’, not in the grammars.

389. fochichret seems 3d pi. redupl. fut. act. of fochuirim cognate with

-ocr page 144-

136


Notes.


412.


417.

420.

426.

435.


513.


514.


533.


536.


tochurim ‘pono’. So iu Saltair na Kama 8060: foddchret gaire garga ‘they will cast forth savage cries’, 8324: passive: in-iffern.. fochi-chritar forcüln ‘they will he cast hack into hell’. The 3d sg.nbsp;active focliiclier (leg. fochicliera = fochiuchra, LU. 56». 8) occursnbsp;ill the same poem 8205, 3d sg. pass, focicherthar, LU. 88». Thenbsp;1st sg. foehicliur-sa, LU. 70». 4, and the t-pret. fochairt have beennbsp;referred to focherdaim. They seem rather to belong to focliuirim,nbsp;the 1 st sg. 5-future of which occurs in Saltair na Rann, 6121: foehu-riub uaim saigit ‘I will shoot forth from me an arrow’.nbsp;ra-dechrad imbi. So 1248, 1344, rodechrad impu, 1423 rodechradnbsp;im Throil. There is a similar construction with the verb ddsaim,nbsp;(Fr. desverl) Thus ddsthir imbi 1432, na roddsed 7 nd rodechradnbsp;impu, 1344; roddsed imna Mirmedondaib 1463.nbsp;cesc — 0’Clery’s ceasg. Borrowed from quaestio, proh. through thenbsp;medium of the British languages in which the change of st to scnbsp;is not uncommon: cf. W. ascwrn oaréor; gwisc vestis, and in thenbsp;current language gwasg = Eng. waist and trgsglen = Eng. throstle,nbsp;dorostar 3d sg. s-fut. pass, of dorochim ‘I come’.nbsp;atdthar, deponential form of atd = Lat. astat.nbsp;tesaba 3d sg. redupl. fut. of *tessabanim.

ro-seaich (better roscdich 1277) 3d sg., roscachitar 445, 703 (better roscachetar) 1306, 3d pi. redupl. perf. of scuchim.nbsp;cluichthi corrupt spelling of cluichi.

491. ro-d-ehar ‘amavit earn'.

dga (pi. dat. dgibh 941), generally dige, means ‘limb’, ‘member’. tarrasatar 3d pi. perf. of tairissim. The 3d sg. tarrasair 1201.nbsp;ciana seems a sisterfonn of dan agreeing with ed. It reoccursnbsp;1564.

ro-inretar (for ind-rethatar) 3d pi. perf. of indriuth. in-a{n) a combination of the article with the relative pron. With the common change of i to a it occurs as ana{n) 1358, 1612, 1934, 1544. [Innbsp;LU. 36t’ 2, we also have ana ndernai.] With apocope: 'na{n) 712.nbsp;In the Tripartite Life it is inna(n): ni fil seribnid eonised a scribendnbsp;inna ndernai do fertaib ‘there is no writer who could write whatnbsp;he, Patrick, wrought of miracles’, Eawl. B. 512, fo. 29^ 1.nbsp;ro-imretar (for imm-rethatar), 3d pi. perf. of immrethim. But wenbsp;should perhaps read ro-im-rdtar 3d pi. of ro-imrdi 281.nbsp;no-bethe seems secondary pres. pass, of the root ha, gva{n). So according to Ascoli bether, Z^. 501, should be rendered by ‘veniatur’nbsp;rather than by ‘est’.

aneich for in-neich. So 518, 1390. anneich 431. So with cech: aisneis cech neich 775, and ndch 229.

beti, if not an instance of a suffixed pronoun indicating the sub-


i.

i


540.

-ocr page 145-

Notes.


137


544.

543.

576.

579.


580.

581. 595.

601.

612.

622.


625.


639.


707.


720.


722.

730.

748.


ject, (v. supra 233) is a scribe’s mistake for hetit ‘eruut’ 760. 765. So rdgdait (for rdgtait) ‘ibunt’ 1743. See Kuliii’s Beitr. VII 21,nbsp;VIII 455, and add to the forms there mentioned géhtdit, LU. 56nbsp;= gehdait ‘capient’ LB. lOt 22, rechtait LB. 73'gt;gt; 3, scerdait LB.nbsp;321gt;. A similar form, gaUait, in the present indicative, is in LU.nbsp;101»: atafregat for Idr tige, 7 gabtait a sciathu foraib, ‘they raisenbsp;themselves up on the house-floor, and take their shields upon them’.nbsp;So in the Saltair na Eann segtait 459, cestait 953, bertait 2981.nbsp;cuala pi. gen. of mail ‘a heap’, mail crinaig Laud 610, fo. 93t 1,nbsp;cognate withjat. caulis, cu-niulus.

farétfa, 3d sg. h-fut. of *for-étaim {étaim I And, ro-étad 1389). testdtar ‘defuerunt’? like testa ‘defuit’? 1207, seems a preterite.nbsp;is hddud robddit. Such expressions (common in Irish) where thenbsp;noun is of cognate origin with the verb, remind one of Greeknbsp;phrases like fidxgv è/Aaxovxo, Latin like pugnam pugnabant.nbsp;nóaib = navihus: acc. pi. nó-th-e 568 where the th is inserted tonbsp;shew that the word is a dissyllable. So in elófhib ‘clavis’.nbsp;eommin, leg. co min ‘minutely’?

imorcJioraigit perhaps for imm-ro-coraigit ‘they were greatly arranged’? The metathesis of the r of ro is frequent. iarnaig seems gen. sg. of a collective iarnach, which I have not met.nbsp;fordeaib, seems to have a passive sense here.nbsp;dochel did 7 erdarms — docheil clü 7 erdarcus 992. So in LL. 232»,nbsp;a indsib 7 ailénaib celes clü. pi. 3 dochelit, {docealat B.) mornbsp;ndmra, Corm. s. v. Art. Tochell . i. buaid, 0’CI. may be cognate.nbsp;Perhaps the root is Pick’s 2. kal, to which he refers xhXonai and cdlo.nbsp;dmna for O.Ir. *dmman, acc. pi. of dmm, dm (= agmen), dat. sg.nbsp;ammaim, Z‘^. 269.

euit péne na (cf. cult péne md 1483) seems an idiomatic expression for ‘scarcely not’, ‘hardly not’. So is bee, trd, na 393, is beg, trd,nd 825.nbsp;longai dat. sg. of long, as lungai, 281, is the acc. So insi 708,nbsp;dat. sg. of inis, and insi 709, acc. sg. Can there have been originally sisterforms in ia, ia, such as longae, inse (cf. arhar and airbre,nbsp;adaig and aidche, sétig and seiche), and can these be their surviving datives and accusatives?

Teophras, Teufras 737, from Teuthras, with remarkable change of thr into fr. Have we here the explanation of afraig, afridisi fromnbsp;ath-raig, ath-rithisi?

taiihetar, do-n-arthetar 1195, doruarfhatar ‘remanserunt’, Sg. 5». arrindi = arrinde 1552, said to be the ‘head of a spear’.nbsp;condnic is possibly the regular perf. of con-icim ‘possum’ (the usualnbsp;perfect is coemnacair): dar menmain lit. ‘over mind’, can it meannbsp;‘contemptuously’?


-ocr page 146-

138 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Notes.

749, tdbaerthi clobur n-oidh. See other examples of this idiom in glos-sarial Index to Félire, s. v. oid.

762. deis mo ehloideb: of. dias chloidimh, 0’CI. s. v. Ubli. dias gl. spica.

765. airge ‘armentum’: here apparently used for battalion or some such body of soldiers.

768. congancnes. So in LU. 77 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;24: ar ha conganchnes oc comruc fri

fer hoi la Loch. 0’Clery explains the word by cneas no cum cndniha. With congan, congna (gl. cornu) is cognate.

776. atchondcammar, atcJiondcatar 1607, 6'tchonncatar 1147, root cas. Windisch is doubtless right in holding that the first two syllablesnbsp;are due to the analogy of atchondarc (3 d sg. -dairc 840), R. dare.

782. comaithihh, a scribe’s mistake for comaithchibh 1219.

797. afhehomaire gen. sg. of athchomarc ‘interrogatio’.

810. ro-oéthig seems the 3d sg. pret. of the verb of which óithigud, 1035, is the infinitive. The meaning must be either ‘diminished’nbsp;or ‘ceased’, and the verb is possibly cognate with navto, paulus,nbsp;favai, few, with which Ir. liathed (dat. sg. uathiud 1072), has beennbsp;connected.

817. tóichléori, cf. tóicliell journey?

850. coedi leg. cócai: cf. cuacea .i. fas no folamJi ‘empty’, 0’CI. Cognate with lat. cavus.

879. aca (= ad-ca) ‘vidi’, root cas. s-pret. sg. 1 acus 849.

908. ailithir pi. n. of ailither dllórgioq, poregrinus.

960, al-loss ‘by means of’, ‘by virtue of’.

962. dd gahait, n. pi. dofuitet a cethri gabaiti for talmain, LÜ. 70»', 26. n. dual: doiert athhéim ina médi conid i n-oenfecld cond-rdneatarnbsp;a da gahait chliss dochum talman, LU. 109 ». ‘Division’ or ‘section’nbsp;seems to be the meaning.

978. dithruhaig generally means ‘hermits’, but here it seems either ‘birds of prey’ (olwvoi) or ‘beasts of the desert’ (Hennessy), cf. sanglier.

1013. ar-ti, like for-ti {ti ‘design, intention’, 0’R.), is used to make a kind of future participle: ar ihi dul (gl. iturus) 0’Moli. Gr. 128,nbsp;for tii a marhtha, LB. 144». for tii merli, Fél. Ixxxix, 17.

1044. apaigib dat. pi. apaige 1049, gen. pi. of apach ‘entrails’, declined (like so many neuter nouns in -ach) in the sg. like an a-stem, innbsp;the pi. like an s-stem. So étach, sg. gen. éiaig 494, 844, dat.nbsp;étuch, 496, nom, and acc. pi. étaige 596, 889, 1180, timthach,nbsp;sg. dat. timtliuch 1671, n. pi. timthaige 596. 889, coblach sg. dat.nbsp;cohluch 446, gen. cohlaig 453, acc. coblach 463, gdethlach pi. dat.nbsp;gdethlaigib 614, luchtlach pi. dat. luchtlaigib 873, airenach, sg.nbsp;dat. airinuch 929. Compare German nouns like greib, ex ’quot;gra-ba-m, pi. grahir (ex *grabisa, *grabasa) now grdher, Schleichernbsp;Comp. § 230,

11 'li

-ocr page 147-

139

1048.

1071.

i-

1085.

1099.

1129.

1193.

1199.

1221.

1235.

1236.

1238.

1241.

1243.

1289.

1322.

1324.

1357.

1372.

1379.

1384.

Notes.

droch-tlmih seems a mistake for clroch-thut, as defhaig (iu the same line) for detaig. Cf. tutt nan-edpart, LB. 189 tut ‘stink’, 0’R.nbsp;onchon gen. sg., onchoin, 1079, n. jol. of oncJm 1. a leopard, 2. anbsp;banner (Liebrecbt compares the low-latin draco étendard de lanbsp;cohorte), 3. some kind of warrior, 4. a proper name. If onclmnbsp;be (as I conjecture) borrowed from fr. onceau (dim. of once = ly-ncem) the h is due to the analogy of compounds with cm ‘hound’.nbsp;maedacht here, as in 1904, is not declined.

ermaisi ‘hitting’, ‘striking’; cf. dat. sg. ho ermaissiu firinne, Z®. 1043. cf. also the verb ni anad con-ermaised in uball, LL. 125“.nbsp;1868. sluag-dorus ‘archway’. The s in stuag is prothetic {iiiagnbsp;‘bow’), as in s-tuigen (toga), s-targa (targa), s-cipar (piper), s-préidhnbsp;(praeda), and perhaps s-naidm ‘nodus’.

dtta gen. sg. of dlad ‘wound’: cf. ferg na gona 1645, 1730, 1199. ro-fort), also in 1760, 1784, for roforba, 0. Ir. fororbai, redupl.nbsp;perf. of forbenim = vnegjialvu) (Ascoli). Hence forhantar 317,nbsp;no-forbaitdis 1784.

conatuilset, 3d pi. of conatuil = eontuil with infixed relative:

see Windisch’s Worterbuch s. v. cotlaim.

foi-leis for fó-les, where seems = Skr. vasu.

enech — eineach A. eneaclann, 0’CI. honour-price, compensation

for wounded honour. With the phrase derntd enech cf. the fut.

pass, dogcntar th' ainech 551.

ro-ordnigset, infin. ordnugud, Ir. Texte p. 40.

cloechlodh from coechlod, coimchlod.

mur-chlodh gen. pi. lit. wall-dykes, fosses.

-se a scribe’s error for si.

ro-throchlastair: cf. nos-trocJilann saigit asind fidbaicc, Bawl. B. 502, fo. 48 a 1. trochladh a loosening, 0’K.nbsp;criathar focha (leg. fotha) ‘sieve of the mill’s feed’, cf. fothanbsp;muilinn Maelodrain, Felire May 21, note.

no-iadaitis 3d pi. 2dy pres, passive. So dogéntais 231, nocht-atdis, no-criathraitis 1709. allta pi. of alt, p. 65 note 1.

1651. doimniudh seems to mean, and be cognate with, the latiu diminuere, Curtius G. E. No. 475.

ro-adnacht, t-preterite of adnaicim, root na{n)c, nac. Other t-pre-terites not noticed by WindischI(Kuhn’s Beitr. VIII. 442) are ro-aslacht, Eawl. B. 512, fo. 27 a. 2, and ro-chet (== W. cant 7A. 524, root ca»), LU. 401). 8 [is disi rochet in senchaid na runnu-sa) andnbsp;Saltair na Kann 7533 (Bi diar-rochet ... class aingel).nbsp;debeeh = debachllQdfirom debe as ainbthenachö79, from ainbthine.

1399.

-ocr page 148-

140 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Notes.

1460. snadmaimm, dat, sg. of snaidni ‘knot’, -whicli (if the s be pro-thetic) may be cognate with naidm 1596.

1470. failsaiUs {nofailsaitis 1626), = fóilT\sitis, Wb. 15 a 7, Z^. 486, 634, 3d pi. redupl. 2dy s-fut. of fulangim. Of this verb the 3d pi.nbsp;perf. fóélangatar occurs 1696, foelangtar 1710.

1475. sithithir compar. of sith, W. hyd, Goth, seithu-s, A. S. ski.

1487. hdirne {hairne 1866), pi. n. of hairennhoireand a large rock, O’Don. Suppl.

1490. teruarsena, pi. u. of tiruairse .i. fuighleach, Corn. 0’Flaherty’s Glossary compiled at Rome 1653 (Mr. Hennessy). This is probablynbsp;cognate with ro-thiruarthestar, LU. Sbi», deruarid ‘remansit’ Ml.nbsp;31 a 6, pi. doruarthatar supra 72‘2, and may stand for do-air-ua-rat-tion.

1513. eill leg. cill, acc. sg. of lall.

1546. 1899. martad ‘killing’? Br. morza engourdir, O.N. nvyrda, Mhg. morden.

1555. tinnendsach, for tinnesnach? tinnisnach (gl. festinosus) Ir. Gl. 615.

1589. gart ‘head’, Cormac.

1598. forhthechfed, 3 d sg. 2 dy b-fut. of foirhthigim, of which forhachaim, Ir. Texte, p. 566, is a bad corruption; forhachsat ~ forhtheclisat.

16C0. ro-chalma, ro-testamla. Here ro gives the force of a superlative.

1623. do-r-as-cratar (sg. 3 doroscair 1642) seems a redupl. perfect. 3d sg. redupl. 2 dy fut. no-thascérad 852 , 3d pi. tascertais 1466,nbsp;s-pret. rothascair 1076, 3d pi. rothascairset 1859, pass. pret. pi. 3nbsp;rotascrait 1746. infin. tascrad 1223.

1647. 1889. tall (3d sg. s-pret. of tallaim), conjunct form without ro is curious. Other examples of this omission are in Saltair na Rann:nbsp;marb 2021, saer 7409, eruthaig 7879, for romarb, rosaer, ro-clirutliaig.

1653. grdinche compar. of grdinech, whence the verb grdinighim.

1660. do-ro-r'- chair. The double ro here is perhaps not a mistake, as

23

dororcair occurs in the R. I. A. copy of the Félire, =-=, Nov. 17.

i . o

Cf. ro-fo-ro-daim, LU. 34tgt;, ro-fo-r-uasUg ibid. 35'gt;, ro-r-laithea, LH. (Francisc.) fo. 12tgt;.

1694. rcscidir fri a compar. of equality. Should we read frescidir and compare friosg ‘nimble’, O’R ?

1709. no-criafhraitis: criatliar, O.W. cruitr — Lat. cribrwm ex '*crêtro: cf. Eng. riddle, Fr. cribler ‘percer de trous nombreux’, ‘se percernbsp;Tun Tautre de beaucoup de coups’, Littré.

1747. aili-thir ‘other-land’. Hence apparently ailiihre ‘peregrinatio’ and ailithrech ‘pilgrim’. But see ailithir 908.

-ocr page 149-

Notes.


141


1766.

1767.


1801.

1816.

1819.

1820. 1857.

1890.


1892.

1895.


1911.

1915.

1921.


2015.


é-trese compar, of é-trén, as for-threse 1732, is the compar. of for-trén 145. The uncompounded compar. trese 832, treisi 392.nbsp;do-bar-timairced, an example of the impersonal passive, ¦with thenbsp;infixed -bar- ‘you’. In dognéth sib 1758 wo have an example of thenbsp;impersonal active. Bdtir sibh 1786.nbsp;triuib ‘per vos’, the usual form is triib.

ind-ara-de: cf. the formulae cechtar de, 499, neehtar de, Z®. 363. where de (for fe) seems = the Goth. gen. pi. time (ex tisam). Ofnbsp;ind-ara the 0. Ir. form is ind-ala, Z\ 360. The expression ind-alasar ‘one of the two of you’ occurs in the Trip. Life (Rawl. B.nbsp;512, fo. 181) 1) where sar seems for *sdr, *safhar {sethar, Wb. It»)nbsp;= fathar, Ir. Texte, vii, Lat. vestrwm.nbsp;mdd-at ‘if it is that thou art’.

ni thorlaic-side chucai. For this idiomatic use of chucai after Uicim cf. 1839, 1840.

dechastdi, 2d pi. abs. form s-fut. dechaid. reimhib ‘before you’.

indorus, lit. ‘in(the)gate’, is here, as in Saltair na Rann, 2238, and Ir. Texte, p. 99, 1. 9, a nominal prep, meaning ‘before’.nbsp;ra-raith 3d sg. redupl. perf. of ritJiim. This is one of the perfects with long a both in sg. and pi. {fosrdthatar, LU. 591gt;): correctnbsp;accordingly Kuhn’s Zeitschrift XXIII, pp. 234, 236.nbsp;anaicthe seems gen. sg. of anacud a sister-form of anacul 1918.nbsp;find na maitni — findmatinlbiiQ, cf. Fr. anbe, Ital. alba, from albus.nbsp;A similar phrase is dub na haidche.

Badb, the Gaulish bodua in Cathubodua, a battle-goddess (Revue Celtique i. 32).

altugud by metathesis for at-tlugud. So fdstine 388, 395, 536, 546, 1925, for fdithsine.

cert-fodla ‘just divisions’, a compound of cert.

ro-thréicset, 3d pi. s-pret. of tréciin (= tar-ancim, Ascoli, Note

Irlandesi 37 note).

ro-theraind, 3d sg. s-pret. of tairndim, tairnim. The verbal noun tairniudh 63, is in O.Ir. in tairinnud (gl. dejectio). Cod. Bedaenbsp;Carolisr. 33 b. 4.

domarbdomarbh 48, for 0. Ir. romarb.


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Corrigenda, a. Text.

Lino 58 for siiiiud read siriud. 87 i cummai. 95 iH. 98 iarra^'^Z. 99 dofhusceba. 341 far[f]etar. 344 co n-aca. 371 is infechtain nofetaitis.nbsp;543 is infechtain. 589 co chéle. 612 Ni. 698 forcind. 740 dochoid [Achü].nbsp;748 conanic. 782 corQaith[ch]ihh. 850 note, for cochdin read cocai. 923 co-rodsaer. 924 for post read iarsin. 964 gnimaib. 969 tarla ’na sciath. 1085nbsp;omit [a].nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1193 ind Alta. 1121 conatvilset. 1399 in bad. 1420 IS infechtain.

1435 i[c]cathugud. 1492 is infechtain. 1517 dele first comma. 1703 is infechtain. 1780 after cathrach insert a comma. 1930 maiQ. P. 52, head line,/or 140a read 165b. P. 53, head line, for 21 read 36.

b. Translation.

P. 64, line 21, before ‘neighbouring’ insert ‘(or in)’.

P. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;65,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;notenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;2, fornbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;‘I read siriud' read ‘the ms. hasnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;siriud'.

P. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;70,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;linenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;5nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;fromnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;bottom, read: ‘for a meeting-placenbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;and’, line 22, for ‘ac

tive’ read ‘vehement’.

P. 71, lino 7 from bottom, for ‘they would make peace and order’ read ‘peace and order would be made’.

P. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;73,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;linonbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;8nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;fromnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;bottom, for ‘ever’ read ‘over’.

P. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;74,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;linonbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;9nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;fromnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;bottom, for ‘faine’ read ‘fain’.

P. 75, line 10 from bottom, for ‘ye shall find’ read ‘I know’, lino 5 from bottom, before ‘I saw’ insert ‘And’.

P. 76, line 8 from bottom, read: ‘so that it is doubtful that men’s eyes would be able to’, etc.

P. 81, line 4, for ‘conspicuousnoss’ read ‘renown’.

P. 94, lines 2, 3, for ‘was not near’ read ‘I saw not’.

P. 106, last line, P. 107, line 1, for ‘did not sleep’ read ‘slept’.

P. 113, line 9, read ‘Then, truly, he besought his brother Menelaus to hearten the’, line 10, for ‘Menelaus’ read ‘He’.

P. 126, line 13, after ‘twain’ insert ‘of them’.

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Die Altirisclien Glossen

im

Carlsruher Codex der Soliloquia des S. Augustinus.

A. Holder hat sich ein neues Verdienst um die Celtologie erworben, indem er zuerst die bier berausgegebeneii Glossen innbsp;einer Karlsruher Handschrift der Soliloquia des Augustinus ent-deckte. Er hatte die Giite mir eine Abschrift zuzusenden, undnbsp;wenn man auch irische Glossen nicht auf Grand einer frem-den Abschrift herausgeben kann, so gab mir die seinige dochnbsp;einen willkommenen Anhalt, als ich das werthvolle Ms. mitnbsp;Musse auf der Leipziger Universitatsbihliothek durchsuchen undnbsp;das fiir uns Werthvolle daraus abschreiben konnte. Wiederholte Vergleichungen haben mir bewiesen, dass ich Nichts iiber-sehen babe. Auch Whitley Stokes, der den Codex in Leipzignbsp;sah, konnte nicht mehr entdecken; doch verdanke ich ihm dienbsp;Erganzung von Zanamnasa in Gl. 34 und die richtige Lesungnbsp;von Gl. 58.

Der Codex hat die Nummer CXCV. Auf dem Deckel ist ein Stiickchen Pergament aufgeklebt mit der in Abkiirzungennbsp;geschriebenen Angabe:

Tros lihri Soliloquiorum Augustini Augustinus ad Dardanum de praesentia Dei.

Auf dem 1. Blatt des eigentlichen Codex steht unten unter der ersten Columne: ‘Liber Augie maioris’, der Codex stammtnbsp;also aus Reichenau. Mehrore Blatter sind Palimpsest, so fo. 7,nbsp;auf dem man die friihere Uncialschrift noch besonders deutlichnbsp;sehen kann. Der Holzdeckel war im Innern vorn und ebensonbsp;hinten mit einem theilweise beschriebenen Pergamentblatte he-klebt. Diese beiden Blatter sind jetzt abgelöst und in dernbsp;Pagination mitgezahlt worden. Das vorn befindliche derselbennbsp;ist stark verblichen, und enthielt urspriinglich nur Lateinisch,nbsp;aber auf der 1. Columne sind, wie mir scheint in dor Hand

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J-

J-

144

Altirische Glossen

des Codex, 24 Zeilen neu darüber geschrieben, und diese ent-halten im Text aucli einige irische Worte. Das hinten abge-löste Blatt (paginirt 47), ist zwar in sehr alter Hand, entbalt aber kein Irisch. Es beginnt (vgl. Mone, Lat. Hy. 11 p. 383):nbsp;‘Cantemns in omni die concinnantes uarisenbsp;conclamantes deo dignum ymnum Sanctse Marise’.

Fast alle Glossen finden sich in dem Haupttexte des Codex, den Soliloquia S. Augustini, deren 1. Bucb fo. 2 mit den Wortennbsp;beginnt ‘Uoluenti mihi multa et uaria naecum diu’. Das erstenbsp;Buch eudet fo. O’', col. 1, das zweite Bucb endet fo. 17'quot;, col. 1,1nbsp;das dritte Bucb mit dem Specialtitel ‘de quantitate animae’nbsp;endet fol. 39'quot;, col. 1. leb gebe den lateiniscben Text, wie ernbsp;im Ms. stebt, benutzte aber die Ausgabe der Benedictiner (ac-curante Migne): S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi Operanbsp;omnia, Tom. Primus, Parisiis 1841, Bucb 1 und 2 pp. 869 bisnbsp;904, Bucb 3 (in dieser Ausgabe besonders gestellt) pp. 1035nbsp;bis 1080. Der gedruckte Text von Buch 3 bat als Unterrednernbsp;E. (Evodius) und A. (Augustinus), unser Codex wie in dennbsp;beiden ersten Büchern A. (Augustinus) und R. (Ratio). Aufnbsp;fo. 39quot; und 40quot;quot; steben versebiedene Textstücke, zum Theil vonnbsp;verschiedener Hand. Fo. 40quot; beginnt ‘Liber Sancti Augustininbsp;Aurelii de presentia Dei ad Dardanum’, in der Benedictinernbsp;Ausgabe Tom. H p. 832 (als Epistola CLXXXYH). Fo. 42nbsp;geht bis ‘cum corporea rés sit ac transitoria’ (§ 19 der Ausgabe), dann fehlen die Worte ‘surdus non capit, surdaster nonnbsp;totum’, aber mit ‘capit atque in hls qui audiunt’ setzt das falschnbsp;gebundene fo. 35 ein und der Text wird dann fortgefübrtnbsp;fo. 36quot;, col. 1 bis zu den Worten ‘per patientiam expectamus.nbsp;multa itaque dicuntur’ u. s. w., § 27 der Ausgabe, womit unser

1

Zwischen dom 2. und 3. Buch steht, ungefahr eine Columne lang, eine Art Nachwort zu den beiden ersten Büchern der Soliloquia, das ichnbsp;in Migne’s Ausgabe nicht linde. Es beginnt ‘Quaedam huius operia innbsp;libro Retractationum quae ita sé habent correcta sunt’, und endet ‘. . innbsp;libro duodecimo de Trinitato deserui. Hoe opus sic incipit Uoluenti mihinbsp;multa ac uaria mecum diu. Incipit .111. liber Soliloquiorum de Quantitatenbsp;animae.

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145

7.n den Soliloquia des S. Augustin.

Codex in diesem Texte abbricht. Auf fo. 36 b col. 2, stebt ein Stiick Latein, dessen Schrift der auf dem letzten, vom Deckelnbsp;abgelösten Blatte ahnlich ist, es beginnt ‘Octo sunt principalianbsp;uitia’. Auf fo. 36'' ist das erste Stiick der ersten Columnenbsp;leer, dann scheinen Excerpte aus verschiedenen Kirchenvaternnbsp;zu folgen, der Anfang lautet: ‘Ag. (= Augustinus) Nulli du-bium est non secundum corpus neque secundum quamlibet partem animae sed secundum rationalem mentem ubi potest agnitionbsp;dei hominem factum ad imaginem eius qui creavit eum’. Eo. 43 =¦nbsp;ist Fortsetzung von 36'', auf col. 2 sind nur 12 Zeilen ge-schrieben. Auf fo. 43'', col. 1 stehen vier Zeilen Latein, dernbsp;Rest ist frei, ebenso das ganze fo. 44. Fo. 45 und 46 sind innbsp;kleinem Format, ohne Columnenabtheilung; die Schrift ist irisch,nbsp;der Text lateinische Hymnen'1', ein Credo und ein letztes Stiicknbsp;in Prosa, das mit den Worten beginnt: ‘Maioris culpae manifeste quam occulte peccare’.

Die Glossen sind theils Marginal-, theils Interlinearglossen. Sie sind oft blasser als der Text, weil sie kleiner, also mitnbsp;weniger Tinte geschrieben sind. Wahrsoheinlich sind sie vomnbsp;Schreiber des Textes selbst zugefiigt worden, wenigstens lasstnbsp;sich nicht der zwingende Beweis vom Gegentheil fiihren. Dienbsp;meisten Glossen sind gut und scharf geschrieben. Einige scheinen gleichzeitig mit dem Texte, die meisten spater eingetragennbsp;zu sein (vgl. z. B. fo. 18'', col. 1, lin. 16). Fo. 13b col. 2,nbsp;lin. 4 ist eine lateinische Glosse mit demselben Roth dariibernbsp;geschrieben, mit welchem im Texte die Buchstaben A. und R.

10

1

Diese Hymnen ha.be ich nur zum Theil bei Mone gefunden, der diese Handschrift bei dem letzten Hymnus erwahnt und sie daselbstnbsp;dem 9- Jahrh. zuweist, Lat. Hy. I p. 390. Die Anfange der Hymnennbsp;sind: Aurora lucis rutulat (Mone I p. 190); Martyr Dei qui unicus; Rexnbsp;gloriose martyrum (Mone III p. 143); Aeterna Christi munera (Mone IIInbsp;p. 143, jedoch mit einigen Zeilen weniger); Sanctorum meritis inclitanbsp;gaudia . pangaraus socii gestaque fortia; lesu corona uirginum . quemnbsp;mater illa concepit; Uirginis proles opifexque matris; Summe confessornbsp;sacer et sacerdos (Mone III p. 330); lam surgit hora tertia; Ad caelinbsp;clara . non sum dignus sidera . levare meos . infelioes oculos (Mone Inbsp;p. 387).

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146

Altirische Glossen

(s. oben) bervorgehoben sind. Andrerseits sehen bisweilen die Correcturen wie von aiiderer Hand aus, z. B. fo. 15% col. 1,nbsp;liii. 10 V. u. Die Schrift des Textes ist sehr scbön, sie abneltnbsp;von den beiden anderen Carlsruher Glossenhandschriften beson-ders der des Priscian und erinnert Stokes an die des Book ofnbsp;Armagh. Die Abkiirzungen sind wie in den anderen altirischennbsp;Glossenhandschriften; die fiir ar, die schon in den alterennbsp;mittelirischen Mss. iiblich ist, kommt hier noch nicht vor. Dienbsp;Sprachformen sind altirisch. Ich glaube daher, dass Holder’snbsp;und Mone’s Taxirung, der Codex stamme aus saec. IX, richtignbsp;ist. Die Glossen sind theils lateinisch, theils irisch, nur dienbsp;letzteren werden hier veröffentlicht. Wo ich im Lateinischen dienbsp;Praposition mit dein folgenden Casus und andere Verbindungennbsp;zusammengeschrieben habe, ist es sicher auch so im Ms. Imnbsp;Grundtext deute ich die Abkiirzungen des Ms. nicht an, wohlnbsp;aber iiberall in den Glossen (durch Druck des Erganzten innbsp;anderen Typen).

I. Fo. 1, col. 1.

(Das vom Deckel abgeloste Blatt.)

De peccato .i. opad fidei trinitatis . inde Augustinus dicit. hoc enim peccatum quasi solum sit prae cseterls posuit quianbsp;hoc manente cmtera detenentur 7 hoc discedentenbsp;csetera demittuntur.

De iustitia . i. aliena . i. firinne apostolorum 7 omnium iustorum hitli ingdbdl mundo.

Quopacto arguendus est mundus de iustitia nisi de iustitia credentiumnbsp;ipsa quippe fidelium comparatio infide-lium est uituperatio . De iustitia ergo arguiturnbsp;aliena si arguuntur de lumine tenebrsenbsp;De iudicio A. in mess duchoaid fordiabnl isnbsp;M rigas form ut Augustinus dicit.

Die Abtheilung der Zeilen wie im Ms. Die weiteren elf Zeilen enthalten kein Irisch mehr.

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147

zu den Soliloquia des S. Augustin,

II. Die (xlossen.

[Die meisten Seiten der Handschrift haben zwei Columnen, das Blatt hat also deren vier, die hier niit a, c, d bezeichnet werden. Dienbsp;Citate hinter dem lateinischen Texte heziehen sich auf die Ausgabe. Dienbsp;lateinischen Worte, über denen die Glosse steht, sind gesperrt gedruckt.]

Fo. 2^ Cuius (lin. 1:) legibus rotantur poli cursus suos side ra peragunt (Lib. 1 § 4) Gl. 1 iima rei file iternbsp;na secht nairndrecha ifhé nime ashertar and

Fo, Recipe óro fugitiuum tuum domiiie clementissime: (lin. 5;) iamiam satis poenas dederim (I 5) Gl. 2 focoemal-lagsa

ibid. (lin. 40;) et pro eo quod ad tempus admonueris de-precabor (I 6) Gl. 3 ani

Fo. 4a1 perge modo uidea- (lin. 7:) mus quorsum ista qwaeris (I 9) Gl. 4 . t. cair

Fo. 4’’ (lin. 4;) Ita deus faxit ut dicis (I 9) GL 5 .7. doróna

ibid. Itaque arbitrio tuo rogato et obiurgato grauius si quicquam (lin. 7:) talo postliac (I 9) Gl. 6.7. iarsund.nbsp;Ueber si quicquam die Gl. . i. iusserit

Fo. 4' Quid speram (== spbaeram, lin. 4:) ex una qua-libet parte a medione duos quidem pares circulos babere pa-riter lucet (I 10) Gl. 7 , i. secliió óenrainn, Gl. 8 .7. M Fo. 5“ Immo sensum (lin. 1;) in hoe negotio quasi nauemnbsp;sum expertus (I 9) Gl. 9 itargénsa

ibid. (lin. 2:) Nam cum ipsi (Gl. .i. sensus) mé adlocum quotendebam peruexerint (I 9) Gl. 10 .7. dii adcosnainsenbsp;ibid. Nullus hautem (lin. 36:) geometricus deum sé do-cere professus est (I 11) Gl. 11 .7. intan forcain unamnbsp;lineam 7 unam speram non docet deum

10*

1

Fo, 4 besteht nur aus einem schmalen Streifen, auf welchem ein Stück Text (‘Non si Stoici sinant’ Lib, I § 9, bis ‘differentium rcruninbsp;scientia indifferens' ibid. 10) steht, das fo. 5», lin. 11 weggelasscn ist.

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148

Altirische Glossen

Fo. 5’’ (lin. 5:) Esto plus té ac multo plus quam de istis deo cognito gauisurum (I 11) Gl. 12 .¦». doig

Fo. 5“ Quid enim adhüc ei demons- (lin. 2:) trari non potest uitiis inquinatae atque egrotanti quia uidere nequit nisi (lin. 3;) sana si non credat aliter sé non esse (lin. 4:) uisu-ram nondat o per am suae sanitati (I 12) Gl. 13 iarna gla-nad Gl. 14 . i. infritJignam

Fo. 5'^ et haec est uere perfecta uir- (lin. 4:) tus ratio perueniens ad finem suum (I 13) Gl. 15 A. doinicaisin dénbsp;ibid. Ipsa uero uisio intellectus est ille qui in anima estnbsp;qui (lin. 7:) confidit (sic! zu lesen conticitur) ex intelligentianbsp;et eo quod intelligtiitur (sic!) (I 13) Gl. 16 uel ex intelligente (dies in der Schrift des Textes) .i. ondi itargnin. Da-zu links am Rande Gl. 17 dede Mam hi1 intelligentia ex nos-cente 7 intelligibili ré

ibid. Sed dum in hoe corpore est anima etiam si ple-(lin. 5:) nissime videat hoe est intelligat deum (I 14) Gl. 18 .i. meit2 assochtmacht, mit punctum delens über dem ersten t,nbsp;also as sochmacht.

ibid, tarnen quia etiam corporis sensus utuntur opere pro-prio nihil quidem ualente ad (lin. 28:) fallendum non tarnen nihil agente potest adhuc dici tides ea qua his resistitur etnbsp;illud putius (sic!) uerum esse creditur (I 14, die Fortsetz. dernbsp;vorigen Nummer) Am Rande links zu fallendum Gl. 19 .i.nbsp;nitartat sénsus hreic3 im anmin Gl. zu hts: .i. sensibusnbsp;Gl. zu illud: .i. summum bonum

Fo. 6^ Sed res- (lin. 28:) ponde quomodo haec accipe-ris (sic!) ut probabilia an ut vera (I 15) Gl. 20 .i, inna dligeda anuas rorditsem-\

1

Hinter hüam ist die Zeile zn Ende.

2

Ueber dem t von meit steht ein Abkürzungszeichen (t), das bier keinen Sinn haben kann.

3

hreic ist geschrieben hre am Ende der einen und te am Anfang der folgenden Zeile.

t Das t in rorditsem ist ganz deutlich. Zwiseben anuas und ro-rditsem stebt die Abkürzimg für lat. inter, die niebt zu der iriseben

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149

zu den Soliloquia des S. Augustin.

ibid. Plane ut probabilia (lin. 30:) et in spem quod fa-tendum est maiorem surroxi (I 15, die Fortsetz. der vorigen Nummer) Gl. 21 .i. is huïlliude mo freiscsiu doneuch ro-radissu argaihim ceill for etargna nach reta infecht sa.

Fo. 6^ .R. Quid si té repente saluo esse corpore sentias 7 probes tecumque onmes quos diligis concorditer liberali otionbsp;frui uideas, nonne aliquantum tibi etiam letitia gestiendum est?nbsp;.A. Aliquantum; immo (lin. 32:) uero si haec presertim utnbsp;dicis repente pro- (lin. 33:) uenerint quando mé capiam,nbsp;quando id genus gaudii uel dissimilare permittar (I 16) Gl. 22nbsp;.i. mo sldntu fadéin 7 sldntu amicorMm Gl. 23 .i. een failtinbsp;Fo. 6® Quid uxor nonne té interdum dilectat pulcra pu-dica (lin. 23:) morigera (I 17) Gl. 24 hésgnetJiid

ibid, (lin, 24:) adferens etiam dotis tantum . . . quantum earn prorsus niliilo faciat onerosam (lin. 27:) otio tuo preser tim si speres cortusque sis nihil ex oa té molestiae essenbsp;passurum (I 17) Gl. 25 cid indfretussa Gl. 26 do im-mofolung déesse duitsiu

ibid. Itaque si ad officium pertinet sapientis quod nondum comperi dare operam liberis. quis- (lin. 38:) quis rei huiusnbsp;tantum gratia concumbit. mirandus mihi videri potest, at1 2nbsp;uero imitandus nullo modo (I 17) Gl. 27 clainde

ibid. Nam temptare hoe (lin. 41:) periculosius est quam posse felicius3 (I 17, die Fortsetz. der vorigen Stelle) Dazunbsp;unter der Zeile am Ende der Columne Gl. 28 cid arthucaitnbsp;cldinde dagné nech. 7 niparétrud is tnó, unter den letztennbsp;Worten von nip an: is periculosius qMum felicws

Fo. 7^ presertim si generis nobilitate tanta polleat, ut honores illos (lin. 20:) quos esse posse necessaries iam dedistinbsp;per earn facile adipisci possis (I 18) Gl. 29 .i. ithesidi adro-marsu {ad romar su in drei Zeilen)

1

Glosse gehören kanu, sondern eine früher als diese gescliriebene Bemer-kung ‘interrogatio’ sein wird.

2

üeber das a von at ist ein u gesebrieben.

3

Ueber felicius ein Strieb, und darunter facilius, wie es sebeint, von auderer Hand.

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150

Altirische Glossen

ibid, non qwaero quid negatum non delectet sed quid di-lectet (lin. 27:) oblatum: aliud enim est excausta pestis aliud consopita (I 19) Gl. 30 taudhartha Gl. 31 fasigthenbsp;Fo. 7^ Quid ergo adhuc sus- (lin. 23:) pendor infelixnbsp;et cruciatu miserabili differor (I 22) Gl. 32 addomsuitersanbsp;ibid. Queni [ad ausgestrichen] modum liautem potest habere illius pulcbritudinis amor in qua nonsolum (lin. 32:)nbsp;non inuideo caeteius sed etiam plurimos qwaero qui mecumnbsp;appetant (I 22) Gl. 33 .i. ni nammd nddfoirmtigimse

ibid. Prorsus tales esse amatores sapientiae decet quales qwaerit illa cuius uere casta est et sine ulla contaminationenbsp;coniunctio sed non ad eam (lin. 41:) una uia perueniturnbsp;(I 23) Darunter am Fusse der Columne Gl. 34 nió ógai tantumnbsp;acht1 is ó aithirgi 7 ó dligud Zuwamnasa

Fo. 8® (Fortsetz. der vorigen Stelle) quippe pro sua quis-que (lin. 1:) sanitate ac firmitate comprehendit illud sin-gulare ac uerissimum bonum (I 23) Gl. 35 .7. amal mMs sldntu cdich 7 dsonarte Ueber illud singulare die Gl. .i.nbsp;sapientiam

ibid. (liu. 38:) Tale aliquid sapi- (lin. 39:) entiae stu-diosissimts. nee acute iam tarnen uidentibus magistri optimi faciunt. Nam ordine quodam ad eam peruenire bonae dis-ciplinae officium est (I 23) Gl. 36 .i. ius ordinis .i. fo-chosmailius inna reta corptha órdd isnaib retaih in tucht sin2nbsp;Gl. 37 dunaib acubarthih 1

Fo. 8“ Nos hautem (lin. 6:) quantum emerserimus vide-mur nobis uidere (I 25) Gl. 38 .i. dururgabsam

ibid. Nonné uides quae ueluti securi (lin. 12:) histerna die pronuntiaueramus nulla nos iam peste detineri nihilquenbsp;amare nisi sapientiam (I 25) Gl. 39 deedi

Fo. 8'^ Sed quesso té siquid inmé uales ut me temptes per aliqua compendia ducere ut uel uicinitate nonnulla lucis (lin. 16:)nbsp;istius quam si quid profeci tolerare iam non3 possum . pigeat

1

Das Ms, hat 7 und darüber die Abkürzung für lat. sed.

2

Gl. 36 beginnt über aliquid und geht dann rechts am Kande herunter.

3

In der Ausgabe fehlt dieses non.

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151

zu den Soliloquia des S. Augustin.

me oculos refferre ad illas tenebras quas reliqui (I 26) Gl. 40 ci forrdsussa

ibid. lin. 36 Quasi uero possim baec nisi per illam cog-noscere (I 27) Gl. 41 ate mchumgaim Zu baec die Gl. deum 7 animam

Fo. 9^ .R. Concluditur ergo aliud (dariiber ‘uel aliquid’) quod uerum sit interire .A. (lin. 36:) Non contrauenio (I 28)nbsp;Gl. 42 .i. ni fritJifdigsa

Fo. 10“ Quid si agnoscatis aliud (lin. 32:) uobis uideri. quam est . nunquinnam (zu lesen ‘numquidnam’) fallimini?nbsp;(II 3) Gl. 43 .i. madfir in irithemnacht iess iwmente Gl. 44nbsp;. i. issain donadhantar sensibus 7 «wal Ms iarnm

Fo. 10“ Sed amplius deliberandum censeo utrum (lin. 5:) superius concessa non nutent (II 5) Gl. 45 .i. dus innad-nutmaligetar

ibid. Sa- (lin. 8:) tisne considerasti ne quid temere de-deris (II 5) Gl. 46 dus iwidrdamarsu

ibid. lin. 36 Nihilominus enim manet illud quod me plu-rimum mouet nasci animas 7 interire atque ut non desint mundo non (lin. 36:) earum inmortalitate sed successione prouenirenbsp;(II 5) Gl. 47 A. cachanim indegid dlaile

Fo. 10*^ (lin. 6:) Quid illud dasne istum parietem si uerus paries nonsit non esse parietem (II 6) Gl. 48 innatmaisunbsp;Fo. 11“ Hoe hautem ge- (lin. 10:) nus partim est in eonbsp;quod anima patitur partim uero in bis rebus quae uidenturnbsp;(II 11) Gl. 49 A. lee fadeissne

ibid, qualia uisu somniantium 7 for- (lin. 16:) tasse etiam furientium (II 11) Gl. 50 A. dasachtaigte

ibid. Porro illa quae in ipsis rebus quas uidemus apparent alia anatura caetera abanimantibus (lin. 19:) exprimun-tur atque finguntur (II 11) Gl. 51 dufórnditer Gl. 52 cruthigtir

ibid. (lin. 20:) Natura . gignendo uel resultando simili-tudines deteriores facit (II 11) Gl. 53 .7. nótriathleim Fo. 11^ Nam et in ipso (lin, 2:) auditu totidem ferenbsp;genera enuntiant similitudinem uelut cum loquentis uocem quem

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152

Altirische Glossen

non uidemus audientes putamus alium quempiam cui voce si-milis est (II 12) Gl. 54 .i. /??inuisu

ibid, nel inore- (lin. 8:) logüs (zu lesen ‘horologiis’) me-rulae (II 12) Gl. 55 .¦». inna luiniche

ibid. Falsao hautem uoculae quae dicuntur amusicis . in-credibile est quantum adtestantur ueritati; quod post apparebit. (lin. 13:) Tarnen etiam ipsae, quod nunc sat est, non absuntnbsp;abearum similitudine quas ueras vocant (II 12) Gl. 56 citnbsp;ibid. Quid (lin. 23:) cum talia nos uel olfacere uel gus-tare uel taugere somniamus (II 12) Gl. 57 .i. boUigtnenbsp;ibid. Nam ego circuitum istum semel statui tollerare ne-que (lin. 40:) in eo defetiscar spé tanta perueniendi quo nósnbsp;tendero sentio (II 13) Gl. 58 niconscithigfar

Fo. 12‘‘ Ergo si eo ueri essent quo ueri simillimi appare-rent nibilque inter eos et ueros omnino distarot eoque falsi quo per illas uel alias differentias (lin. 23:) disimiles conuin-cerentur (II 13) Gl. 59 ócomteitarrestiss anobis

ibid, ut rem bene inductam addiscutiendum iuconditus (lin. 40:) peruicaciae clamor explodat (II 14) Gl. 60 co-frisdüna

Fo. 12’’ (lin. 16:) Non enim mihi facile quicquam uenit in-mentem quod contraris causis giguatur (II 15) Dazu am Rande links Gl. 61 ni congainedar ni óthucidib écsamlib nisinbsp;falsum tantum

Fo. 12“ Restaret ut nihil aliud falsum esse dicerem nisi quod aliter sé habere atque ui- (lin. 9:) deretur . ni uererernbsp;illa tam monstra quae dudum enauigasse arbitrabar (II 15)nbsp;Gl. 62 .i. amal asrubartmart inna cïocha bite inelluch intalman1nbsp;ibid. (lin. 15:) ubi mihi naufragium in scopulis ocultis-simis formidandum est (II 15) Gl. 63 .i. bite immuir

1

Dies bezieht sich auf II 7: R. Certe Mc lapis est; et ita verus est, si non se habet aliter ac videtur; et lapis non est, si verus nonnbsp;est; et non nisi sensibus videri potest, A. Etiam. R. Non sunt igiturnbsp;lapides in abditissimo terrae gremio, nee omnino ubi non sunt qui sen-tiant; nee iste lapis esset, nisi eum videremus; nee lapis erit cum dis-eesserimus, nemoque alius eum praesens videbit (so nacb der Ausgabe).

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zu den Soliloquia des S. Augustin.

ibid. (lin. 39;) Nam et mimi et comediae et miüta poëmata mendaciorum plena sunt (II 16) Gl. 64 .ï. cidnafuir-sirechta

Fo. 12^ R. lam ea quibus nel dormientes uel furentes fal-luntur concedis ut opinor in eo esse genore. A. Et nulla (lin. 23:) magis.1 Nam nulla2 magis tendunt talia esse qualia uel uigi-lantes uel sani cernuut: et eo tarnen falsa sunt quod id quonbsp;tendunt esse nonpossuiit (II 17) Dazu am Rande einem Zoi-clien liber magis entsprecbend Gl. 65 . i. ni moa adcosnat hetenbsp;in secundo genere iwnahi frisairet 7 sani e^am dormientes . i.nbsp;est furentos

Fo. 131 Itaque ipsa opera bominum uelut comedias aut traguedias (sic!) atquo mimos et id genus alia possimus (lin. 1:)nbsp;operibus pictorum fictorumque coniungoro. (lin. 2;) Tam enimnbsp;uerus esse pictus homo nonpotest, (lin. 3:) quamuis inspecienbsp;hominis tendat quam ilia quae sunt scripta inlibris comicorumnbsp;(II 18). Obcn rechts iiber der Columne wahrscheinlich aufnbsp;die zweite Zeile beziiglich Gl. 66 arumnéitse nicuming

ibid. At uero inscena Roscius (lin. 9:) uoluntate falsa Hecuba erat; natura uerus homo (II 18) Dazu am Randenbsp;links uiiter Roscius Gl. 67 fuirsire

ibid. Non enim tamquam striones (sic!) aut despeculis quaequo relucentia (lin. 37;) aut tanquam minores (dazu untennbsp;die Note ‘uel mironis uol mirionis’) buculae ex aere ita etiamnbsp;nos ut in nostro quodam habitu ueri simus adalienum habitumnbsp;adumbrati atque simulati et ob hoc falsi esse dehemus (II 18)nbsp;Gl. 68 .i. is uera pictwra rohaisin 7 rohtarhai togaitigsidinbsp;Fo. 131' Est hautem grammatica uocis articulatae custos;nbsp;et moderatrix disciplina, cuius professionis (lin. 25:) necessitate cogitur humanae linguae omnia etiam figmenta colli-gere, quae memoriae litterisque mandata sunt (II 19) Gl. 69nbsp;A. isecen doneuch fosisedar dan inna grammatic cmtinola in-nahuili doilhtJii

ibid. (lin. 30:) Nihil nunc euro . utrum abste ista bene

1

Darüber die Gl. . i. concede

2

*'1 Darüber die Gl, . i. falsa

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Altirische Glossen

diffinita atque distincta sint (II 19) Gl. 70 .i. duo .i. (sic!), dazu links am Rande . i. herchoilud fabulae 7 gïamp;nimaticaenbsp;ibid. Nonne ego (sic! zu lesen Non nego) uim peritiamquonbsp;difiniendi qua nuuc ego ista separare (lin. 36:) conatus sumnbsp;disputatoriae arti tribui (II 19) Gl. 71 dudialeetice

Fo. 13“ (lin. 8:) .R. Num aliquando instetit ut dedalum uolasse crederemus? .A. Hoe quidem numquam (1120) Gl. 72nbsp;.i. nitarrastar aém Gl. 73 .i. naic

ibid, si nihil inea diffinitum esset (lin. 31:) nihil ingenera 7 partes distributum atque distinctum (II 20) Gl. 74nbsp;. i. inspecies fodlide

Fo. 13^ Grammatica igitur oadem arte creata est . ut dis-ciplina uera esset: quae est absté superius afalsitate defensa: quod (lin. 8:) non de una grammatica mihi licet conclu-dere; sed prorsus de omnibus disciplinis (II 21). Dazu linksnbsp;am Rande Gl. 75 wiprammatic tantum astoisc do deimnigud asnbsp;uera óisciplina \}erdialecticam acht it na Jiuili hesgna ata firanbsp;^erdasdecticam

ibid. (lin. 37:) Esse aliquid inaliquo non nós fugit duo-bus modis dici (II 22) Gl. 76 ninimgaibni

Fo. 14“ (lin. 5:) Ista quidem uetustissima nobis sunt: et ab iniunte aduliscentia studiosissime percepta et cognita (II 22)nbsp;Gl. 77 iscidn mór huas etargnaid dunni ani sin

ibid. (lin. 38:) nisi forte animum dicis etiam simoriatur animum esse (II 23) Dazu am Rande rechts Gl. 78 hés as-haxasu asnai\n]m dosom animMs ciafbda

ibid, sed eo ipso (lin. 41:) quod interit . fieri ut animus non sit dico (II 23) Darunter am Rande Gl. 79 Niha animus dia nérhala

Fo. 14“ (lin. 9:) Loquere iam qui enchicas (sic! zu lesen ‘enecas’, II 24) Gl. 80 . i. praefocas . i. formuchi

ibid. Nam primum [me]1 mouet quod circuitu tanto usi sumus nescio quam rationum cateiiam sequentes cum tam breu-iter totum de quo agebatur demons- (lin. 27:) trari potuit.nbsp;quam nunc demonstratum est (II 25) Gl. 81 .i.

1

me aus dem gedruckten Texte ergaiizt.

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zu den Soliloquia des S. Augustin.

Fo. 15“ Quare si placet repetamus breuiter undo ilia duo confecta sint aut semper manere ueritatem aut ueritatem essenbsp;disputandi ratio- (lin. 19) nem . Haec enim uacillare dixistinbsp;quo minus nós facial totius rei secures (II 27) Gl. 82 ut-mallaigetar

ibid. .R. ... Scio enim quid tibi eueniat adtendenti . dum nimis pendes inconclusionem . et ut iam ianque (sic!) inferan-tur expectas ea quae interrogantur non diligenter examinatanbsp;concedis . .A. üerum (lin. 36:) fortasse dicis . sed enitar contra hoe genus morbi quantum possum (II 27) Gl. 83 .i.nbsp;frishérsa

Fo. 17™'®“ am obern Rande ohne Beziehung auf den Text die Bemerkung Gl. 84 ismébul elud rig nafirinne 7 cliairtenbsp;fridemun

Fo. 18“ Simplex enim corpus est terra (lin. 16:) eo ipso quo terra est et ideo elimentum dicitur omnium istorum cor-porum quae fiunt ex IV elimentis (III 2) Gl. 85 adhar

Fo. 19“ quod in loco tranquilissimo et abomnibus uentis quietissimo uel breui (lin. 17:) flabello approbari potest (III 6)nbsp;Dazu am Rande Gl. 86 flabelluM cule hath

Fo. 19^ Intrinsecus tantum ut tanquam utrem imploat . an tantum (lin. 6:) forinsecus uelut tectorium . an et intrinsecusnbsp;et extrinsecus earn (die Seele) esse arbitraris (III 7) Gl. 87nbsp;. i. slintech

Fo. 23^ Tumor enim non absorde (sic!) appellatur corporis magnitude (lin. 11:) quae si magni pendenda esset plus nobfs profecto elifanti saperent (III 24) Am Rande linksnbsp;Gl. 88 .7. mórmessi

ibid, uel quod etiam deoculo dicebamus (lin. 20:) cui non liceat aquilae oculum multo quam noster est esse breuioremnbsp;(III 24) Gl. 89 .7. dinachfollns

Fo. 24“ Minus enim ego de bis rebus dubito quam de hfs quas istfs ocuHs uidemus (lin. 28:) cum pituita bellum semper gerentibus (III 25) Gl. 90 fritodéri no frinieli

Fo. 26™quot;'®“ (ohne Columneneintheilung) Deinde inipsfs luc-tatorum corporibus pales- (lin. 2:) tritae non molem ac mag-

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Altirische Glossen

nitudinem sed nodos quosdam lacertorum et descrip- (lin, 3:) tos toros figuramque omnom corporis sibi congruentem peri-tissime inspiciuiit (III 36) Gl. 91 indimflias carthitJiinbsp;Gl. 92 .i. innan doat1 Gl. 93 toirnditJii Gl. 94 .i. innanbsp;sefhnaga

ibid. Nam si maiore impetu minor uelut uehimenti aliquo tormento emisus infligatur maiori nel laxius iaculato uel iamnbsp;langesceiiti quamuis abeodem resi- (lin. 41:) Hat retardat iliumnbsp;tarnen aut etiam retro agit . pro modo ictuum atque ponde-rum (III 37) Gl. 95 .i. niath sonairt

Fo. 27Quamobrem cum infanti puero solus adtrahendum aliquid uel repellondum nutus sit intiger nerui hautem et propter recentem minusque perfectum conformationem inbabiles etnbsp;propter humorem qui illi aetati exuberat marcidi et propternbsp;nullam exercitationem languid! pundus (sic!) uoro adeo sit exi-guum ut né ab alio quidem (lin. 27:) inpactum grauiter ur-geat oportuniusque sit quam2 adinferondam accipiendamquenbsp;molestiam (III 39) Gl. 96 . i. insarta . i. mucht nachailinbsp;idid. ac post paululum sagittas iam ferro graues pennulisnbsp;uegi- (lin. 40:) tatas (sic!) neruo intentissimo emisas caelumnbsp;remotissimum petere (III 39) Gl. 97 .i. tét fidbaicc

Fo. 28'^'12quot; (ohne Columneneintheiluug, lin. 9:) Quicquid hautem uidens uidendo sontit id etiam uideat necesse est (III42)nbsp;Dazu am Rande links Gl. 98 .i. caisin sochmacht

ibid. Sed hoe ultimum quod ex eis confectum est ita est absordius (sic!) ut illorum potius (lin. 27:) aliquid temere menbsp;dedisse quam hoe uerum esse consentiam (III 43) Gl. 99nbsp;.i. adrodamar

ibid. (lin. 29:) Quid enim tandem incautius . si ut paulo ante uigelares tibi elaboretur3 (III43) Gl. 100 .i. inrembic

1

Das e von lacertorum kommt dazwischen.

2

Das quam ist hereincorrigirt. Die Ausgabe bat; opportuniusque sit ad accipiendam, quam ad inferendam molestiam

3

Hinter tandem im Ms. eine leere Stelle; tibi elaboretur (sic!) steht über uigelares und soil einem Zeichen entspreebend dahinter eingefügtnbsp;werden. Die Ausgabe bat: quid enim tibi tandem elaberetur incautius,nbsp;si ut paulo ante vigilares?

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zu den Soliloquia des S. Augustin,

Ueber quid die Gl. .i. erroris, zu incautius links am Rande . i. quam illa quae antea concessisti.

ibid. Is1 enim sé (lin. 33:) foras porrigit . et per oculos emicat longuius (sic!) quaquauersum potest lustrare quodnbsp;cernimus (III 43) Gl. 101 .i. sechileth

Fo. 30''®“1“ (ohne Columneneintheilung, lin. 6:) .R. ... an tü id negabis? .A. Nihil minus (III 49) Gl. 102 .i. naiccnbsp;. i. negabo

ibid. (lin. 38:) Quis hautem non uideat nihil sibi esse aduersi quam ista duo sunt (III 51) Ueber aduersi: ue\ sius, danebennbsp;über quam Gl. 103 .i. fiu

Fo. 30''“'®“ Itaque (lin. 1:) nosse cupio utrum horum de-ligas (III 51) Gl. 104 .1. in indalanai .i. iwterrogafo'o ibid. (lin. 17:) nunquam tarnen deterriar pudori huic re-niti . et lapsum meum té presertim manum dante corrigerenbsp;(III 51) Gl. 105 .i. frisaber (das a ist darüber geschrieben)nbsp;ibid. Neque enim (lin. 19:) ideo est suscipienda pertina-cia quam optanda constantia (III 51) Gl. 106 .i. sigidenbsp;imresin .i. uitiujw Gl. 107 fiu Ueber constantia die lat.nbsp;Gl. . i. uirtus, am Rande zu dieser Stelle die Gl. Cicero dicitnbsp;pertiuacia est finitimum uitium constantiae

Fo. 31''“'®“ Quid aliud putas nisi diffinitionem illam sen-sus (lin. 20:) ut antea quod nescio quid plus quam sensum includebat ita nunc contrario uitio uacillare quod non om-nem sensum potuit includere (III 56) Gl. 108 .i. ol Uebernbsp;ut antea die lat. Gl. . i. uacillabat

Fo. 32^ am unteren Rande Gl. 109 saurus .i. odur, dar-iiber befindet sich ein Abschnitt (III 59), in welchem Augustin die ‘palpitantes lacertarum caudas amputatas a cetero corpore’nbsp;erwahnt, und dann ‘reptantom bestiolam multipedem . . longumnbsp;dico quendam uermiculum’

Fo. 35** (lin. 20:) [A] cuius sacrifioii humilitate longe abest typhus [et] coturnus illorum (De praesentia Dei § 21, dienbsp;Erganzungen nach der Ausgabe) Gl. 110 sulhaire Zu typhus die lat, Gl. . i. superbia.

1

Bezieht sich auf uisus.

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Anmerkungen.

Aiimerkuiigeii.

Anderweitige Belege für die irischen Wörter flnden sich in den „Indices Glossarum et Vocabulomm Hibernicorum quae in Grammaticaenbsp;Celticae editione altera explanantur“ von B. Güterbock und R. Thurn-eysen (Lipsiae 1881) und in dem Wörterbuch zu meinen „Irischen Texten“,nbsp;worauf icb bier ein für allemal verweise.

I. Die Satze auf Po. 1.

Opad etc. „Das Zurückweisen des Glaubens an die Trinitat“. — Firinne etc. „Die Gerechtigkeit der Apostel und aller Gerechten einnbsp;fortwahrender ïadel für die Welt (?)“, vgl. im Folgenden: ipsa quippenbsp;fidelium comparatio infidelium est uituperatio. — In mess etc. „Das Gericht, das über den Teufel erging, dasselbe wird über sie ergehen,“

II. Die Glossen.

Gl. 1. „Die Raume, die zwischen den sieben Planeten sind, das sind die Himmel, die hier genannt werden.“ Zu inna rei vgl. .i. arnaïbnbsp;réib ilib Gl. zu super omnes coelos Wb. 22», 10 (Z.^ 227); airndrechanbsp;steht für airndrethcha, vgl. Cr. Bed. 18igt;, 12: isé multiplex motusnbsp;(so das Ms.) inriuth retae inna airndrethcha in contrarium contra sénbsp;7 arriufh aicneta fedesin „der Lauf, den die Planeten entgegengesetztnbsp;gegen sich laufen, und ihr eigner natürlicher Lauf.“ Beda, de rerumnbsp;natura Gap. XII, sagt: Inter caelum terrasque septem sidera pendent,nbsp;certis discreta spatiis, dazu Cr. Bed. 18“ die Glosse; hité spatia narreenbsp;fd a terra usque ad XII signa ... „ das sind die Raume der Himmel,nbsp;die von der Erde bis zu den zwölf Zeichen sind . ..“ Der Nom. PI. reinbsp;an unsrer Stelle scbeint zu beweisen, dass re ein femininer Stamm aufnbsp;ia ist. — Von der irischen Wurzel ret {rethim ich laufe) ist ein De-compositum *air-ind-riuth, ich schweife umher, gebildet, dazu *air-ind-rethech n. das umherschweifende Gestirn.

2. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Dass focoemallag-sa als 1. Sing. Perf. zu focoimlachtar 'pertulc-runt’ Ml. 47“, 6 gehort, ist nicht zu bezweifeln. Vgl. die Indices vonnbsp;Güterbock und Thurneysen. Zu Grunde liegt die irische Wurzel lang,nbsp;ohne Nasal lag, lach, hier zusammengesetzt mit den Priipositionen fo-com-imm-, IJeber coim-, coem- für com-imm- s. Gramm. Celt.^ p. 884.nbsp;An imm- ist als Object das pronominale a(n) angefügt, für das ich imnbsp;Wörterbuch, Irische Texte S. 515, Spalte 1, Beispiele angeführt habe.nbsp;Also „ich habe es (oder „sie“) erduldetquot;.

3. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Die Glosse ani „das was“ ist zugefügt, um anzugeben, dassnbsp;quod hier das Pronomen und nicht die Conjunction ist.

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Anmerkungen.

4. cair glossiert Wb, S'), 11 numquid, und wird 0’Dav. p. 64 durch cinnas „wie“ erklart, in 0’Donovan’s Supplement zu O’Reilly durchnbsp;„quere“, d. i. quaere, dazu ebenda die Glosse eair A. comarcim (ichnbsp;frage). — 5. „er thue“, 3. Sg. Conj. Praes. — 6. „nach diesem“. —nbsp;7. „von jedem beliebigen Theile aus“, zu sechi, sechih vgl. Z.^ 717.

8. Die Prap. ó „von . . aus“ ist noclimals über a medio wieder-holt. — 9. „ich habe erkannt“, 1. Sg. Perf. Act. von itar-gninim, vgl. Gl. 16. — 10. „[nach dem] Ort, den ich erstrebte“, 1. Sg. des Praes.nbsp;sec. Act. von ad-cosnaim, W. san, skr. sanoti erwerben, gewinnen.

11. „Wenn er von einer Linie und einem Kreise lehrt, lehrt er nicht von Gott“. — 12. „[Es ist] wahrscheinlichquot;. — 13. „nachdem sienbsp;(die Seele) gereinigt ist“. — 14. „[Sie tragt nicht] Fürsorge [für ihrenbsp;Gesundheit] “. — 15. „Gott zu schauen“. — 16. „aus dem, der erkennt“,nbsp;vgl. Gl. 9. Das Prasens itar-gninim (s. den Index von Güt. und Thurn.)nbsp;ist eine wichtige Form, denn es geht auf ein *gna-na-mi zurück, undnbsp;hat somit die Wurzelsilbe hesser bewahrt als skr. ja-na-mi.

17. „Zweierlei woraus die Erkenntniss entsteht, aus dem Erkennen-den und einem erkennbaren Dinge“. — 18. „wie es am starksten ist“ (wörtlich: die Grosse welche stark ist), vgl. Gl. 98. — 19. „Die Sinnenbsp;tauschen die Seele nichtquot;, vgl. dieselbe Redensart in meinem Wörter-buch, s. V. dorat. Für die Worte nihil — agente hat die Ausgabe:nbsp;si nihil quidem valent ad fallendum, non tarnen nihil ad nonambi-gendum.

20. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Die Postulate oben, die wir angeführt habenquot;. Voraus gehtnbsp;im lateinischen Texte: Ergo quomodo in hoe sole tria quaedam licetnbsp;animadvertere, quod est, quod fulget, quod illuminat; ita in illo secre-tissimo Deo quem vis intelligere, tria quaedam sunt; quod est, quod in-telligitur, et quod caetera facit intelligi.

21. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Meine Hoffnung ist desto grosser für das, was du gesagt hast,nbsp;denn ich fasse Muth jede Sache zu verstehenquot;. Vgl. ar is andsain tal-sat a eéill di èdire 7 di éochor, 7 ragdbsat céill ara m-breith i tiribnbsp;ciana comaidche „for then they lost all hope of freedom and prosperity,nbsp;and made up their minds to be taken into far-off borderlandsquot;. Tog.nbsp;Troi, ed. Stokes, 675 fg.

22. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„mein eigenes Wohlbefinden unTl das Wohlbefinden der Freundequot;;nbsp;sldntu auch Gl. 35. — 23. „ohne Freudequot;. — 24. bésgnethid sieht ausnbsp;wie eine wortliche Uebersetzung von morigera, denn hés bedeutet mos,nbsp;und gnéthid ist Glosse zu operarium Wb. 30’gt;, 15, Z.^ 793.

25. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;indfretussa Gl. zu dotis, mir sonst nicht bekannt, doch könntenbsp;fretus zu fristarat gehoren.

26. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„dir Musse zu verschaffenquot;: deéss findet sich Wb. 25'j, 10 alsnbsp;Gegentheil von negotium agere in der Glosse zu 1 Thess. 4, 10; zu donbsp;immofolmig s. ZA 883. — 27. „[urn der] Nachkommenschaft [willen]quot;. —

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Anmerkungen.

28. „Wenn es auch der Nachkommenschaft wegen ist, dass os Jemand thut, und nicht mehr aus Lust“: dagné ist 3. Sg. Conj. Praes. mit Pron.nbsp;infix, a; is mó steht im Sinne von magis oder potius.

29. „Es sind dies diejenigen, die du zugegeben hast“: für adro-marsu ist adro[d]marsu oder adro[da]marsu zu lesen, 2. Sg. Perf. Dep. zu ad-damim, zusammengezogen atmaim (vgl. Gl. 48) oder ataimim,nbsp;s. mein Wtb. s. v. ad-daimim. — 30. „entgegengebracht“, Part. Praet.nbsp;Pass. von do-aid-biur exhibeo, offero, vgl. das Part. necess. tedbarthinbsp;offerenda (securitas) Ml. 259, Z.® 881. — 31. „erschöpft“. Part. Praet.nbsp;Pass. von fasigim ich mache leer. Die Ausgabe hat exhausta, undnbsp;dies ist wohl auch mit dem excausta der Handschrift gemeint.

32. „ich werde geheinmt“, 1. Sg. Praes. Pass. (gebildet durch die 3. Sg. mit Pron. infix, der 1. Person) von ad-suidim, vgl. adsuidet sibinbsp;defendunt SG. 4J), 15, „ritengonoquot; Ascoli. — 33. „ich heneide nicht nurnbsp;nicht“, Denom. von foirmteeh neidisch, for-met, -mat Neid. — 34. „Nichtnbsp;nur von der Jungfraulichkeit aus, sondern auch von der Reue und vomnbsp;gesetzmassigen Stande der Ehe aus“. Vgl. Wb. 9^, wo der Gegensatz vonnbsp;óge (Jungfraulichkeit, Ehelosigkeit) und Idnamnas mehrmals vorkommt.

35. „wie die Gesundheit eines jeden ist und seine Festigkeit“; amdl ist hier voll geschrieben. — 36. „nach der Aehnlichkeit der körper-lichen Dinge [ist] eine Ordnung in den Dingen auf diese Weise“. —nbsp;37. „den [nach der Weisheit] begierigen“, von einem Adjectiv aeubraid,nbsp;das von accobor Begierde in derselben Weise gebildet ist, wie sercaidnbsp;amans von serc Liebe, Z.® 792. — 38. „wir haben uns erhoben“, ebensonbsp;co durmgaih Gl. zu emerserit ML, Goid.® p. 29. Ich habe in meinemnbsp;Wörterbuch S. 853 tuar-gabim als do-fo-ar-gabim erklart, bestimmtnbsp;durch mittelirische Formen wie do-füar-gaib. Allein ich glaube jetztnbsp;mit Zeuss (p. 884), dass nur die zwei Prapositionen do-for- darin ent-halten sind. Vielleicht liegt in tuar- für do-for- eine letzte Spur desnbsp;einst zweisilbigen *upar vor, dessen u in der Verbindung mit dem vo-calischen Auslaut einer vorausgehenden Praposition nicht in f überzu-geben brauchte. Das f in dem mittelirischen do-fuar- ist das secundarenbsp;prothetische.

39. „sorglos“, Nom. PI. zu dem Acc. Sing, irmais dééd Wb. 25^, 14, Gen. Sg. in geno deeid Ml. 82'quot; (Z.® 364. 1003, vgl. den Index, von G.nbsp;und Th.), aber deedi ist i-Declination, vgl. maifh gut. Gen. Sg. maith,nbsp;Nom. PI. mathi. — 40. „obwohl ich einen Fortschritt gemacht habe“. —nbsp;41. ni chumgaim „ich kann nicht“, aber ate'i — 42. „ich gehe nichtnbsp;dagegen“, vgl. otdig coeo SG. 144», 4, gtaeg Cr. Pr. 56^. — 43. „wennnbsp;das Urtheil wahr ist, das im Verstande ist'L — 44. „es ist verschieden,nbsp;dass sie sich den Sinnen zeigen und wie es nachher ist“. — 45. „ob sienbsp;nicht wanken“, vgl. Gl. 82; utmaïligur von utmall unstat; zu innad mit nach-folgondem relativen n- vgl. innadnaccai non[ne] vides Ml, 17igt;, 17 (Z.® 748).

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Anmerkungen.

46. „ob du nicht zugegeben hast“, inna mit ad-ro-damar-su zusammen-gezogen, vgl. Gl, 99 und 48. — 47. „jede Seele hinter der andern“. —

48. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„giebst du zu?“ 2. Sg. Praes. von ad-damim, vgl. Gl. 46 und 99. —

49. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„durch sich selbst“. — 50. „[derer] welche wahnsinnig 8ind“, 3. PI.nbsp;rel. von ddsaehtaigim, Den. von ddsachtach insanus, ddsacht insania.

51. „sie werden bezeichnet (gemalt)“, 3. PI. zu dofoirndüher Tur. 55. — 52. „sie werden geformt“. — 53. „oder durch Zurückspringenquot;,nbsp;léimm (springen, Sprung) mit der Prap. aith- zusammengesetzt. Was ge-meint ist, zeigt die Fortsetzung des Textes: Gignendo, cum parentibusnbsp;similes nascuntur; resultando, ut de speculis cujuscemodi. — 54. „[als]nbsp;es beim Sehen giebt“.

55. „der Amsel“. — 56. cit „dass sie [es] sind“? vgl. Z.^ 711. —

57. „wir riechen“.

58. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ich habe hier noch wahrend der Correctur mein ursprünglichesnbsp;-scithigfar hergestellt. Stokes las -soithigfar, allein im Altirischen würdenbsp;in letzterem Worte nicht sóifh, sondern sdith zu erwarten sein. Dagegennbsp;schliesst sich niconscithigfar „ich werde nicht erraüdenquot; ohne Schwierig-keit an scithech „müde“ an.

59. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Die 3. PI. Fut. sec. Pass. eines mit eom-do-itar zusammen-gesetzten Verbs. Vgl. mein Wtb. unter tetarracM.

60. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;frisdünaim ist sonst Glosse zu obstruo, obsero. — 61. ¦ „Nichtsnbsp;entsteht aus entgegengesetzten Ursachen ausser allein dem Falschen“. —nbsp;62. „Wie wir gesagt haben, die Steine, die in der Verbindung mit dernbsp;Erde (im Innern der Erde) sind“; zu lesen asruhartmar. — 63. „die imnbsp;Meer sind“. — 64. „auch die mimischen Spiele“, von fuirsire Schau-spieler Gl. 67, das wahrscheinlich von ital. farsa, franz. farce abgeleitetnbsp;ist. Ueber die Weiterbildung auf -echt s. Z.^ 780.

65. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Die Zeilenabtheilung ist: .i. ni moa | adcosnat | hete in sonbsp;gejnere innahi \ frisairet | ^ sani q. dor|mientes i. est | furentes. Diesenbsp;Glosse ist im Zusammenhang unübersetzbar; ni moa entspricht demnbsp;„non magis“, adcosnat hete ist wohl „tendunt esse“ (vgl. ni cumcat hetenbsp;non possunt esse Z.^ 495), innahi könnte dem talia qualia entsprechen,nbsp;frisairet „sie wachen“ entspricht dem „vigilantesquot;.

66. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;ni cuming „er kann nichtquot;, arunméitse (so auch von Stokesnbsp;gelesen) scheint dem tam des Textes zu entsprechen, vgl. mméttse Gl.nbsp;zu tantum enim SG. 7», 9, inméitso Gl. zu tanto SG. 1», 3.— 67. „Schau-spielerquot;.

68. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Es war dies ein wahres Bild und es waren dies falsche Einderquot;, togaitig Nom. PI. M., zu dogdithaimm illudo Z.^ 434, und von demnbsp;Infinitiv togdithad in derselben Weise weiter gebildet wie aitrébfhaehnbsp;possessivus von aitrébad u. a. m., vgl. Gr. Celt.** 810.

69. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Es ist die Nothwendigkeit für den, der die Kunst der Gram-matiker bekennt, dass er alle Bildungen sammeltquot;. — 70. „die Defini-

11

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162

Anmerkungen.

tion der Fabel und der 6ramngt;atik“. — 71. „der Dialektik“. — 72. „er bestand in Wabrheit nicht darauf“. — 73. „nein“. — 74. „getheilt“,nbsp;Part. Praet. Pass. ven fo-dalim.

75. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Nicht die Grammatik allein ist es, von der man durch dienbsp;Dialektik beweisen muss, dass sie eine wahre Wissenschaft ist, sondernnbsp;alle Disciplinen sind wahr durch die Dialektikquot;. Das Wort iesgnanbsp;glossiert vitae ratio: isreid foglaim inbesgnai, Glosse zu uitac autemnbsp;ratio ad intellegendum prona Ml. 14 c, n. in 0’Donovan’s Supplementnbsp;zu O’Reilly wird es durch dUged und „peace, law, orderquot; erklart,nbsp;doch findet sich hier auch die etymologisierende Glosse . i. hafis gnaenbsp;no aibind (gutes oder schönes Wissen).

76. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„es entgeht uns nichtquot;. — 77. „seit langer Zeit ist uns diesnbsp;bekanntquot;. Neben eian „weitquot; giebt es ein Substantiv cian F. „Zeitquot;,nbsp;vgl. Stokes, Corm. Transl. p. X.

78. „Du müsstest denn behaupten, dass ihr der Name Seele ist, auch wenn sie stirbtquot;. Die Bedeutung „gewissquot; (vgl. mein Wtb. undnbsp;Stokes, Remarks^ p. 59) für bés passt hier nicht, es entspricht hier demnbsp;lat. forte. — 79. „Sie ist nicht Seele, wenn sie stirbtquot;. — 80. „Du er-stickstquot;.

81. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Vgl. fiu i. cosmhail (ahnlich) 0’CI., „like, alikequot; 0’R., nichtnbsp;verschieden von fiu dignus. Es wird hier, cbenso Gl. 103 und 107, durchnbsp;dieses Wort angedeutet, dass das quam der Aehnlichkeit oder Gleichheitnbsp;gemeint ist (tam . . . quam).

82. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„sie schwankenquot;, vgl. Gl. 45. — 83. „ich werde Widerstandnbsp;leistenquot;.

84. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Es ist eine Schande den König der Wahrheit zu verlassennbsp;und sich mit dem Teufel zu verblindenquot;.

85. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Grundstoff (Material)quot;. — 86. culebafh „Wedelquot; ist mir nurnbsp;aus dieser Stelle bekannt.

87. slinteeh für slirld-tech „ein von aussen mit Platten (oder Schin-deln) bekleidetes Hausquot;. — 88. „hoch zu schatzenquot;. Part. nee. von mi-diur. — 89. liceat steht für liqueat und dem entspricht follus „klarquot;, nach foïlus könnte bedeuten „dass nicht klar istquot;, aber dinach mussnbsp;ein Fehler sein. Man erwartet dianach, oder noch vollstandiger demnbsp;lateinischen cui non liqueat entsprechend: cia dianachfollus.

90. „gegen Jammer und Kummerquot;, zu todére F. vgl. todluir „miserablequot;, und zu méle F. vgl. méla Schimpf in meinem Wörterbucb, media .i. athais 0’CI.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;0’R. hat zwei Artikel: media reproach, und

média grief, sorrow. Aher es scheint dies ein und dasselbe Wort zu sein, wenigstens findet sich auch méla „Schimpfquot; mit dem Langezeichen:nbsp;méla no mebol d’immcirt dóib for Troianaib „dass sie den Trojanernnbsp;Schimpf und Schande anthunquot; Tog. Troi, ed. Stokes, 849, gleich daraufnbsp;a mebul 7 a athis „die Schande und der Schimpf davonquot;, also dasselbe

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Anmerkungen.

Wort, mit dem 0’Clery meala erklart. Das davon abgeleitete mélacht „ScHmpf“ stekt Ml. 27», 10 ohne Langezeichen, findet sick aker imnbsp;Mitteliriscken auck mit demselken. Wenn diese Wörter mit gr. fiélsi,nbsp;fiskérri, /xsléSriixa (Bekümmerniss) zusammenkingen, so würde die Kürzenbsp;das Ursprünglicke und die kis jetzt doek nur an wenigen Stellen nack-gewiesene Lange vielleickt dem Einfluss des folgenden l zuzusckrei-ken sein.

91. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Vermutklick ist ind imthascarthühi zu lesen und dies alsnbsp;Glosse zu palestritae zu ketrackten. Ein Nom. PI. von einer Akleitungnbsp;auf -tith, -tid Z.^ 793, „die sick gegenseitig niederwerfen“, von tascradnbsp;(s. oken S. 140 zu lin. 1623), wofür spater trascrad (s. mein Wtk.), wienbsp;cloemelüód für coimmchloud.

92. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;innan-doat ist Glosse zu lacertorum, ick kenne sonst nur doünbsp;Hand, Handgelenk.

93. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;toirndithi, Part. Praet. Pass. zu tóirndim ick kezeickne, mar-kiere, stekt üker descriptos, wofür die Ausgake destrictos kat. Vgl. Gl. 51.

94. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;sethnaga stekt üker toros. Dieses Wort ist mir unkekannt.nbsp;0’Clery kat seatnaeh i. corp, „Körper“.

95. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„eines starken Mannesquot;.

96. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„angestossen, namlick gegen ein en andernquot;, insarta glossiertnbsp;inpactum (von impingo), und ist wokl ein Compositum der Wurzel oi'g,nbsp;arg mit den Prapositionen ind-as-, vgl. timm-orte, timm-arte correptus.nbsp;Part. von do-imm-mc Z.^ 979. Das Prasens insorg ick stosse fort, setzenbsp;in Bewegung, ist in meinem Wörterkuck nachgewiesen. — 97. „dienbsp;Sekne des Bogensquot;. — 98. „mit gutem Auge“, caisin ist wokl der Dativnbsp;von cais . i. suil kei 0’Clery, und sochmacht ist eigentlick stark, kraftig,nbsp;s. Gl. 18. — 99. „ick kake zugegekenquot;, vgl. Gl. 46. — 100. „kurz zu-vor“, inrembic (im Ms. ein kleiner Zwisekenraum zwiseken rem und bic)nbsp;ist ein aknlickes Adverk wie indremdédenacli praepostere SG. 212 a, 8.

101. „nack welcker Seite auck“. — 102. ,,nein“. — 103. wie Gl. 81. — 104. wörtlick „ok eines von den keidenquot;, aker es soil demnbsp;lat. utrum entsprecken.

105. „dass ick dem Widerstand leiste“. — 106. „die Hart-niiekigkeit des Streitensquot;, sigide ist Abstractum von sigith dauernd. — 107. Das Ms. kat die Abkürzung für quam, die Ausgake kat quia: fiunbsp;kann sick nur auf quam bezieken, wie 81 und 103. — 108. „weil“. —

109. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;odur in der Bedeutung saurus (aavgog) ist sonst nickt kekannt. —

110. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„Beredsamkeitquot;.

it


11*

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Das Pest des Bricriu

und die Yerbannung der Mac Duil Dermait.

Auf diese Sago habe ich schon Iriscbe Texte S. 236 und S. 311 aufmorksam gomacht. Nach H. d’Arbois de Jubainville’snbsp;Catalogue de la Littérature Epique de l’Irlande, p. 173, ist sienbsp;bis jetzt ill keiiier anderii Handschrift, als dem Gelben Buchnbsp;voii Lecan (H. 2. 16, Trin. Coll. Dubk), pp. 759—765, nach-gewiesen. Dor hier vollstandig mitgetheilte Text beruht aufnbsp;meiner eigenen Collation der a. a. O. erwahnten Abschrift Atkinson’s. Mein Streben war hauptsachlich darauf gerichtet,nbsp;genau das Manuscript wiederzugeben, abgesehen von der Trans-^cription, der Worttrennung und der durch den Druck bezeich-neten Ergaiizung der Abkürzungon.

In der Worttrennung bin ich dadurch bestarkt worden.

dass die altirischeii Codices nicht nur im Irischen, sondern auch im Lateinischen die Praposition mit dem Casus und anderenbsp;grammatische Verbindungen zusammen schroiben, wie man bei-spielsweise in meiner Ausgabe der neuen Carlsruher Glossen,nbsp;oben S. 146 fg., sehen kann. Trennt man im Latein, so darfnbsp;man auch im Irischen trennen. Bei einer Collation der Würz-burger und Carlsruher Glossen in Zimmer’s Glossae Hibernicaonbsp;habe ich aber beobachtet, dass diese Codices auch im Irischennbsp;keineswegs ganz consequent die grammatischen Verbindungennbsp;zusammenschreiben. Ueberhaupt kam viel auf die Raumverhalt-nisse an: bei wenig Raum sind sogar ganze Satze ohne Absatznbsp;geschrieben, und oft bat andrerseits ein über oder unter dienbsp;Linie gehender Buchstabe des Textes sogar ein einfaches Wort

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Das Fest des Bricriu

der Glosse zerrissen. Zu den Wörtern, welcho zu dem folgeii-deii Worto gezogen werden, gehort auch die Conjunction et, und zwar sowohl im Lateinischen als auch im Irischen. Ichnbsp;aher trenne iin Allgomeinen, wie bisher, und lasse die ongzu-sammengehörigen Elemento nur im Falie lautlichor Verquickungnbsp;und in anderen besonderen Fallen zusammen, z. B. in iarsin,nbsp;lasodaiu u. s. w., wie wir ja auch im Deutschen in „nachdem“,nbsp;„indem“, „dabeiquot; u. s. w. aus ursprünglich formal selbstiindigeiinbsp;Elementen einheitliche Wörter gemacht haben.

In der Andeutung meiner Ergauzung der Abkürzungon thue ich lieber des Guten zuviel, als zu wenig. Doch betrachtenbsp;ich die gewundene Linie für das m und den geraden Strich fürnbsp;das n in bekannten Wörtern als so unzweideutige Zeichen, dassnbsp;ich sie nur in zweifelhaften Wörtern angedeutet habe. Dienbsp;einheimischen Gelehrten wie 0’Donovan und 0’Curry battennbsp;glatte Texte veröffentlicht, in denen sie die Abkürzungon dernbsp;Mss. stillschweigend erganzt und Manches nach der Weise dernbsp;spatern Sprache, die sie besonders beherrschten, corrigiert undnbsp;umgeandert haben. Stokes, auch Henuessy in seiner Ausgabonbsp;der Sage Fotha Catha Cnucha in Band II der Revue Celtique,nbsp;haben diesem Verfahren gegenüber zuerst den Hauptwerth dar-auf gelegt, genau zu gebeu, was wirklich in der Handschriftnbsp;steht, und alle Erganzungen und Correcturen im Druck hervor-treten zu lassen. Diesen Gelehrten schliesse ich mich in dernbsp;Hauptsache an.1

Meine Conjecturen und Correcturen setze ich in die An-merkungen. Gegen die Aufnahme derselben in den Text hege ich das Bedenken, dass dann ein Text entsteht, der nie eine Wirk-

1

Ich erganze jetzt mit Stokes und Zimmer, Gloss. Hib. p. LIV, die Partikeln dï und do der Mss. zu diwo und dawo oder dana. Meine irrigenbsp;Angabe, Irische Texte p. 67, dass im Buck von Leinster gewöhnlich plenenbsp;„din“ geschrieben ware, beruhte auf der stillschweigenden Erganzungnbsp;von dl zu din in mir vorliegenden Transscripten. Ich habe nicht darannbsp;gezweifelt, dass dano, dino die ursprünglicheren Formen seien, sondernnbsp;hielt nur für möglich, dass sie einsilbig geworden waren, etwa wie cornbsp;aus coro. — Bei dieser Gelegenheit will ich bemerken, dass sich die

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Das Fest des Bricriu

lichkeit gehabt bat, wenn er aucb nacb unseren Begriffen etwas correcter ware, als der überlieferte. Denn bei dem Scbwaïikennbsp;der iriscben Scbreibweise, bei der Freibeit, mit der die Scbrei-ber ibre Texte tbeils abscbrieben tbeils umscbrieben, und beinbsp;dem Einfluss, den die neben der scbriftlicben einbergebendenbsp;mündlicbe Tradition auf erstere gebabt baben kann, wird sicbnbsp;das Ursprünglicbe immer nur ungefabr berecbnen lassen, nienbsp;aber werden wir für die Prosa ein verlornes Original Wort fürnbsp;Wort so herstellen können, dass jede subjective Willkür aus-gescblossen ist. Für die iriscben Sagen erbebt sicb aber überhaupt die Frage, was ein moderner Pbilologe herstellen könnte.nbsp;Wir wissen von keinem Verfasser und wir baben nur in Bezugnbsp;auf den Tain Bó Cüalnge sagenbafte Berichte über eine Samm-lung der einzelnen Tbeile im 6. oder 7. Jahrb. (vgl. 0’Curry,nbsp;Ms. Mat. p. 29 fg.). Von der Spracbe und der Form diesernbsp;ersten Stadiën der Sagenüberlieferung besitzen wir koine sicberenbsp;Kenntniss. Also um den Urtext eines Verfassers, den mannbsp;nicht kennt, oder um die Grundform einer massgebenden Redaction kann es sicb scbwerlich bandeln. Das Ideal einer so-genannten Textrecension könnte also böcbstens sein ein in dennbsp;meisten Fallen unbekanntes alteres Manuscript, auf das dienbsp;alteste, oder einige oder alle vorhandenen Handschriften zurück-gehen. Aucb dieses Ziel halte ich aus den oben angedeutetennbsp;Gründen für unerreicbbar. leb gebe daber immer eine Handschrift unverandert. In zweiter Linie wird dann als Erganzungnbsp;dieses Verfahrens abgesondert die Correctur und Kritik desnbsp;Ueberlieferten in Betracht kommen, wobei man je nacb dennbsp;Verhilltnissen mehr oder weniger ausführlicb sein kann. Wennnbsp;ich in den von mir früher herausgegebenen Texten eine reieb-licbe Varia lectio, einige Male sogar zwei Versionen derselbennbsp;Sage vollstandig mitgetheilt babe, so sollte selbstverstandlicbnbsp;dabei Etwas für die Verbesserung corrupter oder das Ver-verfehlte Erganzung von cs zu caeht, die ich in meinem Wörterhuchnbsp;berichtigt habe, nicht nur in den „Contents of Leabbar Breac“ p. 6nbsp;findet, sondern sogar im Texte des facsimilierten Manuscripts selbst,nbsp;p. 108», lin. 58, worauf mich Kuno Meyer aufmerksam macht.

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und die Verbannung der Mac Duil Dermait.

standniss schwieriger Stellen herauskommen1, aber ebensosebr war meine Absicht, die Variation der Texte als solcbe vorzu-führen, und bei dieser Gelegenbeit abweicbende Wörter undnbsp;Formon anderer Handscbriften für Grammatik und Wörterbuchnbsp;zuganglich zu maclien. Diese Variation zu beobacbten ist innbsp;meinen Augen wicbtiger- und interessanter als irgendwelcho Reconstruction.

Das Bemerkte gilt zunacbst nur für die Prosa der alten Sagen, dann aber auch für die der christlichen Legenden.nbsp;Wenn ein Text mit Sicberbeit als das Werk einer bestimmtonnbsp;Persönlicbkeit bezeicbnet wird, und wenn diese einer bisto-riscben oder gar der spateren Zeit angebört, dann kann mannbsp;eber an die Aufgabe denken, den Text so herzustellen, wie ibnnbsp;der Autor verfasst bat. In einem solcben Falie wird die Variation etwas weniger frei Platz gegriffen baben, docb mussnbsp;man sicb aucb bier je nacb den Verhaltnissen überlegen, wasnbsp;möglicb ist. Was z. B. die Fis Adamnain anlangt, von der innbsp;meinen Iriscben Texten zwei Versionen gedruokt vorliegen, sonbsp;giebt uns dor Name des Adamnan, der nacb der Tradition umnbsp;700 berum gestorben ist, nur einon scboinbaren Anbalt, deunnbsp;die Predigt des Adamnan scbeint nur ibrem Inhalto nacb vonnbsp;einem Andern aufgescbrieben zu sein, es könnte sicb also nurnbsp;um das Original dieser Niederscbrift bandeln. Aucb bei dernbsp;Zusammenstellung der beiden Versionen dieses Toxtes war dienbsp;Variation für micb von besonderem Interesse; selbst bei solcbennbsp;Texten mebr gelebrten Ursprungs, die bestimmt als geistigesnbsp;Eigentbum eines Mannes bezeicbnet werden, kam es den Scbrei-bern und Lesern nicbt darauf an, dieses unverandert bewabrtnbsp;und fortgefübrt zu seben. Ganz und gar unstatthaft ist abernbsp;endlicb nacb meiner Ansicht eine Textrecension in dem Sinne,nbsp;dass eine Gleicbmassigkeit der Form en und der Orthographicnbsp;in die Texte eingefübrt würde. Die gesprocbene ümgangs-

1

Bei schwierigen Stellen habe ich die Lesart anderer Mss. auch dann mitgetheilt, wenn sie nichts Besseres enthielt, um eben diese That-sache zu constatieren.

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spraclio der Iren wird zu jeder Zeit, wie jede Umgangssprache, die sich auf die jeweilige Gegoïiwart bezieht, eine einheitliclienbsp;gewesen sein, wir habon es aber hier mit der irischen Literaturnbsp;zu thuii, deren Schreibweise nicht methodisch und reglemonts-miissig fixiert war, und deren aus alter Zeit stammende Werkenbsp;die Formen und Ausdrücke verschiedener Zoiton in sich fort-geführt haben. In unsere Grammatiken und Wörterbüchernbsp;dürfen doch die von uns reconstruierten Formen nicht aufge-nommen werden1 sondern nur die überlieferten Formen, derennbsp;Fehler bekanntlich oft lehrreich sind. Der gesprochenennbsp;Sprache ihrer Zeit stehen von allen Sprachresten die altirischennbsp;Glossen am nachsten, denn diese dienten einem unmittolbarennbsp;praktischen Bedürfniss und sollten gar nicht Literaturwerkenbsp;sein. Sie reprasentieren uns die Sprache, die von den Ge-lehrten des 8. oder 9. Jahrhunderts gesprochen wurde.

Anders liegen die Verhaltnisse in den Versen. Diese tragon allerdings in ihrer metrischen Form den Charakter einesnbsp;Kunstwerks an sich, das man gern, wo es verletzt ist, nach dennbsp;Forderungen der irischen Metrik wieder herstellen möchte. Dasnbsp;metrische Schema giebt mannigfachen Anhalt für die Consti-tuierung des Textes und kann in giinstigen Fallen schlagendenbsp;Conjecturen hervorlocken, aber eine Panacee für schwere Schaden ist es in irischen Gedichten ebensowenig als in griechischennbsp;Chorgesangen, und für das Verstandniss der Wörter kann esnbsp;doch nur sehr mittelbar helfen. Der Text einer neuen Handschrift (Laud 610), den ich Kuno Moyer verdanke, die irischennbsp;Glossen und die irische Metrik helfen z. B. erst zusammen, dennbsp;Vers Muc Mie Datho, Irische Toxte S. 108, richtig zu lesennbsp;und zu verstehen:

Muc Mie Datho lactmuad tore no corbi indattruag imnoctnbsp;CO cenn secht m-bliada»i eon brathnbsp;sesca gamnach co a biatbad.

1

Gegen die Aufstellung von Normalformen zu sprachwissensebaft-licber Orieutierung babe icb natiirlicb Niebts einzuwenden.

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und die Verbannung der Mac Duil Dermait.

„Das Schwein des Mac Datho, ein durch Milch guter Eber, nicht war er der milch-elende, nackte: [denn] bis zum Endenbsp;von sieben Jahren •— ohne Lüge — [dienten] sechzig Milch-kühe dazu os aufzuziehen.“ In der zweiten Zeile reimt at-tmagnbsp;auf lact-muad, und at ist nach 0’Clery’s Glossar ein Wort fürnbsp;Milch. Das Versmass ist in Ordnung, denn bi ind und co anbsp;mussen mit Synizese gelesen werden. Ich mache diose Bemer-kungen, weil mir R. Atkinson’s Schrift On Irish Metric (Dublinnbsp;1884) in dem, was ihr Verfasser von einer metrischen undnbsp;sprachlichen Analyse der Gedichte im Buch von Leinster, vonnbsp;Eland Manistrech und Anderen, crwartet, zu weit zu gehennbsp;scheint. Ich batte gewünscht, dass Atkinson selbst uns annbsp;einem ganzen Gedichte gozeigt batte, wie man verfahron muss,nbsp;freilich mit mehr Glück als an dem einen Verse, den er p. 20nbsp;und 21 behandelt. Gedruckt ist nach Atkinson’s Mittheilungnbsp;in einem Gedichte der Sage Aided Chlainue Lir Folgendes:

Ba biad ar g-cuilceadha cuanna tónna sdile searbh ruadhanbsp;ionar g-ceatbrar caomh cloinne Lirnbsp;gan oidbche dhuinn d’é, easbhuidh.

Diese Zeilen emendiert Atkinson folgondermassen:

Biait ar colcaida cuana tónna sdile serbruadanbsp;in ar cethrur coem clainnenbsp;een aidche dia-n esbaide.

Ich halte die gedruckte moderne Form des Verses für nicht so corrupt, als Atkinson hohauptet, jcdenfalls für grammatisch und metrisch correcter als seine Reconstruction einesnbsp;alteren Wortlauts. Vor Allem theile ich Atkinson’s Glaubonnbsp;nicht, dass der Diditer nur siebensilbige Zeilen gedichtet hahe:nbsp;das 1. und das 3. Viertel mit acht, das 2. und das 4. Viertel mitnbsp;sieben Silben ist eine hekannte metrische Form und diese liegtnbsp;liier vor. Ba hiad ist eine schon alte idiomatische Ausdrucks-weise, die keinen Anstoss gieht, und das Lir hinter clainne weg-zulassen empfiehlt sich auch sehr wenig. Durch diese Weg-lassung kommt Atkinson dazu clainne und esbaide reimen zu

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170

Das Fest des Bricriu

lassen, nn mit d, was ganz gewiss nicht correct ist. Das Schlimmste ist aher dia-n eshaide („of their ahsence“), dienbsp;Dativpartikel mit der Genetivform des Nomens, goradezu einenbsp;grammatische Unmöglichkeit. Auch bezweifele ich, dass colcaidanbsp;je eine correcte Form gewesen ist, sondern colcid (lat. culcita)nbsp;wurde in der alten Sprache als i-stamm flectiert, Nom. PI.nbsp;coilcthi (vgl. coilcthe Corm. Gl. p. 34 lin. 15). Die Formnbsp;cuilceadha in dem gedruckteu Texte ist Flexion nach Art dernbsp;femininen a-stamme, und würde in altere Lautverhaltnisse über-setzt colceda lauten. Das Einzige, was mir in dem überhefertennbsp;Texte metrisch anstössig erscheint, ist der Reim cuanna-ruadha.nbsp;Mit welchem Rechte Atkinson cuana schreibt, lasse ich dahinnbsp;gestellt. Aber ich bin weit davon entfernt, die metrischen Re-constmctionen ganz verwerfen zu wollen, sondern ich will nurnbsp;vor dem allzueifrigen Conjecturenmachen warnen und betonen,nbsp;dass man sich sehr wohl das Ziel steckon kann, zunachst mög-lichst treu das vorzuführon, was überliefert ist. Metrische Unter-suchungcn und Reconstructionen mogen dann an zweiter Stellenbsp;zu ihrem Rechte kommen. Dass sie mir nicht ganz fremd sind,nbsp;habe ich Revue Celtique V p. 389 und p. 478 gezeigt. Da-gegen wird Atkinson Recht haben, wenn er mir p. 9 vorwirft,nbsp;dass ich die Eigenthümlichkeit der irischen Alliteration nichtnbsp;ganz richtig dargestellt habo (Irische Texte S. 156, S. 158nbsp;und S. 160). Ich nahm an, dass das durch Eclipse zu m assimi-lierte b z. B. von inna m-beo mit dom m von mora und macnbsp;allitcrieren könne, weil sonst in einzelnen Versen keine Alliteration zu finden war. Aber ich gebe zu, dass dies gegen dienbsp;irische Theorie ist. Auf diese Punkte komme ich in einer Ab-handlung über das Gedicht, an jdessen 3. Verse Atkinson dienbsp;Eigenthümlichkeiten der irischen Metrik exemplificiert bat, noch-mals besonders zu sprechen.

Den unten folgenden Text theile ich zunachst mit, weil er einen gewisson Zusammenhang der Situation mit dem in dennbsp;Irischen Toxten gedruckten Fled Brier end hat, und weil ernbsp;sprachlich und sachlich manches Interessante bietet. 0’Currynbsp;rechnet ihn Ms. Mat. p. 319 zu den „Imaginative Tales of

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171

und die Verbannung der Mac Dull Dermait.

ancient date“, deren Worth nicht in der Erzahlung geschicht-licher Vorgange, sondern in alten topographischen Angahen und in der Erwahnung alter Verhaltnisse und Sitten bestehe. Danbsp;ich eine Uebersetzung beigebe, so ist hier eine Inhaltsangabenbsp;unnöthig. Das Eest, mit dem die Erzahlung beginnt, erinnertnbsp;nicht nur an die Sagen Fled Bricrend und Scél mucci Mienbsp;Dathó, die ich friiher herausgegeben habe, sondern auch an dienbsp;interessanten Stellen über die oft mit blutigen Kampten ver-bundenen ósljcva der Kelten bei Diodor und Athenaeus, dienbsp;H. d’Arbois de JubainviUe, Introd. a 1’étude de la Litt. Celt,nbsp;p. 298, zusammengestellt hat.1 Die Uebereinstimmung zwischennbsp;den alten Berichten und den Sagen lasst uns hier echtestesnbsp;Keltenthum erkennen. Der abenteuerliche Zug Cuchulinn’s istnbsp;von der Art der Thaten, deren sich die Helden im Scél muccinbsp;Mie Dathó rühmen. Aber Cuchulinn zieht aus unter dem Druckenbsp;einor der merkwürdigen unter dem Namen „geis“ bekanntennbsp;Verpflichtungen, über die ich in meinem Wörterbuche gehan-delt habe. Cuchulinn erfahrt zwar, was für eine Bewandtnissnbsp;es mit den Mac Duil Dermait gehabt hat, aber leider sagt ernbsp;es uns nicht, und aus der Erzahlung selbst kann man nichtnbsp;viel orrathen. Diese hat wieder ganz den alten volksthüm-lichen Charakter, dass sie gewisse Dinge sehr genau schildert,nbsp;aber andrerseits sprunghaft erzahlt und Vieles nur andeutet.nbsp;In dieser Beziehung besteht ein grosser Gegensatz zwischen ihrnbsp;und der aus gelehrten Quellen stammenden Erzahlung von der

1

Diod. Sic. V 28: Tovg d’ dyaamp;ovg avSgag raïg xaXUaraig rwv XQSav jjLoiQaig ytQaiQOvai . . . KaXovoi ós xal 'covg ^évovg ènl rag sv(u-ylag, xal [isra xo ósïnvov ènsQmxwaï, xlvsg slal xal xivcov ygeiav syovaiv.nbsp;EiwQ-aai Ss xal naga xb östnvov sx xwv xvyóvxwv ngbg xfjv óia xtöv Xóywvnbsp;afiM.av xaxaaxdvxsg ix ngoxXrjaswg /xovo/xaysïv ngbg dXXtjXovg, Ttag'nbsp;ovóev xiamp;sfxsvoi xfjv xov ^lov xeXevx^v. ¦— Athen. IV p. 154 KeXxol,nbsp;(prjaiv, svLoxs naga xb ósïnvov /Mvofiayovaiv èv yag xoïg ónXocg dysg-O-évxsg axtafiayovai xal ngbg dXhjXovg axgoysi.gl'QovxaL, noxs ób xalnbsp;ixsygi xgav/xaxog ngotaai xal sx xovxov sgslXiaS-évxsg êav [ifj èmaywaïvnbsp;oi nagóvxsg xal stag dvaigsaswg sgyovxai. Tb óh naXaióv (pijGiv oxi nagu-xsamp;évxcov xioXijvmv xb fxTjgiov b xgdxiaxog èXdjx^avev si óé xig b'xsgognbsp;dvxmoL^aaLXo, avviaxavxo fiovofxax^aovxsg gisygi S-avdxov.

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172

Das Fest des Bricriu

Zerstöruiig Troja’s. 0’Curry citiert Ms. Mat. p. 468 die Stelle, in der das Ogam erwahnt wird (lin. 134 fg.), ferner Mann. andnbsp;Gust. III p. 106 die Beschreibung dor Kleidung und der Waffennbsp;des Eocho Bond (lin. 89 fg.), und ebondas. p. 360 die Stelle,nbsp;in der das timpan vorkommt (lin. 145 fg.).

Von den spracblicb wiobtigen Formen will icb bier nur die 2. PI. Perf. depouentialer Flexion atbgenair (lin. 68) ber-vorbebön, für das altiriscbe atbgenaid und das spator gewöbn-licbe atbgenabair. Das Gelbe Bucb von Lecan ist von einernbsp;spateren Hand durcbcorrigiert worden. Icb kann nicbt mitnbsp;Sicherheit bestimmen, ob die von mir in den Text aufgenom-mone Aspiration der Mediae, im Ms. durcb das Zeicben i- aus-gedrückt, überall erst von dieser spatern Hand berrübrt. Sacb-licb kommt nicbt so sebr viel darauf an, deun die Vertauscbungnbsp;von d und g, z. B. in dercaig für dercaid, beweist, dass beidenbsp;Mediae zu der Zeit, als das Ms. gescbrieben wurde, in dernbsp;Ausspracbe scbon zu demselben Spiranten geworden waren. Dienbsp;Spracbe des Textes ist Mitteliriscb, dessen Abweicbungon vomnbsp;Altiriscben weder bier nocb in den Anmerkungen besondersnbsp;bervorgeboben werden.

* Kuno Meyer hatte die Freundlichkeit den gedruckten Text noch-mals mit dem Ms. zu vergleichen. Auch er sagt, dass nicht immer mit Sicherheit zu erkennen sei, oh das Aspirationszeichen erst von der spateren Hand zugefügt ist.

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Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil nDermait^ annso.

Bai ri amra for Ultaib .i. Conchobar mac Nesa ainm in rig. Doronad recht lais iar n-gabail rigi adaig each errid donbsp;biathad Ulad seclit n-aidche no ceathra haidchi do rig .i. adaignbsp;each raithi cethri hoicthigernd imman aidchi. Ba si airigid^nbsp;ban Ulad ® o mnai ind fir las n-denta ind fled . i. secht n-daim 5nbsp;7 secht tuirc 7 secht n-dabcha 7 secht n-ena 7 secht tindi 7nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;^

secht tulchuba 7 secht muilt denma 7 secht n-glainini'^ 7 secht 7' mcochta cona fotha d’iasc 7 di enaib 7 lubib 7 ^ ilmblasaib.nbsp;Dorochoir fecht n-and iaram do Bricriu Nemthenga denam nanbsp;fledi. Dofuctha adai ® na fleidi 7 ro linad ind aradach Con- 10nbsp;chobar’, ar ba de bui aradach fobith romboi arad frise anechturnbsp;7 medon1 7 is amlaid fodailte eisen. Ataraegat randaire Con-chobair do roind in bid 7 diwo na dailemain da dail innanbsp;corma. Dos n-eicce ® Bricriu Nemthenga assa imdse inchlaraith

1

Das n vor Dermait üt zu streichen, denn Duil Dermait ist Gen. Sing., vgl. jedoch Zeile 170.

^ Im Ms. in airighidh corrigiert.

Das n des Acc. Sg. und des Gen. PI. ist in dieser Version nicht regelmassig gesetzt.

^ Die siehen Grundstriche, deren letzter einen schragen Strich über sich hat, Jeonnten auch anders als anini gelesen werden.

® Dieses 7 ist zu streichen.

® Unter das i von adai ist ein miissiges g gesetzt,

Zu lesen ind aradach dabach Conchobair, wie FB. 72.

® Fur ammedon, rgl. Tur. Gl. 1«, Z.^ 611.

^ Im Ms. ist unter ne nachtraglich ein d gesetzt, also dosndeicce ohne Ahlösung der Praposition do; vgl. altir. donn-éicci videt nos Wb. 9“.

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174

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

15 dia leith chliu oc dul is tech. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;char sein. aile“ or se

„isecï dogenta fri coirm n-genaide^ 7 fri biad n-genaige.“ Ar-sisetar na hoic 7 rethaid ina suidi 7 focherd in sluagh i socht. Clohse® argaid illaim Conchobar atcoimnaic ^ frisin n-uaitne n-uma-idi ro bai fo® lethgualaind, co clos sin fo chetoirib® arde nanbsp;20 Croebruaidhi Concobair.Imchomairc do Bricrend® cid rombainbsp;con-ebert; „Cid natai aBricnV^ ar Conchobar „do thobairt doirbenbsp;in airighidh di Ul- occo do duthrucht.quot; ® „A popam chain Chon-chobatr, ni terce lenda na bid dam, ni bo choir mo fled-sa“nbsp;ol se „do thomailt cen noindin Uladh impe.“ Lasodhain atarre-25 gat da eirrig^® dec \i\ad issin maigin sin . i. Fergus mac Roig 7nbsp;Conall Cernach mac Aimirgmi 7 Loegaire Buadach 7 Quchvlaindnbsp;mac Soaltaim 7 Eogan mac Durrthacht 7 Cealtchair mac Uithe-chair 7 Blai Brugaid 7 Dubthach Doel Uladh 7 kWill Miltenga 7nbsp;Conall Anglonnach 7 Munremar mac Geirrgind 7 Cethern macnbsp;30 Find tain. Ro gob^1^ each lath gaili dib diwo a erchomair donbsp;chuindchid gona duine for each cw'cid. Dodechaid Cuchulaiwdnbsp;coecait loech i cuiced Olnecmacht for Duib 7 Drobais co Duib-linn Chrichi^^ Ciarraighi. Rms roindse# inde ar suidhiu: dodechaid cuicer ar fichit la habaind annair 7 cuicer ar fichit lanbsp;35 habaind aniar. Batir ho dodechaid illeith fris Lugaid Reonbsp;n-derc 7 Loeg mac Riangabra a arse. Dodechadar do co

1

Im Ms. uber und writer dem i mit einem Pwrikt und mit der AVkürmng fwr m (von spdterer Hand) ein schrager Strich, die Stelle istnbsp;corrupt.

^ Hie richtige Form wird genaige sem, denn so ist dieses Wort LL. Ilia, 33 geschrieben.

quot; FB. SI steht dafür einfach cló (Nagel), an anderen Stéllen ivird dasselbe Instrument flesc (Buthe, Stab, z. B. LU. 121a, 43) oder crabnbsp;sida (Friedenszweig, s. B. LL. p. 111“, 45) genannt.

Im Ms. das Zeichen fwr m uber dem 0. Vorher zu lesen Con-chobair. ® fo steht hier für foa.

® Hie feminine Form, correcter fo chetheoirib ardib; vgl. Zeile 91.

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175

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

torachtatai’^ im airenach inn Atha® Fert[h]ain fri Corra-for-achud antuaith. Ba and batar icluichemnaig ® ar a cind se choectaib imon {p. 760:) Duiblind Atba Ferthain .i. Mane macnbsp;Ceit maic, Magach 7 Findchoem ingen Eohach Rond allanair 40nbsp;robuide. Batar be dorala cuice Lugbaidh Reo n-derc 7 Loegnbsp;mac Riangabra. Dothegat a n-ingena chuicesse huile . i. bu sinbsp;buasaib for Duma Tetaig. „Anmain inn anmain!“ „Cid aranbsp;n-denam-ni on?“ or Lugaid. „Ar am ben fir“ or si. „Ar-da-nesamar“, or ind oic, „cia saigi^?“ „Cucbulaind mac Soaltaim“ 45nbsp;or si, „ro charws ar a airscelaib.quot; „Tathuth-sa failti fo a bithnbsp;in sidhe as ucut Cuchulawd! allasiar.“ „Anmain inn anmainquot;nbsp;or si. Arsisetar ® Cucbulaind lasodain 7 angid na hocu 7 focbeirdnbsp;cor n-erretb de taris soir cuicisse. Ataraig-si ar a cbend 7nbsp;focbeirt di laim ima bragait 7 dober poic n-do. „Ocus indecbt 50nbsp;sa?“ for ind oic. „A fecbt sa dmo“ or Cu „is lor glonn duinnenbsp;se cboecait do anocul 7 ingen rig bOe Maine do breitb linn conbsp;bEmain Macba.quot; Is iarsin dos cuiretar bedc as fatbuaid triasinnbsp;dub aicbi® co rangadar Fidb Manacb co n-acatar tri tendti arnbsp;a ciund isin cboill 7 nowbor cacba tenead. Fos-robart Cucbu- 55nbsp;\aind co ro marb triar cacba tenedb 7 na tri toisecbu. Iarsinnbsp;docbuaid for Atb Moga i m-Mag n-Oiquot;^ do Raitb Cruacban.nbsp;Focbertad a n-ilacba uatbu and, ro clas® co Raitb Cruacban.nbsp;Lasin dotboet in dercaid dia n-deicsin. Atcbuaidb side a crutbnbsp;7 a n-ecosc 7 a n-indas do cbacb. .„Nim tba a samailquot; ar 60

Das Ms. hat toracbtar mit daruntergesetstem tat.

^ Im Ms. steht ein n mit einer Ahhiirzungslinie dariiier vmd einem i links danmter.

LL. Facs. 231«', 18 (Tog. Troi 1020) steht in cuch cluchenmaig. Wir mussen wohl ein Infinitivnomen cluchemnacb, das sich an einnbsp;Nomen actoria cluchem anschliesst, awnehmen.

'* Das gi von saigi ist nicht gans sicker. Nach K. Meyer ist g in d corrigiert, Oder umgekehrt.

® Zu lesen arsisethar oder arsisedar. ® Zu lesen aidchi.

Im Ms. im (Zeilenende) magnói. Ich habe angenommen, dass die oft genannte Fbene Mag Ai hei Roscommon gemeint ist. Wir warden oben den Dativ erwarten.

quot; Besser ro chlos, vgl. Zeile 19.

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176

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

Meadb „acht massu e Cuchula7»d mac Soaltaim 7 a dalta . i. Lugaid Keo n-derc 7 Loeg mac Eiangabra 7 madsu hi Find-choera ingen EcbacA Rond ri hOe Maine. Modgenair doss-uccnbsp;mas a dein a mathar 7 a hatharl mairc dos n-uc masu asanbsp;65 timchell!quot; Arsin dothegat coticci dorMS in duine 7 fochertatnbsp;ilach and. „Nech immach“ or Meadb „dia fis cia ro marbsatnbsp;ind oicc!“ Docuas amach 0 Aik7? 7 0 Meidb do chuindchidhnbsp;na cenn dia n-aithniugwd. Ructha innonn na cenda.^ „In ath-genair so?“ or kilill 7 Medb. „Nocho n-atbgenamair“ ar innbsp;70 teglach. „Atathgen-sa“ for Meadb „it e na tri foglaigi ^ ronbsp;batar for ar fogail-ne. Berid na cindu amach forsin sondach!quot;nbsp;Atcuas iarMm do Choinchulamt? immach anni sin. „Tongu-sanbsp;luigi toinges mo thuatha^ imber-sa assondach for a cendaib-som, maine thelcther dam-sa mo chenda imach!“ Ructha doibnbsp;75 na cenna iarsiu 7 dobretha hi tech n-oiged. Atraig Cuchulawdnbsp;isin maitin ria each 7 bert a armu lais huili 7 luid co taratnbsp;linbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;^ druim frisin coirthe. AmaZ ro bai in dercaig* and isin

ji „ maitin co cuala a fothrand isamag andes meit torand do nim. tgt;'C v'**^^'^^tet do Meidb anni sin. „Cid frisi samlaid sin?“ or Meadb.

80 „Samailt-siu ® lat“ fordat ind oic „is tu rot fiüV.“ „Nim tha-sa fnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;duib a samail“ or Meadb „acht masitat hUi Mane dodeacha-

dar isamag andes for lurg a w-ingini. Decha® lat dorisilquot; Da-eicci-seom arisi. „Atchiu-sa em“ ol in dercaid: „ro lin coonbsp;in mag huaim fo dess {p. 761:) cona haici fer aigid aroile.“nbsp;85 „Atgen-sa sen“ or Medb: „Anala each hUi Mane 7 a fer anbsp;h-degaid a n-ingini. Deca dorisi!“ or Meadb. „Atchiu-sa em“nbsp;or se „cainlech toned otha Ath Moga co Sliab Badgnai. Sa-mailte lat sin a Meadb!“ „Ni insa sin“ or Meadb: „Taidlech *

^ Diese Pluralform öfter in diesem Texte, Zeile 74, 108, 119.

^ Bichtiger foglaidi.

® Bichtiger mo thuath, der Schreiber scheint die alte relative Fwm toinges fur einen Plural gehalten m hdben.

* Bichtiger dercaid.

^ Fur samailte-siu, 2. Sg. Imperat. Act., vgl. Zeile 87.

® FXne spdtere Form fur deca, wie Zeile 86 steht.

Bichtiger Badbgnai. ® 80 corrigiert aus tuiglech.

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177

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac a-Duil Dermait.

a 11-arm 7 arrosc hü Maine for lorg a nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Amal ro ba-

tar and iarsin co n-accatar^ in sluag san mag^ 7 co M-acatar 90 in loech remib 7 brat corcra eetbardiabail immi cona ceotho-raib® oraib oir fair. Sciatb co n-oebt n-aislib findruine for anbsp;muin. Lene cona clar argait immi 0 a glun co fodbrunn.^

Mong findruine® fair co m-bid for dib slesaib iud eich. Rond oir eisse irroibe comtbrom sedit n-uingi. Ba de ro bainmnigb- 95nbsp;edb Eoebu Rond fair. Gabair brecglasa ® fo suidbiu conanbsp;bellic oir frise. Da gai cona n-assnadaib findruine ina laim.

Cloideb orduirnu for a ebris. Sleg inwindell lasin loeeb. kmal atcownairc Coiucbulawd dos-leici fair in t-leig. Foebeird Cuchu-\aind indell ina bagaid na sleigi, imsai in t-leig’ fris co lOOnbsp;n-deebaid tria bragait na gabra. Lingtbi in gabair ind ardainbsp;co ro laa in fer di. Ranicc Cucbulamd 7 atn-etba itir a danbsp;laim 7 bertbi lais issin® leas. Ba bet la bU Mane anni sin.

Nis reilic Medb 7 kilill as conn dernsad cbori a n-dis. 0 daebuaid Cucbulaiwci do dul as asbert Eoebo fris; „Nit raib 105nbsp;saim suidi na laigi a Cbucbulaiwci co fesar cid rue tri maccunbsp;Duil Dermait asa tir!“ Gabaid as iaram co ranic Emain Macbanbsp;7 a cbenna lais 7 atiadbad a scelse. Teit ina suidi n-airitblnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;-

arsin 7 ibid a dbig. Atar lais ro loisc a n-etacb ro bui imme 7 a teeb 7 in talam rombui fo a suidiu. Atgladastar a muintir 110nbsp;n-imbi „Is doicb lim a ocu“ ol se „a n-adrobairt Ecbaid ® Rondnbsp;frim-sa, ro sia ni dam. Atbelad mo beoil-sea’® mana tbias as.“

Tig Cucbulaiwd 7 atraig ammacb 7 tetlaitbir a ebranda do. c/. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;4.

* Nachtraglich ist dem accatar im Ms. ein f vorgesetzt.

^ Wir erwarten den Dativ isin maig.

^ Bichtiger cetheoraib, vgl. Zeile 19.

‘ CO steht fur co a, auch das a hinter 0 ist erst nachtraglich dar-unter gesetzt. Nach K. Meyer ist im Ms. fodbrunn in fodlibrann corrigiert. ^ Vielleicht Versehen fur findbuide.

® Ba gabair Singular ist, muss es brecglas heissen.

’’ Beide Male im Ms. erst nachtraglich zu intsleig corrigiert.

Zeile 99 der Nom. des Artikels statt des Acc.

Bas erste s ist nicht ganz sicher (nach K. Meyer ist es ausradiert). ^ Bie Form des Acc. fiXr den Nom.

Bas e von sea erst spater zugefiigt.

12

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-Vgt;

178

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mao n-Duil Dermait.

Teit Loeg ina diaid 7 Lugaid Reo n-derg. Rombui nowbur 115 sesa cerd i n-dorus ind lis ar a chind. Ni thairnechtar ^ fodailnbsp;7 ni fes a m-bitb imaig. Oc aicsin Chonchulawf? ^ cbucu®nbsp;iarwm asbertatar „Ba mithig em“ ol seat „mas co m-biud 7 conbsp;lind dothiagar dunni end rig.“ „Fertigess dognith-se dim-sa“nbsp;or Cucbulamd Lingid chucu 7 benaid a noi cenda dib. Gebidnbsp;120 as 0 Emain Macha soirdeas co rank baili ita Ard Marcach nonbsp;Ard Macba indosa, ar ba caill in tan sin. Ba baud batar go-baind Chonchobar^ oc denam aiccde don rig. Dorermartatarnbsp;ind adaig sin cen biadh 7 cen lind. Oc acsin® doib in trirnbsp;chucu „Ba mithig mas co m-biud 7 co linn dothecar duind onnbsp;125 rig“ or seat. „Ferthaighis dognid-si dim-sa“ or Guchulaind.nbsp;Lihgis chucu ian^m 7 benaid na noi cind® dib. Dos cuiretharnbsp;as iarsin co tmig in bade fri Dun Delca annair. Ba hand do-dechaid {p. 762:) mac rig Alhan anall lucht curaich co srollnbsp;7 siricc 7 cornaib do Chonchobar. Ro dalad ar a chend 7 ninbsp;130 airnecht. Oc acsin doib Chonchulaiwd! ’ chucu „Ba mithig naasunbsp;ar ar cend dodechas and. Amin torsich sund iiir toind 7nbsp;carraic.quot; „Ferdaighes dognithi dim-sa“ or Cuchulaiw(?. Gaibidnbsp;side chucu isin churach 7 gebid in claideb doib co ranic macnbsp;ind rig. „Anmain inn anmain a Cuchulamtï is nach atad-gena-135 mair“ or se. „In fetar cid rue tri macu Duil Dermait asa tir?“nbsp;or CvLcnlaind. „Ni con fetar“ ol in t-ocloech „acht ata murin-dell® lim 7 focichertar deit-siu 7 rot bia in curach 7 ni foicbeanbsp;anfis de.quot; Dobert Cuchulamc^ a sleigm do 7 doforne ogumnbsp;n-ind 7 adbert fris „Erich co ro hi im suidhi-se ind Emainnbsp;110 Macha corris.quot; Bert lais a indili hi tir coticht ar a chend.nbsp;Gaihid Cuchulamc? iarttm iarsin isin churach. Dober seol fairnbsp;7 gaibthi for a imram. Bui la co n-aidchi for imram 7 fonbsp;seol. Fochert dochum n-insi more and. Ba hairegda ind inisnbsp;7 ba gratai. Furad n-airedidi impe 7 sondach umaidi fuirri.

^ Nach K. Meyer ist 1- uber dem c erst spater zugefiigt.

® Biehtiger Choncul., ebenso Zeile 130.

^ Nachtraglich im Ms. ein t darunter geschrieben, also chuctu.

Zu lesen Chonchobair. ® Im Ms. nachtraglich m facsin corrigiert. ® Der Nom. fur den Acc.8. Zeile 116.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;® Besser muirindell.

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179

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Derraait.

Tigi co n-ochtachaib finrlruine indti. Gaibid Cuchulat«(^ isin 145 n-innsi 7 isin dun co n-accai a tech cona uaitnib findruinib ^nbsp;and confacai tri cboecait imdse isin tig. Fidchell 7 brandub 7nbsp;timpan huas each imdai. Co n-accai in lanamuin findliath isinnbsp;tig cona da m-brataib ^ corcra impu. Donddeilgi ® dondercor 1 2nbsp;ina m-brataib. Co n-acai teora oemnai isin tig comsesaib® 150nbsp;comdelbse 7 corthair orsnaith co n-dluth findruine ar belaibnbsp;cacha mna. Ferais ind ri failti fris „Fochen lind do Choinchu-laind fodaig Luigdeach, fochen lind do Loegh daig a athar 7nbsp;a mathar.“ Asbertadar na mna a cetna friu. „Maith lind“ arnbsp;Cuchulatwt? „cosindniu ® ni fuaramar a chomraichne.quot; ’ „Fogeba-su 155nbsp;indiuquot; ol in loech. „In fetar-su“ for Cuchulamd „cid ruce macunbsp;Duil Dermait asa tir?“2 „Ro essur“® ol in loech. „Ata a siurnbsp;7 a cliamain isin n-ailen sa'® frind andes.“ Tri bruith iaraindnbsp;i cinn tened, focertaiter isin toni comdar dergse 7 atafregat nanbsp;teora oemna 7 berid cech bean dib a bruth isin dabaig. Dochua- 160nbsp;tar a triur .i. Cvicvdaind 7 Lugaid 7 Loeg isin dabaig 7 foiligtirquot;nbsp;doib 7 dobreth dmo tri cuirnn meda doib 7 dobreth colctach'^nbsp;fo a toeb 7 brothrach tairrsi7 breccan tarsodain annuas.

-r

12*

1

' Das b am Ende ist gu streichen.

^ lm Ms. brat mit einem b über dem t. lm Altir. würde es cona dib m-brataib heissen.

® Das i am Ende ist im Ms. erst dazu eorrigiert, vgl. z. B. LU.

95% 3 delci findargit isna brataib.

2

Für dond-derc-oir. ® Falseh für comaesa.

® Des Chiten zuviel für cosindiii, das cosinniu ausgesprochen wurde.

O'Don. Suppl. hat comraithne . i. failte, ebenso 0'Dav. p. 62.

® Vgl. Zeüe 135 und 202. Nach E. Meyer ist ruce hier nachtrag-lich dnreh untergesetztes i noch in ruice eorrigiert.

^ Ein f darüber eorrigiert. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Das n des Ace. (im Ms. nailen),

wie schon mehrfach, wo wir den Dativ ertvarten.

quot; lm Ms. foiligir mit einem t über dem g, richtiger foiligthir, altir. folcthir. lm Ms. colcach mit einem t rmter dem c, O'Cl. hat colcach nonbsp;colcaidh . i. leaba (Bett). Da lat. culcita zu Grunde liegt, so gehortnbsp;das t loohl hinein. Vielleicht ist colcthach nur eine Anahnlichung annbsp;das dem Sinne nach eng verbundene brothrach. Dagegen ist colgedachnbsp;„one having bed-clothes“, Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 106 mare, die gewöhn-liche Adjectivbildung. An tairrsi (altir. tairsiu) ist im Ms. nachtrdg-lich ein b angesetzt, also tairrsib.

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180

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dennait.

kmal rombatar and co cualatar ni a n-airmgritb 7 na corn-165 nairi 7 na druith. Co n-acatar coecait loech don lis 7 muc 7 ag cacha deisi 7 cuach co mid cuill. A m-batar and iarsin conbsp;n-acadar in coecait Isech amaig. A m-batar afrisi^ co n-acca-tar^ in coecait Isecb lasin for n-aili amaig 7 asciand chonnaidnbsp;for muin each fir dib acM ind oenfer ro (p. 763:) bui remib namaa.nbsp;170 Brat corcra coicdiabail im suidhi. Dele n-oir n-and. ® Lenenbsp;glegel culpatoc/* co n-dercintliud imbi. Sleg 7 sleigm lais 7nbsp;claideb orduirn ina laim. Tanic isteeb riana muintir. Feraidnbsp;failti re Coinculawd „Foeben linn do Ghomchulaind daig Luig-deeb, foeben lind do Loeg daig a atbar 7 a matbar!“ Feraidnbsp;175 in coeca latb n-gaili ind failti cefiia. Iarsin dobretba na muccanbsp;7 na baigbi co m-batar isin cboiri corbdar bruitbi. Dobretbnbsp;proind cbgt. do Cboincbulaiwt? a triur anni n-aill fogailter* donnbsp;t-luagb® arcbena. Dobretb linn doib comtar measetba. Tanicnbsp;doib colaigi. „CindMS fibas Cucbulawc??quot; „Inad lim roga?“ ornbsp;180 Cuchulatw(7. „Bid lat“ or in loech. „Atat sund ucut teoranbsp;ingena Riangabra . i. Eithne 7 Etan 7 Etain. Atat sund ucutnbsp;a tri braitbri .i. Eochaid 7 Aed 7 Oengus. Ata sund ocutnbsp;a matbair 7 a n-athair .i. Rian 7® gabar 7 Finnabair riside anbsp;n-athar Riangabra. Ataat na tri braitbir .i. Loeg 7 Id 7 Seg-185 lang“'^. Conid asbert Cuchulaiw(?:

„Ni fetar cia lasa fifea Etan

acht ro fetar Etan ban noebon fifea enaran.“®

Faid lais in bean 7 dobert di arabaracb ornuisc n-oir iroibe

^ Im Ms. ein d nachtraglich uber das s gesetzt, also afridisi.

^ Im Ms. ein f Jiineincorrigiert, also confaccatar.

^ mine weitgehende Debertragung des neutralen n.

¦* Bichtiger fodailter. ® Im Ms. ein s nachtraglich darunter gesetzt.

^ So im Ms., vermutlich ist Riangabar zu lesen, ein unnUtzes 7 schon Zeile 8.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;’ Im Lebor na h-TJidre lautet der Name Sedlang, s. FB. 14.

® Bieser Vers icird als Beispiel der Debidi cenelach genannten Vers-art in einem metrischen Tractat einer Oxforder Handschrift citiert, den ich durch Stokes' Gate in acht Seiten photograpliischer Wiedergabe be-sitze. Die Stelle lautet: ,,Ocus debidi cenelach ut est Ni fetar cia rissinbsp;faibea Etan et rl.“ — Im Ms. ist fifea beide Male durch untergesetztesnbsp;a in faifea, enaran in aenaran corrigiert.

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181

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

leath unga oir. Dochuas lais arabarach co n-dercachEC huath^ 190 in n-iiiis iroba Condla Ooel Corrbacc 7 Acbtland ingen Duilnbsp;Dermait. Rais® docbum na bindsi each band doberead forsinnbsp;curach co m-bo comard ria rind na bindsi. Boi Conlai Coelnbsp;Corrbacc isinn ailen 7 a chend frisin coirtbi rombai inn iartharnbsp;na bindsi 7 a ebosa frisin coirtbi rombai ina bairt^er 7 ben 195nbsp;ic aiscid a cbind. Oc cloistin fuama in eburaig frisin tir atraignbsp;ina saidbi 7 seitigb ^ buad cona anail co n-deacbaid murebreieb ^nbsp;for muir. Immasai a anail arisi. Atnglsedar® in loecb iarwm,nbsp;asbert fris „Cid mor a bara fort a laieb tball nit agbamar, ni-con-deit ata bi tairrngire in t-ailen sa do crutb. Tairr isan 200nbsp;oilen ebena, ro bia failtiu.“® Dotbset Cxichülamd iarum isinnbsp;n-indsi. Ferais in ben failti fris 7 tommaid . i. smetid ’ for anbsp;suile „In fetarais® cid ruc maccu Duil Dermait asa tir?“ „Ronbsp;fetar“ or in ben „7 raga lat co n-darlaithir 7 is deit ita binbsp;tairrngiri a n-icc.“ Ataracbt® in ben 7 teit isin curacb cbucu. 205nbsp;„Ciad rem sempla sein a ben“ or se^®

„segar iar fairrgi nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;.1

„arni-comrar glangesu -„cem i curach co cuana fosad.“

1 ViélleicJit co n-dercaclise [fota] huath (= liad), vgl. A m-batar iarom ciana tor imluad forsua toniiaib atconnarcatar fota uadib insi, Als sienbsp;ange auf den Wellen herumgefahren waren, sahen sie weit von sich einenbsp;Insel, LU. 25^, 25.

^ lm Ms. rais mit darunter gesetztem sweiten a.

^ MicJitiger seitidh. * Besser muirchreich.

® 1st schwerlich eine ganz correcte Form. Es Mnnte eine 3. Sg. Praes. Dep. sein für atngladatliar.

® Dieser Satz (von Tairr u. s. w.) sticht von dem Vorausgéhenden durch seine moderne oder corrupte Sprachform ab, der Schluss sollte rotnbsp;bia failte lauten.

Hier ist eine Glosse in den Text gerathen, vgl. Zeile 213.

® Die spatere Umgestaltung der 2. Sg. Praet. Dep. fetar nach dem Muster des S-praeteritum. Vgl. Zeile 156.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;® Bichtiger Atraracht,

Diese zwei Strophen, deren Ahtheilung nur von mir herrührt, bilden ein „Retoricquot;. Von derartigen metrischen Stücken habe ich Bev.

Celt. V p. 389 und p. 478 géhandelt. Das erste StücJc oben ist dem Condla Coel Corrbacc in den Mund gelegt, das zweite der Frau. Leidernbsp;ist das erste Stuck corrupt.

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IF

gt;-


182 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

„A Choiiclk Chail Corrbaicc 210nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;55a chond fri more foimrim

„toccair mo chride n-derbdichra

„dia 11-icc mac n-Duil Dermait diaiidermam.“ V'

Arsin dothoed in ben isin churach arisi 7 tommaid for a suili 7 munis eolas doib „Decea a fureth^ find n-ucut“ for si „is andnbsp;215 ata Coirpre (p. 764:) Cundail“ „Brathair a n-athar“ ar siad. farnbsp;suidiu conn acadar a fureth find 7 co tarla di mnai doib ic buainnbsp;luachra. Atagladad* na mna 7 iarfaidid® dib: „Cia hainm innbsp;tiri i tudcfiad?quot; ar 7 itracht^ in bean n-aile 7 asber^ friuanniseo:

¦ L. A tir i tuadchuad-su® ille co sluag rinechredos® blai 220 fail \sechf\ riga for a mruig’ fuil secht m-buada la each n-ai.

Buil secht flaithi for a bru ocus nochon-ead namma

fuil secht mna each enfir* dih fuil rig fo thraig cacha mna.

Secht n-graidi® secht sluaig cach^® fir secht m-buada leo

for a mbruig

225 tria chert chatha formna gil secht catha remib for muir.

Cenmotha cath maigi mor secht catha each enfir* dib as ni ric ba^^ theol na len don sceol ro canad a tir.nbsp;- A.

‘ Fpl. furad Zeile Hi.

^ Zih lesen Atagladadar. ^ Hidhtiger iarfaigid.

^ itudehad stelit im Ms. am Zetlenende. Dann ist vielleicht ar se. Atracht m lesen. Das n vor aile beruht auf der spateren Verwischungnbsp;des Unterschieds von Nom. imd Acc. Das asber (sicl) des Ms. m asbertnbsp;eu ergamen, s. Zeile 228.

® Besser tudehad-su.

® Hinten ist os ahzuziehen: os blai, vgl. os bla Salt, na Bann 6063. In dem ubrigen Theil lasst sich echred erkennen, ober rin ist corrupt,nbsp;vielleicht fur ria n-?

Im Ms. spater ein b dariiber corrigirt, also forambruig.

® Besser jenfir, Zeile 222 und 226.

® Besser graigi.

Im Ms. ein Meines a darunter gesetzt, also cacha, was gegen das Versmass verstosst.

Im Ms. buaga mit dariiber gesetztem d.

Im Ms. ist rieba susammengeschrieben.

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183

Pled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

Gaibthi QuchMlaind cuici iarsin 7 dober^ builli dia durad inna cend commebaid a hiiichind for a cluasaib. „Olcgnim dorigbnis“nbsp;or in ben aili, „acht ro bui i tarhgaire dait drochecht do denam 230nbsp;sund. Dirsan na bo messe adrogailser.“ „Is tusu adgladur-sanbsp;ifechtsa“ or Cuchulaind. „Cia hainm na n-duine ê filead sund?“

-,A

„Ni insa: Dian mac Lugdach, Leo mac lachtain, Eogan Findeach, Fiachnai Fuath, Coirpre Cundail,® Cond Sidi, Senach Saldercc.

Saigit chath ruad ruinit flanw druba fichdib toebtholl 235 almaib loech linib comruma.* ~

Lasin docbuatar dochum in duine 7 ro gab Loeg brat na mna for a muin co rancadar iim aurlaind. ïeit in ben uadib isinnbsp;less 7 adfet thall a n-dorandad® friu. „Ni liach on“ for Cairprenbsp;Cundail „isset? dogentais fri muntir meraigi.“ Fofuabair amach. 240nbsp;Fonuabair Cuchulaind 7 ro batar oc comruc 0 maitin co diaidhnbsp;lói® 7 ni tharat neachtar de full furail for a chele. Immo ra chluinbsp;dia claidbib 7 immo ro bris dia sciathaib. „Fir on“ or Cuchu-laind. Gaibid Cuchulaind in gai m-boilge lasodain. „Anmainnbsp;an anmain a Chuchulaiwd!“ or Cairpre Cundail 7 fochert a 245nbsp;ghaisced n-uadh 7 gaibthi itir a di laim 7 dofuargaib lais isinnbsp;less 7 doghni fothrugad do 7 foid ingen ind righ lais indnbsp;aidchi sin. larfaighis do iarsin „Cid rue macu Duil Dermaitnbsp;asa tir?“ Atef^ Coirpre do uili 0 thossuch co diaid in sceoil-Forfuaccrad iarwm arabarach o Eochaid Glas cath for Cairpre 250nbsp;Chundail. Dothoegat dochum in glindi ar cend in trenfir.nbsp;„Neach isin nglinn‘'® or se „a fiaudu truagu?“ „Atathar andquot;

^ Entweder für dobeir oder fur dobert, s. Zeile 218.

^ Bichtiger dome.

^ Sinter Fiachnai ist im Ms. ein Punkt, dagegen nicht hinter Cundail. Condsidi ist im Ms. susammengeschrieben. Es mussen sieben Personen sein.

Im Ms. ist in diesen schwierigen Worten hinter ruad und ruinit ein Punkt. ® Wolil corrupt für a n-dorónad.

® Im Ms. scheint aus dem 0 ein a corrigiert zu sein, also lai.

Im Ms. ist f hineincorrigiert, also atfet. F^rZ. Zeile 269.

® Im Ms. ist der Strich für n uber das g gesetzt, ebenso Zeile 263 und in forling Zeile 251. isl glifi ist getrennt geschrieben, aber dinaitliisnbsp;Zeile 265 zusammen.

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184

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

1-

or Gndm'aind. „Nip inmain gutli on“ or se „guth in riastarthi a hErind.“ Immo fobair doib isin glinn. Eorling Cuchulairadnbsp;255 corraba for bil in sceith. Seidiseom liuad cona anail co m-buinbsp;isin muir. Lingid Cuchulawfi atherrach co m-bui for lainn innbsp;sceith. Seitisom arisi isin muir.^ Lingid co m-bui for a broin.nbsp;Seitisom iarMW co w-darala isin muir. „Fe am8e!“ or G\xmlaind-Doleig side in gm bulgse ind ardai hi siudiu^ co toch- (p. 765:)nbsp;260 rastar annuass for a chathbarr na luirighe iiia mullach conbsp;n-dechaid trit co talmain. Imsui ima chuairt iarww* 7 dothuitnbsp;ina ligi. Ranic Cuchulawd 7 gataid sidi in luirich tar a chendnbsp;7 gaibid in claideb do. Forlengait isiw «glinn anair 7 anniarnbsp;na sidhaighi for a tarat athoisi co rus fothaircse^ ina fuil. lar-265 sin roptar slana huile diwn aithis. Dotheagait iamp;vum meic Duilnbsp;Dermait dia tir. Teit Cuchulaiwd la Cairpre dia dun. Foithnbsp;and ind aidchi sin et dothsed arabarach 7 tuc aisceda moranbsp;inganta 0 Chairpri. Teit iarMW don indsi iroibi Condla 7 anbsp;ben 7 atet® a scela doib. Teit ass fothuaid iarsin, corranicnbsp;270 ind n-indsi irroibi Riangabra* 7 foith la mnai® and 7 dachuaid®nbsp;a scela assuidiu.'^ Et tet as arabarach co tanig crich ii-Ulad-Teit do Email! Madia. Ro marastar a chuit corma 7 bid dónbsp;ar a chind. Atfet doib a scela 7 a imtheadn^a iarsin do Chon-chobar 7 da* lathaib gaile fer Ulad® isin Chroebruaidh. Do-275 dechaid iarsuidiu co Raith Cruachan co hkilill 7 co Meidb 7nbsp;FergMs 7 dofet a scela doib. Gowgairther do iar^m Eocho Rondnbsp;7 ro gab laidh:

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Wohl aucJi hier zu lesen co m-bui isin muir.

^ Zu lesen hi suidiu, vgl. Zeile 297.

^ Im Ms. ist ein f iiber das t gesetzt, also atfet. Vgl. Zeile 349.

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Zu lesen Eiangabar. Die Genetivform hat sich eingedrdngt, weiinbsp;der Name gewohnlich in der Formel mac Kiangabra vorhommt.

® Entweder ist lia mnai zu lesen, oder hinter mnai ist ein Genetiv ausgefallen.

® So in der spateren Sprache fur das altere adcuaid, atchuaid; so auch Zeile 276 dofet fur adfet, atet.

^ Eies Iconnte fur issuidiu stehen, oder es ist arsuidiu = iarsuidiu zu lesen. Das darauffolgende lat. Et ist natiirlich eine AhJciirzung furnbsp;ir. ocus wie Zeile 267.

® da kommt gelegentlieh fur do vor. ® Wir erivarten fer n-UIad-

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185

Fled Bricrend 7 Loinges Mac n-Duil Dermait.

Findchoem ingen Eachac/i Rond isi dorat fordul form iar comrac re hEocliaid n-GIass am aithreach in lanamnass.

Noi n-gruadaire noi n-gabaind een chin acht cin a n-adbaill 280 noi cendaigi truagh anfos ro da marb«(S fo baraind.

Ranic air er tiri Diiil ranic suidi Chairpn Cluin

»v*-’

fom chomruc tonn treglas tren cam forming^ mo claideb (a

n-ger.

Comrocc fri debaid nithaig Cairbri buas fairrgi iathaicb 285 imarochlui diar claidbib immorobrui dia^ sciathaib.

Comruc fri® Cairpre Cundail nimoruc dris dilumain'*’ ba sid ba suan sliebt nad bras co rangamar Eochaid n-Glas.

Mo claideb derg tinbi cet immum ro chlai ciar bo bet taraill mo cborp co soillsi imom berad® fo thorsi.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;290

As demin lim ciatfesar® duit iar n-acallaim mac Dull Dermait

iar n-anacol ^ dam Cbairpri Chlaiu rob aithrecli cein co

Findcbaim.

F. 295

Is iarsin diwo dogensad cairdes 7 Eocho Rond 7 anaid Find-cboem la Coinculamd. Dodeaebaid iarsiudiu® do Emain Madia co morcoscor. Is desin ata Fled Bricrenn ar in sceol sa. Ainmnbsp;aili do dino Loinges mac Duil Dearmait.

_ Finit. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;300

^ formlus reimt auf chomruc; ahnliche Re ’me 281, 286.

^ Ohne Frage muss es diar heissen.

^ Unter fri spelter ein a gesetzt, also fria.

•* Die sweite Halhzeile (nimoruc m. s. w.) könnte corrupt sein, we-nigstens wrstehe ich sie nicht: dris ist im Ms. ds mit einem kleinen i iiler dem d geschrieben.

® .. owberad ist gang sicker, aber davor sind fUnf Grundstriche unterscheidbar, einer mviel fur imom-. K. Meyer liest ninoj»-.

® Im Ms. ist spater nock ein a unter ciat gesetst, also cia atfesar: jedenfalls gahlt ciat nur als eine Silbe fur den Vers.

Das gweite a erst spater darunter gesetzt.

® Yersekrieben fiir iarsuidiu, rgl. Zeile 259,

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Uebersetzuiig.

Das Fest des Bricriu und die Verbannung der Mac Duil Dermait.

Es war eiii beriihmter König über Ulster, Conchobar Mac Nessa der Name des Königs. Nacli Antritt der Herrschaft warnbsp;von ihm eiri Gesetz erlassen worden: jeder HekU solle Ulsternbsp;eine Nacht bewirthen, der König siobcn Nacbte oder vier Nachte,nbsp;namlich die Nacht jedes Vierteljahrs, vier Junker^ auf die Nacht.nbsp;Der Beitrag der Frauen von Ulster von Seiten der Frau desnbsp;Mannes, von dem das Fest veranstaltet wurde, war: siebennbsp;Ochsen, und sieben Schweine und sieben Fasser und siebennbsp;Tonnen und sieben Kannen und sieben Mischkessel und siebennbsp;. . . und sieben .. . und sieben .. .* mit ihrem Zubehör von Fisch,nbsp;Geflügel und Krautern von verschiedenem Geschmack.

^ So zu übersetzen habe icb mich entschlossen mit Rücksicht auf die Stelle, die in den Bemerkungen hinter der Uebersetzung mitgetheiltnbsp;ist. Ich hielt es anfangs nicht für unmöglich, dass ‘errid’ für ‘errig’nbsp;stehe, von ‘errach’, Frühling. — Vgl. ‘biathadh aidhchi’ („a night’s re-fection“) Leabh. na g-Ceart, ed. 0’Don., p. ‘218, ahnlich ‘biathadh danbsp;raithi’ („refection ... for two quarters of a year“) und ‘biathadh mis’nbsp;ibid. p. 30, p. 34, ‘biathadh ré mis’ ibid. p. 32. Die Zeitangabe istnbsp;vorausgesetzt: ‘sechtmain do biathad in teglaich’ LL. p. lOGi), 29.

^ Die ‘óicthigernd’, hier von mir frei mit „Junker“ übersetzt, schei-nen hier, wie FB. 6 (‘ri’, ‘tóisech’, ‘lath gaile’, ‘ócthigernd’) und FB. 12 (‘ri’, ‘rigdomna’, ‘aire’, ‘ócthigernd’, ‘maccóem’), eine weniger vornehme,nbsp;weil weniger begüterte Klasse des Adels zu bezeichnen.

“ Vgl. LU. p. 22^, 11 ‘eter ór 7 airget 7 curnu 7 copana 7 baig-lenna 7 ena 7 dabcha’, ferner LL. p. 54», 33 (aus dem Anfang des Tdin Bó Ciialnge): ‘Tucad chucu a n-ena 7 a n-dabcha 7 a n-iarnlestair, anbsp;milain 7 a lóthommair 7 a n-drolmacha’ es wurden zu ihnen gebrachtnbsp;ihre Töpfe und ihre Fasser und ihre eisernen Gefasse, ihre Urnennbsp;(0’Don. Suppl.) und ihre Knetetröge {? vgl. ‘lóthor’ und ‘ammor’) und

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187

Uebersetzung.

(9.) Darnach fiel es da einmal auf Bricriu Nemthenga (Gift-zunge) das Fest zu veraustalteii. Die Materialien des Festes wurdeu gebracht und aradach, das Fass Conchobar’s, wurdenbsp;gefiillt; os hiess namlich deswegen aradach, weil arad, einenbsp;Leiter, von aussen und von innen an dasselbe [angelehnt] war,nbsp;und so wurde os ausgeschenkt. Es erheben sicb die Vertheilornbsp;Coiichobai’’s, um die Speise zu vertbeilen, und ebenso die Schenken um das Bier zu schenken. Bricriu Nemthenga sieht sienbsp;von seinem Lager in dem Bretterhause^ aus auf seiner linken

Seite in das Haus gehen. „......“ sagte er, „das wiirde gethan

werden für lacherliches Bier und fiir lacherliche Speise.quot; Die juugen Leute halten an und rennen nach ihren Sitzen und dienbsp;Menge wird still. Der silberno Stab in Conchobar’s Hand warnbsp;an den ehernen Pfeiler gekommeu,^ der sich an seiner einennbsp;Schulter befand, so dass dies in den vier Pieken von Conchobar’s Croebruad gehort wurde. Er fragt Bricriu, was gewesennbsp;sei, indein er sagte: „Was hast du, o Bricriu,quot; sagte Conchobar,nbsp;„Schwierigkeit zu machen......«0 liebes Vaterchen Concho-ihre Kessel. — Die folgenden Ausdriicke sind mir unklar: ‘muilt’ ist Nom. PI. von ‘molt’ Hammol (vervex) oder Widder, ‘denma’ sieht ausnbsp;wie Gen. Sing, von ‘denam’ machen; ‘glainine’, maxilla, 274, giehtnbsp;hier keinen Sinn und alle anderen Vermuthungen sind unsicher; ‘macnbsp;ochta’ (Gen. Sing, von ucht) kenne ich nur in der Bedeutung „Liehlingquot;:nbsp;‘rob mac ochta aireachta each mac buan dod bhroind fine’ Lcabh. nanbsp;g-Ceart p. 194 („the darling of the assemblyquot;).

‘ Bricriu scheint sich ausserhalb des Hauses zu befinden, und dies erinnert an den Seller (‘grianan’), den er FB. 3 für sich baut. Vgl. obennbsp;S. 58, Tog. Troi'^ 1868 ‘ochtaige na n-grianan 7 na taige claraidh’, fernernbsp;LL. 268», 26 ‘Teg iarnaidi 7 da thech claraid immi’, ibid. 268'gt;, 21 ‘Isnbsp;esede in tech iarnaide immdrrabatar in da thech claraid’ (die zwei Hausernbsp;von Bretterwerk), beide Stellen in der Sage Mesca Ulad.

^ Ein anderes Instrument, um sich Euhe zu verschaffen, war bas-crand, wahrscheinlich eine Klapper: ‘O' raptar mesca benais Sencha bascrand con tüasiset fris uli’ (Als sie trunken waren, schlug Sencha einenbsp;Klapper, so dass sie alle auf ihn horten) LU. 19a, 26 (Mesca Ulad).

Vielleicht ist zu lesen: ‘in airighidh di nmaib Ulad occo do duthrucht’, sie haben den Proviant von den Ulterfrauen [ihn] zu begeh-ren? Befriedigend ist dies noch nicht.

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bar, icb babe keinen Mangel an Trank oder Speise, [aber] es ist nicht angemessen, mein Fest“ sagte er ,,zu geniessen ohnenbsp;eine tapfere That der Ulter dafiir.“ (24.) Darauf erheben sich annbsp;dieser Stelle die zwölf Helden von Ulster, namlich Fergus Macnbsp;Roig und Conall Cernach (der Siegreiche), der Sohn des Ainer-gin, mid Loegare Buadach (der Siegreiche), und Cuchulinii dernbsp;Sohn des Soaltam, und Eogan der Sohn des Durrthacht, undnbsp;Celtchar der Sohn des Uthechar, und Blai Brugaid (der Wirth),nbsp;und Dubthach Doel Ulad (der Schwerzungige von Ulster), undnbsp;Ailill Miltenga (Honigzuugo), und Conall Anglonnach und Mun-remar der Sohn des Gerrgend, und Cethern der Sohn desnbsp;Findtan. Jeder dieser tapferen Helden ging nun geraden Wegs^nbsp;Menschenmord zu suchen in jeder Provinz. Cuchulinn gingnbsp;mit fiinfzig Manuern in die Provinz Connacht, iiber Dub undnbsp;Drobais bis zum Dublinn im Gebiete der Ciarraige. Sie theil-ten sich darauf in zwei Theile, fiinfundzwanzig gingen mitnbsp;dem Flusse ostwarts, und fiinfundzwanzig mit dem Flussenbsp;westwarts. Die auf seiner Seite mitgingen, waren Lugid Reonbsp;n-derc (mit den rothen Streifen) und Loeg mac Riangabra, seinnbsp;Wagenlenker. Sie gingen zu, bis sie vor Ath Ferthain nörd-lich von Corra-for-achud ankamen. (38.) Sie waren da vornbsp;ihnen beim Spiele, mit sochsmal Fiinfzig, um den Dublinn vonnbsp;Ath Ferthain, namlich Mane der Sohn des Get mac Magach undnbsp;Findchoem die Tochter des Eocho Rond, ostwarts war diese.^nbsp;Die mit ihr zusammeukamen, waren Lugid Reo n-derc und Loeg

* Der Sinn der Redensart ‘ro gob (sic!) ... a erchomair’ ist nur ungefahr getroffen. Vgl. ‘i n-aurchomair a imdai’ FB. 25; ferner LL.nbsp;p. 27a, 9 fg.; ‘Dobeired se ba slicht fir snechta nemi co nertbn'g arnbsp;lar a thiri co tend tan tictis Tuath De Danand. Craind 7 clocha innbsp;domain dachur ind na urchomair ra loisced lór a chruade re haid-briud oenuaird’.

^ Ich habe ‘allanair robuide’ als ein Satzchen fiir sich genommen, und ‘buide’ als eine Zusammenziehung von ‘bui’ und dem Pronomen ‘ade’.nbsp;Cuchulinn beflndet sich westlich von ihr, wie wir weiterhin lesen, undnbsp;springt dann nach Osten zu ihr Mn. Diese Eigenthiimlichkeit, auch dennbsp;Standpunkt von einzelnen Personen nach der Himmelsgegend zu bestim-men, hat fiir nns etwas Fremdartiges.

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mac Riangabra. Ihre Madchen geben alle zu ihr, sie stand namlich iiber ibnen auf Tetacb’s Grabbiigel.^ „Gnade!“^ [sagtenbsp;sie]. „Warum sollen wir das tbun?“ sagte Lugid. „Denn ichnbsp;bin das Weib eines Mannes“ sagte sie. „Wir wollen sie unter-stbtzenquot; sagten die jungen Manner. „Wer ist es, den du sucbst?“nbsp;„Cucbulinn, der Sobn des Soaltam,“ sagte sie, „icb babe [ibn]nbsp;geliebt auf Grund der Geschicbten von ibm.“® „Willkommennbsp;ist dir um dieses willen, der dort ist, Cucbulinn, westlicb vonnbsp;bier.“ „Gnade!“ sagte sie. Cucbulinn bleibt steben und nimmtnbsp;die jungen Manner in seinen Scbutz,^ und tbut einen Helden-sprung® von sicb queriiber nach Osten zu ihr. Sie erbebt sicbnbsp;ihm entgegen und wirft beide Hande um seinen Hals und giebtnbsp;ihm einen Kuss. „Und jetzt?“ sagten die jungen Manner. „Jetzt®nbsp;nun?quot; sagte Cu, „wir baben genug der Tbaten, sechsmal fiinfzignbsp;zu scbiitzen und die Tocbter des Königs der UiMane mit uns nacbnbsp;Emain Macha zu nebmen.quot; (53.) Darauf tbaten sie einen Sprungnbsp;fort nordwarts durcb die dunkle Nacht, bis sie nacb Fid Ma-nach kamen. Da sahen sie drei Feuer vor sicb im Walde undnbsp;neun Mann an jedem Feuer. Cucbulinn griff sie an, so dassnbsp;er drei Mann von jedem Feuer tödtete und die drei Anfiihrer.nbsp;Darauf ging er iiber Ath Moga in Mag Ai nach Rath Cruacban.nbsp;Sie stossen da ihre Siegesrufe aus, so dass es bis Rath Cruacbannbsp;gehort wurde. Daraufhin ging der Wachter sie sicb anzuseben.nbsp;Derselbe bescbrieb einem jeden ihre Gestalt und ibr Aussebennbsp;und ihre Art und Weise. „Dem Entsprechendes ist mir nur,“nbsp;sagte Medb, „wenn es Cucbulinn der Sobn des Soaltam ist undnbsp;sein Pflegesobn, namlich Lugid Reo n-derc, und Loeg mac Rian-

^ ‘Duma Tetaig’, mir sonst nicht vorgekommen.

^ Dies ist nur eine Uebersetzung nach dem Sinne, indem der Aus-ruf ‘anmain inn anmain’ in den Sagen gehraucht ist, wenn demand um Gnade hittet. O’Curry, Ms. Mat. 469, übersetzte „Grant me life for lifequot;,nbsp;indem er offenbar ‘anmain’ für den Acc. Sing, von ‘anim’ (Seele) hielt.

” Dies ist eine beliehte Wendung, vgl. z. B. Tochmarc Etdine Cap. 5.

¦* Siehe den Anhang. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Siehe den Anhang.

® ‘Fecht’ ist im Mittelirischen oft Neutrum: ‘a fecht sa’ enthalt den Nom. Oder Acc. des Artikels, wahrend ‘indecht sa’ für ‘ind fecht sa’ stehtnbsp;und den adverhiellen Casus des Artikels enthalt.

i

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gabra, und wenn sie es isfc, Findchoem, die Tochter des Eocho Rond des Königs der UiMane. Wobl dem/ der sie genommennbsp;hat, wenn es nach dem Willen^ ihrer Mutter und ihres Vatersnbsp;ist; Wehe dem, der sie genommen hat, wenn es mit Umgehung®nbsp;derselben ist.“ (67.) Darauf gehen sie [Cuchulinn und seine Ge-fahrten] bis an das Thor der Stadt und stossen dort einennbsp;Siegesruf aus. „[Es gehe] demand hinaus,quot; sagte Medb, „um zunbsp;orfahren, wen die jungen Manner getodtet haben.“^ Man gingnbsp;hinaus® von Seiten AililFs und Medb’s, die Köpfe zu verlangen,nbsp;um sie aufzustellen. Die Köpfe wurden herein® gebracht. „Er-kennt ihr^ diese?“ sagten Ailill und Medb. „Wir erkennen sienbsp;nicht,“ sagte das Gesinde. „Ich erkenne sie,“ sagte Medb, „esnbsp;sind dies die drei Rauber, die uns immer beraubten. Tragetnbsp;die Köpfe hinaus auf die Pallisade.quot; Diese Sache wird daraufnbsp;dem Cuchulinn hinaus berichtet. „Ich schwöi’e den Schwur, dennbsp;mein Volk schwört, ich werde die Palisade auf ihren Köpfen

^ ‘Modgenair’ ist offeiibar ein Ausdruck, der das Gegentheil von ‘mairc’ bezeichnet. Vgl. O’Reilly’s ‘mo-gbenar’ „bappy born“. Das ‘mo’,nbsp;‘mod’ ist mir nicht klar, ‘génair’ „ist geboren“.

^ In ‘masadein’ babe ich O’Reilly’s ‘deoin’ „will, consent“ vermuthet, vgl. ‘nl dom dheoin tainig si Horn’, „it is not of my will, that she hasnbsp;come with me“. Tor. Dhiarm., ed. O’Grady, p. 70, p. 134, p. 192.

* Zu dieser Bedeutung von ‘asa timchell’ vgl. ‘timcheall na mac-raidhe .i. a n-écmais na macraidhe’ 0’CI.

^ S. die Bemerkungen hinter der Uebersetzung.

® ‘Doc[h]uas’ ist Praet. Pass, von ‘dochoad’, also wörtlich „es wurde gegangen“.

® Zu ‘innonn’ vgl. ‘do rug each leis tarsan ath anonn’, „over across the ford“, Tor. Dhiarm., ed. O’Grady, p. 62; ‘tug trl leimeanna luthmharanbsp;tarsan eas anonn agus analP, „he gave three nimble leaps across thenbsp;fall hither and thitherquot;, ibid. p. 184. So ist auch das ‘innund’ Lg. 15 zunbsp;verstehen: ‘rucad si innund co Conchobar’. O’Donovan, Suppl. zu 0’R.,nbsp;bemerkt: „‘anonn’, connected with a verb of motion, means into.quot; Aufnbsp;die Frage wo? bedeutet es drinnen: ‘Kraal ro chualatar Ulaid innundnbsp;in andord’, Als die Ulter drinnen die Stimme horten, Lg. 9.

’ ‘Athgenair’ ist 2. PI. deponentialer Flexion des Perf. athgén. Die Form ‘atathgen’ ist aus ‘ath-da-athgen’ entstanden, wobei ‘da’ Pron. infix,nbsp;ist, und die Praposition noch einmal vorgetreten ist, s. die Anmerk. zunbsp;‘dos n-eicce’ Z. 13.

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herum tanzen lassen, wenn mir meine Köpfe nicht ausgeliefert werden.quot; Darauf wurden ihnen die Köpfe gegeben, und sienbsp;[Cuchulinn und seine Gefahrten] wurden in das Gastebaus gebracht. (75.) Am Morgen erbob sicb Cuchulinn vor jedem, nahmnbsp;seine Waffen alle mit sicb und ging, bis er sicb mit seinemnbsp;Riicken an einen Steiiipfeiler steilte.^ Als der Spaher am Morgen da war, hörte er ein Getöse draussen von Osten her wienbsp;Donner vom Himmel. Dies wurde Medb berichtet. „Womit ver-gleicht ibr es?“ sagte Medb. „Vergleiche du es bei dir,quot; sagtennbsp;die jungen Manner, „du weisst es.quot; „Ich babe euch Nichts Aehn-licbes,quot; sagte Medb, „ausser wenn es die UiMane sind, die draussennbsp;von Osten her kommen auf der Spur ihrer Tochter. Ueberlegenbsp;dir es noch einmal!quot; Er siebt nocb einmal darnach. „Wabrlichnbsp;ich sehe,quot; sagte der Spaher, „ein Nebel hat die Ebene rechtsnbsp;von mir angefiillt, so dass einer nicht das Gesicht des andernnbsp;siebt.quot; „Ich erkenne das,quot; sagte Medb, „der Dampf der Pferdenbsp;der UiMane und ihrer Manner hinter ihrer Tochter her! Sieh nochnbsp;einmal bin!quot; „Wabrlich ich sehequot; sagte er „einen Feuerscheinnbsp;von Ath Moga bis Sliab Badbgnai, vergleiche dies bei dir, o Medb!quot;nbsp;„Nicht schwer,quot; sagte Medb, „das Funkeln der Waffen und dernbsp;Augen ^ der UiMane auf der Spur ihrer Tochter!quot; (89.) Wienbsp;sie da waren, da sahen sie eine Schaar auf der Ebene, und danbsp;sahen sie einen Helden an ihrer Spitze, und ein purpurner vier-facher Mantel® um ihn mit vier Randern von Gold darauf, einnbsp;Schild mit acht Kanten^ von weisser Bronce auf seinem Riicken,

^ Diese Situation kehrt in den Sagen ofter wieder, z. B. Eev. Celt. Ill 181, ferner Sergl. Cone. Cap. 8: ‘Dothset Cuculainn iarsin, co tard anbsp;druim frisin liic’. Der bestimmte Artikel stekt im Iriseken, wo wir dennbsp;unkestimmten setzen, wenn eine Person oder Saeke gemeint ist, die innbsp;der Erzaklung eine gewisse Rolle spielt, s. mein Wtk., S. 631.

^ Der pleonastiseke Gekrauck des Pron. possessivum (‘a n-arm’, ‘arrosc’), der auck in der dann folgenden Besekreibung des Eocko nocknbsp;mekrmals wiederkehrt, ist fur uns nickt nackakmbar.

^ Ueber ‘brat’ s. die Bemerkungen hinter der Uebersetzung.

^ Vgl. ‘aisli .i. faobhar’ 0’Dav. p. 49. Ausserdem giebt es ‘aisiP Gelenk, Glied (Corm. p. 16 ‘deach’), wovon ‘aisleé-n’ articulus, und annbsp;dieses Wort hat O’Curry gedacht, wenn er Mann, and Cust. Ill p. 106

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eia Rock um ikn mit einem Rand von Silber von seinem Knie bis zu seinem Knöchel/ hellblondes langes Haar^ auf ihm, sonbsp;dass es auf beiden Seiten des Pferdes war, eine Kefte (‘rond’)nbsp;von Gold daran,® die ein Gewicht von sieben Unzen batte. Da-von war er Eocho Rond genannt. Ein graugeflecktes Pferd^ un-ter ihm mit einem Gebiss von Gold an sich. Zwei Speere mitnbsp;ihren Rippen-quot;^ von weisser Bronce in seiner Hand. Ein Schwertnbsp;mit goldenem Griff an seinem Gürtel. Eine Lanze mit einemnbsp;übersetzt „a shield with eight joints of Findruine at his back“. Wasnbsp;soli man sich unter den „joints'* eines Schildes vorstellen? Auch ‘aisilnbsp;.i. rann’ 0’Dav. p. 50 ist bekannt, s. ‘assil’ Stiick in meinem Wtb. Al-lein vom Schilde pflegt immer der Rand besonders erwahnt zu werden,nbsp;derselbe wird sogar gelegentlich ‘fsebur’ (Schneide, Scharfe) genannt, undnbsp;diente wohl mit als Waffe; vgl. ausser den Stellen in meinem Wtb. undnbsp;O’Curry, Mann, and Oust. Ill 318 z. B. noch: ‘crommsciath go faeburnbsp;chondualach fair’ LL. SOii, 37 (TBC.) und ‘a garbsci'ath odor iarnaide fairnbsp;CO m-bil chaladargit ina imthimchiull’ LL. 92gt;gt;, 4 (TBC). Daher vermuthenbsp;ich, dass oben ein achtkantiger Schild gemeint ist. S. die Bemerkungennbsp;hinter der TJebersetzung.

^ „Von seinem Knie bis zu seinem Knöchelquot; kann sich nur auf den Rand des ‘lene’ beziehen. 0’Curry’s TJebersetzung a. a. 0. „a Leinidhnbsp;reaching from his knees to his hipsquot; ist unvollstandig und ungenau. O’Currynbsp;war der Ansicht, dass man unter einem ‘lene’, das eiuen Rand hat undnbsp;bis an die Kniee geht, immer einen „kiltquot; oder „petticoatquot; verstekennbsp;mUsse. Ich denke jedoch hier an einen langen Leibrock (xiriav), dernbsp;sonst ganz fehlen wiirde.

^ ‘Mong’ ist eigentlich die Miihne der Pferde. Ebenso heisst es LU. 25a, 1 von einer Frau ‘mong orda fwrri’, goldiges langes Haar aufnbsp;ihr. Died. Sic. V 28 bemerkt von den Galliern: naxivovrai yap alnbsp;rplysg and zrjg xarepyaalag wgre /xrjóhv zijg rwv 'Inncov xaizrjg Smlt;psqslv.

® Wie die Kette am Haar befestigt war, weisa ich nicht zu sagen. O’Curry, Mann, and Cust. Ill 106, übersetzt: „a bunch of thread of goldnbsp;depending from it of the weight of seven ounces.quot;

* Ueber ‘gabar’ oder ‘gabair’ F. Pferd s. die Bemerk, hinter der TJebersetzung.

® ‘Gae’ entspricht dem gallischen ‘gaesum’. Dieae leichten Speere werden paarweise getragen, so auch von den Galli bei Vergil, Aen. VIII 661nbsp;‘duo quisque Alpina coruscant Gaesa manu scutis protect! corpora longis’.nbsp;Unter den Rippen hat man Ringe oder Metallstabe zu verstehen, die innbsp;den Schaft eingelegt wurden, vgl. O’Curry, Mann, and Cust. II, 241.

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Zauberi jjjj Bogitz des Helden. (98.) Sowie er Cucliulinn er-blickte, schleudert er die Lanze auf ibu. Cucbulinn setzt einen Zauber gegen die Lanze. Die Lanze dreht sicb gegen ihn (Eocbo)nbsp;um, so dass sie dem Pferde durch den Hals fubr. Das Pferdnbsp;sprang in die Höhe, so dass es den Mann abwarf. Cucbulinnnbsp;kam und nabm ibn zwiscben seine zwei Hande und trug ibn^ innbsp;die Burg. Das war den Ui Mane eine Scbande. Medb und Ailillnbsp;liessen sie nicbt beraus, als bis die zwei Frieden gescblossennbsp;batten. Als Cucbulinn sicb anscbickte fortzugeben, sagte Eocbonbsp;zu ilim „Nicbt sei dir Rube des Sitzens oder Liegens, o Cucbulinn, bis du weisst, was die drei Söbne des Doel Dermait ausnbsp;ibrem Lande gebracht hat.“ Darauf macht er (Cucbulinn) sicbnbsp;davon, bis er nacb Emain Macha kam, seine Köpfe mit ibm,nbsp;und sie (seine Begleiter) erzahlon seine Gescbicbton. Er begiobtnbsp;sicb dann auf seinen Sitz . . und trinkt seinen Trunk. Esnbsp;scbien ibm, als ob das Gewand, das er anbatte, brannto, undnbsp;das Haus, und die Erde, die unter seinem Sitzo war. Er spracbnbsp;zu seinen Leuten um ibu: „Mich diinket, ihr Manner,quot; sagte er,nbsp;„was Eocbo Rond zu mir gesagt bat, [davon] wird mir Etwasnbsp;zustossen. Meine Lippen werden ersterben,^ wenn icb nicbt

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ich halte ‘inw-indcir für ein Compositum wie ‘in-Ieigis’ heilbarnbsp;‘in-mesca’ herauschend in meinem Wth., wortlich „in dem ein Zauhcrnbsp;ist“ u. s, w. Die Bedeutung „Zauher“ für ‘indell’ ist nur ungefahr zu-treffend, vgl. ‘muir-indell’ Zeile 136.

^ Die Form ‘herthi’ könnte 3. Sg. Praes. ‘berid’ mit Pron. suffixum sein, allein ‘lingthi’ Zeile 101, das ebenso FB. 86 steht, lasst sich nichtnbsp;so erklaren. Vielleicht liegt doch hier eine hesondere Bildung vor, vonnbsp;der noch ‘cingthi’, ‘budigthe’, 'cartho’ in meinem Wtb. belegt sind. Vgl.nbsp;noch ‘gaibthi’ Zeile 246, eine Form, die ich Wtb. S. 584 als 3. Sg. Praes.nbsp;mit Pron. suff. erklart habe, aber Zeile 142 und 228 steht sie intran-sitiv.

¦’ Vgl. FB. 83 ‘luid Cuculainn isi sudi fari’ (‘isi’ vielleicht für ‘isa’, d. h. die Praposition ‘i n-’ mit dem Neutrum des Artikels), Cucbulinnnbsp;ging auf seinen Wachtsitz. Ein ahnlicher Ausdruck liegt an ohiger Stellenbsp;vor, aber was ist ‘airithi’? Nach K. Meyer ist das t von ‘airithf imnbsp;Ms. nachtraglich in g oder d corrigiert und ebenso der Strich über demnbsp;i erst nachtraglich zugesetzt.

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Dieselbe Redensart ‘atbélat a beóil’ LU. 19^ 31 (Mesca Ulad).

13

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hiuausgehe.quot; (113.) Cucliulinn geht uud begiebt sich binaus, und .. Loeg geht ibm iiach und Lugaid Reo n-derg. Vor der Burgnbsp;traf er auf neun Handwerker,^ sie batten nicht für Austheilungnbsp;[von Speise und Trank] gesorgt,® und man wusste nicht, dassnbsp;sie draussen waren. Als sie Cuchulinn auf sich zukommen sahen,nbsp;sprachen sie: „Wabrlich es ist geziemend“ sagten sie, „wenn mannbsp;mit Speise und Trank zu uns vom Könige kommt.“ „Einen Vcr-walter macht ihr aus mir!“ sagte Cuchulinn. Er springt auf-sienbsp;zu und schlagt ihnen ihre neun Köpfe ab. Er macht sich fort

* Der Sinn von ‘tetlaithir a chranda do’ ist vermutUich: seine Speere werden für ihn weggeholt, namlich aus der Halle, in der die Waffen dernbsp;Helden aufbewahrt zu werden pflegten, vgl. Mann. and Gust. II p. 332.nbsp;Die Form ‘tetlaithir’ hangt mit ‘tlethar .i. foxal (forttragen)’ und ‘dootlo’,nbsp;‘tetlo’ (für ‘do-aith-tlo’?) bei 0’Davoren zusammen, s. mein Wtb. Dienbsp;3. Sing. Praes. Pass. bei einem Subject im Plural wie Zeile 74. ‘Grand’nbsp;bezeichnet eigentlich nur den Schaft, aber es kann der gemeinsame Namenbsp;für ‘gae’ und ‘sleg’ sein.

® Vgl. Lg. 19: ‘Eo bdi ail chloche mór ar a eind’. Das pronominale Element in ‘Ro-m-bai’ kann nicht das Relativum sein, sondern wird proleptisch dem ‘ar a chind’ entsprechen, also wörtlich: os waren ihmnbsp;neun Handwerker ... vor ihm.

® ‘Ni thairnechtar fodail’, dieselbe Verbalform aber mit Pron. infix, steht FB. 55: ‘Tosn-airnechtdr fleda mora’. In meinom Wtb. habe ichnbsp;sie zu ‘tairicim’, ich komme, gestellt, allein mit der 3. PI. Perf. ‘tarnactar’,nbsp;wie sie sich z. B. Salt, na Rann 6939 findet, kann sie nicht identischnbsp;sein. Wenn man auf die Lesart ‘Tosn-airnechtatar’ des Egerton Ms. Gewicht legen darf, so würde es die 3. PI. eines T-praeteritum sein, wobeinbsp;dann das ‘-tar’ von ‘tairnechtar’ aus ‘-tatar’ zusammengezogen wiire. Ichnbsp;beschriinke mich auf die Vermuthung, dass diese Form zu ‘tairec’, ‘imm-thairec’ zubereiteu, vorbereiten, gehort, vgl. die ahnliche Wendung ScM. 15nbsp;‘ar cuit do thairiuc’, unser Theil zu bereiten. Allerdings ist die Bildungnbsp;eines T-praet. ‘tairnecht’ von ‘tairec’ abnorm (des ‘n’ wegen, abgesehennbsp;davon vgl. ‘inchoisecht’ neben ‘inchosc’ anzeigen), aber ich verweise aufnbsp;‘airnecht’ Zeile 130 und die Anmerkung dazu. Das Verbum ‘tdircim’,nbsp;Inf. ‘tarcud’, bereiten, bewirken, möchte ich zunachst fern halten, ob-gleich es ziemlich dieselbe Bedeutung hat. Zu diesem ist in der Gramm.nbsp;Gelt, des S-praet. ‘dordricc’ nachgewieson, mittelirisch ‘tóraig’ Salt, nanbsp;Rann 1524: ‘issinn rosdrig in flaith, cia rontaraig dia bithmaith’, wir sindnbsp;es, die gegen den Herrn gefehlt haben, so viel uns auch Gott als ewigesnbsp;Gut bereitet hatte.

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von Emain Maclia in siidöstlicher Riclitung, bis er dahin kam, wo jetzt Ard Marcach Oder Ard Macha ist, denn damals warnbsp;es Wald. Dort waren die Scbmiede Conchobar’s beschaftigt einnbsp;Werk^ für den König auszufiihren. Sie erwagten,^ [dass] diesenbsp;Nacht obne Speise und ohne Trank [sein wiirde], Als sie dienbsp;drei auf sich zukommen saben, sagten sie „Es ist geziemend,nbsp;wenn demand mit Speise und mit Trank zu uns vom Könignbsp;kommt.“ „Einen Verwalter macht ihr aus mirl“ sagte Cuchulinn.nbsp;Darauf sprang er auf sie zu und scblagt ihnen die neun Köpfenbsp;ab. Darauf macht er sich fort® nach dem Strande in dernbsp;Gegend östlich von Dun Delca.^ (127.) Da kam grade der Sohnnbsp;des Königs von Alba lieriiber mit Scbiffsmannschaft® mit Atlassnbsp;und Seide® und Hörnern für Conchobar. Man kam zusammen ihnnbsp;zu treffen, und er wurde nicht gefunden.'^ Als sie (die Leute

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Nach den Mittheilungen von Stokes, Corm. Transl. p. 14, bedeutetnbsp;‘aiccde’ aedificium, abor auch „Werk“ im Allgemeinen.

® ‘Dorermartatar’ ist die 3. PI. zu O’Clery’s ‘tarmairt .i. do mhea-dhaigh no do fhóbair’ (er erwagte oder er ging daran). Vgl. Stokes’ Indices zu Saltair na Eann, und Togail Troi, wo ‘tarmairt’ an vielen Stellen in der Bedeutung „gedachte“, „drohte“ nachgewiesen wird.

“ Für den Begriff „sich fort begeben“ neben ‘dos cuirethar as’ in diesem Texte ‘gabaid as’ Zeile 107, 119.

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;‘Ddn Delca’, jetzt Dundalk, an der Ostkusto, war die Stadt Cuchu-linn’s, in der Nahe die Ebene ‘Mag Murthemni’, die oft in den Sagen alsnbsp;sein heimatliches Gebiet bezeichnet wird.

° Ich halte ‘lucht’ für den Dativ, der hier und in ahnlichen Wen-dungen den alten comitativen Casus vertritt, vgl. ‘coecait ingen’ u. s. w. in meincm Wtb., S. 43G s. v. cóica.

® ‘Siricc’ ist das entlehnte lat. sericum, bezeichnet aber vielleicht ebensowenig als franz. ‘serge’ einen reinseidenen Stoff. Der Ursprung vonnbsp;‘sroir ist mir unbekannt.

’ Die Ausdrucksweise ist hier sehr kurz, der Sinn ist nach meiner Meinung, dass von Seiten Conchobars Leute entgegengeschickt wordennbsp;waren, die den Sohn des Königs von Alba mit seinem Tribut in Empfangnbsp;nehmen sollten, dass diese aber die Stelle nicht trafen, wo er landete.nbsp;Ich halte ‘ro dalad’ und ‘ni airnecht’ für Praet. Pass. Letzteres, vonnbsp;‘air-icim’ ich finde, steht z. B. noch Salt, na Rann 2705: ‘Lais cetna-airnecht insain ar thus do chlannaib Adaim’, von ihm wurde dies zuerstnbsp;erfunden, im Anfang, für die Nachkommenschaft Adams. Vgl. meinnbsp;Wtb. s. V.

13*

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Uebersetzung.

im Scliiff) Cuchulinn auf sich zukommen sahen, [sagten sie] „Es ist geziemend, wenu man um unseretwillen herkommt. Wir sindnbsp;miide hier, durch Welle uud Klippe.“^ „Einen Verwalter machtnbsp;ihr aus mir!“ sagte Cuchulinn. Er stiirzt sich auf sie in dasnbsp;Boot und schlagt mit dem Schwert auf sie, bis er zu dem Sohnnbsp;des Königs kam. „Gnade, o Cuchulinn! Wir erkannten dichnbsp;nicht“ sagte er. „Weisst du, was die drei Söhne des Doel Der-mait aus ihrem Lande getrieben hat?“ sagte Cuchulinn. „Ichnbsp;weiss es nicht,quot; sagte der junge Krieger, „aber ich habe einennbsp;Seezauber,^ und der soil für dich gesetzt werden, und du solistnbsp;das Boot hahen, und du wirst in Folge davon dich nicht in Un-wissenheit hefinden.quot;® Cuchulinn gab ihm seinen kleinen Speernbsp;und ritzte ein Ogam hinein und sagte zu ihm „Mach dich auf, bisnbsp;dass es an meinem Sitze in Emain Macha ist, dass du ankommst.quot;nbsp;Er nahm seine Sachen mit sich ans Land, bis man kam ihn zunbsp;holen.1 2 (141.) Cuchulinn begiebt sich darauf in das Boot. Er setztnbsp;Segel auf und begab sich auf seine Fahrt. Einen Tag mit dernbsp;Nacht war er auf der Fahrt und unter Segel. Er fahrt da aufnbsp;eine grosse Insel los. Die Insel war stattlich und sie war schön.-'’nbsp;Ein silberner Wall um sie herum, und eine eherne Palisade auf ihr.®

É

1

’ Ueber den idiomatiscben Gebrauch von ‘itir ... ecus’ s. Gramm. Celt.^ p. 656 und mein Wtb.

^ Se nach 0’Curry, der Ms. Mat. p. 469 übersetzt: „but I have a sea-charm, and I will set it for you, and you shall not act in ignorancenbsp;by it.“

® Anstatt ‘foicbea’ ware ‘foigeba’ zu erwarten, die 2. Sg. Fut. Act. von ‘fo-gabim’, fagbaim’ ich finde, erlange, doch halte ich foicbea nichtnbsp;bloss fiir schlechte Schreibweise.

2

Wortlich „bis gekommen wurde um seinetwillenquot;. Ich halte ‘ticht’ für 3. Sg. Praet. Pass, von ‘ticim’, vgl. ‘cow richt les inna allslige Ml. 2% 6,nbsp;478. Dieselbe passive Construction öfter in diesem Text, z. B. kurznbsp;zuvor ‘ro dalad’, ‘dodechas’.

® Vgl. ‘inis mor grata’ Tog. Tr.^ 1002.

® Zu ‘furad’s. oben S. 9 (Tog. Tr.^ 204), wo Stokes es mit „moundquot; übersetzt. In der Sage Aided Chonchobair übersetzt es O’Curry, Ms. Mat.nbsp;p. 637, mit „shelfquot;. O’B. hat ‘fora’, ‘foradha’ a seat, a bench. S. meinnbsp;Wtb. unter ‘forud’. Nach der einen in meinem Wtb. unter ‘sonnach’ ausnbsp;LU. mitgetheilten Stelle ‘sonnach iarnaide for each mtir’ (eine eiserne

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Uebersetzung.

Hauser mit Dachstangen^ von weisser Bronce in ilir. Cuchulinn begiebt sich auf die Insel und in die Stadt. Da sab or daselbstnbsp;ein Haus mit seinen Pfeilern von weisser Bronce. Da sab ornbsp;dreimal fdnfzig Lager in dem Hause, ein Scbacbbrett und oinnbsp;Brandub und ein Tympanon^ iiber jedem Lager. Da sab er einnbsp;weissgraues Paar in dem Hause mit zwei purpurnen Mantelnnbsp;um sie, dunkle Nadeln von dunkelrotbem Golde® in ibren Manteln. Da sab er drei junge Frauen in dem Hause, von gleichemnbsp;Alter, von gleicher Gestalt, und eine Kante von Goldfaden mitnbsp;einem Aufzug von weisser Bronce vor jedor Frau. (152.) Der Kö-nig entbot ibm freundlicben Gruss: „Willkommen von uns demnbsp;Cucbulinn um Lugid’s willen, willkommen von uns dem Loeg umnbsp;seines Vaters und seiner Mutter willen!“ Die Frauen sagtennbsp;dasselbe zu ibnen. „Das ist uns lieb,“ sagte Cucbulinn, „bisnbsp;beute baben wir solcbe Freundlichkeit nicbt gefunden.“ „Du

Palisade auf jeder Mauer) konnte man vermuthen, dass bier unter ‘furad’ eine niedrige Mauer zu versteken sei, auf welcber die Palisade ange-bracht war. Aber ‘fuirrP (mit fern. Pron.) kann sich scbwerlich auf ‘son-dach’, sondern nur auf ‘inis’ bezieben.

‘ Nach der in meinem Wtb. aus der Sage Tain Bó Fraicb citierten Stelle batte man unter ‘ochtach’ gewisse aufrecht stehende Stangen odernbsp;Balken zu verstehen.

^ O’Curry, Mann, and Oust. Ill 360, übersetzt „with a chessboard, a draughtboard, and a Timpan hung up over each of them“. Darnachnbsp;wiirde ‘brandub’ ein von ‘fidchell’ verschiedenes Brettspiel bedeuten, da-gegen übersetzt O’Donovan im Suppl. zu 0’E. ‘brandub’ mit „chessmen“.nbsp;An der von O’Donovan daselbst citierten Stelle „Ogygia p. 311“ stehtnbsp;„duas scacchias cum latrunculis suis maculis distinctis“ zwei Schach-bretter (‘fidchell’) mit ibren durch Flecken unterschiedenen Steinen. ‘Fid-cbell’ und ‘brandub’ gehören zusammen wie bei der Festversammlungnbsp;eines Fürstensohnes Nahrung und kostbare Kleidung, Federn und Kissen,nbsp;Bier undFleisch, Pferde und Wagen (‘biad 7 étachlogmar, clüm 7 coilcthe,nbsp;cuirm 7 carna, brandub 7 fidchell, eich 7 carpait’ Corm. p. 34 Ore tréith).nbsp;Vgl. die Anmerk. hinter der Uebersetzung. — Nach O’Curry a. a. 0, warnbsp;das irische ‘timpdn’ ein Saiteninstrument, was durch Salt, na Kann 6060nbsp;bestatigt wird.

° Die Doppelsetzung von ‘dond’ wie die von ‘find’ in ‘delg find findürgit’, eine weisse Nadel von weissem Silber, s. mein Wtb. unternbsp;‘intlasse’.

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üebersetzung.

wirst [sie] heute finden,“ sagte der Held. „Weisst dusagte Cuchuliiin, „was die Söhne dos Dul Dermat aus ihrem Landenbsp;getrieben liat?“ „Ich werde [es] erfahren,quot; sagte der Held,nbsp;„ihre Schwester und ihr Schwager sind auf der Insel dort siid-lich von uns.“ Drei Stücke Eisen Tor dem Fouer, sie werdennbsp;in das Feuer geworfen, bis sie roth waren, und es erbeben sichnbsp;die drei jungen Frauen, und eine jede von ihnen tragt ihr Stucknbsp;in das Fass.^ Die drei, namlich Cuchulinn und Lugid und Loeg,nbsp;gingen in das Fass, und sie werden gebadet, und es wurdennbsp;ihnen auch drei Hörner mit Moth gebracht, und es wurdenbsp;ein Bett unter ihre Seite gebracht und eine Decke über sienbsp;und ein gestreiftes Plaid oben darüber. (164.) Wie sie da sonbsp;waren, da horten sie Etwas: Waffenlarm und Hornblaser undnbsp;Gaukler. Da sahen sie fiinfzig Krieger auf das Haus zu [kommen], und je zwei ein Schwein und einen Ochsen, und [jeder]nbsp;einen Becher mit Meth von Haselnuss. ^ Dann, als sie danbsp;waren, da sahen sie die fiinfzig Krieger draussen [vor demnbsp;Hause]. Wiederum, als sie [da so] waren, da sahen sie dienbsp;fiinfzig Krieger mit einem anderen Manne draussen, und einenbsp;Ladung Brennholz auf dem Riicken eines jeden von ihnen,nbsp;mit Ausnahme nur des einen Mannes, der an ihrer Spitze war.nbsp;Ein purpurner fiinffaltiger® Mantel um denselben, eine Nadel vonnbsp;Gold darin, ein glanzendweiser mit Kapuze versehener Leibrocknbsp;mit rother Stickerei um ihu. Ein [grosser] Speer und ein kleiner Speer bei ihm, und ein Schwert mit goldenem Griff in seinernbsp;Hand. Er kam in das Haus vor seinen Leuten. Er heisst

Auf dieser' eigenthümliclien Art das Wasser zu erhitzen beruM,

was im Serglige Conculaind 36 (vgl. Fled Brier. 54) erzahlt wird: Passer ruit kaltem Wasser werden für Cuchulinn berbeigesebafft, um seine Gluthnbsp;(‘bruth’) zu dampfen; das erste Fass, in das er gebt, siedet über, u. s. w.nbsp;‘Bruth’ bezeiebnet niebt nur „Glutb, Hitze“, sondern aucb einen glüben-den, Oder, wie an unserer Stelle, einen zum Glübendmacben bestimmtennbsp;Gegenstand.

^ In welcber Weise ‘coll’ Haselnuss (der Straucb oder die Fruebt) beim Metb verwandt wurde, ist unbekannt. Wabrscbeinlich handelt esnbsp;sieb um eine aromatische Zutbat, vgl. Sullivan, Mann, and Oust. Inbsp;p. CCCLXXVII. “ Vergl. Zeile 91.

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Uebersetzung.

Cucliulinn willkommen; „Willkommen voii uiis dem Ouchulinn um Lugid’s willen, willkommen von uns dem Loeg urn seinesnbsp;Vaters und seiner Mutter willen!“ (174.) Die fiinfzig Heldennbsp;der Tapferkeit geben dieselbe Begriissung. Darauf wurdeu dienbsp;Schweine und die Ochsen gebracht, so dass sie im Kessel waren,nbsp;bis sie gekocht waren. Eine Mablzeit fiir Hunderto^ wurdenbsp;fiir Cuchulinn, fiir die drei, gebracht, das Andere wird unternbsp;die Schaar ausserdem vertheilt. Es wurde ihnen Bier gebracht,nbsp;bis sie trunken waren. Es kam ihnen Begierde. „Wie wirdnbsp;Cuchulinn schlafen?“^ „Habe ich die Wahl?“ sagte Cuchulinn.nbsp;,,Du hast sie,“ sagte der Held. „Dort sind die drei Töchternbsp;des Eiangabar, namlich Eithne und Etan und Etain. Dort sindnbsp;ihre drei Briider, namlich Eochaid und Aed und Oengus. Dortnbsp;ist ihre Mutter und ihr Vater, namlich Riangabar und Finna-bair, die Erziihlerin ihres Vaters Riangabar.“® (Die drei Briider sind Loeg und Id und Sedlang.^) Da sagte Cuchulinn:

^ Vgl. ‘Ea doirtea airigthi bid 7 lenna dóib cu riacht praind cet de biud 7 de lind each nonbair dib’ (Vorratbe von Speise und Tranknbsp;wnrden ihnen gespendet, so dass eine Mablzeit fiir Hundorte von Speisenbsp;und von Trank auf je neun von ihnen kam), LL. p. 26343 (Mescanbsp;Ulad). An beiden Stellen steht ‘cét’, also der Gen. Pluralis.

2 Wer diese Frage aufwirft, wird nicht gesagt. lm Ms. ist von ‘Dobreth’ bis ‘or Cuchulamd’ keine Interpunction.

^ Ob hier Alles in Ordnung ist, ist die Frage. Nach dem Zusam-menhang der Erzahlung erwarten wir nur die Namen von weiblichen Wesen, aus denen Cuchulinn auswahlen soil. Statt dessen folgt die Auf-zablung der ganzen Familie. lm Ms. ist ‘rian 7 gabar’ geschrieben, alsnbsp;ob ‘Kian’ der Name der Mutter und ‘Gabar’ der des Vaters ware, odernbsp;umgekehrt. Allein Riangabar ist nach den Worten ‘a n-athar Rian-gabra’ der Name des Vaters. Dann wilrde der Name der Mutter nichtnbsp;genannt sein, wenn diese nicht Finnabair ist, nach meiner Uebersetzungnbsp;zugleich die Erziihlerin des Eiangabar. 0’R. hat ‘risidhe’ an historian,nbsp;und führt dafür einen Vers an (‘risidhe ainm do scéalaidhe’), vgl. ‘rissnbsp;.i. each scél 7 faisnés’ Corm. p. 39, ahnlich Amra Chol. Ch., ed. Crowenbsp;p. 24, Goid.^ p. 159. Nach Analogie von ‘ban-chainte’, Satiristin, dürftenbsp;man freilich ‘ban-riside’ erwarten. Ebenso ist die feminine Genotivformnbsp;‘Riangabra’ auffallend, s. S. 214 die Bemerkiing über ‘gabar’.

* Dieses Satzehen sieht wie eine Interpolation aus, denn weshalb sollte der Mann dem Cuchulinn diese Angabe machen, da doch Cucliu-

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Uebersetzung.

„Ich weiss nicht, mit wem Etan schlafen wird, aber ich weiss, Etan die Weisse, nicht wird sie allein

schlafen.quot;

Das Woib schlief bei ihm, und er gab ihr am Morgen einen Daunienring^ von Gold, in dem eine halbe Unze Gold war.nbsp;Man ging mit ihm am andern Morgen, so dass er in der Ferne^nbsp;die Insel erblickte, auf welcher sich Condla Coel Corrbacc undnbsp;Achtland, die Tochter des Doel Dermait befand. Mit jeder Be-wegung, die er dem Boote gab, ruderte er auf die Insel zu, so dassnbsp;es immer auf die Spitze der Insel gerichtet war.® (193.) Condlanbsp;Coel Corrbacc befand sich auf der Insel, und zwar sein Kopfnbsp;gegen einen Pfeiler, dor im westlichen Theil der Insel war, undnbsp;seine Fiisso gegen einen Pfeiler, der im östlichen Theil der-selben war, und seine ^ Frau dabei, ihm den Kopf abzusuchen.®nbsp;Als er das Gerausch des Bootes gegen das Land hörte, setztnbsp;er sich in die Höho und blast mit seinem Athem von sich, sonbsp;dass eine Welle® iiber das Meer ging. Sein Athem kehrtenbsp;wieder um. Darauf sprach der Held ihn an. Er sagte zunbsp;ihm: „Wie gross auch der Zorn dariiber bei dir ist, du Heldnbsp;dort, wir fiirchten dich nicht, nicht von dir ist prophezeit, dass

linn den Loeg selbst bei sich hat. Ein Schreiber wusste wahrschein-lich, dass in anderen Texten, z. B. im Fled Bricrend des Leb. na h-Uidre Cap. 14, Sedlang, Id und Loeg, die Wagenlenker von Loegaire,nbsp;Conall Cernach und Cuchulinn, ‘mac Riangabra’ genannt werden. Ebensonbsp;ist LL. p. 65‘^, 18 (Macgnlmrada Conculaind) Ibar, der Wagenlenkernbsp;Conchobar’s, ein ‘mac Riangabra’.

^ Die altere Form fiir ‘ornuisc’ ist ‘ordnaisc’, s. mein Wtb.

^ So nach meiner Conjectur, wörtlich „weit von sichquot;.

® Diese Stelle, die mich viel beschaftigt hat, glaube ich in der obigen Weise richtig verstanden zu haben. Wir lernen hier die Wir-kung des Seezaubers kennen, den C. von dem Sohn des Konigs vonnbsp;Alba erhalten hatte. Zu ‘band’ vgl. bann . i. gach cumhsgugadh’ (jedenbsp;Bewegung) 0’CI., ich habe es bier als instrumentalen Dativ genommen.nbsp;Der letzte Satz heisst wörtlich „so dass es gleichhoch mit der Spitzenbsp;der Insel war.

* Wahrscheinlich ist ‘a ben’ zu lesen.

® Zu aiscid vgl. ‘aisce’ to cleanse, ‘gan aisce coise na cinn’ without cleansing of foot or head, O’Don. Suppl.

“ Zu ‘muirchreich’ vgl. ‘muirchreach . i. tonn’ 0’CI.

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diese Insel verwüstet werden wird. ^ Komm nur auf die Insel, es wird dir Willkommen werden!“ (201.) Cuchulinn ging dar-auf auf die Insel. Die Frau gab ihm Willkommen und winktnbsp;mit ibren Augen,^ „Weisst du, was die Söhne des Doel Dermaitnbsp;aus ihrem Lande getrieben bat?“ „Ich weiss [es],“ sagte dienbsp;Frau, „und ich werde mit dir gehen, dass du sie triffst, undnbsp;von dir ist ibre Heilung prophezeit.“ Die Frau erhob sich undnbsp;gekt in das Boot zu ihnen.

„Was für eine Fahrt yon Thorheit^ ist dies, o Weib,“

sagte er,

„die über das Meer erstrebt wird?

„denn nicht......1

„schön fest in das Schiff zu schreiten.“®

1

O’R. hat unter ‘cruth’ aucli die Bedeutung „destructionquot;. Vgl. Salt, na Rann 6435 ‘ftiair a dun n-donn iarna crod’ (nach 1 Sam. 30, 1).

® Das Verbum ‘tummud’ bedeutet eigentlich eintauchen. Eine andere idiomatische Wendung findet sich Tog. Troi’ 284: ‘Amal athchon- 1 nairc fochetóir iuni lasón, tummis rind ruisc a mewman ind’. Sobald ¦nbsp;als sie Jason sah, tauchte sie die Spitze des Auges ihres Sinnes innbsp;ihn ein.“

” In ‘ciad’ steekt ohne Zweifel das Fragepronomen ‘cia’. Man könnte nun geneigt sein, das d zu dem folgenden rem zu ziehen: ‘drem’nbsp;könnte für ‘dréimm’ stehen, wie ‘rem’ gelegentlich für ‘réimm’ (s. remnbsp;n-aga, Sergl. Concul. 30, 6), und ‘dreim’ hat O’Reilly in der Bedeutungnbsp;„endeavour, attemptquot;, wahrend ‘dremm’ „Mengequot; hier nicht in den Zu-sammenhang passen würde. Von dem ‘rem’ des Textes hangt ab dernbsp;Genetiv ‘sempla’. Dieses Wort muss eine ahnliche Bedeutung wie ‘bdes’nbsp;haben, beide Wörter stehen zusammen Ml. 44«, 12: in mactad i n-den-tar cech semplae 7 cech béis’, „dor Kindheit, in welcher alle Art Un-sinn und Thorheit gemacht wirdquot; (Glosse zu: post aetatis primaenbsp;crepundia). Ich möchte aber die Lesung ‘reim sempla’ vorziehen, danbsp;ahnliche Verbindungen öfter vorkommen, z. B. das oben erwahnte réimnbsp;n-aga, ferner ‘réim séolta’, „sailing course, careerquot;, Tog. Troi1 1342.nbsp;Darnach habe ich oben vermuthungsweise übersetzt.

^ Mit ‘comrar glangesu’ weiss ich Nichts anzufangen.

® Da ‘fossad’ öfter als Adjectiv zu ‘céim’ oder ‘tochim’ vorkommt, so werden auch hier diese beiden Wörter zusammengehören, denn ‘cem’nbsp;steht wohl sicher für ‘céim’, wie vorher ‘rem’ für ‘réim’. Das voraus-gehende ‘cuana’ kann aber weder zu ‘cüan’ Hafen geboren, da dessen

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O Condla Coel Corrbacc,

sein Sinn [steM] auf Befahren des Meeres,

es begehrt^ mein wabres warmes Herz

sie zu heilen, die Söbne des Doel Dermait . .

(213.) Darauf ging die Frau wieder in das Boot und winkt mit den Augen, und gab ihnen Kunde. „Siehe den weissen Wallnbsp;dort,“ sagte sie, „dort ist Coirpre Cundail.“ „Der Bruder ibresnbsp;Vaters,“ sagten sie.® Darauf saben sie den weissen Wall, undnbsp;trafen sie auf zwei Frauen, die dabei waren Binsen zu schnei-den. Er spricht die Frauen an und fragt sie: „Was ist dornbsp;Name des Landes, in das ich gekommen bin?“ sagte er. ^ Esnbsp;erhob sicb die eine Frau und sprach zu ihnen das Folgende®:

Genetiv ‘cüain’ lautet (Tog. TroD Index), nock zu 0’Clery’s ‘cilana . i. buidhne’, da dies hier keinen Sinn giebt. Ich vermuthe daher, dassnbsp;O’Reilly’s ‘cuanna’ „neat, fine, elegant“ gemeint ist (vgl. ‘o ré Adhaimhnbsp;chuanna chain’, „from time of Adam, virtuous, fair“, Keating (ed. 1811)nbsp;p. 162, Atkinson, On Irish Metric, p. 20): ‘co cuanafosad’ wiirde daniinbsp;als Adverb mit dem Infinitiv ‘cem’ zu verbinden sein.

^ Zu ‘toccair’ vgl. O’Reilly’s ‘tograim’ „I desire“, ‘ro thógair Sga-thdn an chnumh do mharbhadh’ Tor. Dhiarm. ed. O’Grady, p. 128.

^ ‘Dian-dermain’ (des schnellen Yergessens?) ist wohl ein etymo-logisierendes Epitheton zu ‘Dermait’, vgl. dearmen . i. dermat 0’Dav. p. 73 und p. 79.

Im Ms. ist weder vor ‘brathair’ noch hinter ‘ar siad’ eine Inter-punktion.

^ Anstatt des von mir vermutheten ‘ar se’ könnte auch ‘arsin (fur iarsin’) atracht’, Darauf erhob sich, vermuthet werden.

^ In diesem Gedichte will die Frau dem Cuchulinn Angst machen vor dem Lande, indem sie ausfiihrt, wie es vertheidigt wird. Es werdennbsp;unterschieden Könige im Innern des Landes und Fiirsten am Gestade.nbsp;Das sonst unbedeutende Gedicht scheint kunstvoll so angelegt zu sein,nbsp;dass diese erst in zwei Versen nach einander gepriesen werden, dann innbsp;zwei Ilalbversen, zuletzt in zwei Viertelversen: der 1. Vers bezieht sichnbsp;auf die Könige im Lande, der 2. Vers auf die Fiirsten am Gestade, dienbsp;erste Halfte des 3. Verses auf die Könige im Lande, die zweite Halftenbsp;auf die Fiirsten am Gestade, das erste Viertel des 4. Verses auf dienbsp;Könige im Lande, das zweite Viertel auf die Fiirsten am Gestade. Dienbsp;zweite Halfte des 4. Verses scheint dann, wenn meine Auffassung rich-tig ist, eine Beleidigung Cuchulinn’s zu enthalten, auf welche hin dieser,

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Uebersetzung. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;203

„Das Land, in das du hierher gekommen: mit einer Schaar zu ihren(?) Rossen auf der Ebene^nbsp;sind sieben Könige auf seinem Gebiet,nbsp;siebeu Siege sind bei jedem von ihnen. ^

Sieben Fiirsten sind auf seinem Gestade, und nicht ist es dies allein,nbsp;es sind da sieben Frauen eines jeden von ihnen,nbsp;ein Konig ist untor dem Fuss jeder Frau.

Sieben Truppe von Pferden, sieben Heere eines jeden, sieben Siege bei ihnen auf seinem® Gebiet;nbsp;nach Recht der Schlachten — weisse Schaaren^ —nbsp;sieben Schlachten vor ihnen auf dem Meere.®

Ausser der grossen Schlacht der Ebene® sieben Schlachten eines jeden von ihnen,’nbsp;heraus kommt nicht, der ein Dieb ist, gehe nicht nachnbsp;der Erzahlung,® besungen ist® das Land!“

der aucb schon durch die kriegerische Schilderung gereizt sein kann, die Frau todtet.

1 Vgl. Zeile 224.

^ Sie pflegen stets zu siegen.

® Wie Zeile 220 auf ‘tir’ bezilglich.

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;‘Formna gil’ ist blosse Flickformel.

® Die Schlachten der sieben Fiirsten am Gestade, wahrend in der erston Haifte des Verses die Siege der Könige im Lande gemeint sind.nbsp;Die irische Redensart ist, dass Schlachten „vor“ Jemandem gebrochennbsp;werden, s. z. B. Hymn. 4, 4.

® Gemeint ist der Kampf mit den Königen im Lande, vgl. ‘os blai’ Zeile 219.

’ Gemeint sind die Kampfe mit den Fiirsten am Gestade.

* nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ich babe ‘na len don sceol’ als Satzchen filr sich genommen,nbsp;‘lenim’ wird mit ‘di’ construiert, das hier in der Weise der spilterennbsp;Sprache durch ‘do’ ersetzt ist.

“ In der alten Sprache milssten wir ‘ro chét’ als Praet. Pass, er-warten, ‘ro canad’ wilrde die in der modernen Sprache ilbliche Bil-dung sein.

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Uebersetzung.

(228.) Cuchulinn stiirzto sich. darauf auf sie uud gab ihr mit seiner Faust einen Scblag an den Kopf, dass das Gebirn ibrnbsp;zu den Obren berausbracb. „Fine böse That, die du getbannbsp;bast!“ sagte die andere Frau, „aber es war yon dir propbezeit,nbsp;dass du bier Boses tbun wiirdest. Webe, dass icb es nicbtnbsp;war, die du anredetestl“ „Dicb rede icb jetzt an,“ sagte Cu-cbulinn. „Was ist der Name dieser Personen, die dort sind?“nbsp;„Nicbt scbwer; Dian Sobn des Lugid, Leo Sobn des lacbtan,nbsp;Eogan Findecb (Weisspferd), Fiacbna Fuatb, Coirpre Cundail,nbsp;Cond Sidi, Senacb Salderc. ’

„Sie sucben rotben Kampf^ sie brecben blutiges Scblagen®nbsp;mit Zwanzigen yon Seitenwunden *nbsp;mit Heerden yon Helden®nbsp;mit Mengen yon Wettkampfen.“®

(237.) Darauf gingen sie nacb der Stadt, und Loeg nabm den Mantel der Frau auf seinen Rücken, bis sie nacb dem Vor-

‘ Das sind wabrscheinlich die sieben Könige Oder die sieben Für-sten, die in dem yorhergehenden Gedichte erwahnt werden. Genane Uebereinstimmung der eingelegten Gedichte mit der Prosaerzahlung darfnbsp;man iibrigens nicht immer erwarten, wie man auch an dem Gedichtenbsp;Zeile 278 fg. beobachten kann.

^ Vgl. ‘saigthech do c[h]ath’ Sergl. Concul. 18 (Ir. T. p. 211).

® Ich babe ‘ruinit’ als 3. PI. Praes. yon ‘róenaim’ genommen, vgl. ‘duin’ Zeile 282, Gen. von ‘dóen’. Dann vermuthe ich, dass es ‘fland-ruba’ heissen muss, denn 0’Clery’s ‘drubh .i. carbad (Wagen)’ passt hiernbsp;nicht. Die Wörter ‘hand’ (roth, Blut) und ‘ruba’ (Verwundten, Todten)nbsp;sind in meinem Wtb. belegt, vgl. 0’Clery’s ‘rubha . i. guin’. Hy. 4, 4nbsp;hat ‘ro roena’ das Object ‘eatha’ (richtiger ‘cathu’).

Zu ‘fiche’ in der Bedeutung einer grossen Zahl vgl. ‘fichtib glond’ und ‘fichtib drong’ in meinem Wtb. Zu ‘toebtholl’ vgl. di rainiud 7nbsp;d’imrubad a cheile, comtar tretholla taib trenfer din tres sain’, sich ein-ander zu besiegen und zu schlagen, so dass die Seiten starker Mannernbsp;durchbohrt wurden in Folge dieser Schlacht, Tog. Troi‘ 1714. Vgl. auchnbsp;‘créchtach a thóeb’ Sergl. Concul. 18, FB. 24.

® Vgl. ‘almaib tor’ in meinem Wtb.

® Vgl. ‘lin comram’ FB. 89.

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205

üebersetzung.

platz^ kamen. Die Frau geht von ihnen in die Burg und ver-kündet dort, was ihnen angethan worden ist. „Nicht schlimm das,“ sagte Cairpre Cundail, „das ist, was sie den Leuten einesnbsp;Narren anthun wiirden.“ Er stürmt hinaus. Cuchulinn greiftnbsp;ihn an und sie waren im Kampf vom Morgen bis zum Endenbsp;des Tages, uiid keiner von ihnen gah, was ein Vortheil übernbsp;den andern ist. ^ Ihre Schwerter siegten wechselseitig undnbsp;ihre Schilde zerbrachen wechselseitig.® „Das ist wahr,“^ sagtenbsp;Cuchulinn. Damit nimmt Cuchulinn den Gae bolge. „Gnade,nbsp;o Cuchulinn!quot; sagte Cairbre Cundail, und wirft seine Waff ennbsp;von sich und nimmt ihn zwischen seine zwei Hande undnbsp;tragt ihn in die Burg und macht ihm ein Bad, und die Toch-ter des Königs schlaft diese Nacht hei ihm. Er fragte ihnnbsp;darauf; „Was hat die Söhne des Doel Dermait aus ihremnbsp;Lande getrieben?quot; Cairbre erzahlt ihm Alles von Anfang bis

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206

Uebersetzung.

zum Ende der Geschichte. (250.) Am andern Morgen wird dar-auf dem Cairbre Cundail von Eocho Glas Kampf angesagt. Sie gehen nach dem Thale dem starken Manne entgegen. „demandnbsp;in das Thai [gekommen],“ sagte er, „ihr elenden Fianns?“^ „Esnbsp;ist demand da,“^ sagte Cuchulinn. „Das ist keine angenehmenbsp;Stimme,“ sagte er, „die Stimme des Verzerrten® aus Irland!“nbsp;Sie greifen sich gegenseitig in dem Thale an. Cuchulinn springt,nbsp;dass er auf dem Rande des Schildes war. dener bliess [ihn]nbsp;von sich mit seinem Athem, so dass er im Meer war. Cuchulinn springt wieder, dass er auf der Wölbung^ des Schildesnbsp;war. dener bliess [ihn] wieder in das Meer. Er springt, dassnbsp;er auf seinem Leibe war. dener bliess [ihn] darauf, dassnbsp;er ins Meer fiel. „Wehe!“ sagte Cuchulinn. Dabei warf ernbsp;den Gae bulgae in die Höhe, so dass er jenem von obennbsp;auf den Panzerhelm auf dem Kopfe fiel, und durch ihn hin-durch in die Erde fuhr. Er drehte sich darauf urn sich herumnbsp;und stiirzte nieder. (262.) Cuchulinn kam und zieht ihm dennbsp;Panzer fiber den Kopf und haut ihn mit dem Schwert. ® Vonnbsp;Osten und von Westen springen die Side in das Thai, denen ernbsp;Schimpf angethan batte, so dass sie sich in jenes Blut badeten.nbsp;Darauf waren alle heil von dem Schimpfe. Die Söhne des Doelnbsp;Dermait gehen danii nach ihrem Lande. Cuchulinn geht mitnbsp;Cairpre nach dessen Stadt. Er schlaft dort die Nacht undnbsp;ging am Morgen fort und nahm grosse wunderbare Geschenke

^ Zeile 66 ist der mit ‘Nech’ anhebende Satz ein Ausruf, bier ist er wobl eine kurze Frage. Die Form ‘fiandu’ ist mir auffallig, da sienbsp;weder von ‘fian’ m., noch von ‘fiann’ f. abgeleitet werden kann.

^ ‘Atathar’ ist die 3. Sg. Pass, von ‘ata’, s. Stokes, Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 112 not. c.

® Die Verzerrungen, die fiber Cuchulinn kamen, wenn er in Wuth gerieth, werden LU. Facs. p. 79igt;, 22 fg. (T. BÓ Cfialnge) geschildert.

^ Eigentlich bedeutet ‘lann’ soviel als „lamina“, s. mein Wtb. Vgl. Conid and ata otharlige a chind 7 a laime dói, 7 Ifin lainne anbsp;scéith di üir’, „there is the Sickbed (das Grab?) of his head and hisnbsp;right hand, and the full of the cover of his shield of mould“, Kev.nbsp;Celt. Ill p. 182 (Cuchulainn’s Death).

*¦ Dieselbe Redensart Zeile 133.

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Uebersetzung.

von Cairbre mit. Er geht darauf nacb der Insel, auf der Condla war und seine Frau, und erzahlt ihnen seine Gescbicb-ten. Darauf geht er fort nordwarts, bis er die Insel erreichte,nbsp;auf der Riangabar war, und schlaft dort bei dessen Frau undnbsp;erzahlt dabei seine Geschichten. Und am Morgen geht er fort,nbsp;bis er das Land der Ulter erreichte. Er geht nach Emainnbsp;Macha. Sein Theil Bier und Essen war fiir ihn geblieben. Ernbsp;erzahlt ihnen darauf seine Geschichten und seine Fahrten, demnbsp;Conchobar und den Helden der Manner von Ulster im Croebruad.nbsp;(274.) Darauf begab er sich nach Rath Cruachan zu Ailillnbsp;und zu Medb und Fergus, und erzahlt ihnen seine Geschichten.nbsp;Darauf wird Eocho Rond zu ihm gerufen, und er sang ein Lied:nbsp;„Finnchoem die Tochter des Eocho Rond,nbsp;sie ist es, die mir Irrfahrt^ auferlegte:nbsp;nach dem Kampfe mit Eoohaid Glassnbsp;— ich bin reuig — die HochzeitInbsp;Neun . . . .,^ neun Schmiedenbsp;ohne Schuld, nur die Schuld sie zu treffen,nbsp;neun Kaufleute® — traurige Unstetigkeit —nbsp;ich tödtete sie im Zorn!

Ich erreichte den Hafen^ von Doel’s Land,

ich erreichte den Sitz des bösen Cairpre,

bei meinem Zusammenstoss ® — eine sehr griiue, ®

Starke Woge —

setzte ich^ schön mein scharfes Schwert.

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208 nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Uebersetzung.

Zusammeiistoss zu tödtlichem^ Streit Yon Cairbre^ iiber dem landerreichen® Meer:nbsp;wechselseitig siegten unsere Schwerter,nbsp;wecliselseitig barsten unsere Schilde.

Zusammenkommen mit Cairpre dem Ehrbaren, es war Frieden, es war Scblaf — ein Stiick,'' das nicht

gross war —,

bis wir zu Eocbaid Glass kamen.®

Mein rothes Schwert, das hundert schlug, ’

hat mich verwandelt, obwohl es eine Thorheit1 2 war:

zu Glanz kam mein Körper,

der mich in Betriibniss umhergetragen hatte.

1

' Vgl. ‘gleo fuleach fercach nitbacb neimnech’, „a bloody, angry, deadly, venomous fight“, Tog. Troi^ 2224.

® Zu erganzen „mit mir“. Der Genetiv ‘Cairbri’ hangt ab von comrocc’, vgl. ‘comrac oenfir’ und ‘comrac fri oenfer’ in meinem Wtb.nbsp;unter ‘comrac’.

® Vielleicbt befremdet das Epitheton ‘iathach’, das doch hier nur von ‘iath .i. fearann’ (0’CI., vgl. Amr. Chol. Ch. ed. Stokes, Goid.^nbsp;p. 159, = LU. Tt, 35 und 38) herkommen kann. LL. 121, 3 v. u. stehtnbsp;‘iascach muir’, flschreich das Meer, aber ‘iathach’ ist an unserer Stellenbsp;des Keimes wegen gewahlt.

2

Die Form ‘lumain’ ist durch den Keim mit ‘Cundail’ gesichert. In Betracht könnten kommen die Wörter ‘lomain . i. sgiath (Schild)’,nbsp;und ‘lomain . i. brat (Mantel)’ bei 0’Clery. Zu ersterom vgl. ‘Lummannbsp;ainm do each sciath, .i. leoman, ar ni bid sci'ath een deilb leomain and’nbsp;LL. 193Tgt;, 1. Zu letzterem vgl. ‘Lommand .i. lomm fand’ Corm. p. 27.

® Dss Wort ‘slicht’ kommt oft in Versformeln vor, s. den Index zum Salt, na Kann, und die S. 188, Anm. 1, citierte Stelle.

® Vgl. Zeile 245 fg.

’ Vgl. ‘Laimt[h]ech a des tindben eet’, Kühn seine Hand, die hundert schlagt, Sergl. Concul. 31, 1.

® 0’Clery’s ‘béd .i. gniomh’ ist dahin zu erganzen, dass ‘bét’ immer eine unverstandige oder unrechte That bezeichnet. Die obige Versformelnbsp;‘ciar bo bét’ passt insofern, als Cuchulinn seinem Thun in diesem Gedicht keineswegs erfreut gegenübersteht.

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Uebersetzung.

Obwohl ich dir mittheilen werde, was ich sicher weiss, nach dem Gesprach mit den Sohnen des Doel Dermait,nbsp;nachdem ich den bösen Cairpre geschont,nbsp;war ich selbst [doch] reuig in Bezug auf Findchaem.“ ®

Darauf nun schlossen er und Eocho Rond Frieden, und Findchoem bleibt bei Cuchulinn. Er ging dann mit grossemnbsp;Triumph nach Emain Macha. Davon hat diese Geschichte [dennbsp;Namen] „Fest des Bicriu“. Ein anderer Name fiir sie ist auchnbsp;„Die Verbannung der Söhne des Doel Dermait“.

Ende.

^ Wörtlicb: was bei mir gewiss ist. Der diircb ‘as’ eingeleitete Eelativsatz geht bier voraus, was in einem solchen kiinstlichen Gedichtenbsp;möglich ist.

^ Durch diese letzte Strophe sucht Cuchulinn den Eocho zu gewinnen: er kann die Bedingung erfilllen, unter der er wieder Euhe fin-den soli (vgl. Zeile 105), und gesteht dem Eocho zu, dass er die Ent-filhrung der Findchoem bereut, wie schon in der 1. Strophe. In der Prosaerzahlung steht Nichts von einem Gesprach Cuchulinn’s mit dennbsp;Sohnen des Doel Dermait, sondern erfahrt Cuchulinn die ganze Geschichtenbsp;von Cairpre, s. Zeile 249.

14

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Anhang.

1. Der von Conchobar eingeführte Branch der Bewirthung wird auch im Buch von Leinster erwahnt, woselbst sich Facs. p. 106 ein Ab-schnitt fiber Concbobar, seine Geburt, seine Herrlicbkeit und seine Helden findet (beginnt: ‘Ko po fer amra airegda inti Concbobar mac Nessa’,nbsp;Ness war der Name seiner Mutter, s. die Sage Coimpert Concbobuir, ed.nbsp;K. Meyer, Rev. Celt VI No. 2). Daselbst heisst es p. 106gt;gt;, 12 fg.: ‘Cechnbsp;fer do Uiteb dobered aidchi n-oegidechta, fess dó lia mnai side innnbsp;aidchi sin. Cóiciur ar trib fichtib ar coo ina thegluch Conchobuir . i.nbsp;allin laa bis issin bliadcsm issé lin fer no bid hi tegluch Conchobuir.nbsp;Commaid immorro no bid etwru, .i. fer cech n-aidcbi dia m-biathad.nbsp;Is and immorro ticed in fer toesech in biatta inn aidchi sin hi cindnbsp;hliadna doridisi. Nir bo bee immorro in biathad . i. mucc 7 ag 7 da-bach do each fir. No bitis fir istaig immorro nach ferad sain . i. Fergus mac Roig amal adfiadar. Masu fir ba huais a méit . i. in t-sechtanbsp;FergMsa, ni bu comthig la nech n-aile, .i. Secht traiged eter a ó 7 anbsp;beolo et secht n-artim eter a da sdil et secht n-artim na sroin et sechtnbsp;n-artim inna bélaib. Lan coid méich fliuchad a chind co a folcMd.nbsp;Secht n-arfi»t na luirg. Bolg meich ina thistu. Secht mna dia ergairenbsp;mani thairsed Flidais. Secht mucca 7 secht ii-dabcha 7 secht n-aige donbsp;chathim dó, 7 nert doc and. Ba hecen do-sum amp;ino sechtmain do biathad in teglaich sech each. Concbobar imworro fessin no gaibed innbsp;samuin dóib fodagin terchomraic in t-sluaig moir. Ba hecen in t-sochaidenbsp;mór do airichill, fobith cech fer do dtaib na tairchebad aidchi samnanbsp;dochum n-Emna no gatta ciall de 7 focherte a fert 7 a lecht 7 a lienbsp;arnabarach. Airichill mór diwo for Concbobar, no noisigthe leis na tri laenbsp;ria samain, 7 na tri laa iar samain fri tomailt i tig Conchobuir’. — Jedernbsp;Mann der Ulter, der die Nacht der Bewirthung gab, bei dessen Fraunbsp;schlief er (Concbobar) diese Nacht. Dreihundert funf und sechzig Mannnbsp;in Conchobar’s Haushalt, d. i. die Zahl der Tage, die im Jahre ist, sienbsp;ist die Zahl der Manner, die in Conchobar’s Haushalt war. Eine Ge-nossenschaft aber bestand zwischen ihnen, namlich dass jede Nacht einernbsp;sie (die andern) speiste. Dabei kam aber der Mann, der den Anfangnbsp;der Speisung machte, dieselbe Nacht nach Verlauf eines Jahres wiedernbsp;daran. Die Speisung war aber nicht gering, namlich ein Schwein, einnbsp;Ochse und ein Fass für jeden Mann. Es waren aber Manner im Hause,nbsp;[denen] das nicht gegeben wurde(?), namlich Fergus mac Roig, wie be-richtet wird. Wenn es wahr ist, so war dessen Grosse ausserordentlich.

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Anhan g.

d. i. die SiebenzaM des Fergus, er war nicht gleichdick mit irgend einem Andern, namlich: Sieben Fuss zwischen seinem Ohr und seinemnbsp;Munde, und sieben Fauste zwischen seinen zwei Augen, und siebennbsp;Fauste seine Nase (wörtlich: in seiner Nase), und sieben Fauste seinnbsp;Mund. Ein Gefass (von der Grosse) eines Scheffels voll das Benetzennbsp;seines Kopfes ihn zu waschen (?). Sieben Fauste . . . Ein Scheffel-sack . . . Sieben Frauen ihn zu htiten, wenn Flidais nicht kam. Siebennbsp;Schweine und sieben Fasser und sieben Ochsen als seine Speise, und dienbsp;Kraft von 700 darin. Er musste daher den Haushalt eine Woche extranbsp;speisen. Was aber Conchobar selbst anlangt, so übernahm er das Samuin-fest fur sie wegen des Zusammenströmens der grossen Menge. Es warnbsp;nothwendig für eine grosse Menge vorzusorgen, denn jeder Mann vonnbsp;Ulster, der die Nacht des Samuin nicht nach Emain kam, der verlornbsp;die Besinnung, und am Morgen darauf wurde seine Grube und sein Grabnbsp;und sein Stein gesetzt. Grosse Vorbereitung [lag] daher dem Conchobarnbsp;oh, die er gewohnt war die drei Tage vor dem Samuin, und die dreinbsp;Tage nach dem Samuin [waren] zum Genuss in dem Hause Conchobar’s.“

6. Genauer übersetzt ist ‘adai na fleidi’ das zum Feste Gehorige.

24. lm Ms. ‘een noin’ mit untergesetztem ‘din’, dann ‘7 Ulach impe’; das 7 ist zu streichen, oder es ist dahinter ein Wort ausgefallen.nbsp;Ich habe für meine Uebersetzung nur 0’Clery’s Glosse ‘naindean na naoin-dean .i. gaisgeadh’. Stokes sieht diese Glosse mit Misstrauen an, undnbsp;erblickt an unserer Stelle eine Anspielung auf die Sage ‘Noinden Ulad’,nbsp;in welch er ‘noinden’ der Name einer in Folge eines Fluches eintreten-den neuntagigen Schwache ist.

30. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Genauer als die angeführten Stellen entspricht LL. 64^ 13nbsp;(worauf mich K. Meyer aufmerksam macht); ‘Atragatar inn oenfecht ulinbsp;Ulaid ollbladacha, ciar bo oebela oslaicthi dorus na cathrach dochuaidnbsp;each na irchomair dar sond abdaiwe(?) in dunaid immach’, Alle hochbe-rühmten ülter erheben sich auf einmal: obwohl das Thor des Gehöftesnbsp;sperrangelweit offen war, ging doch jeder gerade gegenüber über dienbsp;Maner . . . der Befestigung hinaus.

31. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Ueber die hier folgenden geographischen Angaben ins Keinenbsp;zu kommen, gelingt mir nur theilweise. Wir haben es hier mit einernbsp;weitausgreifenden Tour zu thun, wie solche in den irischen Sagen öfternbsp;vorkommen. Die Flüsse Dub und Drobais werden mehrfach erwahnt,nbsp;da sie in den alten Grenzbestimmungen der Provinz Ulster eine B,ollenbsp;spielten. So LL. 2621', 34 (Mesca Ulad), wo der Wohlstand der Provinznbsp;Ulster unter Conchobar beschrieben wird: conna rabi aithles fas falamnbsp;ota Eind Semni 7 Latharnai co Cnocc Uachtair Forcha, 7 co Duib 7 conbsp;Drobais’ (so dass kein Hof öde und leer war von Eind Semne und La-tharna bis Cnocc Uachtair Forcha, und bis Dub und bis Drobais). La-tharna ist das heutige Larne an der. Nordküste in Antrim, und Einn

14*

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Anhang.

Seimne finde ich auf der Karte, welclie den Notes on Irish Architecture des Earl of Dunraven beigegeben ist, nehen der Halbinsel Inis Magee,nbsp;welche den Larne Lough (Black’s Picturesque Tourist of Ireland, 16*''nbsp;ed., p. 394) hildet. Semhne Oder Magh Semhne wird auch im Leahharnbsp;na g-Ceart (ed. 0’Donovan, s. den Index) als Gehiet von Ulster, in Dalnbsp;Araidhe, bozeichnet. Ueber Cnocc Uachtair Forcha babe ich Nichts ge-funden. Der Dub, jetzt Duff, ist ein kleiner Fluss auf der Westseitenbsp;Irlands, auf der Grenze zwiscben Sligo und Leitrim. Nordlicb vom Dubnbsp;fliesst der Drobais, jetzt Drowes oder Drowis, der von Loch Melvin her-kommt, vgl. Todd, Cog. Gaedh. re Gall. p. CLVII. In abnlicber Weisenbsp;wird Concbobar’s Provinz bestimmt Catb Muigbe Katb, ed. O’Donovan,nbsp;p. 220: ‘0 Indber chaid caem Colptha co Drobais, co Dubrothair’. Ind-ber Colptha ist die Mündung des Flusses Boind, jetzt Boyne, auf dernbsp;Ostseite; Dubrothair betrachtet O’Donovan als identisch mit Dub. Aehn-lich bei Keating (ed. [Halliday], Dublin 1811), p. 132: ‘Coigeadh Uladhnbsp;6 Dhrobhaois go hinnbhear Colpa’. — Die Zusammenstellung der Flüssenbsp;Dub und Drobais spricht dafür, dass auch an unserer Stelle dieselbennbsp;gemeint sind. Cucbulinn tritt bier auf das Gehiet von Connacht fiber,nbsp;denn der Fluss Drobais wird bei Keating zur Grenzbestimmung verwen-det, a. a. 0. p. 130: ‘Coigbeadb Chonnacbt o Luimneach go Drobhaois’.nbsp;Nur ist es sonderbar, dass sicb Cucbulinn vom Craebruad in Emain ausnbsp;so weit nach dem Westen binüber begiebt, um auf das Gebiet von Connacht, das bier mit dem alten Namen Olnecmacbt bezeichnet ist, zunbsp;kommen, aber vielleicht war dies ein iiblicher Weg. Cucbulinn geht bisnbsp;zum Dublind im Lande der Ciarraige. Die Ciarraige darf man fur unsere Sage nicht da sucben, wo jetzt die Landschaft dieses Namens ist,nbsp;im Siidwesten von Irland, in Munster. Nach O’Donovan, Leahhar nanbsp;g-Ceart p. 100, waren die Ciarraige zur Zeit des achten cbristlicbennbsp;Konigs von Connacht, Namens Aed, Sohn des Eochaid Tirmcharna, nachnbsp;Connacht gekommen, wo sie Theile der Landschaften Mayo und Kos-common bewohnten. Dieses Gebiet der Ciarraige ist in unserer Sagenbsp;gemeint. Aber den Fluss oder das Wasser Dub linn in diesem Gebietenbsp;mit seiner Furt Ath Ferthain weiss ich nicht zu bestimmen, es mussnbsp;ein Fluss sein, der in der Hauptsache von Osten nach Westen fliesst.nbsp;Ebenso ist mir Corra for Achud nicht bekannt. Eine weitere Bestim-mung liegt darin, dass Cucbulinn in das Gebiet der Ui Mane kommt:nbsp;dasselbe lag zum Theil in Koscommon, zum Theil in Galway. Vgl.nbsp;O’Donovan, Leabh. na g-Ceart, p. 106; O’Curry, Mann, and Oust. IInbsp;p. 336 u. Ö. Von Ath Ferthain, nordlich von Corra for Achud, wendetnbsp;sich Cucbulinn nordwarts nach Fidmanach, und gelangt von da ubernbsp;Ath Moga nach Mag Ai, das ist die grosse Ebene von Connacht, jetztnbsp;Machaire Chonnacht, in der Rath Cruachan gelegen war.

33. Das ‘ar’ vor ‘suidhiu’ ist unter der Linie nachgetragen.

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Anhang.

36. Cucliulinn hat zwar seinen Wagenlenker bei sich, aber sie scheinen nicht zu Wagen zu sein, wie sonst in der Sage, und wie altenbsp;keltische Sitte war, vgl. Died. Sic. V 29: lEV ós raZq bóoinogiaig xalnbsp;talq ixa^aiq /pcJrrca OvvwQiaiv, sxovtoq tov aQiiatoq tjvioxov xal naga-^dTjjv. Auch Eocho Rond ist nicht zu Wagen, sondern reitet.

38. An Stelle von ‘buaid each cluchi in each cluchenmaig’. Tog. Tr.^ 1020, findet sich in der in diesem Ruche veröffentlichten Versionnbsp;von H. 2. 17 ‘buaidh 7 choscur cecha cluichthi i n-óenach na Greci’,nbsp;s. oben S. 17, Z. 477. Auch dies scheint mir dagegen zu sprechen, dassnbsp;in ‘cluchenmag’ das Compositum mit ‘mag’ enthalten ist, abgesehen vonnbsp;der sonderbaren Form ‘cluchen’. Mir ist jetzt wahrscheinlich, dass ‘clu-chemnach’ als die Versammlung der cluchem, PI. Nom. cluchemain, zunbsp;fassen ist. Das Compositum ‘cluche-mag’ liegt vor FB. 91 u. LU. 122», 12.

47. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Der Vorgang ist aus kurzen Andeutungen zu errathen. Find-choem ruft zum zweiten Mai ‘Anmain inn anmain’. Wahrscheinlichnbsp;richtet sie den Ruf dies Mai an Cuchulinn, der sich angeschickt habennbsp;mag, die Manner anzugreifen. Auf diesen Ruf hin halt Cuchulinn einnbsp;(‘arsisedar’), und anstatt sie zu tödten nimmt er die Manner in seinennbsp;Schütz, d. h. thut er ihnen Nichts zu Leide. In ahnlicher Weise istnbsp;‘angim’ gebraucht LU. 20», 36 (Mesca Ulad): ‘Orgit Ulaid iarsin a n-diinnbsp;n-uli 7 aingit Ailill 7 a secht maccu, ar nad batar hi cath friu’, dienbsp;Ulter verwiisten darauf die ganze Stadt, und sie schiitzen (= schonen)nbsp;Ailill und seine sieben Sohne, denn sie waren nicht in Kampf mit ihnen.

48. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Dies ist eines der Kunststiicke Cuchulinn’s (s. mein Wtb. unternbsp;‘dess’), dass FB. 87 deutlicher bezeichnet ist: ‘Focheird Cuculainn cor n-iach n-eirred de’, Cuchulinn schnellte sich den Lachssprung eines Helden.

58. Zu den in diesem Abschnitt uns entgegentretenden Sitten (Kopfabschneiden, Paan u. s. w.) stimmt zum Theil, was Diodor V 29 berichte!: Twv ÓS nsaSvTwv noXsnl(ov ruq xs(paXaq d(patQOvvTeq ns-QuxTiTOvai rot; av^soi tamp;v ’Lmtmv' xa ós oxvXa xotq O-s^dnovai naQaóóv-TSQ yfiayfiéva, XatpvQaycoyovaiv snntaiavi^ovxsq xal aóovxsq vfivovnbsp;ènLvtxiov, xal xa dxQoS-lvia xavxa xatq oixLaiq jtQOqrjXovaiv wqnsQ svnbsp;xvvrjylaiq rial xsysi^consvoL fXrjQia. T(3v ós ênKpavsaxaxwv noXs/j.Lwvnbsp;xsÓQcuaavxsq xdq xslt;paXdq snifisXcoq xrj qovlt;3 iv sv XaQvaxi, xal xolqnbsp;^svoiq smóstxvvovaL osf^wvóftsvoi óióxi xrjqós xijq xslt;paXijq xcüv TtQoyóvmvnbsp;xiq rj Ttartjp xal avxbq itoXXd XQ-rifiaxa óióófxsva ovx sXafls. lm ‘Scélnbsp;mucci Mie Dathó’, Cap. 16, hat Conall den Kopf eines Feindes bei sich.nbsp;Noch barbarischer ist die in der Sage ‘Aided Chonchobair’ erwahntenbsp;Sitte, das Gehirn der getödteten Feinde mit Kalk (‘ael’) zu mischen undnbsp;daraus Schleuderkugeln zu machen, O’Curry, Ms. Mat. p. 637 fg.

63. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;‘Mod-genair’ ist nach Stokes schlechte Schreibweise für ‘mad-genair’, s. ‘mad’ in meinem Wtb.

64. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Das ‘as’ von ‘asa timchell’ ist blass darüber geschrieben.

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Anhang.

82. Das letzte i nach K. Meyer erst von spaterer Hand hinter die Abkiirzung . I. gesetzt.

91. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Der Mantel (‘brat’) der Iren entspricht offenbar dem aayognbsp;(lat. sagum und sagus) der gallischen Tracht. Vgl. Diod. Sic. V 30:

ÓS %Qlt;avxai xaranXijxTucaïg, yiraiai fisv jiamoTg yQcófiaoi navro-SaitoXg óirjvd-iai^évoig xal ava^vQioiv, Sg èxsivoi ^^axag TtQogayoQSvovaiv' ènmoQnovvtaL óh aayovg ^a^dwrovg sv fisv rolg ysi/Kuai Saasig, xaranbsp;dh TO S-8Qog ipiXovg, nXivS-ioig TtoXvavamp;éai xal nvxvolg disiXrjixfisvovg.nbsp;Diese Beschreibung des aayog erinnert an die Plaids der Hochschotten. ‘nbsp;Strabo IV Cap. 4 beschreibt die keltische Tracht ahnlich: SayricpoQovainbsp;d'e xal xoiiotQO(pov(Si, xal dva^vQiai y^divtai nsQiTsrafiévaig' dvrl ós yi-Twvtav, ayiazovg ysiQiómrovg (psQOvai /zéyQi aióoicov xal yXovxtöv. rj 6'nbsp;iQsa, TQaysta juev dxQOfiaXXog Sé' dep' rjg xovg SaaeTg aayovg ê^vepatvov-aiv, on? Xalvag xaXovaiv. Das hier als gleichbedeutend mit adyog ge-brauchte Wort Xatva, lat. laena, ist das ir. ‘lenn’, das im Irischen mitnbsp;‘brat’ wechselnd gebraucht wird (s. mein Wtb. s. v.) und nicht mit ‘léne’nbsp;zusammengestellt werden darf. Das Wb. SOii als Glosse zu lacerna auf-tretende altir. ‘sdi’ habe ich noch nie in einem irischen Sagentexte wie-dergefunden: wenn es dem in sagum und adyog enthaltenen gallischennbsp;Worte entspricht, kann es kein echtirisches Wort sein (s. Zeuss, Gr.nbsp;Celt.^ p. 63), wird es vielmehr aus der spatlateinischen Form saia ent-standen sein, vgl. Diefenbach, Origines S. 414, Diez Wtb. I’* S. 363, wonbsp;man sieht, dass dieses Wort auch in alle romanischen Sprachen, in dasnbsp;Germanische und in das Cymrische eingedrungen ist. — Der ‘brat’ wirdnbsp;an unserer Stelle ‘cethardiabail’ genannt, dies entspricht dem quadratumnbsp;Oder quadruplex bei Isid. Hisp. Orig. XIX 24 (ed. Lindem.): Sagum autemnbsp;Gallicum nomen est; dictum autem sagum quadrum, eo quod apud eosnbsp;primum quadratum vel quadruplex esset.

92. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Es sei noch auf die von O’Curry, Mann, and Cust. Ill p. 158nbsp;citierte SteUe aufmerksam gemacht: „Sceith co fethluib conndualae 7 conbsp;n-imlib findruini roailtnigib (g fiir d) for a muinib’. Schilde mit erhabenennbsp;Emblemen und mit sehr scharfen Randern von weisser Bronce auf ihrennbsp;Eticken. Vgl. LU. 79^, 10. Ueber die Embleme auf den Schilden dernbsp;Gallier s. Diod. Sic. V 30: quot;OnXoig ds ypojvxai S-vQsoZg iisv drSpofii^xeai,nbsp;TXenoixtXpisvoig iSioxQonmg- xiv'eg ds xal tfoeov yaXxoiv i^oydg syovaiv,nbsp;ov ixovov TtQog xóa/xov, dXXd xal ngog daepdXsiav sv ósSi^fxiovQyrj/iévag.

96. In Bezug auf das Geschlecht von ‘gabar’ theilt mir S. H. O’Grady einen Vers mit, aus dem hervorgeht, dass es Femininum ist, auch wennnbsp;es generell das Pferd bedeutet:

Is i an ghabhar gidh é an t-each, is i an chaora madh meidhleach,nbsp;is 1 an chorr madh ciobhradh cionn,nbsp;is é an meanndn madh boinionn.

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215

Anhang.

Gabar’ ist „sie“, obwohl ‘each’ „er“ ist; ‘caora’ (Schaf) ist „sie“, wenn es [auch] blökend ist; ‘corr’ (Kranich) ist „sie“, wenn [auch] der Kopf einennbsp;Kamm hat; ‘meannan’ (kid) ist „er“, wenn es [auch] weiblich ist.

145. Das Ms. hat cononochtachaib.

147. Im Leabhar Breac, p. 187 ^ des Facs., findet sich die Be-schreibung eines ‘fidchell’ genannten Spieles, aus der man freilich über die Art und Weise des Spielens nicht klug wird. Ich theile das Stucknbsp;in Text und Uebersetzung mit.

Don t-sainaiii beos.

Feria omnium sanctorum. Is e iath ara n-abar feria omnium sanctorum frisin samain. Panteon .i. domus omnium hidgulorum (sic!) fuit in Bomai. Co tarla Bonifatius comorba Petair in araile lo fair co n-cpcrt frisin impefr co m-ba pudar tegdais do hidlaib do beith isinnbsp;Roim iar forbairt na crfstaideac7gt;ta. Co ro coisecrad iaritm la toil annbsp;impirfi(?) in Panteón ut do Muire 7 do uli noemu in domain connóinbsp;n-gradaib nime. Co n-aiie sin atberair feria omnium sanctorum fria,nbsp;ar ro coisecrad omnibus sanctis in tegdais boi oc na hidlaib remi.

FAth aile beos and . i. cluiche no gnithaigtis gille na Romanach cecha, hliadna isin IÓ sin .i. fidchell co n-delb1 challige isindala cind 7nbsp;delb ingine 6ige isin chind aile. Colléced in chaillech uathi draiccnbsp;d’indsaigid na hingine tria thogairm n-demna doib-sium, 7 con leced annbsp;ingen uan uathi don leth aile for amus na draicce conus fortamlaigednbsp;in t-uan forsin draicc. Doléced in chaillccA iarwm leoman do saigid nanbsp;hingine 7 nos léced an ingen rethe for amus in leomain 7 uincebat ariesnbsp;leonem. Co tarla1 in Bonifatius cetna cusin1 cluiche cow-epert friu conbsp;m-ba hecoir dóib in fuirseorac/it 7 cor iarfaid Qies — faig) dib, canas anbsp;fuaratar1 a cluiche. Atbertsat na gille: „Sibill .i. banfaid togaide boinbsp;sund 0 chéin mair“ ol iat, „isi ro facaib occaind in cluiche si tria rathnbsp;faitsine oc tairchetul Crist 7 diabuil“. „Deo gratiasquot; ol e-sium. „Panicnbsp;chena inti ro terchanad ann“ ol se „7 ro fortamlaiged for diabul. Berid-siu bendactouquot; ol se „7 na denaid hé ni hus mó.“ Tairmiscther andsinnbsp;in cluiche si dognitis homnes pueri Eomanorum isin samain cecha fAiadna.

Mehr yoin Sainuin.

Feria omnium Sanctorum. Dies ist der Grund, weshalb das Samain (der 1. Nov.) „Feria omnium Sanctorum“ genannt wird. Das Pantheon,nbsp;d. i. ein Haus aller Gotter, das in Rom war. Eines Pages kam Boni-facius, der Nachfolger Petri, zufallig darauf und sagte da zum Kaiser,nbsp;es sei eine Schande, dass das Haus den Gottern gehore in Rom nach

1

In den mit dem Sternchen versehenen Wörtern ist die Eklipse durch einen Punkt fiber dem Consonanten bezeichnet, ebenso ‘cusin’ ffirnbsp;‘gusin’.

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216

Anhang.

dem Wachsen des Christenthums. Darauf wurde durch den Willen des Kaisers das Pantheon der Maria und alien Heiligen der Welt mit dennbsp;neun Eangstufen des Himmels geweiht. Deshalb heisst es (Samuin)nbsp;„Feria omnium Sanctorum“, denn das Haus wurde allen Heiligen geweiht, das vorher allen Göttern gehort hatte.

Noch ein anderer Grund hierhel, namlich ein Spiel, das die Knahen der Kömer jedes Jahr an diesem Tage gewohnt waren, namlich einnbsp;Brettspiel mit der Figur einer Hexe an dem einen Ende und der Figurnbsp;einer Jungfrau an dem andern Ende. Die Hexe Hess einen Drachennbsp;von sich auf die Jungfrau los, indem sie dabei Damonen anriefen, undnbsp;die Jungfrau liess von der anderen Seite ein Lamm gegen den Drachennbsp;los, so dass das Lamm den Drachen überwaltigte. Die Hexe liess darauf einen Löwen auf die Jungfrau los, und die Jungfrau liess gegen dennbsp;Löwen einen Widder los, und der Widder besiegte den Löwen. Dernbsp;namliche Bonifacius kam zufallig zu dem Spiele, und sagte da zu ihnen,nbsp;dass dieses Possenspiel unpassend für sie sei, und er fragte sie, wo sienbsp;ihr Spiel gefunden batten. Die Knahen sagten; „Die Sihylle, d. i. einenbsp;ausgezeichnete Prophetin, die hier vor langer Zeit war,“ sagten sie, „dienbsp;hat uns dieses Spiel hinterlassen durch die Gnade einer Prophetie, indem sie Christus und den Teufel prophezeite.“ „Deo gratias,“ sagtenbsp;jener, „der da prophezeit wurde, ist schon gekommen, und der Teufelnbsp;ist überwaltigt. Gebt (euren) Segen,“ sagte er, „und macht es (dasnbsp;Spiel) nicht mehr.“ Da wird dieses Spiel verboten, das alle Knahennbsp;der Kömer am Samain jedes Jahr zu spielen pflegten.

282. Hier reimt ‘DüU’ mit ‘CMin’, und daraus geht hervor, dass es der Gen. von ‘DóeT ist.

Als erst spater unter der Linie zugefügt bezeichnet K. Meyer: 195 das letzte a von ‘fuama’, 249 das zweite i von ‘diaid’, 261 das anbsp;von ‘imachuairt’, 287 das a von diluwain.

Die Partikel ‘dï’ (Zeile 13, 30, 162, 296) scheint nicht zur Euhe kommen zu können. Thurneysen hat in seiner trefflichen Abhandlungnbsp;,L’Accentuation de l’ancien verhe irlandais“, Eev. Celt VI p. 150, not. 2,nbsp;behauptet, dass nicht dino, sondern didiu zu erganzen sei. Andererseitsnbsp;theilt mir K. Meyer mit, dass er diese Partikel im Edinburger Ms. XLnbsp;mehrmals ‘dio’ geschrieben gefunden hat: p. 70 ‘Bai dio Laogaire Buadachnbsp;hi fus ind adaig sin. . . . Tig dïo iarnamarac 7 fonaisg ar Conall . . .nbsp;Tic dïo an . IV. hadaig’ (Cennach ind Kuanado).

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Berichtigungen.

p. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;134,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;6nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;zunbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;lesen: Pret. 3dnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;pl.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1740.

u nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;gt;,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;8nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„ ‘no-d-bia’nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;fornbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;‘no-t-bia’,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;tibi erit.

„ nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;136,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;19nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;„ passive, stattnbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;deponential.

„ nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;139,nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;1.nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;15nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;zunbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;streichen: 1784.

„ „ 1. 20 die Etymologie zu streichen.

„ 140, 1. 15 die Etymologie zu streichen, „the British reflex of Ir. martad seems W. ‘brathu’“.

Zu den Glossen: 64. ‘fuirsire’ wird von Stokes auf ‘for-sére’ redu-ciert, als wörtliche üebersetzung von „para-situs“, das es SG. 491 glossier!; ‘sére’ Speise ist in der Composition, wo hier der Ton auf dem ersten Element ruht, verkurzt worden, s. meine Gramm. § 77. — Auchnbsp;meine Erklarung von ‘focoemallag-sa’ Gl. 2 befriedigt mich nicht.

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